Voyages of Samuel De Champlain (Volume II 1604-1610)
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Title: Voyages of Samuel de Champlain, Vol. 2

Author: Samuel de Champlain

Release Date: October, 2004 [EBook #6749] [Yes, we are more than one year ahead of schedule] [This file was first posted on January 21, 2003]

Edition: 10

Language: English

Character set encoding: ASCII

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK, VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN, VOL. 2 ***

Produced by Karl Hagen, Juliet Sutherland, Charles Franks, and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team. Images provided coutesy of www.canadiana.org.

Transcriber’s Notes: The original text of this edition used tall-s. These have been replaced with ordinary ‘s’. The original footnotes have been converted to endnotes and placed at the end of each chapter. The original numbering has been retained. The number 176-1/2 and presence of two notes numbered [283] are both original.

THE PUBLICATIONS OF THE PRINCE SOCIETY Established May 25th, 1858.

CHAMPLAIN’S VOYAGES.

VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN.

TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH BY CHARLES POMEROY OTIS, PH.D.

WITH HISTORICAL ILLUSTRATIONS, AND A MEMOIR

BY THE REV. EDMUND F. SLAFTER, A.M.

VOL. II.

1604-1610.

HELIOTYPE COPIES OF TWENTY LOCAL MAPS.

Editor: THE REV. EDMUND F. SLAFTER, A.M.

PREFACE.

Champlain’s edition of 1613 contains, in connection with the preliminary matter, two pieces of poetry, one signed L’ANGE, Paris, the other MOTIN. They were contributed doubtless by some friend, intended to be complimentary to the author, to embellish the volume and to give it a favorable introduction to the reader. This was in conformity to a prevailing custom of that period. They contain no intrinsic historical interest or value whatever, and, if introduced, would not serve their original purpose, but would rather be an incumbrance, and they have consequently been omitted in the present work.

Champlain also included a summary of chapters, identical with the headings of chapters in this translation, evidently intended to take the place of an index, which he did not supply. To repeat these headings would be superfluous, particularly as this work is furnished with a copious index.

The edition of 1613 was divided into two books. This division has been omitted here, both as superfluous and confusing.

The maps referred to on Champlain’s title-page may be found in Vol. III. of this work. In France, the needle deflects to the east; and the dial-plate, as figured on the larger map, that of 1612, is constructed accordingly. On it the line marked nornordest represents the true north, while the index is carried round to the left, and points out the variation of the needle to the west. The map is oriented by the needle without reference to its variation, but the true meridian is laid down by a strong line on which the degrees of latitude are numbered. From this the points of the compass between any two places may be readily obtained.

A Note, relating to Hudson’s discoveries in 1612, as delineated on Champlain’s small map, introduced by him in the prefatory matter, apparently after the text had been struck off, will appear in connection with the map itself, where it more properly belongs.

E. F. S.

BOSTON, 11 BEACON STREET, October 21, 1878.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

PREFACE CHAMPLAIN’S DEDICATION OF HIS WORK TO THE KING ADDRESS TO THE QUEEN REGENT EXTRACT FROM THE LICENSE VOYAGE 1604 TO 1608 FIRST VOYAGE AS LIEUTENANT, 1608 TO 1610 SECOND VOYAGE AS LIEUTENANT, 1610 LOCAL MAPS:

Port de la Heve

Port du Roissignol

Port du Mouton

Port Royal

Port des Mines

Riviere St. Jehan

Isle de Sainte Croix

Habitation de L’Isle Ste. Croix

Quinibequy

Chouacoit R.

Port St. Louis

Malle Barre

L’Abitation du Port Royal

Le Beau Port

Port Fortune

The Attack at Port Fortune

Port de Tadoucac

Quebec

Abitation de Quebecq

Defeat of the Iroquois at Lake Champlain INDEX

THE VOYAGES OF SIEUR DE CHAMPLAIN,

Of Saintonge, Captain in ordinary to the King in the Marine.

OR,

A MOST FAITHFUL JOURNAL OF OBSERVATIONS made in the exploration of New France, describing not only the countries, coasts, rivers, ports, and harbors, with their latitudes and the various deflections of the Magnetic Needle, but likewise the religious belief of the inhabitants, their superstitions, mode of life and warfare; furnished with numerous illustrations.

Together with two geographical maps: the first for the purposes of navigation, adapted to the compass as used by mariners, which deflects to the northeast; the other in its true meridian, with longitudes and latitudes, to which is added the Voyage to the Strait north of Labrador, from the 53d to the 63d degree of latitude, discovered in 1612 by the English when they were searching for a northerly course to China.

PARIS.

JEAN BERJON,

Rue St. Jean de Beauvais, at the Flying Horse, and at his store in the Palace, at the gallery of the Prisoners.

MDCXIII.

WITH AUTHORITY OF THE KING.

TO THE KING.

_Sire,

Your Majesty has doubtless full knowledge of the discoveries made in your service in New France, called Canada, through the descriptions, given by certain Captains and Pilots, of the voyages and discoveries made there during the past eighty years. These, however, present nothing so honorable to your Kingdom, or so profitable to the service of your Majesty and your subjects, as will, I doubt not, the maps of the coasts, harbors, rivers, and the situation of the places described in this little treatise, which I make bold to address to your Majesty, and which is entitled a Journal of Voyages and Discoveries, which I have made in connection with Sieur de Monts, your Lieutenant in New France. This I do, feeling myself urged by a just sense of the honor I have received during the last ten years in commissions, not only, Sire, from your Majesty, but also from the late king, Henry the Great, of happy memory, who commissioned me to make the most exact researches and explorations in my power. This I have done, and added, moreover, the maps contained in this little book, where I have set forth in particular the dangers to which one would be liable. The subjects of your Majesty, whom you may be pleased hereafter to employ for the preservation of what has been discovered, will be able to avoid those dangers through the knowledge afforded by the maps contained in this treatise, which will serve as an example in your kingdom for increasing the glory of your Majesty, the welfare of your subjects, and for the honor of the very humble service, for which, to the happy prolongation of your days, is indebted,

SIRE,

Your most humble, most obedient, and most faithful servant and subject,

CHAMPLAIN_.

TO THE QUEEN REGENT,

MOTHER OF THE KING.

MADAME,

Of all the most useful and excellent arts, that of navigation has always seemed to me to occupy the first place. For the more hazardous it is, and the more numerous the perils and losses by which it is attended, so much the more is it esteemed and exalted above all others, being wholly unsuited to the timid and irresolute. By this art we obtain knowledge of different countries, regions, and realms. By it we attract and bring to our own land all kinds of riches, by it the idolatry of paganism is overthrown and Christianity proclaimed throughout all the regions of the earth. This is the art which from my early age has won my love, and induced me to expose myself almost all my life to the impetuous waves of the ocean, and led me to explore the coasts of a part of America, especially of New France, where I have always desired to see the Lily flourish, and also the only religion, catholic, apostolic, and Roman. This I trust now to accomplish with the help of God, assisted by the favor of your Majesty, whom I most humbly entreat to continue to sustain us, in order that all may succeed to the honor of God, the welfare of France, and the splendor of your reign, for the grandeur and prosperity of which I will pray God to attend you always with a thousand blessings, and will remain,

MADAME,

Your most humble, most obedient,
and most faithful servant and subject,

CHAMPLAIN.

EXTRACT FROM THE LICENSE.

By letters patent of the KING, given at Paris the ninth of January, 1613, and in the third year of our reign, by the King in his Council, PERREAU, and sealed with the simple yellow seal, it is permitted to JEAN BERJON, printer and bookseller in this city of Paris, to print, or have printed by whomsoever it may seem good to him, a book entitled The Voyages of Samuel de Champlain of Saintonge, Captain in ordinary for the King in the Marine, &c., for the time and limit of six entire consecutive years, from the day when this book shall have been printed up to the said time of six years. By the same letters, in like manner all printers, merchant booksellers, and any others whatever, are forbidden to print or have printed, to sell or distribute said book during the aforesaid time, without the special consent of said BERJON, or of him to whom he shall give permission, on pain of confiscation of so many of said books as shall be found, and a discretionary fine, as is more fully set forth in the aforesaid letters.

VOYAGES OF SIEUR DE CHAMPLAIN.

VOYAGE IN THE YEAR 1604.

CHAPTER I.

THE BENEFITS OF COMMERCE HAVE INDUCED SEVERAL PRINCES TO SEEK AN EASIER ROUTE FOR TRAFFIC WITH THE PEOPLE OF THE EAST.—SEVERAL UNSUCCESSFUL VOYAGES.—DETERMINATION OF THE FRENCH FOR THIS PURPOSE.—UNDERTAKING OF SIEUR DE MONTS: HIS COMMISSION AND ITS REVOCATION.—NEW COMMISSION TO SIEUR DE MONTS TO ENABLE HIM TO CONTINUE HIS UNDERTAKING.

The inclinations of men differ according to their varied dispositions; and each one in his calling has his particular end in view. Some aim at gain, some at glory, some at the public weal. The greater number are engaged in trade, and especially that which is transacted on the sea. Hence arise the principal support of the people, the opulence and honor of states. This is what raised ancient Rome to the sovereignty and mastery over the entire world, and the Venetians to a grandeur equal to that of powerful kings. It has in all times caused maritime towns to abound in riches, among which Alexandria and Tyre are distinguished, and numerous others, which fill up the regions of the interior with the objects of beauty and rarity obtained from foreign nations. For this reason, many princes have striven to find a northerly route to China, in order to facilitate commerce with the Orientals, in the belief that this route would be shorter and less dangerous.

In the year 1496, the king of England commissioned John Cabot and his son Sebastian to engage in this search. [1] About the same time, Don Emanuel, king of Portugal, despatched on the same errand Gaspar Cortereal, who returned without attaining his object. Resuming his journeys the year after, he died in the undertaking; as did also his brother Michel, who was prosecuting it perseveringly. [2] In the years 1534 and 1535, Jacques Cartier received a like commission from King Francis I., but was arrested in his course. [3] Six years after, Sieur de Roberval, having renewed it, sent Jean Alfonse of Saintonge farther northward along the coast of Labrador; [4] but he returned as wise as the others. In the years 1576, 1577, and 1578, Sir Martin Frobisher, an Englishman, made three voyages along the northern coasts. Seven years later, Humphrey Gilbert, also an Englishman, set out with five ships, but suffered shipwreck on Sable Island, where three of his vessels were lost. In the same and two following years, John Davis, an Englishman, made three voyages for the same object; penetrating to the 72d degree, as far as a strait which is called at the present day by his name. After him, Captain Georges made also a voyage in 1590, but in consequence of the ice was compelled to return without having made any discovery. [5] The Hollanders, on their part, had no more precise knowledge in the direction of Nova Zembla.

So many voyages and discoveries without result, and attended with so much hardship and expense, have caused us French in late years to attempt a permanent settlement in those lands which we call New France, [6] in the hope of thus realizing more easily this object; since the voyage in search of the desired passage commences on the other side of the ocean, and is made along the coast of this region. [7] These considerations had induced the Marquis de la Roche, in 1598, to take a commission from the king for making a settlement in the above region. With this object, he landed men and supplies on Sable Island; [8] but, as the conditions which had been accorded to him by his Majesty were not fulfilled, he was obliged to abandon his undertaking, and leave his men there. A year after, Captain Chauvin accepted another commission to transport Settlers to the same region; [9] but, as this was shortly after revoked, he prosecuted the matter no farther.

After the above, [10] notwithstanding all these accidents and disappointments, Sieur de Monts desired to attempt what had been given up in despair, and requested a commission for this purpose of his Majesty, being satisfied that the previous enterprises had failed because the undertakers of them had not received assistance, who had not succeeded, in one nor even two years’ time, in making the acquaintance of the regions and people there, nor in finding harbors adapted for a settlement. He proposed to his Majesty a means for covering these expenses, without drawing any thing from the royal revenues; viz., by granting to him the monopoly of the fur-trade in this land. This having been granted to him, he made great and excessive outlays, and carried out with him a large number of men of various vocations. Upon his arrival, he caused the necessary number of habitations for his followers to be constructed. This expenditure he continued for three consecutive years, after which, in consequence of the jealousy and annoyance of certain Basque merchants, together with some from Brittany, the monopoly which had been granted to him was revoked by the Council to the great injury and loss of Sieur de Monts, who, in consequence of this revocation, was compelled to abandon his entire undertaking, sacrificing his labors and the outfit for his settlement.

But since a report had been made to the king on the fertility of the soil by him, and by me on the feasibility of discovering the passage to China, [11] without the inconveniences of the ice of the north or the heats of the torrid zone, through which our sailors pass twice in going and twice in returning, with inconceivable hardships and risks, his Majesty directed Sieur de Monts to make a new outfit, and send men to continue what he had commenced. This he did. And, in view of the uncertainty of his commission, [12] he chose a new spot for his settlement, in order to deprive jealous persons of any such distrust as they had previously conceived. He was also influenced by the hope of greater advantages in case of settling in the interior, where the people are civilized, and where it is easier to plant the Christian faith and establish such order as is necessary for the protection of a country, than along the seashore, where the savages generally dwell. From this course, he believed the king would derive an inestimable profit; for it is easy to suppose that Europeans will seek out this advantage rather than those of a jealous and intractable disposition to be found on the shores, and the barbarous tribes. [13]

ENDNOTES:

1. The first commission was granted by Henry VII. of England to John Cabot
and his three sons, Lewis, Sebastian, and Sancius, March 5, 1496.—

Rymer’s Foedera, Vol. XII. p. 595. The first voyage, however, was made
in 1497. The second commission was granted to John Cabot alone, in

1498.—Vide Hakluyt, 1600, London, ed. 1810, Vol. III. pp. 25-31.

2. Cortereal made two voyages under the patronage of Emmanuel, King of

Portugal, the first in 1500, the second in 1501. In the latter year, he
sailed with two ships from Lisbon, and explored six hundred miles or
more on our northern coast. The vessel in which he sailed was lost; and
he perished, together with fifty natives whom he had captured. The other
vessel returned, and reported the incidents of the expedition. The next
year, Michael Cortereal, the brother of Gaspar, obtained a commission,
and went in search of his brother; but he did not return, and no tidings
were ever heard of him.

3. Jacques Cartier made three voyages in 1534, 1535, and 1540,
respectively, in which he effected very important discoveries; and

Charlevoix justly remarks that Cartier’s Memoirs long served as a guide
to those who after him navigated the gulf and river of St. Lawrence. For

Cartier’s commission, see Hazard’s State Papers, Vol. I. p. 19.

4. Roberval’s voyage was made in 1542, and is reported by Jean Alfonse.—

Vide Hakluyt, 1600, London, ed. 1810, Vol. III. p. 291. On an old map,
drawn about the middle of the sixteenth century, Roberval is represented
in a full-length portrait, clad in mail, with sword and spear, at the
head of a band of armed soldiers, penetrating into the wilds of Canada,
near the head-waters of the Saguenay. The name, “Monsr. de Roberual,” is
inserted near his feet,—_Vide Monuments de la Geographie_, XIX., par

M. Jomard, Paris.

5. For the narrative of the voyages of Frobisher, Gilbert, and Davis, _vide

Hakluyt_, Vol. III. Of the fleet of five vessels commanded by Sir

Humphrey Gilbert, in 1583, the Ralegh put back to England, on account of
sickness on board; the Golden Hinde returned safely to port; the

Swallow was left at Newfoundland, to bring home the sick; the

Delight was lost near Sable Island; and the Squirrel went down on
its way to England, some days after leaving Sable Island. Thus two only
were lost, while a third was left.

There must have been some error in regard to the voyage of Captain

Georges. There is no printed account of a voyage at that time by any one
of this name. There are two theories on which this statement may be
explained. There may have been a voyage by a Captain Georges, which, for
some unknown reason, was never reported; or, what is more likely,

Champlain may refer to the voyage of Captain George Weymouth, undertaken
in 1602 for the East Ind. Company, which was defeated by the icebergs
which he encountered, and the mutiny of his men. It was not uncommon to
omit part of a name at that period. Of Pont Grave, the last name is
frequently omitted by Champlain and by Lescarbot. The report of

Weymouth’s voyage was not printed till after Champlain wrote; and he
might easily have mistaken the date.

6. The name of New France, Novus Francisca, appears on a map in Ptolemy
published at Basle in 1530.

7. The controlling object of the numerous voyages to the northeast coast
of America had hitherto been to discover a shorter course to India. In
this respect, as Champlain states above, they had all proved
failures. He here intimates that the settlements of the French on this
coast were intended to facilitate this design. It is obvious that a
colonial establishment would offer great advantages as a base in
prosecuting searches for this desired passage to Cathay.

8. For some account of this disastrous expedition, see Memoir, Vol. I.

9. Vide Memoir, Vol. I.

10. It will be observed that Champlain does not mention the expedition sent
out by Commander de Chastes, probably because its object was
exploration, and not actual settlement.—Vide an account of De

Chastes in the Memoir, Vol. I.

11. In Champlain’s report of the voyage of 1603, after obtaining what
information he could from the natives relating to the St. Lawrence and
the chain of lakes, he says they informed him that the last lake in the
chain was salt, and he therefore believed it to be the South Sea. He
doubtless enlarged verbally before the king upon the feasibility of a
passage to China in this way.

12. The commission here referred to was doubtless the one renewed to him in

1608, after he had made his searches on the shores of New England and

Nova Scotia, and after the commission or charter of 1603 had been
revoked.

Champlain is here stating the advantages of a settlement in the
interior, on the shores of the St. Lawrence, rather than on the

Atlantic coast.

13. In this chapter, Champlain speaks of events stretching through several
years; but in the next he confines himself to the occurrences of 1603,
when De Monts obtained his charter.

CHAPTER II.

DESCRIPTION OF SABLE ISLAND; CAPE BRETON; LA HEVE; PORT AU MOUTON; PORT CAPE NEGRE; SABLE BAY AND CAPE; CORMORANT ISLAND; CAPE FOURCHU; LONG ISLAND; BAY OF SAINT MARY; PORT SAINT MARGARET; AND OF ALL NOTEWORTHY OBJECTS ALONG THIS COAST.

Sieur de Monts, by virtue of his commission [14] having published in all the ports and harbors of this kingdom the prohibition against the violation of the monopoly of the fur-trade accorded him by his Majesty, gathered together about one hundred and twenty artisans, whom he embarked in two vessels: one of a hundred and twenty tons, commanded by Sieur de Pont Grave; [15] another, of a hundred and fifty tons, in which he embarked himself, [16] together with several noblemen.

We set out from Havre de Grace April 7th, 1604, and Pont Grave April 10th, to rendezvous at Canseau, [17] twenty leagues from Cape Breton. [18] But after we were in mid-ocean, Sieur de Monts changed his plan, and directed his course towards Port Mouton, it being more southerly and also more favorable for landing than Canseau.

On May 1st, we sighted Sable Island, where we ran a risk of being lost in consequence of the error of our pilots, who were deceived in their calculation, which they made forty leagues ahead of where we were.

This island is thirty leagues distant north and South from Cape Breton, and in length is about fifteen leagues. It contains a small lake. The island is very sandy, and there are no trees at all of considerable size, only copse and herbage, which serve as pasturage for the bullocks and cows, which the Portuguese carried there more than sixty years ago, and which were very serviceable to the party of the Marquis de la Roche. The latter, during their sojourn of several years there, captured a large number of very fine black foxes, [19] whose skins they carefully preserved. There are many sea-wolves [20] there, with the skins of which they clothed themselves since they had exhausted their own stock of garments. By order of the Parliamentary Court of Rouen, a vessel was sent there to recover them. [21] The directors of the enterprise caught codfish near the island, the neighborhood of which abounds in shoals.

On the 8th of the same month, we sighted Cap de la Heve, [22] to the east of which is a bay, containing several islands covered with fir-trees. On the main land are oaks, elms, and birches. It joins the coast of La Cadie at the latitude of 44 deg. 5’, and at 16 deg. 15’ of the deflection of the magnetic needle, distant east-north-east eighty-five leagues from Cape Breton, of which we shall speak hereafter.

On the 12th of May, we entered another port, [23] five leagues from Cap de la Heve, where we captured a vessel engaged in the fur-trade in violation of the king’s prohibition. The master’s name was Rossignol, whose name the port retained, which is in latitude 44 deg. 15’.

*

CHAMPLAIN’S EXPLANATION OF THE ACCOMPANYING MAP.

PORT DE LA HEVE.

The figures indicate fathoms of water.

A. The place where vessels anchor. B. A small river dry at low tide. C. Places where the savages have their cabins.[Note: The letter C is
wanting, but the location of the cabins is obvious.] D. Shoal at the entrance of the harbor. [Note: The letter D is also
wanting, but the figures sufficiently indicate the depth of the
water.] E. A small island covered with wood. [Note: The letter E appears twice by
mistake.] F. Cape de la Heve [Note: The letter F is likewise wanting. It has been
supposed to be represented by one of the E’s on the small island, but

Cap de la Heve, to which it refers, was not on this island, but on the
main land. The F should have been, we think, on the west of the
harbor, where the elevation is indicated on the map. Vide note 22.]

*

On the 13th of May, we arrived at a very fine harbor, where there are two little streams, called Port au Mouton, [24] which is seven leagues distant from that of Rossignol. The land is very stony, and covered with copse and heath. There are a great many rabbits, and a quantity of game in consequence of the ponds there.

*

CHAMPLAIN’S EXPLANATION OF THE ACCOMPANYING MAP.

PORT DU ROSSIGNOL.

The figures indicate fathoms of water.

A. A river extending twenty-five leagues inland. B. The place where vessels anchor. C. Place on the main land where the savages have their dwellings. D. Roadstead where vessels anchor while waiting for the tide. E. Place on the island where the savages have their cabins. F. Channel dry at low tide. G. Shore of the main land. The dotted places indicate the shoals.

NOTE. It would seem as if in the title Rossynol, on the map, the two dots on the y instead of the n were placed there by mistake.

*

As Soon as we had disembarked, each one commenced making huts after his fashion, on a point at the entrance of the harbor near two fresh-water ponds. Sieur de Monts at the Same time despatched a shallop, in which he sent one of us, with some savages as guides as bearers of letters, along the coast of La Cadie, to search for Pont Grave, who had a portion of the necessary supplies for our winter sojourn. The latter was found at the Bay of All-Isles, [25] very anxious about us (for he knew nothing of the change of plan); and the letters were handed to him. As soon as be had read them, he returned to his ship at Canseau, where he seized some Basque vessels [26] engaged in the fur-trade, notwithstanding the prohibition of his Majesty, and sent their masters to Sieur de Monts, who meanwhile charged me to reconnoitre the coast and the harbors suitable for the secure reception of our vessel.

With the purpose of carrying out his wishes, I set out from Port Mouton on the 19th of May, in a barque of eight tons, accompanied by Sieur Ralleau, his secretary, and ten men. Advancing along the coast, we entered a harbor very convenient for vessels, at the end of which is a small river, extending very far into the main land. This I called the Port of Cape Negro, [27] from a rock whose distant view resembles a negro, which rises out of the water near a cape passed by us the same day, four leagues off and ten from Port Mouton. This cape is very dangerous, on account of the rocks running out into the sea. The shores which I saw, up to that point, are very low, and covered with such wood as that seen at the Cap de la Heve; and the islands are all filled with game. Going farther on, we passed the night at Sable Bay, [28] where vessels can anchor without any danger.

The next day we went to Cape Sable, [29] also very dangerous, in consequence of certain rocks and reefs extending almost a league into the sea. It is two leagues from Sable Bay, where we had spent the night before. Thence we went to Cormorant Island, [30] a league distant, so called from the infinite number of cormorants found there, of whose eggs we collected a cask full. From this island, we sailed westerly about six leagues, crossing a bay, which makes up to the north two or three leagues. Then we fell in with several islands [31] distant two or three leagues from the main land; and, as well as I could judge, some of them were two leagues in extent, others three, and others were still smaller. Most of them are very dangerous for large vessels to approach, on account of the tides and the rocks on a level with the water. These islands are filled with pines, firs, birches, and aspens. A little farther out, there are four more. In one, we saw so great a quantity of birds, called penguins, [32] that we killed them easily with sticks. On another, we found the shore completely covered with sea-wolves, [33] of which we captured as many as we wished. At the two others there is such an abundance of birds of different sorts that one could not imagine it, if he had not seen them. There are cormorants, three kinds of duck, geese, marmettes?, bustards, sea-parrots, snipe, vultures, and other birds of prey; gulls, sea-larks of two or three kinds; herons, large sea-gulls, curlews, sea-magpies, divers, ospreys, appoils?, ravens, cranes, and other sorts which I am not acquainted with, and which also make their nests here. [34] We named these Sea-Wolf Islands. They are in latitude 43 deg. 30’, distant from four to five leagues from the main land, or Cape Sable. After spending pleasantly some time there in hunting (and not without capturing much game), we set out and reached a cape, [35] which we christened Port Fourchu from its being fork-shaped, distant from five to six leagues from the Sea-Wolf Islands. This harbor is very convenient for vessels at its entrance; but its remoter part is entirely dry at low tide, except the channel of a little stream, completely bordered by meadows, which make this spot very pleasant. There is good codfishing near the harbor. Departing from there, we sailed north ten or twelve leagues without finding any harbor for our vessels, but a number of very fine inlets or shores, where the soil seems to be well adapted for cultivation. The woods are exceedingly fine here, but there are few pines and firs. This coast is clear, without islands, rocks, or shoals; so that, in our judgment, vessels can securely go there. Being distant quarter of a league from the coast, we went to an island called Long Island, [36] lying north-north-east and south-south-west, which makes an opening into the great Baye Francoise, [37] so named by Sieur de Monts.

This island is six leagues long, and nearly a league broad in some places, in others only quarter of a league. It is covered with an abundance of wood, such as pines and birch. All the coast is bordered by very dangerous rocks; and there is no place at all favorable for vessels, only little inlets for shallops at the extremity of the island, and three or four small rocky islands, where the savages capture many sea-wolves. There are strong tides, especially at the little passage [38] of the island, which is very dangerous for vessels running the risk of passing through it.

From Long Island passage, we sailed northeast two leagues, when we found a cove [39] where vessels can anchor in safety, and which is quarter of a league or thereabouts in circuit. The bottom is all mire, and the surrounding land is bordered by very high rocks. In this place there is a very good silver mine, according to the report of the miner, Master Simon, who accompanied me. Some leagues farther on there is a little stream called river Boulay [40] where the tide rises half a league into the land, at the mouth of which vessels of a hundred tons can easily ride at anchor. Quarter of a league from here there is a good harbor for vessels, where we found an iron mine, which our miner estimated would yield fifty per cent [41] Advancing three leagues farther on to the northeast [42] we saw another very good iron mine, near which is a river surrounded by beautiful and attractive meadows. The neighboring soil is red as blood. Some leagues farther on there is still another river, [43] dry at low tide, except in its very small channel, and which extends near to Port Royal. At the extremity of this bay is a channel, also dry at low tide [44] surrounding which are a number of pastures and good pieces of land for cultivation, where there are nevertheless great numbers of fine trees of all the kinds previously mentioned. The distance from Long Island to the end of this bay may be some six leagues. The entire coast of the mines is very high, intersected by capes, which appear round, extending out a short distance. On the other side of the bay, on the southeast, the land is low and good, where there is a very good harbor, having a bank at its entrance over which it is necessary to pass. On this bar there is a fathom and a half of water at low tide; but after passing it you find three, with good bottom. Between the two points of the harbor there is a pebbly islet, covered at full tide. This place extends half a league inland. The tide falls here three fathoms, and there are many shell-fish, such as muscles, cockles, and sea-snails. The soil is as good as any that I have seen. I named this harbor Saint Margaret. [45] This entire southeast coast is much lower than that of the mines, which is only a league and a half from the coast of Saint Margaret, being Separated by the breadth of the bay, [46] which is three leagues at its entrance. I took the altitude at this place, and found the latitude 45 deg. 30’, and a little more,[47] the deflection of the magnetic needle being 17 deg. 16’.

After having explored as particularly as I could the coasts, ports, and harbors, I returned, without advancing any farther, to Long Island passage, whence I went back outside of all the islands in order to observe whether there was any danger at all on the water side. But we found none whatever, except there were some rocks about half a league from Sea-Wolf Islands, which, however, can be easily avoided, since the sea breaks over them. Continuing our voyage, we were overtaken by a violent wind, which obliged us to run our barque ashore, where we were in danger of losing her, which would have caused us extreme perplexity. The tempest having ceased, we resumed the sea, and the next day reached Port Mouton, where Sieur de Monts was awaiting us from day to day, thinking only of our long stay, [48] and whether some accident had not befallen us. I made a report to him of our voyage, and where our vessels might go in Safety. Meanwhile, I observed very particularly that place which is in latitude 44 deg..

The next day Sieur de Monts gave orders to weigh anchor and proceed to the Bay of Saint Mary, [49] a place which we had found to be Suitable for our vessel to remain in, until we should be able to find one more advantageous. Coasting along, we passed near Cape Sable and the Sea-Wolf Islands, whither Sieur de Monts decided to go in a shallop, and see some islands of which we had made a report to him, as also of the countless number of birds found there. Accordingly, he set out, accompanied by Sieur de Poutrincourt, and several other noblemen, with the intention of going to Penguin Island, where we had previously killed with sticks a large number of these birds. Being somewhat distant from our ship, it was beyond our power to reach it, and still less to reach our vessel; for the tide was so strong that we were compelled to put in at a little island to pass the night, where there was much game. I killed there some river-birds, which were very acceptable to us, especially as we had taken only a few biscuit, expecting to return the same day. The next day we reached Cape Fourchu, distant half a league from there. Coasting along, we found our vessel in the Bay of Saint Mary. Our company were very anxious about us for two days, fearing lest some misfortune had befallen us; but, when they saw us all safe, they were much rejoiced.

Two or three days after our arrival, one of our priests, named Mesire Aubry [50] from Paris, got lost so completely in the woods while going after his sword, which he had forgotten, that he could not find the vessel. And he was thus seventeen days without any thing to subsist upon except some sour and bitter plants like the sorrel, and some small fruit of little substance large as currants, which creep upon the ground. [51] Being at his wits’ end, without hope of ever seeing us again, weak and feeble, he found himself on the shore of Baye Francoise, thus named by Sieur de Monts, near Long Island, [52] where his strength gave out, when one of our shallops out fishing discovered him. Not being able to shout to them, he made a sign with a pole, on the end of which he had put his hat, that they should go and get him. This they did at once, and brought him off. Sieur de Monts had caused a search to be made not only by his own men, but also by the savages of those parts, who scoured all the woods, but brought back no intelligence of him. Believing him to be dead, they all saw him coming back in the shallop to their great delight. A long time was needed to restore him to his usual strength.

ENDNOTES:

14. _Vide Commission du Roy au Sieur de Monts, pour l’habitation es terres
de la Cadie, Canada, et autres endroits en la Nouvelle-France_,

Histoire de a Nouvelle-France, par Marc Lescarbot, Paris, 1612, Qvat.

Liv. p. 431. This charter may also be found in English in a _Collection
of Voyages and Travels compiled from the Library of the Earl of Oxford,
by Thomas Osborne_, London, 1745, Vol. II. pp. 796-798; also in

Murdoch’s History of Nova Scotia, Halifax, 1865, Vol. I. pp. 21-24.

15. The second officer, or pilot, was, according to Lescarbot, Captain

Morel, of Honfleur.

16. This was under the direction of De Monts himself; and Captain Timothee,
of Havre de Grace, was pilot, or the second officer.

17. Lescarbot writes this name Campseau; Champlain’s orthography is

Canceau; the English often write Canso, but more correctly Canseau. It
has been derived from Cansoke, an Indian word, meaning _facing the
frowning cliffs_.

18. The Cape and Island of Cape Breton appear to have taken their name from
the fisherman of Brittany, who frequented that region as early as 1504

—_Vide Champlain’s Voyages_, Paris 1632, p. 9.

Thevet sailed along the coast in 1556, and is quoted by Laverdiere, as
follows: “In this land there is a province called Compestre de Berge,
extending towards the southeast: in the eastern part of the same is
the cape or promontory of Lorraine, called so by us; others have given
it the came of the Cape of the Bretons, since the Bretons, the

Bisayans, and Normans repair thither, and coast along on their way to

Newfoundland to fish for codfish.”

An inscription, “tera que soy descuberta per pertonnes,” on an Old

Portuguese map of 1520, declares it to be a country discovered by the

Bretons. It is undoubtedly the oldest French name on any part of North

America. On Gastaldo’s map in Mattiolo’s Italian translation of

Ptolemy, 1548, the name of Breton is applied both to Nova Scotia and to
the Island of Cape Breton.

19. Winthrop says that Mr. John Rose, who was cast away on Sable Island
about 1633, “saw about eight hundred cattle, small and great, all red,
and the largest he ever saw: and many foxes, wherof some perfect
black.”—_Whinthrop’s Hist. New Eng._, Boston, 1853, Vol. I. p. 193.

Champlain doubtless obtained his information in regard to the cattle
left upon Sable Island by the Portuguese from the from the report of

Edward Haies on the voyage of Sir Humphrey Gilbert in 1583:

“Sablon lieth to the seaward of Cape Briton about twenty-five leagues,
whither we were determined to goe vpon intelligence we had of a

Portugal (during our abode in S. Johns) who was himselfe present, when
the Portugals (aboue thirty yeeres past) did put in the same Island
both Neat and Swine to breede, which were since exceedingly multiplied.

This seemed vnto vs very happy tidings, to haue in an Island lying so
neere vnto the maine, which we intended to plant vpon. Such store of
cattell, whereby we might at all times conueniently be relieued of
victuall, and serued of store for breed.”—_Edward Haies in Hakluyt’s

Voyages_, London, ed. 1810. Vol. III. p. 197.

20. “Loups marins,” seals.

21. “The forty poor wretches whom he left on Sable Island found on the
seashore some wrecks of vessels, out of which they built barracks to
shield themselves from the severity of the weather. They were the
remains of Spanish vessels, which had sailed to settle Cape Breton.

From these same ships had come some sheep and cattle, which had
multiplied on Sable Island; and this was for some time a resource for
these poor exiles. Fish was their next food; and, when their clothes
were worn out, they made new ones of seal-skin. At last, after a lapse
of seven years, the king, having heard of their adventure, obliged

Chedotel, the pilot, to go for them; but he found only twelve, the rest
having died of their hardships. His majesty desired to see those, who
returned in the same guise as found by Chedotel, covered with
seal-skin, with their hair and beard of a length and disorder that made
them resemble the pretended river-gods, and so disfigured as to inspire
horror. The king gave them fifty crowns apiece, and sent them home
released from all process of law.”—_Shea’s Charlevoix_, New York,

1866, Vol. I. p. 244. See also _Sir William Alexander and American

Colonization_, Prince Society, 1873, p. 174; Murdoch’s Nova Scotia,

Vol. I. p. 11; Hakluyt, Vol. II. pp. 679. 697.

22. This cape still bears the same name, and is the western point of the
bay at the mouth of a river, likewise of the same name, in the county
of Lunenberg, Nova Scotia. It is an abrupt cliff, rising up one hundred
and fifty feet above the level of the sea. It could therefore be seen
at a great distance, and appears to have been the first land sighted by
them on the coast of La Cadie. A little north of Havre de Grace, in

Normandy, the port from which De Monts and Champlain had sailed, is to
be seen the high, commanding, rocky bluff, known as Cap de la Heve.

The place which they first sighted, similar at least in some respects,
they evidently named after this bold and striking headland, which may,
perhaps, have been the last object which they saw on leaving the shores
of France. The word Heve seems to have had a local meaning, as may be
inferred from the following excerpt: “A name, in Lower Normandy, for
cliffs hollowed out below, and where fishermen search for crabs.”—

Littre. The harbor delineated on Champlain’s local map is now called

Palmerston Bay, and is at the mouth of Petit River. The latitude of
this harbor is about 44 deg. 15’. De Laet’s description is fuller than that
of Champlain or Lescarbot.—_Vide Novus Orbis_, 1633, p. 51.

23. Liverpool, which for a long time bore the name of Port Rossignol; the
lake at the head of the river, about ten miles long and two or three
wide, the largest in Nova Scotia, still bears that appellation. The
latitude is 44 deg. 2’ 30”.

24. “Lequel ils appelerent Le Port du Mouton, a l’occasion d’un mouton
qui s’estant nove revint a bord, et fut mange de bonne guerre.”—

Histoire de la Nouvelle-France, par Marc Lescarbot, Paris, 1612,

Qvat. Liv. p. 449. It still bears the name of Port Mouton, and an
island in the bay is called Mouton Island.

25. Baye de Toutes-isles. Lescarbot calls it “La Baye des Iles:” and

Charlevoix, “Baye de toutes les Isles.” It was the bay, or rather the
waters, that stretch along the shores of Halifax County, between Owl’s

Head and Liscomb River.

26. The confiscated provisions taken in the vessels of the Basque
fur-traders and in that of Rossignol were, according to Lescarbot,
found very useful. De Monts had given timely notice of his monopoly;
and, whether it had reached them or not, they were doubtless wrong in
law. Although De Monts treated them with gentleness, nevertheless it is
not unlikely that a compromise would have been better policy than an
entire confiscation of their property, as these Basques afterwards, on
their return to France, gave him serious inconvenience. They were
instrumental mainly in wresting from him his charter of La Cadie.

27. Le Port du Cap Negre. This port still bears the name of Negro

Harbor. It is situated at the mouth of the Clyde, the small river
referred to in the text.

28. Near Cape Sable Island, at what is now known as Barrington Harbor.

29. This is still called Cape Sable, and is the southern point of Sable

Island, or, more properly, the cluster of rock, and islets that
surround its southern extremity.

30. Isle aux Cormorans. It is difficult to distinguish with certainty the
island here referred to, but it was probably Hope Island, as this lies
directly in their way in crossing the bay, six leagues wide, which is
now known as Townsend Bay. The bird here mentioned was the common
cormorant. Graculus carbo, of a glossy greenish-black color, back and
wings bronzy-gray; about three feet in length, and is common on our
northern Atlantic coast: eminently gregarious, particularly in the
breeding season, congregating in vast flocks. At the present time, it
breeds in great numbers in Labrador and Newfoundland, and in the winter
migrates as far south as the Middle States. They feed principally upon
fish, lay commonly two eggs, of a pale greenish color, overlaid with a
white chalky substance.—_Vide Cones’s Key to Nor. Am. Birds_. Boston,

1872. p. 302.

31. A cluster of islands now known as the Tousquet or Tusket Islands.

Further on, Champlain says they named them Isles aux loups marins.

Sea-Wolf Islands. About five leagues south of them is an island now
called Seal Island. The four more which he saw a little further on were
probably in Townsend Bay.

32. This is the Auk, family Alcidae, and must not be confounded with the
penguin of the southern hemisphere, although it is described by the
early navigators of the Northern Atlantic under that appellation. In

Anthony Parkhurst’s letter to Hakluyt, 1578, he says: “These birds are
also called Penguins, and cannot flie, there is more meate in one of
these then in a goose: the Frenchmen that fish neere the grand baie, do
bring small store of flesh with them, but victuall themselves alwayes
with these birds.”—Hakluyt, London, ed. 1810, Vol. III. p. 172.

Edward Haies, in his report of the voyage of Sir Humphrey Gilbert in

1583, say’s: “We had sight of an Island named Penguin, of a foule there
breeding in abundance, almost incredible, which cannot flie, their
wings not able to carry their body, being very large (not much lesse
then a goose), and exceeding fat: which the Frenchmen use to take
without difficulty upon that Island, and to barrell them up with salt.”

Idem, p. 191.

The Auk is confined to the northern hemisphere, where it represents the
penguins of the southern. Several species occur in the Northern

Atlantic in almost incredible numbers: they are all marine, feed on
fish and other animal substances exclusively, and lay from one to three
eggs on the bare rocks. Those seen by Champlain and other early
navigators were the Great Auk. Alca impennis, now nearly extinct. It
was formerly found on the coast of New England, as is proved not only
by the testimony of the primitive explorers, but by the remains found
in shell-heaps. The latest discovery was of one found dead near

St. Augustine, in Labrador, in 1870. A specimen of the Great Auk is
preserved in the Cambridge Museum.—_Vide Coues’s Key to North Am.

Birds_, Boston, 1872. p. 338.

33. The sea-wolf or loup marin of Champlain is the marine mammiferous
quadruped of the family Phocidae, known as the seal. Sea-wolf was a
name applied to it by the early navigators.—_Vide Purchas’s Pilgrims_,

London, 1625. Vol. IV. p. 1385. Those here mentioned were the common
seal, Phoca vitulina, which are still found on the coasts of Nova

Scotia, vulgarly known as the harbor seal. They are thinly distributed
as far south as Long Island Sound, but are found in great numbers in
the waters of Labrador and Newfoundland, where they are taken for the
oil obtained from them, and for the skins, which are used for various
purposes in the arts.

34. The names given to these birds were such, doubtless, as were known to
belong to birds similar in color, size, and figure in Europe. Some of
them were probably misapplied. The name alone is not sufficient for
identification.

35. This cape, near the entrance to Yarmouth, still bears the same name,
from fourchu, forked. On a map of 1755, it is called Forked Cape, and
near it is Fork Ledge and Forked Harbor.—_Memorials of English and

French Commissaries_, London, 1755.

36. It still retains the name given to it by Champlain. It forms a part of
the western limit of St. Mary’s Bay, and a line drawn from it to the

St. Croix, cutting the Grand Manan, would mark the entrance of the Bay
of Fundy.

37. The Bay of Fundy was thus first named “Baye Francoise” by De Monts, and
continued to be so called, as will appear by reference to the early
maps, as that of De Laet, 1633; Charlevoix, 1744; Rouge, 1778. It first
appears distinctly on the carte of Diego Homem of 1558, but without
name. On Cabot’s Mappe-Monde, in “Monuments de la Geographie,” we find
rio fondo, which may represent the Bay of Fundy, and may have
suggested the name adopted by the English, which it still retains. Sir

William Alexander’s map, 1624, has Argal’s Bay; Moll’s map, 1712, has

Fundi Bay; that of the English and French Commissaries, 1755, has Bay
of Fundy, or Argal.

38. This strait, known by the name Petit Passage, separates Long Island
from Digby Neck.

39. A place called Little River, on Digby Neck.

40. Now known as Sandy Cove.

41. Lescarbot says of this iron mine, and of the silver mine above, that
they were proved not to be abundant.

42. This was probably near Rossway.

43. This was clearly Smith Creek or Smelt River, which rises near Annapolis

Basin, or the Port Royal Basin of the French.

44. He here doubtless refers to North Creek, at the northeastern extremity
of St. Mary’s Bay.

45. Now Weymouth Harbor, on the south-eastern shore of St. Mary’s Bay, at
the mouth of Sissibou River, and directly opposite Sandy Cove, near the
iron mine mentioned above.

46. The distance across the bay at this point, as here stated, is nearly
accurate.

47. This is clearly a mistake; the true latitude at the Petit Passage is

44 deg. 23’. It may here be remarked that Champlain’s latitudes are very
inaccurate, often varying more than half a degree; doubtless owing to
the imperfection of the instruments which were employed in taking them.

48. They had been occupied in this exploration about three weeks, Lescarbot
says a month, but this is an overstatement. By a careful examination of
the text, it will appear that they departed from Port Mouton on the

19th of May, and that several days after their return, not less than
nine, they were again in St. Mary’s Bay, on the 16th of June. They had
been absent, therefore, about twenty-one days. The latitude of Port

Mouton, stated a little below to be 44 deg., is in fact 43 deg. 57’.

49. This bay, still retaining its ancient appellation, was so named by

Champlain on his first visit. “Ceste baye fut nommee la baye Saincte

Marie.”—_Champlain’s Voyages_, 1632, Quebec ed., Vol. V. p. 716.

50. Nicholas Aubry, a young Parisian of good family, “vn certain homme
d’Eglise,” as Lescarbot says, probably not long in holy orders, had
undertaken this voyage with De Monts to gratify his desire to see the

New World, though quite against the wishes of his friends, who had sent
in vain to Honfleur to prevent his embarkation. After the search made
by De Monts, with the sounding of trumpets and the discharge of cannon,
they left St. Mary’s Bay, having given up all expectation of his
recovery. Some two weeks afterward, an expedition was Sent out to

St. Mary’s Bay, conducted by De Champdore, an experienced pilot, with a
mineralogist, to search for silver and iron ore. While Some of the
party were on a fishing excursion, they rescued him, as stated in the
text. The safe return of the young and too venturesome ecclesiastic
gave great relief to De Monts, as Lescarbot says a Protestant was
charged to have killed him, because they quarrelled sometimes about
their religion.—_Vide Histoire de Nouvelle-France_, par Mare

Lescarbot, Paris, 1612, Qvat. Liv. p. 453.

51. The partridge-berry, Mitchella, a trailing evergreen, bearing scarlet
berries, edible but nearly tasteless, which remain through the winter.

It is peculiar to America, and this is probably the first time it was
noticed by any historical writer.

52. He was on the western side of Digby Neck, at its southern extremity,
near the Petit Passage on the shore of the Bay of Fundy.

CHAPTER III.

DESCRIPTION OF PORT ROYAL AND THE PECULIARITIES OF THE SAME.—ISLE HAUTE.— PORT OF MINES.—BAYE FRANCOISE.-THE RIVER ST. JOHN, AND WHAT WE OBSERVED BETWEEN THE PORT OF MINES AND THE SAME.—THE ISLAND CALLED BY THE SAVAGES MANTHANE.—THE RIVER OF THE ETECHEMINS, AND SEVERAL FINE ISLANDS THERE.— ST. CROIX ISLAND, AND OTHER NOTEWORTHY OBJECTS ON THIS COAST.

Some days after, Sieur de Monts decided to go and examine the coasts of Baye Francoise. For this purpose, he set out from the vessel on the 16th of May,[53] and we went through the strait of Long Island.[54] Not having found in St. Mary’s Bay any place in which to fortify ourselves except at the cost of much time, we accordingly resolved to see whether there might not be a more favorable one in the other bay. Heading northeast six leagues, there is a cove where vessels can anchor in four, five, six, and seven fathoms of water. The bottom is sandy. This place is only a kind of roadstead.[55] Continuing two leagues farther on in the same direction, we entered one of the finest harbors I had seen along all these coasts, in which two thousand vessels might lie in security. The entrance is eight hundred paces broad; then you enter a harbor two leagues long and one broad, which I have named Port Royal.[56] Three rivers empty into it, one of which is very large, extending eastward, and called Riviere de l’Equille,[57] from a little fish of the size of an esplan?, which is caught there in large numbers, as is also the herring, and several other kinds of fish found in abundance in their season. This river is nearly a quarter of a league broad at its entrance, where there is an island [58] perhaps half a league in circuit, and covered with wood like all the rest of the country, as pines, firs, spruces, birches, aspens, and some oaks, although the latter are found in small numbers in comparison with the other kinds. There are two entrances to the above river, one on the north, the other on the south side of the island. That on the north is the better, and vessels can there anchor under shelter of the island in five, six, seven, eight, and nine fathoms. But it is necessary to be on one’s guard against some shallows near the island on the one side, and the main land on the other, very dangerous, if one does not know the channel.

*

CHAMPLAIN’S DESCRIPTION OF THE ACCOMPANYING MAP.

PORT AU MOUTON.

The figures indicate fathoms of water.

A. Place where vessels lie. B. Place where we made our camp. C. A pond. D. An island at the entrance to the harbor, covered with wood. E. A river very shallow. F. A pond. G. A very large brook coming from the pond F. H. Six little islands in the harbor. L. Country, containing only copse and heath of very small size. M. Seashore.

NOTE.—The wanting letter L should probably be placed where the trees are represented as very small, between the letters B and the island F.

*

We ascended the river some fourteen or fifteen leagues, where the tide rises, and it is not navigable much farther. It has there a breadth of sixty paces, and about a fathom and a half of water. The country bordering the river is filled with numerous oaks, ashes, and other trees. Between the mouth of the river and the point to which we ascended there are many meadows, which are flooded at the spring tides, many little streams traversing them from one side to the other, through which shallops and boats can go at full tide. This place was the most favorable and agreeable for a settlement that we had seen. There is another island [59] within the port, distant nearly two leagues from the former. At this point is another little stream, extending a considerable distance inland, which we named Riviere St. Antoine. [60] Its mouth is distant from the end of the Bay of St. Mary some four leagues through the woods. The remaining river is only a small stream filled with rocks, which cannot be ascended at all on account of the small amount of water, and which has been named Rocky Brook. [61] This place is in latitude [62] 45 deg.; and 17 deg. 8’ of the deflection of the magnetic needle.

*

CHAMPLAIN’S DESCRIPTION OF THE MAP

PORT ROYAL

The figures indicate fathoms of water.

A. Our habitation. [Note: On the present site of Lower Granville.]

B. Garden of Sieur de Champlain. C. Road through the woods that Sieur de Poutrincourt had made. D. Island at the mouth of Equille River. E. Entrance to Port Royal, F. Shoals, dry at low tide. G. River St. Antoine. [Note: The stream west of river St. Antoine is the

Jogging River.] H. Place under cultivation for sowing wheat. [Note: The site of the
present town of Annapolis.] I. Mill that Sieur de Poutrincourt had made. L. Meadows overflowed at highest tides. M. Equille River. N. Seacoast of Port Royal. O. Ranges of mountains. P. Island near the river St. Antoine. Q. Rocky Brook. [Footnote: Now called Deep Brook.] R. Another brook. [Note: Morris River.] S. Mill River. [Note: Allen River.] T. Small lake. V. Place where the savages catch herring in the season. X. Trout brook. [Note: Trout Brook is now called Shaefer’s Brook, and the
first on the west is Thorne’s, and the second Scofield’s Brook.] Y. A lane that Sieur de Champlain had made.

*

After having explored this harbor, we set out to advance farther on in Baye Francoise, and see whether we could not find the copper mine, [63] which had been discovered the year before. Heading northeast, and sailing eight or ten leagues along the coast of Port Royal,[64] we crossed a part of the bay Some five or six leagues in extent, when we arrived at a place which we called the Cape of Two Bays;[65] and we passed by an island a league distant therefrom, a league also in circuit, rising up forty or forty-five fathoms. [66] It is wholly surrounded by great rocks, except in one place which is sloping, at the foot of which slope there is a pond of salt water, coming from under a pebbly point, having the form of a spur. The surface of the island is flat, covered with trees, and containing a fine spring of water. In this place is a copper mine. Thence we proceeded to a harbor a league and a half distant, where we supposed the copper mine was, which a certain Prevert of St. Malo had discovered by aid of the savages of the country. This port is in latitude 45 deg. 40’, and is dry at low tide. [67] In order to enter it, it is necessary to place beacons, and mark out a sand-bank at the entrance, which borders a channel that extends along the main land. Then you enter a bay nearly a league in length, and half a league in breadth. In some places, the bottom is oozy and sandy, where vessels may get aground. The sea falls and rises there to the extent of four or five fathoms. We landed to see whether we could find the mines which Prevert had reported to us. Having gone about a quarter of a league along certain mountains, we found none, nor did we recognize any resemblance to the description of the harbor he had given us. Accordingly, he had not himself been there, but probably two or three of his men had been there, guided by some savages, partly by land and partly by little streams, while he awaited them in his shallop at the mouth of a little river in the Bay of St. Lawrence.[68] These men, upon their return, brought him several small pieces of copper, which he showed us when he returned from his voyage. Nevertheless, we found in this harbor two mines of what seemed to be copper according to the report of our miner, who considered it very good, although it was not native copper.

*

CHAMPLAIN’S DESCRIPTION OF THE MAP.

PORT DES MINES.

The figures indicate fathoms of water.

A. A place where vessels are liable to run aground. B. A Small river. C. A tongue of land composed of Sand. D. A point composed of large pebbles, which is like a mole. E. Location of a copper mine, which is covered by the tide twice a day. F. An island to the rear of the Cape of Mines. [Note: Now called

Spencer’s Island. Champlain probably obtained his knowledge of this
island at a subsequent visit. There is a creek extending from near

Spencer’s Island between the rocky elevations to Advocate’s Harbor, or
nearly so, which Champlain does not appear to have seen, or at least
he does not represent it on his map. This point, thus made an island
by the creek, has an elevation of five hundred feet, at the base of
which was the copper mine which they discovered.—Vide note 67.] G. Roadstead where vessels anchor while waiting for the tide. H. Isle Haute, which is a league and a half from Port of Mines. I. Channel. L. Little River. M. Range of mountains along the coast of the Cape of Mines.

*

The head [69] of the Baye Francoise, which we crossed, is fifteen leagues inland. All the land which we have seen in coasting along from the little passage of Long Island is rocky, and there is no place except Port Royal where vessels can lie in Safety. The land is covered with pines and birches, and, in my opinion, is not very good.

On the 20th of May,[70] we set out from the Port of Mines to seek a place adapted for a permanent stay, in order to lose no time, purposing afterwards to return, and see if we could discover the mine of pure copper which Prevert’s men had found by aid of the savages. We sailed west two leagues as far as the cape of the two bays, then north five or six leagues; and we crossed the other bay,[71] where we thought the copper mine was, of which we have already spoken: inasmuch as there are there two rivers, [72] the one coming from the direction of Cape Breton, and the other from Gaspe or Tregatte, near the great river St. Lawrence. Sailing west some six leagues, we arrived at a little river,[73] at the mouth of which is rather a low cape, extending out into the sea; and a short distance inland there is a mountain,[74] having the shape of a Cardinal’s hat. In this place we found an iron mine. There is anchorage here only for shallops. Four leagues west southwest is a rocky point [75] extending out a short distance into the water, where there are strong tides which are very dangerous. Near the point we saw a cove about half a league in extent, in which we found another iron mine, also very good. Four leagues farther on is a fine bay running up into the main land;[76] at the extremity of which there are three islands and a rock; two of which are a league from the cape towards the west, and the other is at the mouth of the largest and deepest river we had yet seen, which we named the river St. John, because it was on this saint’s day that we arrived there.[77] By the savages it is called Ouygoudy. This river is dangerous, if one does not observe carefully certain points and rocks on the two sides. It is narrow at its entrance, and then becomes broader. A certain point being passed, it becomes narrower again, and forms a kind of fall between two large cliffs, where the water runs so rapidly that a piece of wood thrown in is drawn under and not seen again. But by waiting till high tide you can pass this fall very easily. [78] Then it expands again to the extent of about a league in some places, where there are three islands. We did not explore it farther up.[79] But Ralleau, secretary of Sieur de Monts, went there some time after to see a savage named Secondon, chief of this river, who reported that it was beautiful, large, and extensive, with many meadows and fine trees, as oaks, beeches, walnut-trees, and also wild grapevines. The inhabitants of the country go by this river to Tadoussac, on the great river St. Lawrence, making but a short portage on the journey. From the river St. John to Tadoussac is sixty-five leagues.[80] At its mouth, which is in latitude 45 deg. 40’, there is an iron mine.[81]

*

CHAMPLAIN’S DESCRIPTION OF THE ACCOMPANYING MAP.

RIVIERE ST. JEHAN.

The figures indicate fathoms of water.

A. Three islands above the falls. [Note: The islands are not close
together as here represented. One is very near the main land on one
shore, and two on the other.] B. Mountains rising up from the main land, two leagues south of the
river. C. The fall in the river. D. Shoals where vessels, when the tide is out, are liable to run aground. E. Cabin where the savages fortify themselves. F. A pebbly point where there is a cross. G. An island at the entrance of the river. [Note: Partridge Island.] H. A Small brook coming from a little pond. [Note: Mill Pond.] I. Arm of the sea dry at low tide. [Note: Marsh Creek, very shallow but
not entirely dry at low tide.] L. Two little rocky islets. [Note: These islets are not now represented
on the charts, and are probably rocks near the shore from which the
soil may have been washed away since 1604.] M. A small pond. N. Two brooks. O. Very dangerous shoals along the coast, which are dry at low tide. P. Way by which the savages carry their canoes in passing the falls. Q. Place for anchoring where the river runs with full current.

*

From the river St. John we went to four islands, on one of which we landed, and found great numbers of birds called magpies,[82] of which we captured many small ones, which are as good as pigeons. Sieur de Poutrincourt came near getting lost here, but he came back to our barque at last, when we had already gone to search for him about the island, which is three leagues distant from the main land. Farther west are other islands; among them one six leagues in length, called by the savages Manthane,[83] south of which there are among the islands several good harbors for vessels. From the Magpie Islands we proceeded to a river on the main land called the river of the Etechemins,[84] a tribe of savages so called in their country. We passed by so many islands that we could not ascertain their number, which were very fine. Some were two leagues in extent, others three, others more or less. All of these islands are in a bay,[85] having, in my estimation, a circuit of more than fifteen leagues. There are many good places capable of containing any number of vessels, and abounding in fish in the season, such as codfish, salmon, bass, herring, halibut, and other kinds in great numbers. Sailing west-north-west three leagues through the islands, we entered a river almost half a league in breadth at its mouth, sailing up which a league or two we found two islands: one very small near the western bank; and the other in the middle, having a circumference of perhaps eight or nine hundred paces, with rocky sides three or four fathoms high all around, except in one small place, where there is a sandy point and clayey earth adapted for making brick and other useful articles. There is another place affording a shelter for vessels from eighty to a hundred tons, but it is dry at low tide. The island is covered with firs, birches, maples, and oaks. It is by nature very well situated, except in one place, where for about forty paces it is lower than elsewhere: this, however, is easily fortified, the banks of the main land being distant on both sides some nine hundred to a thousand paces. Vessels could pass up the river only at the mercy of the cannon on this island, and we deemed the location the most advantageous, not only on account of its situation and good foil, but also on account of the intercourse which we proposed with the savages of these coasts and of the interior, as we should be in the midst of them. We hoped to pacify them in the course of time, and put an end to the wars which they carry on with one another, so as to derive service from them in future, and convert them to the Christian faith. This place was named by Sieur de Monts the Island of St. Croix. [86] Farther on, there is a great bay, in which are two islands, one high and the other flat; also three rivers, two of moderate size, one extending towards the east, the other towards the north, and the third of large size, towards the west. The latter is that of the Etechemins, of which we spoke before. Two leagues up this there is a waterfall, around which the savages carry their canoes some five hundred paces by land, and then re-enter the river. Passing afterwards from the river a short distance overland, one reaches the rivers Norumbegue and St. John. But the falls are impassable for vessels, as there are only rocks and but four or five feet of water.[87] In May and June, so great a number of herring and bass are caught there that vessels could be loaded with them. The soil is of the finest sort, and there are fifteen or twenty acres of cleared land, where Sieur de Monts had some wheat sown, which flourished finely. The savages come here sometimes five or six weeks during the fishing Season. All the rest of the country consists of very dense forests. If the land were cleared up, grain would flourish excellently. This place is in latitude 45 deg. 20’,[88] and 17 deg. 32’ of the deflection of the magnetic needle.

*

CHAMPLAIN’S DESCRIPTION OF THE ACCOMPANYING MAP.

ISLE DE SAINTE CROIX.

The figures indicate fathoms of water.

A. A plan of our habitation. B. Gardens. C. Little islet serving as a platform for cannon. [Note: This refers to
the southern end of the island, which was probably separated at high
tide, where a cannon may be seen in position.] D. Platform where cannon were placed. E. The Cemetery. F. The Chapel. G. Rocky shoals about the Island Sainte Croix. H. A little islet. [Note: Little De Monts’s Island, Sometimes called

Little Dochet’s Island.] I. Place where Sieur de Monts had a water-mill commenced. L. Place where we made our coal. M. Gardens on the western shore. N. Other gardens on the eastern shore. O. Very large and high mountain on the main land. [Note: This “mountain”

is now called Chamcook Hill. Its height is 627 feet. At the northern
end of the island on the right there is an extensive sandy shoal, dry
at low tide, of a triangular shape as formerly, and has apparently
changed very little since the days of Champlain.] P. River of the Etechemins flowing about the Island of St. Croix.

*

ENDNOTES:

53. For May read June. It could not have been in May, since Champlain Set
out from Port Mouton on his exploring expedition on the 19th of May,
which must have been a month previous to this.

54. What is now called the Petit Passage, the narrow strait between Long

Island and Digby Neck.

55. Gulliver’s Hole, about two leagues southwest of Digby Strait.

56. Champlain here names the whole harbor or basin Port Royal, and not the
place of habitation afterward so called. The first settlement was on
the north side of the bay in the present hamlet of Lower Granville, not
as often alleged at Annapolis.—Vide Champlain’s engraving or map of

Port Royal.

57. “Equille.” A name, on the coasts between Caen and Havre, of the fish
called lancon at Granville and St. Malo, a kind of malacopterygious
fish living on sandy shores and hiding in the sand at low tide.—

Littre. A species of sand eel. This stream is now known as the

Annapolis River. Lescarbot calls it Riviere du Dauphin.

58. This island is situated at the point where the Annapolis River flows
into the bay, or about nine miles from Digby, straight. Champlain on
his map gives it no name, but Lescarbot calls it Biencourville. It is
now called Goat Island.

59. Lescarbot calls it Claudiane. It is now known as Bear Island. It was

Sometimes called Ile d’Hebert, and likewise Imbert Island. Laverdiere
suggests that the present name is derived from the French pronunciation
of the last syllable of Imbert.

60. At present known as Bear River; Lescarbot has it Hebert, and

Charlevoix, Imbert.

61. On modern maps called Moose River, and sometimes Deep Brook. It is a
few miles east of Bear River.

62. The latitude is here overstated: it should be 44 deg. 39’ 30”.

63. On the preceding year, M. Prevert of St. Malo had made a glowing report
ostensively based on his own observations and information which he had
obtained from the Indians, in regard to certain mines alleged to exist
on the coast directly South of Northumberland Strait, and about the
head of the Bay of Fundy. It was this report of Prevert that induced
the present search.

64. Along the Bay of Fundy nearly parallel to the basin of Port Royal would
better express the author’s meaning.

65. Cape Chignecto, the point where the Bay of Fundy is bifurcated; the
northern arm forming Chignecto Bay, and the southern, the Bay of Mines
or Minas Basin.

66. Isle Haute, or high island.—_Vide Charlevoix’s Map_. On Some maps this
name has been strangely perverted into Isle Holt, Isle Har, &c. Its
height is 320 feet.

67. This was Advocate’s Harbor. Its distance from Cape Chignecto is greater
than that stated in the text. Further on, Champlain calls it two
leagues, which is nearly correct. Its latitude is about 45 deg. 20’. By
comparing the Admiralty charts and Champlain’s map of this harbor, it
will be seen that important changes have taken place since 1604. The
tongue of land extending in a south-easterly direction, covered with
trees and shrubbery, which Champlain calls a sand-bank, has entirely
disappeared. The ordinary tides rise here from thirty-three to
thirty-nine feet, and on a sandy shore could hardly fail to produce
important changes.

68. According to the Abbe Laverdiere, the lower part of the Gulf was
sometimes called the Bay of St. Lawrence.

69. They had just crossed the Bay of Mines. From the place where they
crossed it to its head it is not far from fifteen leagues, and it is
about the same distance to Port Royal, from which he may here estimate
the distance inland.

70. Read June.—Vide antea, note 53.

71. Chignecto Bay. Charlevoix has Chignitou ou Beau Bassin. On De Laet’s

Map of 1633, on Jacob von Meur’s of 1673, and Homenn’s of 1729, we have

B. de Gennes. The Cape of Two Bays was Cape Chignecto.

72. The rivers are the Cumberland Basin with its tributaries coming from
the east, and the Petitcoudiac (_petit_ and coude, little elbow, from
the angle formed by the river at Moncton, called the Bend), which flows
into Shepody Bay coming from the north or the direction of Gaspe.

Champlain mentions all these particulars, probably as answering to the
description given to them by M. Prevert of the place where copper mines
could be found.

73. Quaco River, at the mouth of which the water is shallow: the low cape
extending out into the sea is that on which Quaco Light now stands,
which reaches out quarter of a mile, and is comparatively low. The
shore from Goose River, near where they made the coast, is very high,
measuring at different points 783, 735, 650, 400, 300, 500, and 380
feet, while the “low cape” is only 250 feet, and near it on the west is
an elevation of 400 feet. It would be properly represented as “rather a
low cape” in contradistinction to the neighboring coast. Iron and
manganese are found here, and the latter has been mined to some extent,
but is now discontinued, as the expense is too great for the present
times.

74. This mountain is an elevation, eight or ten miles inland from Quaco,
which may be seen by vessels coasting along from St. Martin’s Head to

St. John: it is indicated on the charts as Mt. Theobald, and bears a
striking resemblance, as Champlain suggests, to the _chapeau de

Cardinal_.

75. McCoy’s Head, four leagues west of Quaco: the “cove” may be that on the
east into which Gardner’s Creek flows, or that on the west at the mouth
of Emmerson’s Creek.

76. The Bay of St. John, which is four leagues southwest of McCoy’s

Head. The islands mentioned are Partridge Island at the mouth of the
harbor, and two smaller ones farther west, one Meogenes, and the other

Shag rock or some unimportant islet in its vicinity. The rock mentioned
by Champlain is that on which Spit Beacon Light now stands.

77. The festival of St. John the Baptist occurs on the 24th of June; and,
arriving on that day, they gave the name of St. John to the river,
which has been appropriately given also to the city at its mouth, now
the metropolis of the province of New Brunswick.

78. Champlain was under a missapprehension about passing the fall at the
mouth of the St. John at high tide. It can in fact only be passed at
about half tide. The waters of the river at low tide are about twelve
feet higher than the waters of the sea. At high tide, the waters of the
sea are about five feet higher than the waters of the river.

Consequently, at low tide there is a fall outward, and at high tide
there is a fall inward, at neither of which times can the fall be
passed. The only time for passing the fall is when the waters of the
sea are on a level with the waters of the river. This occurs twice
every tide, at the level point at the flood and likewise at the ebb.

The period for passing lasts about fifteen or twenty minutes, and of
course occurs four times a day. Vessels assemble in considerable
numbers above and below to embrace the opportunity of passing at the
favoring moment. There are periods, however, when the river is swollen
by rains and melting snow, at which the tides do not rise as high as
the river, and consequently there is a constant fall outward, and
vessels cannot pass until the high water subsides.

79. They ascended the river only a short distance into the large bay just
above the falls, near which are the three islands mentioned in the
text.

80. The distance from the mouth of the river St. John to Tadoussac in a
direct line is about sixty-five leagues. But by the winding course of
the St. John it would be very much greater.

81. Champlain’s latitude is inexact. St. John’s Harbor is 45 deg. 16’.

82. Margos, magpies. The four islands which Champlain named the Magpies
are now called the Wolves, and are near the mouth of Passamaquoddy

Bay. Charlevoix has Oiseaux, the Birds.

83. Manan. Known as the Grand Manan in contradistinction to the Petit

Manan, a small island still further west. It is about fourteen or
fifteen miles long, and about six in its greatest width. On the south
and eastern side are Long Island, Great Duck, Ross, Cheyne, and White

Head Islands, among which good harborage may be found. The name, as
appears in the text, is of Indian origin. It is Sometimes Spelled

Menarse, but that in the text prevails.

84. The St. Croix River, sometimes called the Scoudic.

85. Passsmaquoddy Bay. On Gastaldo’s map of 1550 called Angoulesme. On

Rouge’s “Atlas Ameriquain,” 1778, it is written Passamacadie.

86. The Holy Cross, Saincte Croix, This name was suggested by the
circumstance that, a few miles above the island, two streams flow into
the main channel of the river at the same place, one from the east and
the other from the west, while a bay makes up between them, presenting
the appearance of a cross.

“Et d’autant qu’a deux lieues au dessus il y a des ruisseaux qui
viennent comme en croix de decharger dans ce large bras de mer, cette
ile de la retraite des Francois fut appelee SAINCTE CROIX.”—_His.

Nouvelle France_ par Lescarbot, Paris. 1612, Qvat Liv. pp. 461, 462.

It is now called De Monts’s Island. It has been called Dochet’s Island
and Neutral Island, but there is great appropriateness in calling it
after its first occupant and proprietor, and in honor of him it has
been so named with suitable ceremonies.—_Vide Godfrey’s Centennial

Discourse_, Bangor, 1870, p. 20. The United States maintain a light
upon the island, which is seventy-one feet above the level of the sea,
and is visible twelve nautical miles. The island itself is moderately
high, and in the widest part is one hundred and eighty paces or about
five hundred and forty feet. The area is probably not more than six or
seven acres, although it has been estimated at twice that. It may have
been diminished in some slight degree since the time of Champlain by
the action of the waves, but probably very little. On the southern
extremity of the island where De Monts placed his cannon, about
twenty-five years ago a workman in excavating threw out five small
cannon-balls, one of which was obtained by Peter E. Vose, Esq., of

Dennysville, Me., who then resided near the island, and was conversant
with all the circumstances of the discovery. They were about a foot and
a half below the surface, and the workman was excavating for another
purpose, and knew nothing of the history of the island. At our
solicitation, the ball belonging to Mr. Vose has recently been
presented to the New England Historic Genealogical Society, of which he
is a member. It is iron, perfectly round, two and a quarter inches in
diameter, and weighs 22 oz. avoirdupois. There can be no reasonable
doubt that these balls are relics of the little French colony of 1604,
and probably the only memorial of the kind now in existence.

87. The description in the text of the environs of the Island of St. Croix
is entirely accurate. Some distance above, and in view from the island,
is the fork, or Divide, as it is called. Here is a meeting of the
waters of Warwig Creek from the east, Oak Bay from the north, and the
river of the Etechemins, now called the St. Croix, from the west. These
are the three rivers mentioned by Champlain, Oak Bay being considered
as one of them, in which may be seen the two islands mentioned in the
text, one high and the other low. A little above Calais is the
waterfall, around which the Indians carried their bark canoes, when on
their journey up the river through the Scoudic lakes, from which by
land they reached the river St. John on the east, or, on the west,
passing through the Mettawamkeag, they reached the Norumbegue, or

Penobscot River.

88. The latitude of the Island of St. Croix is 45 deg. 7’ 43”.

CHAPTER IV.

SIEUR DE MONTS, FINDING NO OTHER PLACE BETTER ADAPTED FOR A PERMANENT SETTLEMENT THAN THE ISLAND OF ST. CROIX, FORTIFIES IT AND BUILDS DWELLINGS.—RETURN OF THE VESSELS TO FRANCE, AND OF RALLEAU, SECRETARY OF SIEUR DE MONTS, FOR THE SAKE OF ARRANGING SOME BUSINESS AFFAIRS.

Not finding any more suitable place than this island, we commenced making a barricade on a little islet a short distance from the main island, which served as a station for placing our cannon. All worked so energetically that in a little while it was put in a state of defence, although the mosquitoes (which are little flies) annoyed us excessively in our work. For there were several of our men whose faces were so swollen by their bites that they could scarcely see. The barricade being finished, Sieur de Monts sent his barque to notify the rest of our party, who were with our vessel in the bay of St. Mary, to come to St. Croix. This was promptly done, and while awaiting them we spent our time very pleasantly.

Some days after, our vessels having arrived and anchored, all disembarked. Then, without losing time, Sieur de Monts proceeded to employ the workmen in building houses for our abode, and allowed me to determine the arrangement of our settlement. After Sieur de Monts had determined the place for the storehouse, which is nine fathoms long, three wide, and twelve feet high, he adopted the plan for his own house, which he had promptly built by good workmen, and then assigned to each one his location. Straightway, the men began to gather together by fives and sixes, each according to his desire. Then all set to work to clear up the island, to go to the woods, to make the frame work, to carry earth and other things necessary for the buildings.

*

CHAMPLAIN’S DESCRIPTION OF THE ACCOMPANYING MAP.

HABITATION DE L’ISLE STE. CROIX.

The figures indicate fathoms of water.

A. Dwelling of Sieur de Monts. B. Public building where we spent our time when it rained. C. The storehouse. D. Dwelling of the guard. E. The blacksmith shop. F. Dwelling of the carpenters. G. The well. H. The oven where the bread was made. I. Kitchen. L. Gardens. M. Other gardens. N. Place in the centre where a tree stands. O. Palisade. P. Dwellings of the Sieurs d’Orville, Champlain, and Champdore. Q. Dwelling of Sieur Boulay, and other artisans. R. Dwelling where the Sieurs de Genestou, Sourin, and other artisans
lived. T. Dwelling of the Sieurs de Beaumont, la Motte Bourioli, and Fougeray. V. Dwelling of our curate. X. Other gardens. Y. The river surrounding the island.

*

While we were building our houses, Sieur de Monts despatched Captain Fouques in the vessel of Rossignol, [89] to find Pont Grave at Canseau, in order to obtain for our settlement what supplies remained.

Some time after he had set out, there arrived a small barque of eight tons, in which was Du Glas of Honfleur, pilot of Pont Grave’s vessel, bringing the Basque ship-masters, who had been captured by the above Pont Grave [90] while engaged in the fur-trade, as we have stated. Sieur de Monts received them civilly, and sent them back by the above Du Glas to Pont Grave, with orders for him to take the vessels he had captured to Rochelle, in order that justice might be done. Meanwhile, work on the houses went on vigorously and without cessation; the carpenters engaged on the storehouse and dwelling of Sieur de Monts, and the others each on his own house, as I was on mine, which I built with the assistance of some servants belonging to Sieur d’Orville and myself. It was forthwith completed, and Sieur de Monts lodged in it until his own was finished. An oven was also made, and a handmill for grinding our wheat, the working of which involved much trouble and labor to the most of us, since it was a toilsome operation. Some gardens were afterwards laid out, on the main land as well as on the island. Here many kinds of seeds were planted, which flourished very well on the main land, but not on the island, since there was only sand here, and the whole were burned up when the sun shone, although special pains were taken to water them.

Some days after, Sieur de Monts determined to ascertain where the mine of pure copper was which we had searched for so much. With this object in view, he despatched me together with a savage named Messamoueet, who asserted that he knew the place well. I set out in a small barque of five or six tons, with nine sailors. Some eight leagues from the island, towards the river St. John, we found a mine of copper which was not pure, yet good according to the report of the miner, who said that it would yield eighteen per cent. Farther on we found others inferior to this. When we reached the place where we supposed that was which we were hunting for, the savage could not find it, so that it was necessary to come back, leaving the search for another time.

Upon my return from this trip. Sieur de Monts resolved to send his vessels back to France, and also Sieur de Poutrincourt, who had come only for his pleasure, and to explore countries and places suitable for a colony, which he desired to found; for which reason he asked Sieur de Monts for Port Royal, which he gave him in accordance with the power and directions he had received from the king. [91] He sent back also Ralleau, his secretary, to arrange some matters concerning the voyage. They set out from the Island of St. Croix the last day of August, 1604.

ENDNOTES:

89. This was the vessel taken from Captain Rossignol and confiscated.—

Vide antea, pp. 10, 12; also note 26.

90. Champlain and others often write only Pont for Pont Grave. Lescarbot
says Grave was his surname.—_Vide Histoire de la Nou. Fran_., Paris,

1612, Qvat. Liv. p. 501. To prevent any confusion, we write it Pont

Grave in all cases.

91. De Monts’s charter provided for the distribution of lands to colonists.

This gift to De Poutrincourt was confirmed afterwards by the king. We
may here remark that there is the usual discrepancy in the orthography
of this name. Lescarbot, De Laet, and Charlevoix write Poutrincourt. In
his Latin epitaph, vide Murdoch’s Nova Scotia, Vol. I. p. 59, it is

Potrincurtius, while Champlain has Poitrincourt. In Poutrincourt’s
letter to the Roman Pontiff, Paul V., written in Latin, he says, _Ego

Johannes de Biencour, vulgo De Povtrincovr a vitae religionis amator et
attestor perpetuus_, etc. This must be conclusive for Poutrincourt as
the proper orthography.—_Vide His. Nov. Fra._, par Lescarbot, Paris,

1612, p. 612.

CHAPTER V.

OF THE COAST, INHABITANTS, AND RIVER OF NORUMBEGUE, AND OF ALL THAT OCCURRED DURING THE EXPLORATION OF THE LATTER.

After the departure of the vessels, Sieur de Monts, without losing time, decided to send persons to make discoveries along the coast of Norumbegue; and he intrusted me with this work, which I found very agreeable.

In order to execute this commission, I set out from St. Croix on the 2d of September with a patache of seventeen or eighteen tons, twelve sailors, and two savages, to serve us as guides to the places with which they were acquainted. The same day we found the vessels where Sieur de Poutrincourt was, which were anchored at the mouth of the river St. Croix in consequence of bad weather, which place we could not leave before the 5th of the month. Having gone two or three leagues seaward, so dense a fog arose that we at once lost sight of their vessels. Continuing our course along the coast, we made the same day some twenty-five leagues, and passed by a large number of islands, banks, reefs, and rocks, which in places extend more than four leagues out to Sea. We called the islands the Ranges, most of which are covered with pines, firs, and other trees of an inferior sort. Among these islands are many fine harbors, but undesirable for a permanent settlement. The same day we passed also near to an island about four or five leagues long, in the neighborhood of which we just escaped being lost on a little rock on a level with the water, which made an opening in our barque near the keel. From this island to the main land on the north, the distance is less than a hundred paces. It is very high, and notched in places, so that there is the appearance to one at sea, as of seven or eight mountains extending along near each other. The summit of the most of them is destitute of trees, as there are only rocks on them. The woods consist of pines, firs, and birches only. I named it Isle des Monts Deserts.[92] The latitude is 44 deg. 30’.

The next day, the 6th of the month, we sailed two leagues, and perceived a smoke in a cove at the foot of the mountains above mentioned. We saw two canoes rowed by savages, which came within musket range to observe us. I sent our two Savages in a boat to assure them of our friendship. Their fear of us made them turn back. On the morning of the next day, they came alongside of our barque and talked with our savages. I ordered some biscuit, tobacco, and other trifles to be given them. These savages had come beaver-hunting and to catch fish, some of which they gave us. Having made an alliance with them, they guided us to their river of Pentegoueet, [93] so called by them, where they told us was their captain, named Bessabez, chief of this river. I think this river is that which several pilots and historians call Norumbegue, [94] and which most have described as large and extensive, with very many islands, its mouth being in latitude 43 deg., 43 deg. 30’, according to others in 44 deg., more or less. With regard to the deflection, I have neither read, nor heard any one say any thing. It is related also that there is a large, thickly settled town of savages, who are adroit and skillful, and who have cotton yarn. I am confident that most of those who mention it have not seen it, and speak of it because they have heard persons say so, who knew no more about it than they themselves. I am ready to believe that some may have seen the mouth of it, because there are in reality many islands, and it is, as they say, in latitude 44 deg. at its entrance. But that any one has ever entered it there is no evidence, for then they would have described it in another manner, in order to relieve the minds of many of this doubt.

I will accordingly relate truly what I explored and saw, from the beginning as far as I went.

In the first place, there are at its entrance several islands distant ten or twelve leagues from the main land, which are in latitude 44 deg., and 18 deg. 40’ of the deflection of the magnetic needle. The Isle des Monts Deserts forms one of the extremities of the mouth, on the east; the other is low land, called by the savages Bedabedec, [95] to the west of the former, the two being distant from each other nine or ten leagues. Almost midway between these, out in the ocean, there is another island very high and conspicuous, which on this account I have named Isle Haute. [96] All around there is a vast number of varying extent and breadth, but the largest is that of the Monts Deserts. Fishing as also hunting are very good here; the fish are of various kinds. Some two or three leagues from the point of Bedabedec, as you coast northward along the main land which extends up this river, there are very high elevations of land, which in fair weather are seen twelve or fifteen leagues out at Sea. [97] Passing to the South of the Isle Haute, and coasting along the same for a quarter of a league, where there are some reefs out of water, and heading to the west until you open all the mountains northward of this island, you can be sure that, by keeping in sight the eight or nine peaks of the Monts Deserts and Bedabedec, you will cross the river Norumbegue; and in order to enter it you must keep to the north, that is, towards the highest mountains of Bedabedec, where you will see no islands before you, and can enter, sure of having water enough, although you see a great many breakers, islands, and rocks to the east and west of you. For greater security, one should keep the sounding lead in hand. And my observations lead me to conclude that one cannot enter this river in any other place except in small vessels or shallops. For, as I stated above, there are numerous islands, rocks, shoals, banks, and breakers on all sides, so that it is marvellous to behold.

Now to resume our course: as one enters the river, there are beautiful islands, which are very pleasant and contain fine meadows. We proceeded to a place to which the savages guided us, where the river is not more than an eighth of a league broad, and at a distance of some two hundred paces from the western shore there is a rock on a level with the water, of a dangerous character.[98] From here to the Isle Haute, it is fifteen leagues. From this narrow place, where there is the least breadth that we had found, after sailing some seven or eight leagues, we came to a little river near which it was necessary to anchor, as we saw before us a great many rocks which are uncovered at low tide, and since also, if we had desired to sail farther, we could have gone scarcely half a league, in consequence of a fall of water there coming down a slope of seven or eight feet, which I saw as I went there in a canoe with our savages; and we found only water enough for a canoe. But excepting the fall, which is some two hundred paces broad, the river is beautiful, and unobstructed up to the place where we had anchored. I landed to view the country, and, going on a hunting excursion, found it very pleasant so far as I went. The oaks here appear as if they were planted for ornament. I saw only a few firs, but numerous pines on one side of the river; on the other only oaks, and some copse wood which extends far into the interior.[99] And I will state that from the entrance to where we went, about twenty-five leagues, we saw no town, nor village, nor the appearance of there having been one, but one or two cabins of the savages without inhabitants. These were made in the same way as those of the Souriquois, being covered with the bark of trees. So far as we could judge, the Savages on this river are few in number, and are called Etechemins. Moreover, they only come to the islands, and that only during some months in summer for fish and game, of which there is a great quantity. They are a people who have no fixed abode, so far as I could observe and learn from them. For they spend the winter now in one place and now in another, according as they find the best hunting, by which they live when urged by their daily needs, without laying up any thing for times of scarcity, which are sometimes severe.

Now this river must of necessity be the Norumbegue; for, having coasted along past it as far as the 41 deg. of latitude, we have found no other on the parallel above mentioned, except that of the Quinibequy, which is almost in the same latitude, but not of great extent. Moreover, there cannot be in any other place a river extending far into the interior of the country, since the great river St. Lawrence washes the coast of La Cadie and Norumbegue, and the distance from one to the other by land is not more than forty-five leagues, or sixty at the widest point, as can be seen on my geographical map.

Now I will drop this discussion to return to the savages who had conducted me to the falls of the river Norumbegue, who went to notify Bessabez, their chief, and other savages, who in turn proceeded to another little river to inform their own, named Cabahis, and give him notice of our arrival.

The 16th of the month there came to us some thirty savages on assurances given them by those who had served us as guides. There came also to us the same day the above named Bessabez with six canoes. As soon as the savages who were on land saw him coming, they all began to sing, dance, and jump, until he had landed. Afterwards, they all seated themselves in a circle on the ground, as is their custom, when they wish to celebrate a festivity, or an harangue is to be made. Cabahis, the other chief, arrived also a little later with twenty or thirty of his companions, who withdrew one side and enjoyed greatly seeing us, as it was the first time they had seen Christians. A little while after, I went on shore with two of my companions and two of our savages who served as interpreters. I directed the men in our barque to approach near the savages, and hold their arms in readiness to do their duty in case they noticed any movement of these people against us. Bessabez, seeing us on land, bade us sit down, and began to smoke with his companions, as they usually do before an address. They presented us with venison and game.

I directed our interpreter to say to our savages that they should cause Bessabez, Cabahis, and their companions to understand that Sieur de Monts had sent me to them to see them, and also their country, and that he desired to preserve friendship with them and to reconcile them with their enemies, the Souriquois and Canadians, and moreover that he desired to inhabit their country and show them how to cultivate it, in order that they might not continue to lead so miserable a life as they were doing, and some other words on the same subject. This our savages interpreted to them, at which they signified their great satisfaction, saying that no greater good could come to them than to have our friendship, and that they desired to live in peace with their enemies, and that we should dwell in their land, in order that they might in future more than ever before engage in hunting beavers, and give us a part of them in return for our providing them with things which they wanted. After he had finished his discourse, I presented them with hatchets, paternosters, caps, knives, and other little knick-knacks, when we separated from each other. All the rest of this day and the following night, until break of day, they did nothing but dance, sing, and make merry, after which we traded for a certain number of beavers. Then each party returned, Bessabez with his companions on the one side, and we on the other, highly pleased at having made the acquaintance of this people.

The 17th of the month I took the altitude, [100] and found the latitude 45 deg. 25’. This done, we set out for another river called Quinibequy, distant from this place thirty-five leagues, and nearly twenty from Bedabedec. This nation of savages of Quinibequy are called Etechemins, as well as those of Norumbegue.

The 18th of the month we passed near a small river where Cabahis was, who came with us in our barque some twelve leagues; and having asked him whence came the river Norumbegue, he told me that it passes the fall which I mentioned above, and that one journeying some distance on it enters a lake by way of which they come to the river of St. Croix, by going some distance over land, and then entering the river of the Etechemins. Moreover, another river enters the lake, along which they proceed some days, and afterwards enter another lake and pass through the midst of it. Reaching the end of it, they make again a land journey of some distance, and then enter another little river, which has its mouth a league from Quebec, which is on the great river St. Lawrence. [101] All these people of Norumbegue are very swarthy, dressed in beaver-skins and other furs, like the Canadian and Souriquois savages, and they have the same mode of life.

The 20th of the month we sailed along the western coast, and passed the mountains of Bedabedec, [102] when we anchored. The same day we explored the entrance to the river, where large vessels can approach; but there are inside some reefs, to avoid which one must advance with sounding lead in hand. Our Savages left us, as they did not wish to go to Quinibequy, for the savages of that place are great enemies to them. We sailed some eight leagues along the western coast to an island [103] ten leagues distant from Quinibequy, where we were obliged to put in on account of bad weather and contrary wind. At one point in our course, we passed a large number of islands and breakers extending some leagues out to sea, and very dangerous. And in view of the bad weather, which was so unfavorable to us, we did not sail more than three or four leagues farther. All these islands and coasts are covered with extensive woods, of the same sort as that which I have reported above as existing on the other coasts. And in consideration of the small quantity of provisions which we had, we resolved to return to our settlement and wait until the following year, when we hoped to return and explore more extensively. We accordingly set out on our return on the 23d of September, and arrived at our settlement on the 2d of October following.

The above is an exact statement of all that I have observed respecting not only the coasts and people, but also the river of Norumbegue; and there are none of the marvels there which some persons have described. I am of opinion that this region is as disagreeable in winter as that of our settlement, in which we were greatly deceived. [104]

ENDNOTES:

92. The natives called this island Pemetiq. _Isle que les Saunages
appellent Pemetiq.—Vide Relation de la Nouvelle-France_, par F. Biard.

1616. Relations des Jesuites, Quebec ed. 1858. p. 44. When the attempt
was made in 1613 to plant a colony there on the Marchioness de

Guercheville, the settlement was named St. Sauveur. This island was
also by the English called Mount Mansell. But the name given to it by

Champlain has prevailed, and still adheres to it.

The description here given of the barrenness of the island clearly
suggests the origin of the name. Desert should therefore be pronounced
with the accent on the first syllable. The latitude of the most
northern limit of the island is 44 deg. 24’.

93. Penobscot. The name of this river has been variously written Pentagoet,

Pentagwet, Pemptegoet, Pentagovett, Penobskeag, Penaubsket, and in
various other ways. The English began early to write it Penobscot. It
is a word of Indian origin, and different meanings have been assigned
to it by those who have undertaken to interpret the language from which
it is derived.

94. The Abbe Laverdiere is of the opinion that the river Norumbegue was
identical with the Bay of Fundy. His only authority is Jean Alfonse,
the chief pilot of Roberval in 1541-42. Alfonse says; “Beyond the cape
of Noroveregue descends the river of the said Noroveregue, which is
about twenty-five leagues from the cape. The said river is more than
forty leagues broad at its mouth, and extends this width inward well
thirty or forty leagues, and is all full of islands which enter ten or
twelve leagues into the sea, and it is very dangerous with rocks and
reefs.” If the cape of Norumbegue is the present Cape Sable, as it is
supposed to be, by coasting along the shores of Nova Scotia from that
cape in a north-westerly direction a little more than twenty leagues,
we shall reach St. Mary’s Bay, which may be regarded as the beginning
of the Bay of Fundy, and from that point in a straight line to the
mouth of the Penobscot the distance is more than forty leagues, which
was the breadth of the Norumbegue at its mouth, according to the
statement of Alfonse. The Abbe Laverdiere is not quite correct in
saying that the river Norumbegue is the same as the Bay of Fundy. It
includes, according to Alfonse, who is not altogether consistent with
himself, not only the Bay of Fundy, but likewise the Penobscot River
and the bay of the same name, with its numerous islands. Alfonse left a
drawing or map of this region in his Cosmography, which Laverdiere had
not probably seen, on which the Bay of Fundy and the Penobscot are
correctly laid down, and the latter is designated the “_Riviere de

Norvebergue_.” It is therefore obvious, if this map can be relied upon,
that the river of Norumbegue was identical, not with the Bay of Fundy,
but with the Penobscot, in the opinion of Alfonse, in common with the

“plusieurs pilottes et historiens” referred to by Champlain.—_Vide
copy of the Chart from the MS. Cosmography of Juan Alfonse_ in

Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, in Mr. Murphy’s Voyage of Verrazzano,

New York, 1875.

95. An indefinite region about Rockland and Camden, on the western bank of
the Penobscot near its mouth, appears to have been the domain of the

Indian chief, Bessabez, and was denominated Bedabedec. The Camden Hills
were called the mountains of Bedabedec, and Owl’s Head was called

Bedabedec Point.

96. Isle Haute, high island, which name it still retains. Champlain wrote
it on his map, 1632, “Isle Haulte.” It has been anglicized by some into

Isle Holt. It is nearly six miles long, and has an average width of
over two miles, and is the highest land in its vicinity, reaching at
its highest point four hundred feet above the level of the sea.

97. Camden Hills or Mountains. They are five or six in number, from 900 to

1,500 feet high, and maybe seen, it is said, twenty leagues at sea. The
more prominent are Mt. Batty, Mt. Pleasant, and Mt. Hosmer, or Ragged

Mountain. They are Sometimes called the Megunticook Range. Colonel

Benjamin Church denominates them “Mathebestuck’s Hills,”—_Vide

Church’s History of King Philip’s War_, Newport, 1772, p. 143. Captain

John Smith calls them the mountains of Penobscot, “against whose feet
doth beat the sea.” which, he adds, “you may well see sixteen or
eighteen leagues from their situation.”

98. This narrow place in the river is just above Castine, where Cape

Jellison stretches out towards the east, at the head of the bay, and at
the mouth of the river. At the extremity of the cape is Fort Point, so
called from Fort Pownall, erected there in 1759, a step rocky elevation
of about eighty feet in height. Before the erection of the fort by

Governor Pownall, it was called Wafaumkeag Point.—_Vide Pownall’s

Journal_, Col. Me. His. Soc., Vol. V. p. 385. The “rock” alluded to by

Champlain is Fort Point Ledge, bare at half tide, southeast by east
from the Point, and distant over half a mile. Champlain’s distances
here are somewhat overestimated.

99. The terminus of this exploration of the Penobscot was near the present
site of the city of Bangor. The small river near the mouth of which
they anchored was the Kenduskeag. The falls which Champlain visited
with the Indians in a canoe are those a short distance above the
city. The sentence, a few lines back, beginning “But excepting this
fall” is complicated, and not quite logical, but the author evidently
means to describe the river from its mouth to the place of their
anchorage at Bangor.

100. The interview with the Indians on the 16th, and the taking of the
altitude on the 17th, must have occurred before the party left their
anchorage at Bangor with the purpose, but which they did not
accomplish that year, of visiting the Kennebec. This may be inferred
from Champlain’s statement that the Kennebec was thirty-five leagues
distant from the place where they then were, and nearly twenty leagues
distant from Bedabedec. Consequently, they were fifteen leagues above

Bedabedec, which was situated near the mouth of the river. The
latitude, which they obtained from their observations, was far from
correct: it should be 44 deg. 46’.

101. The Indian chief Cabahis here points out two trails, the one leading
to the French habitation just established on the Island of St. Croix,
the other to Quebec; by the former, passing up the Penobscot from the
present site of Bangor, entering the Matawamkeag, keeping to the east
in their light bark canoes to Lake Boscanhegan, and from there passing
by land to the stream then known as the river of the Etechemins, now
called the Scoudic or St. Croix. The expression “by which they come to
the river of St. Croix” is explanatory: it has no reference to the
name of the river, but means simply that the trail leads to the river
in which was the island of St. Croix. This river had not then been
named St. Croix, but had been called by them the river of the

Etechemins.—Vide antea, p. 31.

The other trail led up the north branch of the Penobscot, passing
through Lake Pemadumcook, and then on through Lake Chefuncook, finally
reaching the source of this stream which is near that of the

Chaudiere, which latter flows into the St. Lawrence, near Quebec. It
would seem from the text that Champlain supposed that the Penobscot
flowed from a lake into which streams flowed from both the objective
points, viz. St. Croix and Quebec: but this was a mistake not at all
unnatural, as he had never been over the ground, and obtained his
information from the Indians, whose language he imperfectly
understood.

102. Bedabedec is an Indian word, signifying cape of the waters, and was
plainly the point known as Owl’s Head. It gave name to the Camden

Mountains also. Vide antea, note 95.

103. Mosquito and Metinic Islands are each about ten leagues east of the

Kennebec. As the party went but four leagues further, the voyage must
have terminated in Muscongus Bay.

104. An idle story had been circulated, and even found a place on the pages
of sober history, that on the Penobscot, or Norumbegue, as it was then
called, there existed a fair town, a populous city, with the
accessories of luxury and wealth. Champlain here takes pains to show,
in the fullest manner, that this story was a baseless dream of fancy,
and utterly without foundation. Of it Lescarbot naively says, “If this
beautiful town hath ever existed in nature, I would fain know who hath
pulled it down, for there are now only a few scattered wigwams made of
poles covered with the bark of trees and the skins of wild beasts.”

There is no evidence, and no probability, that this river had been
navigated by Europeans anterior to this exploration of Champlain. The
existence of the bay and the river had been noted long before. They
are indicated on the map of Ribero in 1529. Rio de Gamas and Rio

Grande appear on early maps as names of this river, but are soon
displaced for Norumbega, a name which was sometimes extended to a wide
range of territory on both sides of the Penobscot. On the Mappe-Monde
of 1543-47, issued by the late M. Jomard, it is denominated

Auorobagra, evidently intended for Norumbega. Thevet, who visited it,
or sailed along its mouth in 1556, speaks of it as Norumbegue. It is
alleged that the aborigines called it Agguncia. According to Jean

Alfonse, it was discovered by the Portuguese and Spaniards.—_Vide

His. de la N. France_, par M. Lescarbot, Paris, 1612, Qvat. Liv.

p. 495. The orthography of this name is various among early writers,
but Norumbegue is adopted by the most approved modern authors.

CHAPTER VI.

OF THE MAL DE LA TERRE, A VERY DESPERATE MALADY.—HOW THE SAVAGES, MEN AND WOMEN, SPEND THEIR TIME IN WINTER.—AND ALL THAT OCCURRED AT THE SETTLEMENT WHILE WE WERE PASSING THE WINTER.

When we arrived at the Island of St. Croix, each one had finished his place of abode. Winter came upon us sooner than we expected, and prevented us from doing many things which we had proposed. Nevertheless, Sieur de Monts did not fail to have some gardens made on the island. Many began to clear up the ground, each his own. I also did so with mine, which was very large, where I planted a quantity of foods, as also did the others who had any, and they came up very well. But since the island was all sandy, every thing dried up almost as soon as the Sun shone upon it, and we had no water for irrigation except from the rain, which was infrequent.

Sieur de Monts caused also clearings to be made on the main land for making gardens, and at the falls three leagues from our Settlement he had work done and some wheat sown, which came up very well and ripened. Around our habitation there is, at low tide, a large number of shell-fish, such as cockles, muscles, sea-urchins, and Sea-snails, which were very acceptable to all.

The snows began on the 6th of October. On the 3d of December, we saw ice pass which came from some frozen river. The cold was sharp, more severe than in France, and of much longer duration; and it scarcely rained at all the entire winter. I suppose that is owing to the north and northwest winds passing over high mountains always covered with snow. The latter was from three to four feet deep up to the end of the month of April; lasting much longer, I suppose, than it would if the country were cultivated.

During the winter, many of our company were attacked by a certain malady called the mal de la terre; otherwise scurvy, as I have since heard from learned men. There were produced, in the mouths of those who had it, great pieces of superfluous and drivelling flesh (causing extensive putrefaction), which got the upper hand to such an extent that scarcely anything but liquid could be taken. Their teeth became very loose, and could be pulled out with the fingers without its causing them pain. The superfluous flesh was often cut out, which caused them to eject much blood through the mouth. Afterwards, a violent pain seized their arms and legs, which remained swollen and very hard, all spotted as if with flea-bites; and they could not walk on account of the contraction of the muscles, so that they were almost without strength, and suffered intolerable pains. They experienced pain also in the loins, stomach, and bowels, had a very bad cough, and short breath. In a word, they were in such a condition that the majority of them could not rise nor move, and could not even be raised up on their feet without falling down in a swoon. So that out of seventy-nine, who composed our party, thirty-five died, and more than twenty were on the point of death. The majority of those who remained well also complained of slight pains and short breath. We were unable to find any remedy for these maladies. A post mortem examination of several was made to investigate the cause of their disease.

In the case of many, the interior parts were found mortified such as the lungs, which were so changed that no natural fluid could be perceived in them. The spleen was serous and swollen. The liver was legueux? and spotted, without its natural color. The vena cava, superior and inferior, was filled with thick coagulated and black blood. The gall was tainted. Nevertheless, many arteries, in the middle as well as lower bowels, were found in very good condition. In the case of some, incisions with a razor were made on the thighs where they had purple spots, whence there issued a very black clotted blood. This is what was observed on the bodies of those infected with this malady.[105]

Our surgeons could not help suffering themselves in the same manner as the rest. Those who continued sick were healed by spring, which commences in this country in May.[106] That led us to believe that the change of season restored their health rather than the remedies prescribed.

During this winter, all our liquors froze, except the Spanish wine. Cider was dispensed by the pound. The cause of this loss was that there were no cellars to our storehouse, and that the air which entered by the cracks was sharper than that outside. We were obliged to use very bad water, and drink melted snow, as there were no springs nor brooks; for it was not possible to go to the main land in consequence of the great pieces of ice drifted by the tide, which varies three fathoms between low and high water. Work on the handmill was very fatiguing, since the most of us, having slept poorly, and suffering from insufficiency of fuel, which we could not obtain on account of the ice, had scarcely any strength, and also because we ate only salt meat and vegetables during the winter, which produce bad blood. The latter circumstance was, in my opinion, a partial cause of these dreadful maladies. All this produced discontent in Sieur de Monts and others of the settlement.

It would be very difficult to ascertain the character of this region without spending a winter in it; for, on arriving here in summer, every thing is very agreeable, in consequence of the woods, fine country, and the many varieties of good fish which are found there. There are six months of winter in this country.

The savages who dwell here are few in number. During the winter, in the deepest snows, they hunt elks and other animals, on which they live most of the time. And, unless the snow is deep, they scarcely get rewarded for their pains, since they cannot capture any thing except by a very great effort, which is the reason for their enduring and suffering much. When they do not hunt, they live on a shell-fish, called the cockle. They clothe themselves in winter with good furs of beaver and elk. The women make all the garments, but not so exactly but that you can see the flesh under the arm-pits, because they have not ingenuity enough to fit them better. When they go a hunting, they use a kind of show-shoe twice as large as those hereabouts, which they attach to the soles of their feet, and walk thus over the show without sinking in, the women and children as well as the men. They search for the track of animals, which, having found, they follow until they get sight of the creature, when they shoot at it with their bows, or kill it by means of daggers attached to the end of a short pike, which is very easily done, as the animals cannot walk on the snow without sinking in. Then the women and children come up, erect a hut, and they give themselves to feasting. Afterwards, they return in search of other animals, and thus they pass the winter. In the month of March following, some savages came and gave us a portion of their game in exchange for bread and other things which we gave them. This is the mode of life in winter of these people, which seems to me a very miserable one.

We looked for our vessels at the end of April; but, as this passed without their arriving, all began to have an ill-boding, fearing that some accident had befallen them. For this reason, on the 15th of May, Sieur de Monts decided to have a barque of fifteen tons and another of seven fitted up, so that we might go at the end of the month of June to Gaspe in quest of vessels in which to return to France, in case our own should not meanwhile arrive. But God helped us better than we hoped; for, on the 15th of June ensuing, while on guard about 11 o’clock at night, Pont Grave, captain of one of the vessels of Sieur de Monts, arriving in a shallop, informed us that his ship was anchored six leagues from our settlement, and he was welcomed amid the great joy of all.

The next day the vessel arrived, and anchored near our habitation. Pont Grave informed us that a vessel from St. Malo, called the St. Estienne, was following him, bringing us provisions and supplies.

On the 17th of the month, Sieur de Monts decided to go in quest of a place better adapted for an abode, and with a better temperature than our own. With this view, he had the barque made ready, in which he had purposed to go to Gaspe.

ENDNOTES:

105. Mal de la terre. Champlain had bitter experiences of this disease in

Quebec during the winter of 1608-9, when he was still ignorant of its
character; and it was not till several years later that he learned
that it was the old malady called scurbut, from the Sclavonic
scorb. Latinized into scorbuticus. Lescarbot speaks of this
disease as little understood in his time, but as known to Hippocrates.

He quotes Olaus Magnus, who describes it as it appeared among the
nations of the north, who called it sorbet, [Greek: kachexia], from

[Greek: kakos], bad, and [Greek: exis], a habit. This undoubtedly
expresses the true cause of this disease, now familiarly known as the
scurvy. It follows exposure to damp, cold, and impure atmosphere,
accompanied by the long-continued use of the same kind of food,
particularly of salt meats, with bad water. All of these conditions
existed at the Island of St. Croix. Champlain’s description of the
disease is remarkably accurate.

106. This passage might be read, “which is in this country in May:” _lequel
commence en ces pays la est en May_. As Laverdiere suggests, it looks
as if Champlain wrote it first commence, and then, thinking that the
winter he had experienced might have been exceptional, substituted
est, omitting to erase commence, so that the sentence, as it
stands, is faulty, containing two verbs instead of one, and being
susceptible of a double sense.

CHAPTER VII.

DISCOVERY OF THE COAST OF THE ALMOUCHIQUOIS AS FAR AS THE FORTY-SECOND DEGREE OF LATITUDE, AND DETAILS OF THIS VOYAGE.

On the 18th of June, 1605, Sieur de Monts set out from the Island of St. Croix with some gentlemen, twenty sailors, and a savage named Panounias, together with his wife, whom he was unwilling to leave behind. These we took, in order to serve us as guides to the country of the Almouchiquois, in the hope of exploring and learning more particularly by their aid what the character of this country was, especially since she was a native of it.

Coasting, along inside of Manan, an island three leagues from the main land, we came to the Ranges on the seaward side, at one of which we anchored, where there was a large number of crows, of which our men captured a great many, and we called it the Isle aux Corneilles. Thence we went to the Island of Monts Deserts, at the entrance of the river Norumbegue, as I have before stated, and sailed five or six leagues among many islands. Here there came to us three savages in a canoe from Bedabedec Point, where their captain was; and, after we had had some conversation with them, they returned the same day.

*

CHAMPLAIN’S DESCRIPTION OF THE ACCOMPANYING MAP.

QUINIBEQUY.

The figures indicate fathoms of water.

A. The course of the river. B. Two islands at the entrance of the river. C. Two very dangerous rocks in the river. D. Islets and rocks along the coast. E. Shoals where at full tide vessels of sixty tons’ burden may run
aground. F. Place where the savages encamp when they come to fish. G. Sandy shoals along the coast. H. Pond of fresh water. I. Brook where shallops can enter at half tide. L. Islands to the number of four just within the mouth of the river.

*

On Friday, the 1st of July, we set out from one of the islands at the mouth of the river, where there is a very good harbor for vessels of a hundred or a hundred and fifty tons. This day we made some twenty-five leagues between Bedabedec Point and many islands and rocks, which we observed as far as the river Quinibequy, at the mouth of which is a very high island, which we called the Tortoise. [107] Between the latter and the main land there are some scattering rocks, which are covered at full tide, although the sea is then seen to break over them. [108] Tortoise Island and the river lie south-south-east and north-north-west. As you enter, there are two medium-sized islands forming the entrance, one on one side, the other on the other; [109] and some three hundred paces farther in are two rocks, where there is no wood, but some little grass. We anchored three hundred paces from the entrance in five and six fathoms of water. While in this place, we were overtaken by fogs, on account of which we resolved to enter, in order to see the upper part of the river and the savages who live there; and we set out for this purpose on the 5th of the month. Having made some leagues, our barque came near being lost on a rock which we grazed in passing. [110] Further on, we met two canoes which had come to hunt birds, which for the most part are moulting at this season, and cannot fly. We addressed these savages by aid of our own, who went to them with his wife, who made them understand the reason of our coming. We made friends with them and with the savages of this river, who served us as guides. Proceeding farther, in order to see their captain, named Manthoumermer, we passed, after we had gone seven or eight leagues, by some islands, straits, and brooks, which extend along the river, where we saw some fine meadows. After we had coasted along an island [111] some four leagues in length, they conducted us to where their chief was [112] with twenty-five or thirty savages, who, as soon as we had anchored, came to us in a canoe, separated a short distance from ten others, in which were those who accompanied him. Coming near our barque, he made an harangue, in which he expressed the pleasure it gave him to see us, and said that he desired to form an alliance with us and to make peace with his enemies through our mediation. He said that, on the next day, he would send to two other captains of savages, who were in the interior, one called Marchin, and the other Sasinou, chief of the river Quinibequy. Sieur de Monts gave them some cakes and peas, with which they were greatly pleased. The next day they guided us down the river another way than that by which we had come, in order to go to a lake; and, passing by some islands, they left, each one of them, an arrow near a cape [113] where all the savages pass, and they believe that if they should not do this some misfortune would befall them, according to the persuasions of the devil. They live in such superstitions, and practise many others of the same sort. Beyond this cape we passed a very narrow waterfall, but only with great difficulty; for, although we had a favorable and fresh wind, and trimmed our sails to receive it as well as possible, in order to see whether we could not pass it in that way, we were obliged to attach a hawser to some trees on shore and all pull on it. In this way, by means of our arms together with the help of the wind, which was favorable to us, we succeeded in passing it. The savages accompanying us carried their canoes by land, being unable to row them. After going over this fall, we saw some fine meadows. I was greatly surprised by this fall, since as we descended with the tide we found it in our favor, but contrary to us when we came to the fall. But, after we had passed it, it descended as before, which gave us great Satisfaction. [114] Pursuing our route, we came to the lake, [115] which is from three to four leagues in length. Here are some islands, and two rivers enter it, the Quinibequy coming from the north northeast, and the other from the northwest, whence were to come Marchin and Sasinou. Having awaited them all this day, and as they did not come, we resolved to improve our time. We weighed anchor accordingly, and there accompanied us two savages from this lake to serve as guides. The same day we anchored at the mouth of the river, where we caught a large number of excellent fish of various sorts. Meanwhile, our savages went hunting, but did not return. The route by which we descended this river is much safer and better than that by which we had gone. Tortoise Island before the mouth of this river is in latitude [116] 44 deg.; and 19 deg. 12’ of the deflection of the magnetic needle. They go by this river across the country to Quebec some fifty leagues, making only one portage of two leagues. After the portage, you enter another little stream which flows into the great river St. Lawrence [117]. This river Quinibequy is very dangerous for vessels half a league from its mouth, on account of the small amount of water, great tides, rocks and shoals outside as well as within. But it has a good channel, if it were well marked out. The land, so far as I have seen it along the shores of the river, is very poor, for there are only rocks on all sides. There are a great many small oaks, and very little arable land. Fish abound here, as in the other rivers which I have mentioned. The people live like those in the neighborhood of our settlement; and they told us that the savages, who plant the Indian corn, dwelt very far in the interior, and that they had given up planting it on the coasts on account of the war they had with others, who came and took it away. This is what I have been able to learn about this region, which I think is no better than the others.

On the 8th of the month, we set out from the mouth of this river, not being able to do so sooner on account of the fogs. We made that day some four leagues, and passed a bay [118], where there are a great many islands. From here large mountains [119] are seen to the west, in which is the dwelling-place of a savage captain called Aneda, who encamps near the river Quinibequy. I was satisfied from this name that it was one of his tribe that had discovered the plant called Aneda, [120] which Jacques Cartier said was so powerful against the malady called scurvy, of which we have already spoken, which harassed his company as well as our own, when they wintered in Canada. The savages have no knowledge at all of this plant, and are not aware of its existence, although the above-mentioned savage has the same name. The following day we made eight leagues. [121] As we passed along the coast, we perceived two columns of smoke which some savages made to attract our attention. We went and anchored in the direction of them behind a small island near the main land, [122] where we saw more than eighty savages running along the shore to see us, dancing and giving expression to their joy. Sieur de Monts sent two men together with our savage to visit them. After they had spoken some time with them, and assured them of our friendship, we left with them one of our number, and they delivered to us one of their companions as a hostage. Meanwhile, Sieur de Monts visited an island, which is very beautiful in view of what it produces; for it has fine oaks and nut-trees, the soil cleared up, and many vineyards bearing beautiful grapes in their season, which were the first we had seen on all these coasts from the Cap de la Heve. We named it Isle de Bacchus [123]. It being full tide, we weighed anchor and entered a little river, which we could not sooner do; for there is a bar, there being at low tide only half a fathom of water, at full tide a fathom and a half, and at the highest water two fathoms. On the other side of the bar there are three, four, five, and six fathoms. When we had anchored, a large number of savages came to the bank of the river, and began to dance. Their captain at the time, whom they called Honemechin [124], was not with them. He arrived about two or three hours later with two canoes, when he came sweeping entirely round our barque. Our savage could understand only a few words, as the language of the Almouchiquois [125] (for that is the name of this nation) differs entirely from that of the Souriquois and Etechemins. These people gave signs of being greatly pleased. Their chief had a good figure, was young and agile. We sent some articles of merchandise on shore to barter with them; but they had nothing but their robes to give in exchange, for they preserve only such furs as they need for their garments. Sieur de Monts ordered some provisions to be given to their chief, with which he was greatly pleased, and came several times to the side of our boat to see us. These savages shave off the hair far up on the head, and wear what remains very long, which they comb and twist behind in various ways very neatly, intertwined with feathers which they attach to the head. They paint their faces black and red, like the other savages which we have seen. They are an agile people, with well-formed bodies. Their weapons are pikes, clubs, bows and arrows, at the end of which some attach the tail of a fish called the signoc, others bones, while the arrows of others are entirely of wood. They till and cultivate the soil, something which we have not hitherto observed. In the place of ploughs, they use an instrument of very hard wood, shaped like a spade. This river is called by the inhabitants of the country Choueacoet. [126]

The next day Sieur de Monts and I landed to observe their tillage on the bank of the river. We saw their Indian corn, which they raise in gardens. Planting three or four kernels in one place, they then heap up about it a quantity of earth with shells of the signoc before mentioned. Then three feet distant they plant as much more, and thus in succession. With this corn they put in each hill three or four Brazilian beans, [127] which are of different colors. When they grow up, they interlace with the corn, which reaches to the height of from five to six feet; and they keep the ground very free from weeds. We saw there many squashes,[128] and pumpkins, [129] and tobacco, which they likewise cultivate. [130]

*

CHAMPLAIN’S EXPLANATION OF THE ACCOMPANYING MAP.

CHOUACOIT R.

The figures indicate fathoms of water.

A. The river. B. Place where they have their fortress. C. Cabins in the open fields, near which they cultivate the land and
plant Indian corn. D. Extensive tract of land which is sandy, but covered with grass. E. Another place where they have their dwellings all together after they
have planted their corn. F. Marshes with good pasturage. G. Spring of fresh water. H. A large point of land all cleared up except some fruit trees and wild
vines. I. Little island at the entrance of the river. L. Another islet. M. Two islands under shelter of which vessels can anchor with good
bottom. N. A point of land cleared up where Marchin came to us. O. Four islands. P. Little brook dry at low tide. Q. Shoals along the coast. R. Roadsted where vessels can anchor while waiting for the tide.

NOTES. Of the two islands in the northern part of the bay, the larger, marked M, is Stratton Island, nearly half a mile long, and a mile and a half from Prout’s Neck, which lies north of it. A quarter of a mile from Stratton is Bluff Island, a small island northwest of it. Of the four islands at the southern end of the bay, the most eastern is Wood Island, on which the United States maintain a light. The next on the west, two hundred and fifty yards distant, is Negro Island. The third still further west is Stage Island. The fourth, quarter of a mile west of the last named, is Basket Island. The neck or peninsula, southwest of the islands, is now called the POOL, much resorted to as a watering-place in the summer. The island near the mouth of the river is Ram Island, and that directly north of it is Eagle Island. From the mouth of the River to Prout’s Neck, marked, is one of the finest beaches in New England, extending about six nautical miles. Its Southern extremity is known as Ferry, the northern Scarborough, and midway between them is Old Orchard Beach, the latter a popular resort in the summer months of persons from distant parts of the United States and Canada.

*

The Indian corn which we saw was at that time about two feet high, some of it as high as three. The beans were beginning to flower, as also the pumpkins and squashes. They plant their corn in May, and gather it in September. We saw also a great many nuts, which are small and have several divisions. There were as yet none on the trees, but we found plenty under them, from the preceding year. We saw also many grapevines, on which there was a remarkably fine berry, from which we made some very good verjuice. We had heretofore seen grapes only on the Island of Bacchus, distant nearly two leagues from this river. Their permanent abode, the tillage, and the fine trees led us to conclude that the air here is milder and better than that where we passed the winter, and at the other places we visited on the coast. But I cannot believe that there is not here a considerable degree of cold, although it is in latitude 43 deg. 45’. [131] The forests in the interior are very thin, although abounding in oaks, beeches, ashes, and elms; in wet places there are many willows. The savages dwell permanently in this place, and have a large cabin surrounded by palisades made of rather large trees placed by the side of each other, in which they take refuge when their enemies make war upon them. [132] They cover their cabins with oak bark. This place is very pleasant, and as agreeable as any to be seen. The river is very abundant in fish, and is bordered by meadows. At the mouth there is a small island adapted for the construction of a good fortress, where one could be in security.

On Sunday, [133] the 12th of the month, we set out from the river Choueacoet. After coasting along some six or seven leagues, a contrary wind arose, which obliged us to anchor and go ashore, [134] where we saw two meadows, each a league in length and half a league in breadth. We saw there two savages, whom at first we took to be the great birds called bustards, to be found in this country; who, as soon as they caught sight of us, took flight into the woods, and were not seen again. From Choueacoet to this place, where we saw some little birds, which sing like blackbirds, and are black excepting the ends of the wings, which are orange-colored, [135] there is a large number of grapevines and nut-trees. This coast is sandy, for the most part, all the way from Quinibequy. This day we returned two or three leagues towards Choueacoet, as far as a cape which we called Island Harbor, [136] favorable for vessels of a hundred tons, about which are three islands. Heading northeast a quarter north, one can enter another harbor [137] near this place, to which there is no approach, although there are islands, except the one where you enter. At the entrance there are some dangerous reefs. There are in these islands so many red currants that one sees for the most part nothing else, [138] and an infinite number of pigeons, [139] of which we took a great quantity. This Island Harbor [140] is in latitude 43 deg. 25’.

On the 15th of the month we made twelve leagues. Coasting along, we perceived a smoke on the shore, which we approached as near as possible, but saw no savage, which led us to believe that they had fled. The sun set, and we could find no harbor for that night, since the coast was flat and sandy. Keeping off, and heading south, in order to find an anchorage, after proceeding about two leagues, we observed a cape [141] on the main land south a quarter southeast of us, some six leagues distant. Two leagues to the east we saw three or four rather high islands, [142] and on the west a large bay. The coast of this bay, reaching as far as the cape, extends inland from where we were perhaps four leagues. It has a breadth of two leagues from north to south, and three at its entrance. [143] Not observing any place favorable for putting in, [144] we resolved to go to the cape above mentioned with short sail, which occupied a portion of the night. Approaching to where there were sixteen fathoms of water, we anchored until daybreak.

On the next day we went to the above-mentioned cape, where there are three islands [145] near the main land, full of wood of different kinds, as at Choueacoet and all along the coast; and still another flat one, where there are breakers, and which extends a little farther out to Sea than the others, on which there is no wood at all. We named this place Island Cape, [146] near which we saw a canoe containing five or six savages, who came out near our barque, and then went back and danced on the beach. Sieur de Monts sent me on shore to observe them, and to give each one of them a knife and some biscuit, which caused them to dance again better than before. This over, I made them understand, as well as I could, that I desired them to show me the course of the shore. After I had drawn with a crayon the bay, [147] and the Island Cape, where we were, with the same crayon they drew the outline of another bay, [148] which they represented as very large; here they placed six pebbles at equal distances apart, giving me to understand by this that these signs represented as many chiefs and tribes. [149] Then they drew within the first mentioned bay a river which we had passed, which has shoals and is very long. [150] We found in this place a great many vines, the green grapes on which were a little larger than peas, also many nut-trees, the nuts on which were no larger than musket-balls. The savages told us that all those inhabiting this country cultivated the land and sowed seeds like the others, whom we had before seen. The latitude of this place is 43 deg. and some minutes. [151] Sailing half a league farther, we observed several savages on a rocky point, [152] who ran along the shore, dancing as they went, to their companions to inform them of our coming. After pointing out to us the direction of their abode, they made a signal with smoke to show us the place of their settlement. We anchored near a little island, [153] and sent our canoe with knives and cakes for the savages. From the large number of those we saw, we concluded that these places were better inhabited than the others we had seen.

After a stay of some two hours for the sake of observing those people, whose canoes are made of birch bark, like those of the Canadians, Souriquois, and Etechemins, we weighed anchor and set sail with a promise of fine weather. Continuing our course to the west-south-west we saw numerous islands on one side and the other. Having sailed seven or eight leagues, we anchored near an island, [154] whence we observed many smokes along the shore, and many savages running up to see us. Sieur de Monts sent two or three men in a canoe to them, to whom he gave some knives and paternosters to present to them; with which they were greatly pleased, and danced several times in acknowledgment. We could not ascertain the name of their chief, as we did not know their language. All along the shore there is a great deal of land cleared up and planted with Indian corn. The country is very pleasant and agreeable, and there is no lack of fine trees. The canoes of those who live there are made of a single piece, and are very liable to turn over if one is not skilful in managing them. We had not before seen any of this kind. They are made in the following manner. After cutting down, at a cost of much labor and time, the largest and tallest tree they can find, by means of stone hatchets (for they have no others except some few which they received from the Savages on the coasts of La Cadie, [155] them in exchange for furs), they remove the bark, and round off the tree except on one side, where they apply fire gradually along its entire length; and sometimes they put red-hot pebble-stones on top. When the fire is too fierce, they extinguish it with a little water, not entirely, but so that the edge of the boat may not be burnt. It being hollowed out as much as they wish, they scrape it all over with stones, which they use instead of knives. These stones resemble our musket flints.

On the next day, the 17th of the month, we weighed anchor to go to a cape we had seen the day before, which seemed to lie on our south southwest. This day we were able to make only five leagues, and we passed by some islands [156] covered with wood. I observed in the bay all that the savages had described to me at Island Cape. As we continued our course, large numbers came to us in canoes from the islands and main land. We anchored a league from a cape, which we named St. Louis, [157] where we noticed smoke in several places. While in the act of going there, our barque grounded on a rock, where we were in great danger, for, if we had not speedily got it off, it would have overturned in the sea, since the tide was falling all around, and there were five or six fathoms of water. But God preserved us, and we anchored near the above-named cape, when there come to us fifteen or sixteen canoes of savages. In some of them there were fifteen or sixteen, who began to manifest great signs of joy, and made various harangues, which we could not in the least understand. Sieur de Monts sent three or four men on shore in our canoe, not only to get water, but to see their chief, whose name was Honabetha. The latter had a number of knives and other trifles, which Sieur de Monts gave him, when he came alongside to see us, together with some of his companions, who were present both along the shore and in their canoes. We received the chief very cordially, and made him welcome; who, after remaining some time, went back. Those whom we had sent to them brought us some little squashes as big as the fist, which we ate as a salad, like cucumbers, and which we found very good. They brought also some purslane, [158] which grows in large quantities among the Indian corn, and of which they make no more account than of weeds. We saw here a great many little houses, scattered over the fields where they plant their Indian corn.

There is, moreover, in this bay a very broad river, which we named River du Guast. [159] It stretches, as it seemed to me, towards the Iroquois, a nation in open warfare with the Montagnais, who live on the great river St. Lawrence.

ENDNOTES:

107. Isle de la Tortue, commonly known as Seguin Island, high and rocky,
with precipitous shores. It is nearly equidistant from Wood, Pond, and

Salter’s Islands at the mouth of the Kennebec, and about one mile and
three quarters from each. The United States light upon it is 180 feet
above the level of the sea. It may be seen at the distance of twenty
miles.

108. Ellingwood Rock, Seguin Ledges, and White Ledge.

109. Pond Island on the west, and Stage Island on the east: the two rocks
referred to in the same sentence are now called the Sugar Loaves.

110. This was apparently in the upper part of Back River, where it is
exceedingly narrow. The minute and circumstantial description of the
mouth of the Kennebec, and the positive statement in the text that
they entered the river so described, and the conformity of the
description to that laid down on our Coast Survey Charts, as well as
on Champlain’s local map, all render it certain that they entered the
mouth of the Kennebec proper; and having entered, they must have
passed on a flood-tide into and through Back River, which in some
places is so narrow that their little barque could hardly fall to be
grazed in passing. Having reached Hockomock Bay, they passed down
through the lower Hell Gate, rounded the southern point of West Port
or Jerremisquam Island, sailing up its eastern shore until they
reached the harbor of Wiscasset; then down the western side, turning

Hockomock Point, threading the narrow passage of the Sasanoa River
through the upper Hell Gate, entering the Sagadahoc, passing the

Chops, and finally through the Neck, into Merrymeeting Bay. The
narrowness of the channel and the want of water at low tide in Back

River would seem at first blush to throw a doubt over the possibility
of Champlain’s passing through this tidal passage. But it has at least
seven feet of water at high tide. His little barque, of fifteen tons,
without any cargo, would not draw more than four feet at most, and
would pass through without any difficulty, incommoded only by the
narrowness of the channel to which Champlain refers. With the same
barque, they passed over the bar at Nauset, or Mallebarre, where

Champlain distinctly says there were only four feet of water.—_Vide
postea_, p. 81.

111. West Port, or Jerremisquam Island.

112. This was Wiscasset Harbor, as farther on it will be seen that from
this point they started down the river, taking another way than that
by which they had come.

113. Hockomock Point, a rocky precipitous bluff.

114. The movement of the waters about this “narrow waterfall” has been a
puzzle from the days of Champlain to the present time. The phenomena
have not changed. Having consulted the United States Coast Pilot and
likewise several persons who have navigated these waters and have a
personal knowledge of the “fall,” the following is, we think, a
satisfactory explanation. The stream in which the fall occurs is
called the Sasanoa, and is a tidal current flowing from the Kennebec,
opposite the city of Bath, to the Sheepscot. It was up this tidal
passage that Champlain was sailing from the waters of the Sheepscot to
the Kennebec, and the “narrow waterfall” was what is now called the
upper Hell Gate, which is only fifty yards wide, hemmed in by walls of
rock on both sides. Above it the Sasanoa expands into a broad bay.

When the tide from the Kennebec has filled this bay, the water rushes
through this narrow gate with a velocity Sometimes of thirteen miles
an hour. There is properly no fall in the bed of the stream, but the
appearance of a fall is occasioned by the pent-up waters of the bay
above rushing through this narrow outlet, having accumulated faster
than they could be drained off. At half ebb, on a spring tide, a wall
of water from six inches to a foot stretches across the stream, and
the roar of the flood boiling over the rocks at the Gate can be heard
two miles below. The tide continues to flow up the Sasanoa from the

Sheepscot not only on the flood, but for some time on the ebb, as the
waters in the upper part of the Sheepscot and its bays, in returning,
naturally force themselves up this passage until they are sufficiently
drained off to turn the current in the Sasanoa in the other direction.

Champlain, sailing from the Sheepscot up the Sasanoa, arrived at the

Gate probably just as the tide was beginning to turn, and when there
was comparatively only a slight fall, but yet enough to make it
necessary to force their little barque up through the Gate by means of
hawsers as described in the text. After getting a short distance from
the narrows, he would be on the water ebbing back into the Kennebec,
and would be still moving with the tide, as he had been until he
reached the fall.

115. Merrymeeting Bay, so called from the meeting in this bay of the two
rivers mentioned in the text a little below, viz., the Kennebec and
the Androscoggin.

116. The latitude of Seguin, here called Tortoise Island, is 43 deg. 42’ 25”.

117. The head-waters of the Kennebec, as well as those of the Penobscot,
approach very near to the Chaudiere, which flows into the St.

Lawrence near Quebec.

118. Casco Bay, which stretches from Cape Small Point to Cape Elizabeth. It
has within it a hundred and thirty-six islands. They anchored and
passed the night somewhere within the limits of this bay, but did not
attempt its exploration.

119. These were the White Mountains in New Hampshire, towering above the
sea 6,225 feet. They are about sixty miles distant from Casco Bay, and
were observed by all the early voyagers as they sailed along the coast
of Maine. They are referred to on Ribero’s Map of 1529 by the Spanish
word montanas, and were evidently seen by Estevan Gomez in 1525,
whose discoveries are delineated by this map. They will also be found
on the Mappe-Monde of about the middle of the sixteenth century, and
on Sebastian Cabot’s map, 1544, both included in the “Monuments de la

Geographie” of Jomard, and they are also indicated on numerous other
early maps.

120. This conjecture is not sustained by any evidence beyond the similarity
of the names. There are numerous idle opinions as to the kind of plant
which was so efficacious a remedy for the scurvy, but they are utterly
without foundation. There does not appear to be any means of
determining what the healing plant was.

121. The four leagues of the previous day added to the eight of this bring
them from the Kennebec to Saco Bay.

122. The small island “proche de la grande terre” was Stratton Island: they
anchored on the northern side and nearly east of Bluff Island, which
is a quarter of a mile distant. The Indians came down to welcome them
from the promontory long known as Black Point, now called Prout’s

Neck. Compare Champlain’s local map and the United States Coast Survey

Charts.

123. Champlain’s narrative, together with his sketch or drawing,
illustrating the mouth of the Saco and its environs, compared with the

United States Coast Survey Charts, renders it certain that this was

Richmond Island. Lescarbot describes it as a ‘great island, about half
a league in compass, at the entrance of the bay of the said place of

Choueacoet It is about a mile long, and eight hundred yards in its
greatest width.—_Coast Pilot_. It received its present name at a very
early period. It was granted under the title of “a small island,
called Richmond,” by the Council for New England to Walter Bagnall,

Dec. 2, 1631.—_Vide Calendar of Eng. State Papers_, Col. 1574-1660,
p. 137. Concerning the death of Bagnall on this island a short time
before the above grant was made, vide Winthrop’s Hist. New Eng.,
ed. 1853, Vol. I. pp. 75, 118.

124. Lescarbot calls him Olmechin.—_Histoire de la Nouvelle France_, par

M. Lescarbot, Paris, 1612, p. 558.

125. They had hoped that the wife of Panounias, their Indian guide, who was
said to have been born among the Almouchiquois, would be able to
interpret their language, but in this they appear to have been
disappointed.—Vide antea, p. 55.

126. From the Indian word, M’-foo-ah-koo-et, or, as the French pronounced
it, Choueacoet, which had been the name, applied by the aborigines to
this locality we know not how long, is derived the name Saco, now
given to the river and city in the same vicinity. The orthography
given to the original word is various, as Sawocotuck, Sowocatuck,

Sawakquatook, Sockhigones, and Choueacost. The variations in this, as
in other Indian words, may have arisen from a misapprehension of the
sound given by the aborigines, or from ignorance, on the part of
writers, of the proper method of representing sounds, joined to an
utter indifference to a matter which seemed to them of trifling
importance.

127. Febues du Bresil. This is the well-known trailing or bush-bean of

New England, Phaseolus vulgaris, called the “Brazilian bean” because
it resembled a bean known in France at that time under that name. It
is sometimes called the kidney-bean. It is indigenous to America.

128. Citrouilles, the common summer squash, Cucurbita polymorpha, as
may be seen by reference to Champlain’s map of 1612, where its form is
delineated over the inscription, la forme des sitroules. It is
indigenous to America. Our word squash is derived from the Indian
askutasquash or isquoutersquash. “In summer, when their corne is
spent, Isquoutersquashes is their best bread, a fruit like the young

Pumpion.”—_Wood’s New England Prospect_, 1634, Prince Society ed.,
p. 76. “Askutasquash, their Vine aples, which the English from
them call Squashes, about the bignesse of Apples, of severall
colours, a sweet, light, wholesome refreshing.”—_Roger Williams,

Key_, 1643, Narragansett Club ed., p. 125.

129. Courges, the pumpkin, Cucurbita maxima, indigenous to America. As
the pumpkin and likewise the squash were vegetables hitherto unknown
to Champlain, there was no French word by which he could accurately
identify them. The names given to them were such as he thought would
describe them to his countrymen more nearly than any others. Had he
been a botanist, he would probably have given them new names.

130. Petum. Tobacco, Nicotiana rustica, sometimes called wild tobacco.

It was a smaller and more hardy species than the Nicotiana tabacum,
now cultivated in warmer climates, but had the same qualities though
inferior in strength and aroma. It was found in cultivation by the

Indians all along our coast and in Canada. Cartier observed it growing
in Canada in 1535. Of it he says: “There groweth also a certain kind
of herbe, whereof in Sommer they make a great prouision for all the
yeere, making great account of it, and onely men vse of it, and first
they cause it to be dried in the Sunne, then weare it about their
neckes wrapped in a little beasts skinne made like a little bagge,
with a hollow peece of stone or wood like a pipe; then when they
please they make pouder of it, and then put it in one of the ends of
the said Cornet or pipe, and laying a cole of fire vpon it, at the
other ende sucke so long, that they fill their bodies full of smoke,
till that it commeth out of their mouth and nostrils, euen as out of
the Tonnell of a chimney. They say that this doth keepe them warme and
in health: they neuer goe without some of it about them. We ourselues
haue tryed the same smoke, and hauing put it in our mouthes, it seemed
almost as hot as Pepper.”—_Jacques Cartier, 2 Voyage_, 1535;

Hakluyt, London, ed. 1810, Vol. III. p. 276.

We may here remark that the esculents found in cultivation at Saco,
beans, squashes, pumpkins, and corn, as well as the tobacco, are all

American tropical or subtropical plants, and must have been
transmitted from tribe to tribe, from more southern climates. The

Indian traditions would seem to indicate this. “They have a
tradition,” says Roger Williams, “that the Crow brought them at first
an Indian Graine of Corne in one Eare, and an Indian or French

Beane in another, from the Great God Kautantouwit’s field in the

Southwest from whence they hold came all their Corne and Beanes.”—

Key to the Language of America, London, 1643, Narragansett Club ed.,
p. 144.

Seventy years before Champlain, Jacques Cartier had found nearly the
same vegetables cultivated by the Indians in the valley of the

St. Lawrence. He says: “They digge their grounds with certaine peeces
of wood, as bigge as halfe a sword, on which ground groweth their
corne, which they call Ossici; it is as bigge as our small peason….

They haue also great store of Muske-milions. Pompions, Gourds,

Cucumbers, Peason, and Beanes of euery colour, yet differing from
ours.”—Hakluyt, Vol. II. p. 276. For a full history of these
plants, the reader is referred to the History of Plants, a learned and
elaborate work now in press, by Charles Pickering, M.D. of Boston.

131. The latitude of Wood Island at the mouth of the Saco, where they were
at anchor, is 43 deg. 27’ 23”.

132. The site of this Indian fortification was a rocky bluff on the western
side of the river, now owned by Mr. John Ward, where from time to time

Indian relics have been found. The island at the mouth of the river,
which Champlain speaks of as a suitable location for a fortress, is

Ram Island, and is low and rocky, and about a hundred and fifty yards
in length.

133. For Sunday read Tuesday.—_Vide Shurtless’s Calendar_.

134. This landing was probably near Wells Neck, and the meadows which they
saw were the salt marshes of Wells.

135. The Red-wing Blackbird, Ageloeus phoeniceus, of lustrous black, with
the bend of the wing red. They are still abundant in the same
locality, and indeed across the whole continent to the Pacific

Ocean.—_Vide Cones’s Key_, Boston, 1872, p. 156; Baird’s Report,

Washington, 1858, Part II. p. 526.

136. Le Port aux Isles. This Island Harbor is the present Cape Porpoise

Harbor.

137. This harbor is Goose Fair Bay, from one to two miles northeast of

Cape Porpoise, in the middle of which are two large ledges, “the
dangerous reefs” to which Champlain refers.

138. This was the common red currant of the gardens, Ribes rubrum, which
is a native of America. The fetid currant, Ribes prostratum, is also
indigenous to this country. It has a pale red fruit, which gives forth
a very disagreeable odor. Josselyn refers to the currant both in his

Voyages and in his Rarities. Tuckerman found it growing wild in the

White Mountains.

139. The passenger pigeon, Ectopistes migratorius, formerly numerous in

New England. Commonly known as the wild pigeon. Wood says they fly in
flocks of millions of millions.—_New England Prospect_, 1634; Prince

Society ed., p. 31.

140. Champlain’s latitude is less inaccurate than usual. It is not possible
to determine the exact point at which he took it. But the latitude of

Cape Porpoise, according to the Coast Survey Charts, is 43 deg. 21’ 43”.

141. Cape Anne.

142. The point at which Champlain first saw Cape Anne, and “isles assez
hautes,” the Isles of Shoals, was east of Little Boar’s Head, and
three miles from the shore. Nine years afterward, Captain John Smith
visited these islands, and denominated them on his map of New England

Smith’s Isles. They began at a very early date to be called the Isles
of Shoals. “Smith’s Isles are a heape together, none neere them,
against Accominticus.”—_Smith’s Description of New England_. Rouge’s
map, 1778, has Isles of Shoals, ou des Ecoles. For a full
description and history of these islands, the reader is referred to

“The Isles of Shoals,” by John S. Jenness, New York, 1875.

143. Champlain has not been felicitous in his description of this bay. He
probably means to say that from the point where he then was, off

Little Boar’s Head, to the point where it extends farthest into the
land, or to the west, it appeared to be about twelve miles, and that
the depth of the bay appeared to be six miles, and eight at the point
of greatest depth. As he did not explore the bay, it is obvious that
he intended to speak of it only as measured by the eye. No name has
been assigned to this expanse of water on our maps. It washes the
coast of Hampton, Salisbury, Newburyport, Ipswich, and Annisquam. It
might well be called Merrimac Bay, aster the name of the important
river that empties its waters into it, midway between its northern and
southern extremities.

144. It is to be observed that, starting from Cape Porpoise Harbor on the
morning of the 15th of July, they sailed twelve leagues before the
sail of the night commenced. This would bring them, allowing for the
sinuosities of the shore, to a point between Little Boar’s Head and
the Isles of Shoals. In this distance, they had passed the sandy
shores of Wells Beach and York Beach in Maine, and Foss’s Beach and

Rye Beach in New Hampshire, and still saw the white Sands of Hampton
and Salisbury Beaches stretching far into the bay on their right. The
excellent harbor of Portsmouth, land-locked by numerous islands, had
been passed unobserved. A sail of eighteen nautical miles brought them
to their anchorage at the extreme point of Cape Anne.

145. Straitsmouth, Thatcher, and Milk island. They were named by Captain

John Smith the “Three Turks’ Heads,” in memory of the three Turks’

heads cut off by him at the siege of Caniza, by which he acquired from

Sigismundus, prince of Transylvania, their effigies in his shield for
his arms.—_The true Travels, Adventures, and Observations of Captaine

John Smith_, London, 1629.

146. What Champlain here calls “le Cap aux Isles,” Island Cape, is Cape

Anne, called Cape Tragabigzanda by Captain John Smith, the name of his
mistress, to whom he was given when a prisoner among the Turks. The
name was changed by Prince Charles, afterward Charles I., to Cape

Anne, in honor of his mother, who was Anne of Denmark.—_Vide

Description of New England_ by Capt. John Smith, London, 1616.

147. This was the bay west of a line drawn from Little Boar’s Head to Cape

Anne, which may well be called Merrimac Bay.

148. Massachusetts Bay.

149. It is interesting to observe the agreement of the sign-writing of this
savage on the point of Cape Anne with the statement of the historian

Gookin, who in 1656 was superintendent of Indian affairs in

Massachusetts, and who wrote in 1674. He says: “Their chief sachem
held dominion over many other petty governours; as those of

Weechagaskas, Neponsitt, Punkapaog, Nonantam, Nashaway, and some of
the Nipmuck people, as far as Pokomtacuke, as the old men of

Massachusetts affirmed.” Here we have the six tribes, represented by
the pebbles, recorded seventy years later as a tradition handed down
by the old men of the tribe. Champlain remarks further on, “I observed
in the bay all that the savages had described to me at Island Cape.”

150. This was the Merrimac with its shoals at the mouth, which they had
passed without observing, having sailed from the offing near Little

Boar’s Head directly to the head of Cape Anne, during the darkness of
the previous night.

151. The latitude of the Straitsmouth Island Light on the extreme point of

Cape Anne is 42 deg. 39’ 43”. A little east of it, where they probably
anchored, there are now sixteen fathoms of water.

152. Emmerson’s Point, forming the eastern extremity of Cape Anne, twenty
or twenty-five feet high, fringed with a wall of bare rocks on the
sea.

153. Thatcher’s Island, near the point just mentioned. It is nearly half a
mile long and three hundred and fifty yards wide, and about fifty feet
high.

154. It is not possible to determine with absolute certainty the place of
this anchorage. But as Champlain describes, at the end of this
chapter, what must have been Charles River coming from the country of
the Iroquois or the west, most likely as seen from his anchorage,
there can be little doubt that he anchored in Boston Harbor, near the
western limit of Noddle’s Island, now known as East Boston.

155. The fishermen and fur-traders had visited these coasts from a very
early period.—Vide antea, note 18. From them they obtained the axe,
a most important implement in their rude mode of life, and it was
occasionally found in use among tribes far in the interior.

La Cadie. Carelessness or indifference in regard to the orthography
of names was general in the time of Champlain. The volumes written in
the vain attempt to settle the proper method of spelling the name of

Shakespeare, are the fruit of this indifference. La Cadie did not
escape this treatment. Champlain writes it Arcadie, Accadie, La Cadie,

Acadie, and L’Acadie; while Lescarbot uniformly, as far as we have
observed, La Cadie. We have also seen it written L’Arcadie and

L’Accadie, and in some, if not in all the preceding forms, with a

Latin termination in ia. It is deemed important to secure
uniformity, and to follow the French form in the translation of a

French work rather than the Latin. In this work, it is rendered LA

CADIE in all cases except in quotations. The history of the name
favors this form rather than any other. The commission or charter
given to De Monts by Henry IV. in 1603, a state paper or legal
document, drawn, we may suppose, with more than usual care, has La

Cadie, and repeats it four times without variation. It is a name of

Indian origin, as may be inferred by its appearing in composition in
such words as Passamacadie, Subenacadie, and Tracadie, plainly derived
from the language spoken by the Souriquois and Etechemins. Fifty-five
years before it was introduced into De Monts’s commission, it appeared
written Larcadia in Gastaldo’s map of “Terra Nova del Bacalaos,” in
the Italian translation of Ptolemy’s Geography, by Pietro Andrea

Mattiolo, printed at Venice in 1548. The colophon bears date October,

1547. This rare work is in the possession of Henry C. Murphy, LL.D.,
to whom we are indebted for a very beautiful copy of the map. It
appeared again in 1561 on the map of Ruscelli, which was borrowed, as
well as the whole map, from the above work.—_Vide Ruscelli’s map in

Dr. Kohl’s Documentary History of Maine_, Maine Hist. Soc., Portland,

1869, p. 233. On this map, Larcadia stands on the coast of Maine, in
the midst of the vast territory included in De Monts’s grant, between
the degrees of forty and forty-six north latitude. It will be
observed, if we take away the Latin termination, that the
pronunciation of this word as it first appeared in 1547, would not
differ in sound from La Cadie. It seems, therefore, very clear that
the name of the territory stretching along the coast of Maine, we know
not how far north or south, as it was caught from the lips of the
natives at some time anterior 1547, was best represented by La Cadie,
as pronounced by the French. Whether De Monts had obtained the name of
his American domain from those who had recently visited the coast and
had caught its sound from the natives, or whether he had taken it from
this ancient map, we must remain uninformed. Several writers have
ventured to interpret the word, and give us its original meaning. The
following definitions have been offered: 1. The land of dogs; 2. Our
village; 3. The fish called pollock; 4. Place; 5. Abundance. We do not
undertake to decide between the disagreeing doctors. But it is obvious
to remark that a rich field lies open ready for a noble harvest for
any young scholar who has a genius for philology, and who is prepared
to make a life work of the study and elucidation of the original
languages of North America. The laurels in this field are still to be
gathered.

156. The islands in Boston Bay.

157. This attempt to land was in Marshfield near the mouth of South River.

Not succeeding, they sailed forward a league, and anchored at Brant

Point, which they named the Cape of St. Louis.

158. This purslane, Portulaca oleracea, still grows vigorously among the

Indian corn in New England, and is regarded with no more interest now
than in 1605. It is a tropical plant, and was introduced by the

Indians probably by accident with the seeds of tobacco or other
plants.

159. Here at the end of the chapter Champlain seems to be reminded that he
had omitted to mention the river of which he had learned, and had
probably seen in the bay. This was Charles River. From the western
side of Noddle’s Island, or East Boston, where they were probably at
anchor, it appeared at its confluence with the Mystic River to come
from the west, or the country of the Iroquois. By reference to

Champlain’s large map of 1612, this river will be clearly identified
as Charles River, in connection with Boston Bay and its numerous
islands. On that map it is represented as a long river flowing from
the west. This description of the river by Champlain was probably from
personal observation. Had he obtained his information from the

Indians, they would not have told him that it was broad or that it
came from the west, for such are not the facts; but they would have
represented to him that it was small, winding in its course, and that
it came from the south. We infer, therefore, that he not only saw it
himself, but probably from the deck of the little French barque, as it
was riding at anchor in our harbor near East Boston, where Charles

River, augmented by the tide, flows into the harbor from the west, in
a strong, broad, deep current. They named it in honor of Pierre du

Guast, Sieur de Monts, the commander of this expedition. Champlain
writes the name “du Gas;” De Laet has “de Gua;” while Charlevoix
writes “du Guast.” This latter orthography generally prevails.

CHAPTER VIII.

CONTINUATION OF THE DISCOVERIES ALONG THE COAST OF THE ALMOUCHIQUOIS, AND WHAT WE OBSERVED IN DETAIL.

The next day we doubled Cap St. Louis, [160] so named by Sieur de Monts, a land rather low, and in latitude 42 deg. 45’. [161] The same day we sailed two leagues along a sandy coast, as we passed along which we saw a great many cabins and gardens. The wind being contrary, we entered a little bay to await a time favorable for proceeding. There came to us two or three canoes, which had just been fishing for cod and other fish, which are found there in large numbers. These they catch with hooks made of a piece of wood, to which they attach a bone in the shape of a spear, and fasten it very securely. The whole has a fang-shape, and the line attached to it is made out of the bark of a tree. They gave me one of their hooks, which I took as a curiosity. In it the bone was fastened on by hemp, like that in France, as it seemed to me, and they told me that they gathered this plant without being obliged to cultivate it; and indicated that it grew to the height of four or five feet. [162] This canoe went back on shore to give notice to their fellow inhabitants, who caused columns of smoke to arise on our account We saw eighteen or twenty savages, who came to the shore and began to dance. Our canoe landed in order to give them some bagatelles, at which they were greatly pleased. Some of them came to us and begged us to go to their river. We weighed anchor to do so, but were unable to enter on account of the small amount of water, it being low tide, and were accordingly obliged to anchor at the mouth. I went ashore, where I saw many others, who received us very cordially. I made also an examination of the river, but saw only an arm of water extending a short distance inland, where the land is only in part cleared up. Running into this is merely a brook not deep enough for boats except at full tide. The circuit of the bay is about a league. On one side of the entrance to this bay there is a point which is almost an island, covered with wood, principally pines, and adjoins sand-banks, which are very extensive. On the other side, the land is high. There are two islets in this bay, which are not seen until one has entered, and around which it is almost entirely dry at low tide. This place is very conspicuous from the sea, for the coast is very low, excepting the cape at the entrance to the bay. We named it the Port du Cap St. Louis, [163] distant two leagues from the above cape, and ten from the Island Cape. It is in about the same latitude as Cap St. Louis.

*

CHAMPLAIN’S EXPLANATION OF THE ACCOMPANYING MAP.

PORT ST. LOUIS.

The figures indicate fathoms of water.

A. Indicates the place where vessels lie. B. The channel. C. Two islands. [Note: Clark’s Island is now the sole representative of
the two figured by Champlain in 1605. The action of the waves has
either united the two, or swept one of them away. It was named after

Clark, the master’s mate of the “May Flower,” who was the first to
step on shore, when the party of Pilgrims, sent out from Cape Cod

Harbor to Select a habitation, landed on this island, and passed the
night of the 9th of December, O. S. 1620. Vide Morton’s Memorial,

1669, Plymouth Ed. 1826. p. 35: Young’s Chronicles, p. 160; Bradford’s

His. Plym. Plantation, p. 87. This delineation removes all doubt as to
the missing island in Plymouth Harbor, and shows the incorrectness of
the theory as to its being Saquish Head, suggested in a note in

Young’s Chronicles, p. 64. Vide also Mourt’s Relation, Dexter’s ed.,
note 197.] D. Sandy downs. [Note: Saquish Neck] E. Shoals. F. Cabins where the savages till the ground. G. Place where we beached our barque. H. Land having the appearance of an island, covered with wood and
adjoining the sandy downs. [Note: Saquish Head, which seems to have
been somewhat changed since the time of Champlain. Compare Coast

Survey Chart of Plymouth Harbor, 1857.] I. A high promontory which may be seen four or five leagues at
sea. [Note: Manomet Bluff.]

*

On the 19th of the month, we set out from this place. Coasting along in a southerly direction, we sailed four or five leagues, and passed near a rock on a level with the surface of the water. As we continued our course, we saw some land which seemed to us to be islands, but as we came nearer we found it to be the main land, lying to the north-north-west of us, and that it was the cape of a large bay, [164] containing more than eighteen or nineteen leagues in circuit, into which we had run so far that we had to wear off on the other tack in order to double the cape which we had seen. The latter we named Cap Blanc, [165] since it contained sands and downs which had a white appearance. A favorable wind was of great assistance to us here, for otherwise we should have been in danger of being driven upon the coast. This bay is very safe, provided the land be not approached nearer than a good league, there being no islands nor rocks except that just mentioned, which is near a river that extends some distance inland, which we named St. Suzanne du Cap Blanc, [166] whence across to Cap St. Louis the distance is ten leagues. Cap Blanc is a point of sand, which bends around towards the south some six leagues. This coast is rather high, and consists of sand, which is very conspicuous as one comes from the Sea. At a distance of some fifteen or eighteen leagues from land, the depth of the water is thirty, forty, and fifty fathoms, but only ten on nearing the shore, which is unobstructed. There is a large extent of open country along the shore before reaching the woods, which are very attractive and beautiful. We anchored off the coast, and saw some savages, towards whom four of our company proceeded. Making their way upon a sand-bank, they observed something like a bay, and cabins bordering it on all sides. When they were about a league and a half from us, there came to them a savage dancing all over, as they expressed it. He had come down from the high shore, but turned about shortly after to inform his fellow inhabitants of our arrival.

The next day, the 20th of the month, we went to the place which our men had seen, and which we found a very dangerous harbor in consequence of the shoals and banks, where we saw breakers in all directions. It was almost low tide when we entered, and there were only four feet of water in the northern passage; at high tide, there are two fathoms. After we had entered, we found the place very spacious, being perhaps three or four leagues in circuit, entirely surrounded by little houses, around each one of which there was as much land as the occupant needed for his support. A small river enters here, which is very pretty, and in which at low tide there are some three and a half feet of water. There are also two or three brooks bordered by meadows. It would be a very fine place, if the harbor were good. I took the altitude, and found the latitude 42 deg., and the deflection of the magnetic needle 18 deg. 40’. Many savages, men and women, visited us, and ran up on all sides dancing. We named this place Port de Mallebarre. [167]

*

CHAMPLAIN’S EXPLANATION OF THE ACCOMPANYING MAP.

MALLEBARRE.

The figures indicate fathoms of water.

A. The two entrances to the harbor. B. Sandy downs where the savages killed a sailor belonging to the barque
of Sieur de Monts. C. Places in the harbor where the barque of Sieur de Monts was. D. Spring on the shore of the harbor. E. A river flowing into the harbor. F. A brook. G. A small river where quantities of fish are caught. H. Sandy downs with low shrubs and many vines. I. Island at the point of the downs. L. Houses and dwelling-places of the savages that till the land. M. Shoals and sand-banks at the entrance and inside of the harbor. O. Sandy downs. P. Seacoast, q. Barque of Sieur de Poutrincourt when he visited the place two years
after Sieur de Monts. R. Landing of the party of Sieur de Poutrincourt.

NOTES. A comparison of this map with the Coast Survey Charts will show very great changes in this harbor since the days of Champlain. Not only has the mouth of the bay receded towards the south, but this recession appears to have left entirely dry much of the area which was flooded in 1605. Under reference q, on the above map, it is intimated that De Poutrincourt’s visit was two years after that of De Monts. It was more than one, and was the second year after, but not, strictly speaking, “two years after.”

*

The next day, the 21st of the month, Sieur de Monts determined to go and see their habitation. Nine or ten of us accompanied him with our arms; the rest remained to guard the barque. We went about a league along the coast. Before reaching their cabins, we entered a field planted with Indian corn in the manner before described. The corn was in flower, and five and a half feet high. There was some less advanced, which they plant later. We saw many Brazilian beans, and many squashes of various sizes, very good for eating; some tobacco, and roots which they cultivate, the latter having the taste of an artichoke. The woods are filled with oaks, nut-trees, and beautiful cypresses, [168] which are of a reddish color and have a very pleasant odor. There were also several fields entirely uncultivated, the land being allowed to remain fallow. When they wish to plant it, they set fire to the weeds, and then work it over with their wooden spades. Their cabins are round, and covered with heavy thatch made of reeds. In the roof there is an opening of about a foot and a half, whence the smoke from the fire passes out. We asked them if they had their permanent abode in this place, and whether there was much snow. But we were unable to ascertain this fully from them, not understanding their language, although they made an attempt to inform us by signs, by taking some sand in their hands. Spreading it out over the ground, and indicating that it was of the color of our collars, and that it reached the depth of a foot. Others made signs that there was less, and gave us to understand also that the harbor never froze; but we were unable to ascertain whether the snow lasted long. I conclude, however, that this region is of moderate temperature, and the winter not severe. While we were there, there was a north-cast storm, which lasted four days; the sky being so overcast that the sun hardly shone at all. It was very cold, and we were obliged to put on our great-coats, which we had entirely left off. Yet I think the cold was accidental, as it is often experienced elsewhere out of season.

On the 23d of July, four or five seamen having gone on shore with some kettles to get fresh water, which was to be found in one of the sand-banks a short distance from our barque, some of the savages, coveting them, watched the time when our men went to the spring, and then seized one out of the hands of a sailor, who was the first to dip, and who had no weapons. One of his companions, starting to run after him, soon returned, as he could not catch him, since he ran much faster than himself. The other savages, of whom there were a large number, seeing our sailors running to our barque, and at the same time shouting to us to fire at them, took to flight. At the time there were some of them in our barque, who threw themselves into the sea, only one of whom we were able to seize. Those on the land who had taken to flight, seeing them swimming, returned straight to the sailor from whom they had taken away the kettle, hurled several arrows at him from behind, and brought him down. Seeing this, they ran at once to him, and despatched him with their knives. Meanwhile, haste was made to go on shore, and muskets were fired from our barque: mine, bursting in my hands, came near killing me. The savages, hearing this discharge of firearms, took to flight, and with redoubled speed when they saw that we had landed, for they were afraid when they saw us running after them. There was no likelihood of our catching them, for they are as swift as horses. We brought in the murdered man, and he was buried some hours later. Meanwhile, we kept the prisoner bound by the feet and hands on board of our barque, fearing that he might escape. But Sieur de Monts resolved to let him go, being persuaded that he was not to blame, and that he had no previous knowledge of what had transpired, as also those who, at the time, were in and about our barque. Some hours later there came some savages to us, to excuse themselves, indicating by signs and demonstrations that it was not they who had committed this malicious act, but others farther off in the interior. We did not wish to harm them, although it was in our power to avenge ourselves.

All these savages from the Island Cape wear neither robes nor furs, except very rarely: moreover, their robes are made of grasses and hemp, scarcely covering the body, and coming down only to their thighs. They have only the sexual parts concealed with a small piece of leather; so likewise the women, with whom it comes down a little lower behind than with the men, all the rest of the body being naked. Whenever the women came to see us, they wore robes which were open in front. The men cut off the hair on the top of the head like those at the river Choueacoet. I saw, among other things, a girl with her hair very neatly dressed, with a skin colored red, and bordered on the upper part with little shell-beads. A part of her hair hung down behind, the rest being braided in various ways. These people paint the face red, black, and yellow. They have scarcely any beard, and tear it out as fast as it grows. Their bodies are well-proportioned. I cannot tell what government they have, but I think that in this respect they resemble their neighbors, who have none at all. They know not how to worship or pray; yet, like the other savages, they have some superstitions, which I shall describe in their place. As for weapons, they have only pikes, clubs, bows and arrows. It would seem from their appearance that they have a good disposition, better than those of the north, but they are all in fact of no great worth. Even a slight intercourse with them gives you at once a knowledge of them. They are great thieves and, if they cannot lay hold of any thing with their hands, they try to do so with their feet, as we have oftentimes learned by experience. I am of opinion that, if they had any thing to exchange with us, they would not give themselves to thieving. They bartered away to us their bows, arrows, and quivers, for pins and buttons; and if they had had any thing else better they would have done the same with it. It is necessary to be on one’s guard against this people, and live in a state of distrust of them, yet without letting them perceive it. They gave us a large quantity of tobacco, which they dry and then reduce to powder. [169] When they eat Indian corn, they boil it in earthen pots, which they make in a way different from ours. [170]. They bray it also in wooden mortars and reduce it to flour, of which they then make cakes, like the Indians of Peru.

In this place and along the whole coast from Quinibequy, there are a great many siguenocs, [171] which is a fish with a shell on its back like the tortoise, yet different, there being in the middle a row of little prickles, of the color of a dead leaf, like the rest of the fish. At the end of this shell, there is another still smaller, bordered by very sharp points. The length of the tail-varies according to their size. With the end of it, these people point their arrows, and it contains also a row of prickles like the large shell in which are the eyes. There are eight small feet like those of the crab, and two behind longer and flatter, which they use in swimming. There are also in front two other very small ones with which they eat. When walking, all the feet are concealed excepting the two hindermost which are slightly visible. Under the small shell there are membranes which swell up, and beat like the throat of a frog, and rest upon each other like the folds of a waistcoat. The largest specimen of this fish that I saw was a foot broad, and a foot and a half long.

We saw also a sea-bird [172] with a black beak, the upper part slightly aquiline, four inches long and in the form of a lancet; namely, the lower part representing the handle and the upper the blade, which is thin, sharp on both sides, and shorter by a third than the other, which circumference is a matter of astonishment to many persons, who cannot comprehend how it is possible for this bird to eat with such a beak. It is of the size of a pigeon, the wings being very long in proportion to the body, the tail short, as also the legs, which are red; the feet being small and flat. The plumage on the upper part is gray-brown, and on the under part pure white. They go always in flocks along the seashore, like the pigeons with us.

The savages, along all these coasts where we have been, say that other birds, which are very large, come along when their corn is ripe. They imitated for us their cry, which resembles that of the turkey. They showed us their feathers in several places, with which they feather their arrows, and which they put on their heads for decoration; and also a kind of hair which they have under the throat like those we have in France, and they say that a red crest falls over upon the beak. According to their description, they are as large as a bustard, which is a kind of goose, having the neck longer and twice as large as those with us. All these indications led us to conclude that they were turkeys. [173] We should have been very glad to see some of these birds, as well as their feathers, for the sake of greater certainty. Before seeing their feathers, and the little bunch of hair which they have under the throat, and hearing their cry imitated, I should have thought that they were certain birds like turkeys, which are found in some places in Peru, along the seashore, eating carrion and other dead things like crows. But these are not so large; nor do they have so long a bill, or a cry like that of real turkeys; nor are they good to eat like those which the Indians say come in flocks in summer, and at the beginning of winter go away to warmer countries, their natural dwelling-place.

ENDNOTES:

160. It will be observed that, after doubling this cape, they sailed two
leagues, and then entered Plymouth Harbor, and consequently this cape
must have been what is now known as Brant Point.

161. The latitude is 42 deg. 5’.

162. This was plainly our Indian hemp, Asclepias incarnata. “The fibres
of the bark are strong, and capable of being wrought into a fine soft
thread; but it is very difficult to separate the bark from the stalk.

It is said to have been used by the Indians for bow-strings.”—_Vide

Cutler in Memoirs of the American Academy_, Vol. I. p. 424. It is the

Swamp Milkweed of Gray, and grows in wet grounds. One variety is
common in New England. The Pilgrims found at Plymouth “an excellent
strong kind of Flaxe and Hempe”—_Vide Mourt’s Relation_, Dexter’s
ed. p. 62.

163. Port du Cap St. Louis. From the plain, the map in his edition of

1613, drawing of this Harbor left by Champlain, and also that of the
edition of 1632, it is plain that the “Port du Cap St. Louis” is

Plymouth Harbor, where anchored the “Mayflower” a little more than
fifteen years later than this, freighted with the first permanent

English colony established in New England, commonly known as the

Pilgrims. The Indian name of the harbor, according to Captain John

Smith, who visited it in 1614. was Accomack. He gave it, by direction
of Prince Charles, the name of Plymouth. More recent investigations
point to this harbor as the one visited by Martin Pring in 1603.—

_Vide Paper by the Rev Benj. F. De Costa, before the New England

His. Gen. Society_, Nov. 7, 1877, New England His. and Gen. Register,

Vol. XXXII. p. 79.

The interview of the French with the natives was brief, but courteous
and friendly on both sides. The English visits were interrupted by
more or less hostility. “When Pring was about ready to leave, the

Indians became hostile and set the woods on fire, and he saw it burn

‘for a mile space.’”—_De Costa_. A skirmish of some seriousness
occurred with Smith’s party. “After much kindnesse upon a small
occasion, wee fought also with fortie or fiftie of those: though some
were hurt, and some slaine, yet within an hour after they became
friends.”—_Smith’s New England_, Boston, ed. 1865, p. 45.

164. Cape Cod Bay.

165. They named it “le Cap Blanc,” the White Cape, from its white
appearance, while Bartholomew Gosnold, three years before, had named
it Cape Cod from the multitude of codfish near its shores. Captain

John Smith called it Cape James. All the early navigators who passed
along our Atlantic coast seem to have seen the headland of Cape

Cod. It is well defined on Juan de la Cosa’s map of 1500, although no
name is given to it. On Ribero’s map of 1529 it is called _C. de
arenas_. On the map of Nic. Vallard de Dieppe of 1543, it is called

C. de Croix.

166. Wellfleet Harbor. It may be observed that a little farther back

Champlain says that, having sailed along in a southerly direction four
or five leagues, they were at a place where there was a “rock on a
level with the surface of the water,” and that they saw lying
north-north-west of them Cap Blanc, that is, Cape Cod; he now says
that the “rock” is near a river, which they named St. Suzanne du Cap

Blanc, and that from it to Cap St. Louis the distance is ten
leagues. Now, as the distance across to Brant Point, or Cap St. Louis,
from Wellfleet Harbor, is ten leagues, and as Cap Blanc or Cape Cod is
north-northwest of it, it is plain that Wellfleet Harbor or Herring

River, which flows into it, was the river which they named St. Suzanne
du Cap Blanc, and that the “rock on a level with the water” was one of
the several to be found near the entrance of Wellfleet Bay. It may
have been the noted Bay Rock or Blue Rock.

167. Port de Mallebarre, Nauset Harbor, in latitude 41 deg. 48’. By comparing

Champlain’s map of the harbor, it will be seen that important changes
have taken place since 1605. The entrance has receded a mile or more
towards the south, and this has apparently changed its interior
channel, and the whole form of the bay. The name itself has drifted
away with the sands, and feebly clings to the extremity of Monomoy

Point at the heel of the Cape.

168. Not strictly a cypress, but rather a juniper, the Savin, or red cedar,

Juniparus Virginiana, a tree of exclusively American origin; and
consequently it could not be truly characterized by any name then
known to Champlain.

169. The method of preparing tobacco here for smoking was probably not
different from that of the Indian tribes in Canada. Among the Huron
antiquities in the Museum at the University Laval are pipes which were
found already filled with tobacco, so prepared as to resemble our
fine-cut tobacco.—_Vide Laverdiere in loco_.

170. The following description of the Indian pottery, and the method of its
manufacture by their women, as quoted by Laverdiere from Sagard’s

History of Canada, who wrote in 1636, will be interesting to the
antiquary, and will illustrate what Champlain means by “a way
different from ours:”—

“They are skilful in making good earthen pots, which they harden very
well on the hearth, and which are so strong that they do not, like our
own, break over the fire when having no water in them. But they cannot
sustain dampness nor cold water so long as our own, since they become
brittle and break at the least shock given them; otherwise they last
very well. The savages make them by taking some earth of the right
kind, which they clean and knead well in their hands, mixing with it,
on what principle I know not, a small quantity of grease. Then making
the mass into the shape of a ball, they make an indentation in the
middle of it with the fist, which they make continually larger by
striking repeatedly on the outside with a little wooden paddle as much
as is necessary to complete it. These vessels are of different sizes,
without feet or handles, completely round like a ball, excepting the
mouth, which projects a little.”

171. This crustacean, Limulus polyphemus, is still seen on the strands of

New England. They are found in great abundance in more southern
waters: on the shores of Long Island and New Jersey, they are
collected in boat-loads and made useful for fertilizing purposes.

Champlain has left a drawing of it on his large map. It is vulgarly
known as the king-crab, or horse-foot; to the latter it bears a
striking similarity. This very accurate description of Champlain was
copied by De Laet into his elaborate work “Novvs Orbis,” published in

1633, accompanied by an excellent wood-engraving. This species is
peculiar to our Atlantic waters, and naturally at that time attracted
the attention of Europeans, who had not seen it before.

172. The Black skimmer or Cut-water, Rhynchops nigra. It appears to be
distinct from, but closely related to, the Terns. This bird is here
described with general accuracy. According to Dr. Coues, it belongs
more particularly to the South Atlantic and Gulf States, where it is
very abundant; it is frequent in the Middle States, and only
occasionally seen in New England. The wings are exceedingly long; they
fly in close flocks, moving simultaneously. They seem to feed as they
skim low over the water, the under-mandible grazing or cutting the
surface, and thus taking in their food.—_Vide Coues’s Key to North

American Birds_, Boston, 1872, p. 324.

Whether Champlain saw this bird as a “stray” on the shores of Cape

Cod, or whether it has since ceased to come in large numbers as far
north as formerly, offers an interesting inquiry for the
ornithologists. Specimens may be seen in the Museum of the Boston

Society of Natural History.

173. Champlain was clearly correct in his conclusion. The wild Turkey,

Meleagris gallopavo, was not uncommon in New England at that
period. Wood and Josselyn and Higginson, all speak of it fully:—

“Of these, sometimes there will be forty, threescore and a hundred of
a flocke; sometimes more, and sometimes lesse; their feeding is

Acornes, Hawes, and Berries; some of them get a haunt to frequent our

English corne: In winter, when the snow covers the ground, they
resort to the Sea shore to look for Shrimps, and such small Fishes at
low tides. Such as love Turkie hunting, most follow it in winter after
a new-falne Snow, when hee may followe them by their tracts; some have
killed ten or a dozen in half a day; if they can be found towards an
evening and watched where they peirch, if one come about ten or eleven
of the clock, he may shoote as often as he will, they will sit,
unlesse they be slenderly wounded. These Turkies remaine all the yeare
long, the price of a good Turkey cocke is foure shillings; and he is
well worth it for he may be in weight forty pound: a Hen, two
shillings.”—_Wood’s New England Prospect_, 1634, Prince Society ed.,

Boston, p. 32.

“The Turkie, who is blacker than ours; I haue heard several credible
persons affirm, they haue seen Turkie Cocks that have weighed forty,
yea sixty pound; but out of my personal experimental knowledge I can
assure you, that I haue eaten my share of a Turkie Cock, that when
he was pull’d and garbidg’d, weighed thirty [9] pound; and I haue also
seen threescore broods of young Turkies on the side of a marsh,
sunning themselves in a morning betimes, but this was thirty years
since, the English and the Indians having now destroyed the breed,
so that ‘tis very rare to meet with a wild Turkie in the Woods: But
some of the English bring up great store of the wild kind, which
remain about their Houses as tame as ours in England.”—_New

England’s Rarities_, by John Josselyn, Gent., London, 1672,

Tuckerman’s ed., pp. 41, 42.

“Here are likewise abundance of Turkies often killed in the Woods,
farre greater then our English Turkies, and exceeding fat, sweet, and
fleshy, for here they haue aboundance of feeding all the yeere long,
as Strawberriees, in Summer at places are full of them and all manner
of Berries and Fruits.”—_New England Plantation_, by Francis

Higginson, London, 1630. Vide also _Bradford’s Hist. Plym.

Plantation_, 1646, Deane’s ed., Boston, 1856. p. 105.

It appears to be the opinion among recent ornithologists that the
species of turkey, thus early found in New England, was the _Meleagris

Americana_, long since extirpated, and not identical with our
domesticated bird. Our domestic turkey is supposed to have originated
in the West Indies or in Mexico, and to have been transplanted as
tamed to other parts of this continent, and to Europe, and named by

Linnaeus. Meleagris gallopavo.—_Vide Report on the Zoology of

Pacific Railroad Routes_, by Baird, Washington, 1858. Vol. IX. Part

II. pp. 613-618; Coues’s Key, Boston, 1872, pp. 231, 232.

CHAPTER IX.

RETURN FROM THE DISCOVERIES ALONG THE COAST OF THE ALMOUCHIQUOIS.

We had spent more than five weeks in going over three degrees of latitude, and our voyage was limited to six, since we had not taken provisions for a longer time. In consequence of fogs and storms, we had not been able to go farther than Mallebarre, where we waited several days for fair weather, in order to sail. Finding ourselves accordingly pressed by the scantiness of provisions, Sieur de Monts determined to return to the Island of St. Croix, in order to find another place more favorable for our settlement, as we had not been able to do on any of the coasts which we had explored on this voyage.

Accordingly, on the 25th of July, we set out from this harbor, in order to make observations elsewhere. In going out, we came near being lost on the bar at the entrance, from the mistake of our pilots, Cramolet and Champdore, masters of the barque, who had imperfectly marked out the entrance of the channel on the southern side, where we were to go. Having escaped this danger, we headed northeast [174] for six leagues, until we reached Cap Blanc, sailing on from there to Island Cape, a distance of fifteen leagues, with the same wind. Then we headed east-north-east sixteen leagues, as far as Choueacoet, where we saw the savage chief, Marchin, [175] whom we had expected to see at the Lake Quinibequy. He had the reputation of being one of the valiant ones of his people. He had a fine appearance: all his motions were dignified, savage as he was. Sieur de Monts gave him many presents, with which he was greatly pleased; and, in return, Marchin gave him a young Etechemin boy, whom he had captured in war, and whom we took away with us; and thus we set out, mutually good friends. We headed northeast a quarter east for fifteen leagues, as far as Quinibequy, where we arrived on the 29th of the month, and where we were expecting to find a savage, named Sasinou, of whom I spoke before. Thinking that he would come, we waited some time for him, in order to recover from him an Etechemin young man and girl, whom he was holding as prisoners. While waiting, there came to us a captain called Anassou, who trafficked a little in furs, and with whom we made an alliance. He told us that there was a ship, ten leagues off the harbor, which was engaged in fishing, and that those on her had killed five savages of this river, under cover of friendship. From his description of the men on the vessel, we concluded that they were English, and we named the island where they were La Nef; [176] for, at a distance, it had the appearance of a ship. Finding that the above-mentioned Sasinou did not come, we headed east-south-east, [176-1/2] for twenty leagues, to Isle Haute, where we anchored for the night.

On the next day, the 1st of August, we sailed east some twenty leagues to Cap Corneille, [177] where we spent the night. On the 2d of the month, we sailed northeast seven leagues to the mouth of the river St. Croix, on the western shore. Having anchored between the two first islands, [178] Sieur de Monts embarked in a canoe, at a distance of six leagues from the settlement of St. Croix, where we arrived the next day with our barque. We found there Sieur des Antons of St. Malo, who had come in one of the vessels of Sieur de Monts, to bring provisions and also other supplies for those who were to winter in this country.

ENDNOTES:

174. Champlain is in error as to the longitude of Mallebarre, or Nauset
harbor, from which they took their departure on the 25th of July,

1605. This port is about 38’ east of Island Cape, or Cape Anne, and
about 16’ east of the western point of Cap Blanc, or Cape Cod; and, to
reach their destination, they must have sailed northwest, and not
northeast, as he erroneously states.

175. They had failed to meet him at the lake in the Kennebec; namely,

Merrymeeting Bay.—Vide antea, p. 60.

176. The island which they thus named La Nef, the Ship, was Monhegan,
about twenty-five nautical miles east from the mouth of the Kennebec,
a mile and a third long, with an elevation at its highest point of a
hundred and forty feet above the level of the sea, and in latitude 43ş

45’ 52”. Champlain’s conjecture as to the nationality of the ship was
correct. It was the “Archangel,” commanded by the celebrated explorer,

Captain George Weymouth, who under the patronage of the Earl of

Southampton came to explore our Atlantic coast in the spring of 1605,
for the purpose of selecting a site for an English colony. He anchored
near Monhegan on the 28th of May, N. S.; and, after spending nearly a
month in reconnoitring the islands and mainland in the vicinity, and
capturing five of the natives, he took his departure for England on
the 26th of June. On the 5th of July, just 9 days after Weymouth left
the coast, De Monts and Champlain entered with their little barque the
mouth of the Kennebec. They do not appear to have seen at that time
any of the natives at or about the mouth of the river; and it is not
unlikely that, on account of the seizure and, as they supposed, the
murder of their comrades by Weymouth, they had retired farther up the
river for greater safety. On the return, however, of the French from

Cape Cod, on the 29th of July, Anassou gave them, as stated in the
text, a friendly reception, and related the story of the seizure of
his friends.

To prevent the interference of other nations, it was the policy of

Weymouth and his patron not to disclose the locality of the region he
had explored; and consequently Rosier, the narrator of the voyage, so
skilfully withheld whatever might clearly identify the place, and
couched his descriptions in such indefinite language, that there has
been and is now a great diversity of opinion on the subject among
local historians. It was the opinion of the Rev. Thomas Prince that

Weymouth explored the Kennebec, or Sagadahoc, and with him coincide

Mr. John McKeen and the Rev. Dr. Ballard, of Brunswick. The

Rev. Dr. Belknap, after satisfactory examinations, decided that it was
the Penobscot; and he is followed by Mr. William Willis, late

President of the Maine Historical Society. Mr. George Prince, of Bath,
has published an elaborate paper to prove that it was St. George’s

River; and Mr. David Cushman, of Warren, coincides in this view. Other
writers, not entering into the discussion at length, accept one or
another of the theories above mentioned. It does not fall within the
purview of our present purpose to enter upon the discussion of this
subject. But the statement in the text, not referred to by any of the
above-mentioned writers, “that those on her had killed five savages

_of this river,” que ceux de dedans avoient tue cinq sauuages d’icelle
riviere_, can hardly fail to have weight in the decision of this
interesting question.

The chief Anassou reported that they were “killed,” a natural
inference under the circumstances; but in fact they were carefully
concealed in the hold of the ship, and three of them, having been
transported to England and introduced into his family, imparted much
important information to Sir Ferdinando Gorges, whose distinguished
career was afterward so intimately connected with the progress of

American colonization. For the discussion touching the river explored
by Weymouth, vide Prince’s Annals, 1736, _in loco; Belknap’s

American Biography_, 1794, Vol. II., art. Weymouth; _Remarks on the

Voyage of George Waymouth_, by John McKeen, Col. Me. His. Society,

Vol. V. p. 309; Comments on Waymouth’s Voyage, by William Willis,
idem, p. 344; Voyage of Captain George Weymouth, by George Prince,

Col. Me. His. Soc., Vol. VI. p. 293; Weymouth’s Voyage, by David

Cushman, idem, p. 369; George Weymouth and the Kennebec, by the

Rev. Edward Ballard, D. D., Memorial Volume of the Popham Celebration,

Portland, 1863, p. 301.

176-1/2. We headed east southeast. It is possible that, on leaving the
mouth of the Kennebec, they sailed for a short distance to the
southeast; but the general course was to the northeast.

177. Cap Corneille, or Crow Cape, was apparently the point of land
advancing out between Machias and Little Machias Bays, including
perhaps Cross Island. De Monts and his party probably anchored and
passed the night in Machias Bay. The position of Cap Corneille may be
satisfactorily fixed by its distance and direction from the Grand

Manan, as seen on Champlain’s map of 1612, to which the reader is
referred.

178. This anchorage was between Campobello and Moose Island, on which is
situated the town of Eastport.

CHAPTER X.

THE DWELLING-PLACE ON THE ISLAND OF ST. CROIX TRANSFERRED TO PORT ROYAL, AND THE REASON WHY.

Sieur De Monts determined to change his location, and make another settlement, in order to avoid the severe cold and the bad winter which we had had in the Island of St. Croix. As we had not, up to that time, found any suitable harbor, and, in view of the short time we had for building houses in which to establish ourselves, we fitted out two barques, and loaded them with the frame-work taken from the houses of St. Croix, in order to transport it to Port Royal, twenty-five leagues distant, where we thought the climate was much more temperate and agreeable. Pont Grave and I set out for that place; and, having arrived, we looked for a site favorable for our residence, under shelter from the northwest wind, which we dreaded, having been very much harassed by it.

After searching carefully in all directions, we found no place more suitable and better situated than one slightly elevated, about which there are some marshes and good springs of water. This place is opposite the island at the mouth of the river Equille. [179] To the north of us about a league, there is a range of mountains, [180] extending nearly ten leagues in a northeast and southwest direction. The whole country is filled with thick forests, as I mentioned above, except at a point a league and a half up the river, where there are some oaks, although scattering, and many wild vines, which one could easily remove and put the soil under cultivation, notwithstanding it is light and sandy. We had almost resolved to build there; but the consideration that we should have been too far up the harbor and river led us to change our mind.

Recognizing accordingly the site of our habitation as a good one, we began to clear up the ground, which was full of trees, and to erect houses as soon as possible. Each one was busy in this work. After every thing had been arranged, and the majority of the dwellings built, Sieur de Monts determined to return to France, in order to petition his Majesty to grant him all that might be necessary for his undertaking. He had desired to leave Sieur d’Orville to command in this place in his absence. But the climatic malady, mal de la terre, with which he was afflicted would not allow him to gratify the wish of Sieur de Monts. On this account, a conference was held with Pont Grave on the subject, to whom this charge was offered, which he was happy to accept; and he finished what little of the habitation remained to be built. I, at the same time, hoping to have an opportunity to make some new explorations towards Florida, determined to stay there also, of which Sieur de Monts approved.

ENDNOTES:

179. In the original, Champlain has written the name of this river in this
particular instance Guille, probably an abbreviation for Anguille,
the French name of the fish which we call the eel. Lescarbot says the

“river was named L’Equille because the first fish taken therein was
an equille.”—Vide antea, note 57.

180. The elevation of this range varies from six hundred to seven hundred
feet.

CHAPTER XI

WHAT TOOK PLACE AFTER THE DEPARTURE OF SIEUR DE MONTS, UNTIL, NO TIDINGS OF WHAT HE HAD PROMISED BEING RECEIVED, WE DEPARTED FROM PORT ROYAL TO RETURN TO FRANCE.

As soon as Sieur de Monts had departed, a portion of the forty or forty-five who remained began to make gardens. I, also, for the sake of occupying my time, made one, which was surrounded with ditches full of water, in which I placed some fine trout, and into which flowed three brooks of very fine running water, from which the greater part of our settlement was supplied. I made also a little sluice-way towards the shore, in order to draw off the water when I wished. This spot was entirely surrounded by meadows, where I constructed a summer-house, with some fine trees, as a resort for enjoying the fresh air. I made there, also, a little reservoir for holding salt-water fish, which we took out as we wanted them. I took especial pleasure in it, and planted there some seeds which turned out well. But much work had to be laid out in preparation. We resorted often to this place as a pastime; and it seemed as if the little birds round about took pleasure in it, for they gathered there in large numbers, warbling and chirping so pleasantly that I think I never heard the like.

The plan of the settlement was ten fathoms long and eight wide, making the distance round thirty-six. On the eastern side is a storehouse, occupying the width of it, and a very fine cellar from five to six feet deep. On the northern side are the quarters of Sieur de Monts, handsomely finished. About the back yard are the dwellings of the workmen. At a corner of the western side is a platform, where four cannon were placed; and at the other corner, towards the east, is a palisade shaped like a platform, as can be seen from the accompanying illustration.

*

CHAMPLAIN’S EXPLANATION OF THE ACCOMPANYING MAP.

L’ABITASION DU PORT ROYAL.

The figures indicate fathoms of water.

A. Dwelling of the artisans. B. Platform where the cannon were placed. C. The storehouse. D. Dwelling of Sieur de Pont Grave and Champlain. E. The blacksmith’s shop. F. Palisade of pickets. G. The bakery. H. The kitchen. O. Small house where the equipment of our barques was stored. This Sieur
de Poutrincourt afterwards had rebuilt, and Sieur Boulay dwelt there
when Sieur de Pont Grave returned to France. P. Gate to our habitation. Q. The Cemetery. R. The River.

NOTES. The habitation of Port Royal was on the present site of the hamlet of Lower Granville in Nova Scotia. I. Points to the garden-plots. K. Takes the place of Q, which is wanting on the map, and marks the place of the cemetery, where may be seen the crucifix, the death’s-head, and cross-bones. L. Takes the place of R, which is wanting, to indicate the river. M. Indicates the moat on the north side of the dwelling. N. Probably indicates the dwelling of the gentlemen, De Monts and others.

*

Some days after the buildings were completed, I went to the river St. John to find the savage named Secondon, the same that conducted Prevert’s party to the copper mine, which I had already gone in search of with Sieur de Monts, when we were at the Port of Mines, though without success. [181] Having found him, I begged him to go there with us, which he very readily consented to do, and proceeded to show it to us. We found there some little pieces of copper of the thickness of a sou, and others still thicker imbedded in grayish and red rocks. The miner accompanying us, whose name was Master Jacques, a native of Sclavonia, a man very skilful in searching for minerals, made the entire circuit of the hills to see if he could find any gangue, [182] but without success. Yet he found, some steps from where we had taken the pieces of copper before mentioned, something like a mine, which, however, was far from being one. He said that, from the appearance of the soil, it might prove to be good, if it were worked; and that it was not probable that there could be pure copper on the surface of the earth, without there being a large quantity of it underneath. The truth is that, if the water did not cover the mines twice a day, and if they did not lie in such hard rocks, something might be expected from them.

After making this observation, we returned to our settlement, where we found some of our company sick with the mal de la terre, but not so seriously as at the Island of St. Croix; although, out of our number of forty-five, twelve died, including the miner, and five were sick, who recovered the following spring. Our surgeon, named Des Champs, from Honfleur, skilful in his profession, opened some of the bodies, to see whether he might be more successful in discovering the cause of the maladies that our surgeons had been the year before. He found the parts of the body affected in the same manner as those opened at the Island of St. Croix, but could discover no means of curing them, any more than the other surgeons.

On the 20th of December, it began to snow, and some ice passed along before our Settlement. The winter was not so sharp as the year before, nor the snow so deep, or of so long duration. Among other incidents, the wind was so violent on the 20th of February, 1605, [183] that it blew over a large number of trees, roots and all, and broke off many others. It was a remarkable sight. The rains were very frequent; which was the cause of the mild winter in comparison with the past one, although it is only twenty-five leagues from Port Royal to St. Croix.

On the first day of March, Pont Grave ordered a barque of seventeen or eighteen tons to be fitted up, which was ready, on the 15th, in order to go on a voyage of discovery along the coast of Florida. [184] With this view, we set out on the 16th following, but were obliged to put in at an island to the south of Manan, having gone that day eighteen leagues. We anchored in a sandy cove, exposed to the sea and the south wind. [185] The latter increased, during the night, to such an impetuosity that we could not stand by our anchor, and were compelled, without choice, to go ashore, at the mercy of God and the waves. The latter were so heavy and furious that while we were attaching the buoy to the anchor, so as to cut the cable at the hawse-hole, it did not give us time, but broke straightway of itself. The wind and the sea cast us as the wave receded upon a little rock, and we awaited only the moment to see our barque break up, and to save ourselves, if possible, upon its fragments. In these desperate straits, after we had received several waves, there came one so large and fortunate for us that it carried us over the rock, and threw us on to a little sandy beach, which insured us for this time from shipwreck.

The barque being on shore, we began at once to unload what there was in her, in order to ascertain where the damage was, which was not so great as we expected. She was speedily repaired by the diligence of Champdore, her master. Having been put in order, she was reloaded; and we waited for fair weather and until the fury of the sea should abate, which was not until the end of four days, namely, the 21st of March, when we set out from this miserable place, and proceeded to Port aux Coquilles, [186] seven or eight leagues distant. The latter is at the mouth of the river St. Croix, where there was a large quantity of snow. We stayed there until the 29th of the month, in consequence of the fogs and contrary winds, which are usual at this season, when Pont Grave determined to put back to Port Royal, to see in what condition our companions were, whom we had left there sick. Having arrived there, Pont Grave was attacked with illness, which delayed us until the 8th of April.

On the 9th of the month he embarked, although still indisposed, from his desire to see the coast of Florida, and in the belief that a change of air would restore his health. The same day we anchored and passed the night at the mouth of the harbor, two leagues distant from our settlement.

The next morning before day, Champdore came to ask Pont Grave if he wished to have the anchor raised, who replied in the affirmative, if he deemed the weather favorable for setting out. Upon this, Champdore had the anchor raised at once, and the sail spread to the wind, which was north-north-east, according to his report. The weather was thick and rainy, and the air full of fog, with indications of foul rather than fair weather.

While going out of the mouth of the harbor, [187] we were suddenly carried by the tide out of the passage, and, before perceiving them, were driven upon the rocks on the east-north-east coast. [188] Pont Grave and I, who were asleep, were awaked by hearing the sailors shouting and exclaiming, “We are lost!” which brought me quickly to my feet, to see what was the matter. Pont Grave was still ill, which prevented him from rising as quickly as he wished. I was scarcely on deck, when the barque was thrown upon the coast; and the wind, which was north, drove us upon a point. We unfurled the mainsail, turned it to the wind, and hauled it up as high as we could, that it might drive us up as far as possible on the rocks, for fear that the reflux of the sea, which fortunately was falling, would draw us in, when it would have been impossible to save ourselves. At the first blow of our boat upon the rocks, the rudder broke, a part of the keel and three or four planks were smashed, and some ribs stove in, which frightened us, for our barque filled immediately; and all that we could do was to wait until the sea fell, so that we might get ashore. For, otherwise, we were in danger of our lives, in consequence of the swell, which was very high and furious about us. The sea having fallen, we went on shore amid the storm, when the barque was speedily unloaded, and we saved a large portion of the provisions in her, with the help of the savage, Captain Secondon and his companions, who came to us with their canoes, to carry to our habitation what we had saved from our barque, which, all shattered as she was, went to pieces at the return of the tide. But we, most happy at having saved our lives, returned to our settlement with our poor savages, who stayed there a large part of the winter; and we praised God for having rescued us from this shipwreck, from which we had not expected to escape so easily.

The loss of our barque caused us great regret, since we found ourselves, through want of a vessel, deprived of the prospect of being able to accomplish the voyage we had undertaken. And we were unable to build another; for time was pressing, and although there was another barque on the stocks, yet it would have required too long to get it ready, and we could scarcely have made use of it before the return from France of the vessels we were daily expecting.

This was a great misfortune, and owing to the lack of foresight on the part of the master, who was obstinate, but little acquainted with seamanship, and trusting only his own head. He was a good carpenter, skilful in building vessels, and careful in provisioning them with all necessaries, but in no wise adapted to sailing them.

Pont Grave, having arrived at the settlement, received the evidence against Champdore, who was accused of having run the barque on shore with evil intent. Upon such information, he was imprisoned and handcuffed, with the intention of taking him to France and handing him over to Sieur de Monts, to be treated as justice might direct.

On the 15th of June, Pont Grave, finding that the vessels did not return from France, had the handcuffs taken off from Champdore, that he might finish the barque which was on the stocks, which service he discharged very well.

On the 16th of July, the time when we were to leave, in case the vessels had not returned, as was provided in the commission which Sieur de Monts had given to Pont Grave, we set out from our settlement to go to Cape Breton or to Gaspe in search of means of returning to France, since we had received no intelligence from there.

Two of our men remained, of their own accord, to take care of the provisions which were left at the settlement, to each of whom Pont Grave promised fifty crowns in money, and fifty more which he agreed to estimate their pay at when he should come to get them the following year. [189]

There was a captain of the savages named Mabretou, [190] who promised to take care of them, and that they should be treated as kindly as his own children. We found him a friendly savage all the time we were there, although he had the name of being the worst and most traitorous man of his tribe.

ENDNOTES:

181. Vide antea, pp. 25, 26.

182. La gangue. This is the technical word for the matrix, or substance
containing the ore of metals.

183. For 1605, read 1606.

184. Florida, as then known, extended from the peninsula indefinitely to
the north.

185. Seal Cove, which makes up between the southwest end of the Grand

Manan and Wood Island, the latter being South of Manan and is plainly
the island referred to in the text. This cove is open to the South
wind and the sea in a storm. Wood Island has a sandy shore with
occasional rocks.

186. Port aux Coquilles, the harbor of shells. This port was near the
northeastern extremity of Campobello Island, and was probably Head

Harbor, which affords a good harbor of refuge.—Vide Champlain’s Map
of 1612, reference 9.

187. By “harbor” is here meant Annapolis Bay. This wreck of the barque took
place on the Granville side of Digby Strait, where the tides rise from
twenty-three to twenty-Seven feet.

188. Northeast. The text has norouest, clearly a misprint for nordest.

189. These two men were M. La Taille and Miquelet, of whom Lescarbot speaks
in terms of enthusiastic praise for their patriotic courage in
voluntarily risking their lives for the good of New France. _Vide

Histoire Nouvelle France_, Paris, 1612, pp. 545, 546.

190. Mabretou, by Lescarbot written Membertou.

CHAPTER XII.

DEPARTURE FROM PORT ROYAL TO RETURN TO FRANCE.—MEETING RALLEAU AT CAPE SABLE, WHICH CAUSED US TO TURN BACK.

On the 17th of the month, in accordance with the resolution we had formed, we set out from the mouth of Port Royal with two barques, one of eighteen tons, the other of seven or eight, with the view of pursuing the voyage to Cape Breton or Canseau. We anchored in the strait of Long Island,[191] where during the night our cable broke, and we came near being lost, owing to the violent tides which strike upon several rocky points in and about this place. But, through the diligent exertions of all, we were saved, and escaped once more.

On the 21st of the month there was a violent wind, which broke the irons of our rudder between Long Island and Cape Fourchu, and reduced us to such extremities that we were at a loss what to do. For the fury of the sea did not permit us to land, since the breakers ran mountain high along the coast, so that we resolved to perish in the sea rather than to land, hoping that the wind and tempest would abate, so that, with the wind astern, we might go ashore on some sandy beach. As each one thought by himself what might be done for our preservation, a sailor said that a quantity of cordage attached to the stern of our barque, and dragging in the water, might serve in some measure to steer our vessel. But this was of no avail; and we saw that, unless God should aid us by other means, this would not preserve us from shipwreck. As we were thinking what could be done for our safety, Champdore, who had been again handcuffed, said to some of us that, if Pont Grave desired it, he would find means to steer our barque. This we reported to Pont Grave, who did not refuse this offer, and the rest of us still less. He accordingly had his handcuffs taken off the second time, and at once taking a rope, he cut it and fastened the rudder with it in such a skilful manner that it would steer the ship as well as ever. In this way, he made amends for the mistakes he had made leading to the loss of the previous barque, and was discharged from his accusation through our entreaties to Pont Grave who, although Somewhat reluctantly, acceded to it.

The same day we anchored near La Baye Courante, [192] two leagues from Cape Fourchu, and there our barque was repaired.

On the 23d of July, we proceeded near to Cape Sable.

On the 24th of the month, at two o’clock in the afternoon, we perceived a shallop, near Cormorant Island, coming from Cape Sable. Some thought it was savages going away from Cape Breton or the Island of Canseau. Others said it might be shallops sent from Canseau to get news of us. Finally, as we approached nearer, we saw that they were Frenchmen, which delighted us greatly. When it had almost reached us, we recognized Ralleau, the Secretary of Sieur de Monts, which redoubled our joy. He informed us that Sieur de Monts had despatched a vessel of a hundred and twenty tons, commanded by Sieur de Poutrincourt, who had come with fifty men to act as Lieutenant-General, and live in the country; that he had landed at Canseau, whence the above-mentioned vessel had gone out to sea, in order, if possible, to find us, while he, meanwhile, was proceeding along the coast in a shallop, in order to meet us in case we should have set out, supposing we had departed from Port Royal, as was in fact the case: in so doing, they acted very wisely. All this intelligence caused us to turn back; and we arrived at Port Royal on the 25th of the month, where we found the above-mentioned vessel and Sieur de Poutrincourt, and were greatly delighted to see realized what we had given up in despair. [193] He told us that his delay had been caused by an accident which happened to the ship in leaving the boom at Rochelle, where he had taken his departure, and that he had been hindered by bad weather on his voyage. [194]

The next day, Sieur de Poutrincourt proceeded to set forth his views as to what should be done; and, in accordance with the opinion of all, he resolved to stay at Port Royal this year, inasmuch as no discovery had been made since the departure of Sieur de Monts, and the period of four months before winter was not long enough to search out a site and construct another settlement, especially in a large vessel, unlike a barque which draws little water, searches everywhere, and finds places to one’s mind for effecting settlements. But he decided that, during this period, nothing more should be done than to try to find some place better adapted for our abode. [195]

Thus deciding, Sieur de Poutrincourt despatched at once some laborers to work on the land in a spot which he deemed suitable, up the river, a league and a half from the settlement of Port Royal, and where we had thought of making our abode. Here he ordered wheat, rye, hemp, and several other kinds of seeds to be sown, in order to ascertain how they would flourish. [196]

On the 22d of August, a small barque was seen approaching our settlement. It was that of Des Antons, of St. Malo, who had come from Canseau, where his vessel was engaged in fishing, to inform us that there were some vessels about Cape Breton engaged in the fur-trade; and that, if we would send our ship, we might capture them on the point of returning to France. It was determined to do so as soon as some supplies, which were in the ship, could be unloaded. [197]

This being done. Pont Grave embarked, together with his companions, who had wintered with him at Port Royal, excepting Champdore and Foulgere de Vitre. I also stayed with De Poutrincourt, in order, with God’s help, to complete the map of the coasts and countries which I had commenced. Every thing being put in order in the settlement. Sieur de Poutrincourt ordered provisions to be taken on board for our voyage along the coast of Florida.

On the 29th of August, we set out from Port Royal, as did also Pont Grave and Des Antons, who were bound for Cape Breton and Canseau, to seize the vessels which were engaging in the fur-trade, as I have before stated. After getting out to sea, we were obliged to put back on account of bad weather. But the large vessel kept on her course, and we soon lost sight of her.

ENDNOTES:

191. Petit Passage, leading into St. Mary’s Bay.

192. La Baye Courante, the bay at the mouth of Argyl or Abuptic River,
sometimes called Lobster Bay.—_Vide Campbell’s Yarmouth County_.

N.S., p. 13. The anchorage for the repair of the barque near this bay,
two leagues from Cape Fourchu, was probably near Pinckney Point, or it
may have been under the lee of one of the Tusquet Islands.

193. Lescarbot, who with De Poutrincourt was in this vessel, the “Jonas,”

gives a very elaborate account of their arrival and reception at Port

Royal. It seems that, at Canseau, Poutrincourt, supposing that the
colony at Port Royal, not receiving expected succors, had possibly
already embarked for France, as was in fact the case, had despatched a
small boat in charge of Ralleau to reconnoitre the coast, with the
hope of meeting them, if they had already embarked. The “Jonas” passed
them unobserved, perhaps while they were repairing their barque at

Baye Courante. As Ralleau did not join the “Jonas” till after their
arrival at Port Royal, Poutrincourt did not hear of the departure of
the colony till his arrival. Champlain’s dates do not agree with those
of Lescarbot, and the latter is probably correct. According to

Lescarbot, Poutrincourt arrived on the 27th, and Pont Grave with

Champlain on the 31st of July. Vide His. Nou. France, Paris, 1612,
pp. 544, 547.

194. Lescarbot gives a graphic account of the accident which happened to
their vessel in the harbor of Rochelle, delaying them more than a
month: and the bad weather and the bad seamanship of Captain Foulques,
who commanded the “Jonas,” which kept them at sea more than two months
and a half.—Vide His. Nou. France, Paris. 1612, p. 523, et seq.

195. Before leaving France, Poutrincourt had received instructions from the
patentee, De Monts to seek for a good harbor and more genial climate
for the colony farther south than Mallebarre, as he was not satisfied
either with St. Croix or Port Royal for a permanent abode.—_Vide

Lescarbot’s His. Nou. France_, Paris, 1612, p. 552.

196. By reference to Champlain’s drawing of Port Royal, it will be seen
that the place of this agricultural experiment was on the southern
side of Annapolis River, near the mouth of Alien River, and on the
identical soil where the village of Annapolis now stands.

197. It appears that this fur-trader was one Boyer, of Rouen, who had been
delivered from prison at Rochelle by Poutrincourt’s lenity, where he
had been incarcerated probably for the same offence. They did not
succeed in capturing him at Canseau.—Vide His. Nou. France, par

Lescarbot, Paris, 1612, p. 553.

CHAPTER XIII.

SIEUR DE POUTRINCOURT SETS OUT FROM PORT ROYAL TO MAKE DISCOVERIES.—ALL THAT WAS SEEN, AND WHAT TOOK PLACE AS FAR AS MALLEBARRE.

On the 5th of September, we set out again from Port Royal.

On the 7th, we reached the mouth of the river St. Croix, where we found a large number of savages, among others Secondon and Messamouet. We came near being lost there on a rocky islet, on account of Champdore’s usual obstinacy.

The next day we proceeded in a shallop to the Island of St. Croix, where Sieur de Monts had wintered, to see if we could find any spikes of wheat and other seeds which we had planted there. We found some wheat which had fallen on the ground, and come up as finely as one could wish; also a large number of garden vegetables, which also had come up fair and large. It gave us great satisfaction to see that the soil there was good and fertile.

After visiting the island, we returned to our barque, which was one of eighteen tons, on the way catching a large number of mackerel, which are abundant there at this season. It was decided to continue the voyage along the coast, which was not a very well-considered conclusion, since we lost much time in passing over again the discoveries made by Sieur de Monts as far as the harbor of Mallebarre. It would have been much better, in my opinion, to cross from where we were directly to Mallebarre, the route being already known, and then use our time in exploring as far as the fortieth degree, or still farther south, revisiting, upon our homeward voyage, the entire coast at pleasure.

After this decision, we took with us Secondon and Messamouet, who went as far as Choueacoet in a shallop, where they wished to make an alliance with the people of the country, by offering them some presents.

On the 12th of September, we set out from the river St. Croix.

On the 21st, we arrived at Choueacoet, where we saw Onemechin, chief of the river, and Marchin, who had harvested their corn. We saw at the Island of Bacchus [198] some grapes which were ripe and very good, and some others not yet ripe, as fine as those in France; and I am sure that, if they were cultivated, they would produce good wine.

In this place. Sieur de Poutrincourt secured a prisoner that Onemechin had, to whom Messamouet [199] made presents of kettles, hatchets, knives, and other things. Onemechin reciprocated the same with Indian corn, squashes, and Brazilian beans; which was not very satisfactory to Messamouet, who went away very ill-disposed towards them for not properly recognizing his presents, and with the intention of making war upon them in a short time. For these nations give only in exchange for something in return, except to those who have done them a special service, as by assisting them in their wars.

Continuing our course, we proceeded to the Island Cape, [200] where we encountered rather bad weather and fogs, and saw little prospect of being able to spend the night under shelter, since the locality was not favorable for this. While we were thus in perplexity, it occurred to me that, while coasting along with Sieur de Monts, I had noted on my map, at a distance of a league from here, a place which seemed suitable for vessels, but which we did not enter, because, when we passed it, the wind was favorable for continuing on our course. This place we had already passed, which led me to suggest to Sieur de Poutrincourt that we should stand in for a point in sight, where the place in question was, which seemed to me favorable for passing the night. We proceeded to anchor at the mouth, and went in the next day. [201]

Sieur de Poutrincourt landed with eight or ten of our company. We saw some very fine grapes just ripe, Brazilian peas, [202] pumpkins, squashes, and very good roots, which the savages cultivate, having a taste similar to that of chards. [203] They made us presents of some of these, in exchange for little trifles which we gave them. They had already finished their harvest. We saw two hundred savages in this very pleasant place; and there are here a large number [204] of very fine walnut-trees, [205] cypresses, sassafras, oaks, ashes, and beeches. The chief of this place is named Quiouhamenec, who came to see us with a neighbor of his, named Cohoueepech, whom we entertained sumptuously. Onemechin, chief of Choueacoet, came also to see us, to whom we gave a coat, which he, however, did not keep a long time, but made a present of it to another, since he was uneasy in it, and could not adapt himself to it. We saw also a savage here, who had so wounded himself in the foot, and lost so much blood, that he fell down in a swoon. Many others surrounded him, and sang some time before touching him. Afterwards, they made some motions with their feet and hands, shook his head and breathed upon him, when he came to himself. Our surgeon dressed his wounds, when he went off in good spirits.

*

CHAMPLAIN’S EXPLANATION OF THE ACCOMPANYING MAP.

LE BEAU PORT. [Note: Le Beau Port is Gloucester.]

The figures indicate fathoms of water.

A. Place where our barque was. B. Meadows. C. Small island. [Note: Ten-Pound Island. It is forty rods long and
thirty feet high. On it is a U. S. Light, fifty feet above the
sea-level.] D. Rocky cape.

E. Place where we had our shallop calked. [Note: This peninsula is now
called Rocky Neck. Its southern part and the causeway which connects
it with the main land are now thickly settled.] F. Little rocky islet, very high on the coast. [Note: This is Salt

Island.] G. Cabins of the savages and where they till the soil. H. Little river where there are meadows. [Note: This is the small stream
that flows into Fresh-Water Cove.] I. Brook. L. Tongue of land covered with trees, including a large number of
sassafras, walnut-trees, and vines. [Note: This is now called Eastern

Point, is three quarters of a mile long, and about half a mile in its
greatest width. At its southern extremity is a U. S. Light, sixty feet
above the sea-level. The scattering rocks figured by Champlain on its
western shore are now known as Black Bess.] M. Arm of the sea on the other side of the Island Cape. [Note: Squam

River, flowing into Annisquam Harbor.] N. Little River. O. Little brook coming from the meadows. P. Another little brook where we did our washing. Q. Troop of savages coming to surprise us. [Note: They were creeping
along the eastern bank of Smith’s Cove.] R. Sandy strand. [Note: The beach of SouthEast Harbor.] S. Seacoast. T. Sieur de Poutrincourt in ambuscade with some seven or eight
arquebusiers. V. Sieur de Champlain discovering the savages.

NOTES: A comparison of his map with the Coast Survey Charts will exhibit its surprising accuracy, especially when we make allowance for the fact that it is merely a sketch executed without measurements, and with a very brief visit to the locality. The projection or cape west of Ten-Pound Island, including Stage Head, may be easily identified, as likewise Fort Point directly north of the same island, as seen on our maps, but northwest on that of Champlain, showing that his map is oriented with an inclination to the west. The most obvious defect is the foreshortening of the Inner Harbor, which requires much greater elongation.

*

The next day, as we were calking our shallop, Sieur de Poutrincourt in the woods noticed a number of savages who were going, with the intention of doing us some mischief, to a little stream, where a neck connects with the main land, at which our party were doing their washing. As I was walking along this neck, these savages noticed me; and, in order to put a good face upon it, since they saw that I had discovered them thus seasonably, they began to shout and dance, and then came towards me with their bows, arrows, quivers, and other arms. And, inasmuch as there was a meadow between them and myself, I made a sign to them to dance again. This they did in a circle, putting all their arms in the middle. But they had hardly commenced, when they observed Sieur de Poutrincourt in the wood with eight musketeers, which frightened them. Yet they did not stop until they had finished their dance, when they withdrew in all directions, fearing lest some unpleasant turn might be served them. We said nothing to them, however, and showed them only demonstrations of gladness. Then we returned to launch our shallop, and take our departure. They entreated us to wait a day, saying that more than two thousand of them would come to see us. But, unable to lose any time, we were unwilling to stay here longer. I am of opinion that their object was to surprise us. Some of the land was already cleared up, and they were constantly making clearings. Their mode of doing it is as follows: after cutting down the trees at the distance of three feet from the ground, they burn the branches upon the trunk, and then plant their corn between these stumps, in course of time tearing up also the roots. There are likewise fine meadows here, capable of supporting a large number of cattle. This harbor is very fine, containing water enough for vessels, and affording a shelter from the weather behind the islands. It is in latitude 43 deg., and we gave it the name of Le Beauport. [206]

The last day of September we set out from Beauport, and, passing Cap St. Louis, stood on our course all night for Cap Blanc. [207] In the morning, an hour before daylight we found ourselves to the leeward of Cap Blanc, in Baye Blanche, with eight feet of water, and at a distance of a league from the shore. Here we anchored, in order not to approach too near before daylight, and to see how the tide was. Meanwhile, we sent our shallop to make soundings. Only eight feet of water were found, so that it was necessary to determine before daylight what we would do. The water sank as low as five feet, and our barque sometimes touched on the sand, yet without any injury, for the water was calm, and we had not less than three feet of water under us. Then the tide began to rise, which gave us encouragement.

When it was day, we saw a very low, sandy shore, off which we were, and more to the leeward. A shallop was sent to make soundings in the direction of land somewhat high, where we thought there would be deep water; and, in fact, we found seven fathoms. Here we anchored, and at once got ready the shallop, with nine or ten men to land and examine a place where we thought there was a good harbor to shelter ourselves in, if the wind should increase. An examination having been made, we entered in two, three, and four fathoms of water. When we were inside, we found five and six. There were many very good oysters here, which we had not seen before, and we named the place Port aux Huistres. [208] It is in latitude 42 deg.. Three canoes of savages came out to us. On this day, the wind coming round in our favor, we weighed anchor to go to Cap Blanc, distant from here five leagues north a quarter northeast, and we doubled the cape.

On the next day, the 2d of October, we arrived off Mallebarre, [209] where we stayed some time on account of the bad weather. During this time, Sieur de Poutrincourt, with the shallop, accompanied by twelve or fifteen men, visited the harbor, where some hundred and fifty savages, singing and dancing according to their custom, appeared before him. After seeing this place, we returned to our vessel, and, the wind coming favorable, sailed along the coast towards the south.

ENDNOTES:

198. Richmond Island.—Vide antea, note 123. The ripe grapes which he saw
were the Fox Grape. Vitis labrusca, which ripens in September. The
fruit is of a dark purple color, tough and musky. The Isabella, common
in our markets, is derived from it. It is not quite clear whether
those seen in an unripe state were another species or not. If they
were, they were the Frost Grape, Vitis cardifolia, which are found
in the northern parts of New England. The berry is small, black or
blue, having a bloom, highly acid, and ripens after frosts. This
island, so prolific in grapes, became afterward a centre of commercial
importance. On Josselyn’s voyage of 1638, he says: “The Six and
twentieth day, Capt. Thomas Cammock went aboard of a Barke of 300

Tuns, laden with Island Wine, and but 7 men in her, and never a Gun,
bound for Richmond’s Island, Set out by Mr. Trelaney, of Plimouth“—

Voyages, 1675, Boston, Veazie’s ed., 1865, p. 12.

199. Messamouet was a chief from the Port de la Heve, and was accompanied
by Secondon, also a chief from the river St. John. They had come to

Saco to dispose of a quantity of goods which they had obtained from
the French fur-traders. Messamouet made an address on the occasion, in
which he stated that he had been in France, and had been entertained
at the house of Mons. de Grandmont, governor of Bavonne.—_Vide

His. Nou. France_, par Lescarbot, Paris, 1612, p. 559, et seq.

200. Cape Anne.

201. Gloucester Bay, formerly called Cape Anne Harbor, which, as we shall
see farther on, they named Beauport, the beautiful harbor.

202. Brazilian peas. This should undoubtedly read Brazilian beans. _Pois du

Bresil_ is here used apparently by mistake for febues de Bresil.—

Vide antea, note 127.

203. Chards, a vegetable dill, composed of the footstocks and midrib of
artichokes, cardoons, or white beets. The “very good roots,” _des
racines qui font bonnes_, were Jerusalem Artichokes, _Helianthus
tuberofus_, indigenous to the northern part of this continent. The

Italians had obtained it before Champlain’s time, and named it

Girasole, their word for sunflower, of which the artichoke is a
species. This word, girasole, has been singularly corrupted in

England into Jerusalem; hence Jerusalem artichoke, now the common
name of this plant. We presume that there is no instance on record of
its earlier cultivation in New England than at Nauset in 1605, _vide
antea_, p. 82, and here at Gloucester in 1606.

204. Under the word noyers, walnut-trees, Champlain may have comprehended
the hickories, Carya alba and porcina, and perhaps the butternut,

Juglans cinerea, all of which might have been seen at Gloucester. It
is clear from his description that he saw at Saco the hickory, _Carya
porcina_, commonly known as the pig-nut or broom hickory. He probably
saw likewise the shag bark, Carya alba, as both are found growing
wild there even at the present day.—Vide antea, p. 67. Both the
butternut and the hickories are exclusively of American origin; and
there was no French name by which they could be more accurately
designated. Noyer is applied in France to the tree which produces
the nut known in our markets as the English walnut. Josselyn figures
the hickory under the name of walnut.—_Vide New Eng. Rarities_,

Tuckerman’s ed., p. 97. See also _Wood’s New Eng. Prospect, 1634,

Prince Soc. ed., p. 18.

205. The trees here mentioned are such probably as appeared to Champlain
especially valuable for timber or other practical uses.

The cypress, _cypres_, has been already referred to in note 168. It is
distinguished for its durability, its power of resisting the usual
agencies of decay, and is widely used for posts, and sleepers on the
track of railways, and to a limited extent for cabinet work, but less
now than in earlier times. William Wood says of it: “This wood is more
desired for ornament than substance, being of color red and white,
like Eugh, smelling as sweet as Iuniper; it is commonly used for
seeling of houses, and making of Chests, boxes and staves.”—_Wood’s

New Eng. Prospect_, 1634, Prince Soc. ed., p. 19.

The sassafras, Sassafras officinate, is indigenous to this
continent, and has a spicy, aromatic flavor, especially the bark and
root. It was in great repute as a medicine for a long time after the
discovery of this country. Cargoes of it were often taken home by the
early voyagers for the European markets; and it is said to have sold
as high as fifty livres per pound. Dr. Jacob Bigelow says a work
entitled “Sassafrasologia” was written to celebrate its virtues; but
its properties are only those of warm aromatics. Josselyn describes
it, and adds that it does not “grow beyond Black Point eastward,”

which is a few miles northeast of Old Orchard Beach, near Saco, in

Maine. It is met with now infrequently in New England; several
specimens, however, may be seen in the Granary Burial Ground in

Boston.

Oaks, chesnes, of which several of the larger species may have been
seen: as, the white oak, Quercus alba; black oak, _Quercus
tinfloria_; Scarlet oak, Quercus coccinea; and red oak, _Quercus
rubra_.

Ash-trees, fresnes, probably the white ash, Fraxinus Americana,
and not unlikely the black ash, Fraxinus sambucifolia, both valuable
as timber.

Beech-trees, hestres, of which there is but a single Species, _Fagus
ferruginca_, the American beech, a handsome tree, of symmetrical
growth, and clean, smooth, ash-gray bark: the nut, of triangular
shape, is sweet and palatable. The wood is brittle, and used only for
a few purposes.

206. Le Beauport. The latitude of Ten-Pound Island, near where the French
barque was anchored in the Harbor of Gloucester, is 42 deg. 36’ 5”.

207. The reader may be reminded that Cap St. Louis is Brant Point; Cap

Blanc is Cape Cod; and Baye Blanche is Cape Cod Bay.

208. Le Port aux Huistres, Oyster Harbor. The reader will observe, by
looking back a few sentences in the narrative, that the French
coasters, after leaving Cap St. Louis, that is, Brant Point, had aimed
to double Cape Cod, and had directed their course, as they supposed,
to accomplish this purpose. Owing, however, to the strength of the
wind, or the darkness of the night, or the inattention of their pilot,
or all these together, they had passed to the leeward of the point
aimed at, and before morning found themselves near a harbor, which
they subsequently entered, in Cape Cod Bay. It is plain that this
port, which they named Oyster Harbor, was either that of Wellfleet or

Barnstable. The former, it will be remembered, Champlain, with De

Monts, entered the preceding year, 1605, and named it, or the river
that flows into it, St. Suzanne du Cap Blanc.—Vide antea, note

166. It is obvious that Champlain could not have entered this harbor
the second time without recognizing it: and, if he had done so, he
would not have given to it a name entirely different from that which
he had given it the year before. He was too careful an observer to
fall into such an extraordinary mistake. We may conclude, therefore,
that the port in question was not Wellfleet, but Barnstable. This
conclusion is sustained by the conditions mentioned in the text. They
entered, on a flood-tide, in twelve, eighteen, and twenty-four feet of
water, and found thirty or thirty-six when they had passed into the
harbor. It could hardly be expected that any harbor among the shifting
sands of Cape Cod would remain precisely the same, as to depth of
water, after the lapse of two hundred and fifty years. Nevertheless,
the discrepancy is so slight in this case, that it would seem to be
accidental, rather than to arise from the solidity or fixedness of the
harbor-bed. The channel of Barnstable Harbor, according to the Coast

Survey Charts, varies in depth at low tide, for two miles outside of

Sandy Neck Point, from seven to ten feet for the first mile, and for
the next mile from ten feet to thirty-two on reaching Beach Point,
which may be considered the entrance of the bay. On passing the Point,
we have thirty-six and a half feet, and for a mile inward the depth
varies from twelve to twenty feet. Add a few feet for the rise of the
tide on which they entered, and the depth of the water in 1606 could
not have been very different from that of to-day. The “low sandy
coast” which they saw is well represented by Spring Hill Beach and

Sandy Neck; the “land somewhat high,” by the range of hills in the
rear of Barnstable Harbor. The distance from the mouth of the harbor
to Wood End light, the nearest point on Cape Cod, does not vary more
than a league, and its direction is about that mentioned by

Champlain. The difference in latitude is not greater than usual. It is
never sufficiently exact for the identification of any locality. The
substantial agreement, in so many particulars with the narrative of
the author, renders it quite clear that the Port aux Huistres was

Barnstable Harbor. They entered it on the morning of the 1st of

October, and appear to have left on the same day. Sandy Neck light, at
the entrance of the harbor, is in latitude 41 deg. 43’ 19”.

209. Nauset Harbor.

CHAPTER XIV.

CONTINUATION OF THE ABOVE DISCOVERIES, AND WHAT WAS OBSERVED OF PARTICULAR IMPORTANCE.

When we were some six leagues from Mallebarre, we anchored near the coast, the wind not being fair, along which we observed columns of smoke made by the savages, which led us to determine to go to them, for which purpose the shallop was made ready. But when near the coast, which is sandy, we could not land, for the swell was too great. Seeing this, the savages launched a canoe, and came out to us, eight or nine of them, singing and making signs of their joy at seeing us, and they indicated to us that lower down there was a harbor where we could put our barque in a place of security. Unable to land, the shallop came back to the barque; and the savages, whom we had treated civilly, returned to the shore.

On the next day, the wind being favorable, we continued our course to the north [210] five leagues, and hardly had we gone this distance, when we found three and four fathoms of water at a distance of a league and a half from the shore. On going a little farther, the depth suddenly diminished to a fathom and a half and two fathoms, which alarmed us, since we saw the sea breaking all around, but no passage by which we could retrace our course, for the wind was directly contrary.

Accordingly being shut in among the breakers and sand-banks, we had to go at hap-hazard where there seemed to be the most water for our barque, which was at most only four feet: we continued among these breakers until we found as much as four feet and a half. Finally, we succeeded, by the grace of God, in going over a sandy point running out nearly three leagues seaward to the south-south-east, and a very dangerous place. [211] Doubling this cape, which we named Cap Batturier, [212] which is twelve or thirteen leagues from Mallebarre, [213] we anchored in two and a half fathoms of water, since we saw ourselves surrounded on all sides by breakers and shoals, except in some places where the sea was breaking to go to a place, which, we concluded to be that which the savages had indicated. We also thought there was a river there, where we could lie in security.

When our shallop arrived there, our party landed and examined the place, and, returning with a savage whom they brought off, they told us that we could enter at full tide, which was resolved upon. We immediately weighed anchor, and, under the guidance of the savage who piloted us, proceeded to anchor at a roadstead before the harbor, in six fathoms of water and a good bottom; [214] for we could not enter, as the night overtook us.

On the next day, men were sent to set stakes at the end of a sand-bank [215] at the mouth of the harbor, when, the tide rising, we entered in two fathoms of water. When we had arrived, we praised God for being in a place of safety. Our rudder had broken, which we had mended with ropes; but we were afraid that, amid these shallows and strong tides, it would break anew, and we should be lost. Within this harbor [216] there is only a fathom of water, and two at full tide. On the east, there is a bay extending back on the north some three leagues, [217] in which there is an island and two other little bays which adorn the landscape, where there is a considerable quantity of land cleared up, and many little hills, where they cultivate corn and the various grains on which they live. There are, also, very fine vines, many walnut-trees, oaks, cypresses, but only a few pines. [218] All the inhabitants of this place are very fond of agriculture, and provide themselves with Indian corn for the winter, which they store in the following manner:—

They make trenches in the sand on the slope of the hills, some five to six feet deep, more or less. Putting their corn and other grains into large grass sacks, they throw them into these trenches, and cover them with sand three or four feet above the surface of the earth, taking it out as their needs require. In this way, it is preserved as well as it would be possible to do in our granaries. [219]

*

CHAMPLAIN’S EXPLANATION OF THE ACCOMPANYING MAP.

PORT FORTUNE.

The figures indicate fathoms of water.

A. Pond of salt water. [Note: This is now called Oyster Pond.] B. Cabins of the Savages and the lands they cultivate. C. Meadows where there are two little brooks. C. Meadows on the island, that are covered at every tide. [Note: The
letter C appears twice in the index, but both are wanting on the
map. The former seems to point to the meadows on the upper left-hand
corner: the other should probably take the place of the O on the
western part of the island above F.] D. Small mountain ranges on the island, that are covered with trees,
vines, and plum-trees. [Note: This range of hills is a marked feature
of the island.] E. Pond of fresh water, where there is plenty of game. [Note: This pond
is still distinguished for its game, and is leased by gentlemen in

Boston and held as a preserve.] F. A kind of meadow on the island. [Note: This is known as Morris Island;
but the strait on the north of it has been filled up, and the island
is now a part of the main land.] G. An island covered with wood in a great arm of the sea. [Note: This
island has been entirely obliterated, and the neck on the north has
likewise been swept away, and the bay now extends several leagues
farther north. The destruction of the island was completed in 1851, in
the gale that swept away Minot’s Light. In 1847, it had an area of
thirteen acres and an elevation of twenty feet.—_Vide Harbor

Com. Report, 1873.] H. A sort of pond of salt water, where there are many shell-fish, and,
among others, quantities of oysters. [Note: This is now called the

Mill Pond.] I. Sandy downs on a narrow tongue of land. L. Arm of the sea. M. Roadstead before the harbor where we anchored. [Note: Chatham Roads,
or Old Stage Harbor.] N. Entrance to the harbor. O. The harbor and place where our barque was. P. The cross we planted. Q. Little brook. R. Mountain which is seen at a great distance. [Note: A moderate
elevation, by no means a mountain in our sense of the word.] S. Seashore. T. Little river. V. Way we went in their country among their dwellings: it is indicated by
small dots. [Note: The circuit here indicated is about four or five
miles. Another path is indicated in the same manner on the extreme
northern end of the map, which shows that their excursions had been
extensive.] X. Banks and shoals. Y. Small mountain seen in the interior. [Note: This is now called the

Great Chatham Hill, and is a conspicuous landmark.] Z. Small brooks. 9. Spot near the cross where the savages killed our men. [Note: This is a
creek up which the tide sets. The other brook figured on the map a
little south of the cross has been artificially filled up, but the
marshes which it drained are still to be seen. These landmarks enable
us to fix upon the locality of the cross within a few feet.]

*

We saw in this place some five to six hundred savages, all naked except their sexual parts, which they cover with a small piece of doe or seal-skin. The women are also naked, and, like the men, cover theirs with skins or leaves. They wear their hair carefully combed and twisted in various ways, both men and women, after the manner of the savages of Choueacoet. [220] Their bodies are well-proportioned, and their skin olive-colored. They adorn themselves with feathers, beads of shell, and other gewgaws, which they arrange very neatly in embroidery work. As weapons, they have bows, arrows, and clubs. They are not so much great hunters as good fishermen and tillers of the land.

In regard to their police, government, and belief, we have been unable to form a judgment; but I suppose that they are not different in this respect from our savages, the Souriquois and Canadians, who worship neither the moon nor the sun, nor any thing else, and pray no more than the beasts. [221] There are, however, among them some persons, who, as they say, are in concert with the devil, in whom they have great faith. They tell them all that is to happen to them, but in so doing lie for the most part. Sometimes they succeed in hitting the mark very well, and tell them things similar to those which actually happen to them. For this reason, they have faith in them, as if they were prophets; while they are only impostors who delude them, as the Egyptians and Bohemians do the simple villagers. They have chiefs, whom they obey in matters of war, but not otherwise, and who engage in labor, and hold no higher rank than their companions. Each one has only so much land as he needs for his support.

Their dwellings are separate from each other, according to the land which each one occupies. They are large, of a circular shape, and covered with thatch made of grasses or the husks of Indian corn. [222] They are furnished only with a bed or two, raised a foot from the ground, made of a number of little pieces of wood pressed against each other, on which they arrange a reed mat, after the Spanish style, which is a kind of matting two or three fingers thick: on these they sleep. [223] They have a great many fleas in summer, even in the fields. One day as we went out walking, we were beset by so many of them that we were obliged to change our clothes.

All the harbors, bays, and coasts from Choueacoet are filled with every variety of fish, like those which we have before our habitation, and in such abundance that I can confidently assert that there was not a day or night when we did not see and hear pass by our barque more than a thousand porpoises, which were chasing the smaller fry. There are also many shell-fish of various sorts, principally oysters. Game birds are very plenty.

It would be an excellent place to erect buildings and lay the foundations of a State, if the harbor were somewhat deeper and the entrance safer. Before leaving the harbor, the rudder was repaired; and we had some bread made from flour, which we had brought for our subsistence, in case our biscuit should give out. Meanwhile, we sent the shallop with five or six men and a savage to see whether a passage might be found more favorable for our departure than that by which we had entered.

After they had gone five or six leagues and were near the land, the savage made his escape [224], since he was afraid of being taken to other savages farther south, the enemies of his tribe, as he gave those to understand who were in the shallop. The latter, upon their return, reported that, as far as they had advanced, there were at least three fathoms of water, and that farther on there were neither shallows nor reefs.

We accordingly made haste to repair our barque, and make a supply of bread for fifteen days. Meanwhile, Sieur de Poutrincourt, accompanied by ten or twelve arquebusiers, visited all the neighboring country, which is very fine, as I have said before, and where we saw here and there a large number of little houses.

Some eight or nine days after, while Sieur de Poutrincourt was walking out, as he had previously done, [225] we observed the Savages taking down their cabins and sending their women, children, provisions, and other necessaries of life into the woods. This made us suspect some evil intention, and that they purposed to attack those of our company who were working on shore, where they stayed at night in order to guard that which could not be embarked at evening except with much trouble. This proved to be true; for they determined among themselves, after all their effects had been put in a place of security, to come and surprise those on land, taking advantage of them as much as possible, and to carry off all they had. But, if by chance they should find them on their guard, they resolved to come with signs of friendship, as they were wont to do, leaving behind their bows and arrows.

Now, in view of what Sieur de Poutrincourt had seen, and the order which it had been told him they observed when they wished to play some bad trick, when we passed by some cabins, where there was a large number of women, we gave them some bracelets and rings to keep them quiet and free from fear, and to most of the old and distinguished men hatchets, knives, and other things which they desired. This pleased them greatly, and they repaid it all in dances, gambols, and harangues, which we did not understand at all. We went wherever we chose without their having the assurance to say any thing to us. It pleased us greatly to see them; show themselves so simple in appearance.

We returned very quietly to our barque, accompanied by some of the savages. On the way, we met several small troops of them, who gradually gathered together with their arms, and were greatly astonished to see us so far in the interior, and did not suppose that we had just made a circuit of nearly four or five leagues about their territory. Passing near us, they trembled with fear, lest harm should be done them, as it was in our power to do. But we did them none, although we knew their evil intentions. Having arrived where our men were working, Sieur de Poutrincourt inquired if every thing was in readiness to resist the designs of this rabble.

He ordered every thing on shore to be embarked. This was done, except that he who was making the bread stayed to finish a baking, and two others with him. They were told that the savages had some evil intent, and that they should make haste to embark the coming evening, since they carried their plans into execution only at night, or at daybreak, which in their plots is generally the hour for making a surprise.

Evening having come, Sieur de Poutrincourt gave orders that the shallop should be sent ashore to get the men who remained. This was done as soon as the tide would permit, and those on shore were told that they must embark for the reason assigned. This they refused in spite of the remonstrances that were made setting forth the risks they ran and the disobedience to their chief. They paid no attention to it, with the exception of a servant of Sieur de Poutrincourt, who embarked. Two others disembarked from the shallop and went to the three on shore, who had stayed to eat some cakes made at the same time with the bread.

But, as they were unwilling to do as they were told, the shallop returned to the vessel. It was not mentioned to Sieur de Poutrincourt, who had retired, thinking that all were on board.

The next day, in the morning, the 15th of October, the savages did not fail to come and see in what condition our men were, whom they found asleep, except one, who was near the fire. When they saw them in this condition, they came, to the number of four hundred, softly over a little hill, and sent them such a volley of arrows that to rise up was death. Fleeing the best they could towards our barque, shouting, “Help! they are killing us!” a part fell dead in the water; the others were all pierced with arrows, and one died in consequence a short time after. The savages made a desperate noise with roarings, which it was terrible to hear.

*

CHAMPLAIN’S EXPLANATION OF THE ACCOMPANYING MAP.

THE ATTACK AT PORT FORTUNE.

The figures indicate fathoms of water.

A. Place where the French were making bread. B. The savages surprising the French, and shooting their arrows at them. C. French burned by the Savages. D. The French fleeing to the barque, completely covered with arrows. E. Troops of savages burning the French whom they had killed. F. Mountain bordering on the harbor. G. Cabins of the savages. H. French on the shore charging upon the Savages. I. Savages routed by the French. L. Shallop in which were the French. M. Savages around our shallop, who were surprised by our men. N. Barque of Sieur de Poutrincourt. O. The harbor. P. Small brook. Q. French who fell dead in the water as they were trying to flee to the
barque. R. Brook coming from certain marshes. S. Woods under cover of which the savages came.

*

Upon the occurrence of this noise and that of our men, the sentinel, on our vessel, exclaimed, “To arms! They are killing our men!” Consequently, each one immediately seized his arms; and we embarked in the shallop, some fifteen or sixteen of us, in order to go ashore. But, being unable to get there on account of a sand-bank between us and the land, we threw ourselves into the water, and waded from this bank to the shore, the distance of a musket-shot. As soon as we were there, the savages, seeing us within arrow range, fled into the interior. To pursue them was fruitless, for they are marvellously swift. All that we could do was to carry away the dead bodies and bury them near a cross, which had been set up the day before, and then to go here and there to see if we could get sight of any of them. But it was time wasted, therefore we came back. Three hours afterwards, they returned to us on the seashore. We discharged at them several shots from our little brass cannon; and, when they heard the noise, they crouched down on the ground to avoid the fire. In mockery of us, they beat down the cross and disinterred the dead, which displeased us greatly, and caused us to go for them a second time; but they fled, as they had done before. We set up again the cross, and reinterred the dead, whom they had thrown here and there amid the heath, where they kindled a fire to burn them. We returned without any result, as we had done before, well aware that there was scarcely hope of avenging ourselves this time, and that we should have to renew the undertaking when it should please God.

On the 16th of the month, we set out from Port Fortune, to which we had given this name on account of the misfortune which happened to us there. This place is in latitude 41 deg. 20’, and some twelve or thirteen leagues from Mallebarre. [226]

ENDNOTES:

210. Clearly a mistake. Champlain here says they “continued their course
north,” whereas, the whole context shows that they must have gone
south.

211. “The sandy point” running out nearly three leagues was evidently the
island of Monomoy, or its representative, which at that time may have
been only a continuation of the main land. Champlain does not
delineate on his map an island, but a sand-bank nearly in the shape of
an isosceles triangle, which extends far to the southeast. Very great
changes have undoubtedly taken place on this part of the coast since
the visit of Champlain. The sand-bar figured by him has apparently
been swept from the southeast round to the southwest, and is perhaps
not very much changed in its general features except as to its
position. “We know from our studies of such shoals,” says

Prof. Mitchell, Chief of Physical Hydrography, U. S. Coast Survey,

“that the relative order of banks and beaches remains about the same,
however the system as a whole may change its location.”—_Mass.

Harbor Commissioners’ Report_. 1873, p. 99.

212. Batturier. This word is an adjective, formed with the proper
termination from the noun, batture, which means a bank upon which
the sea beats, reef or sand-bank. Cap Batturier may therefore be
rendered sand-bank cape, or the cape of the sand-banks. Batturier
does not appear in the dictionaries, and was doubtless coined by

Champlain himself, as he makes, farther on, the adjective truitiere,
in the expression la riviere truitiere, from the noun, truite.

213. The distances here given appear to be greatly overstated. From Nauset
to the southern point of Monomoy, as it is to-day, the distance is not
more than six leagues. But, as the sea was rough, and they were
apparently much delayed, the distance might naturally enough be
overestimated.

214. The anchorage was in Chatham Roads, or Old Stage Harbor.

215. Harding’s Beach Point.

216. They were now in Stage Harbor, in Chatham, to which Champlain, farther
on gives the name of Port Fortune.

217. This is the narrow bay that stretches from Morris Island to the north,
parallel with the sea, separated from it only by a sand-bank, and now
reaching beyond Chatham into the town of Orleans. By comparing

Champlain’s map of Port Fortune with modern charts, it will be seen
that the “bay extending back on the north some three leagues”

terminated, in 1606, a little below Chatham Old Harbor. The island on

Champlain’s map marked G. was a little above the harbor, but has been
entirely swept away, together with the neck north of it, represented
on Champlain’s map as covered with trees. The bay now extends, as we
have stated above, into the town of Orleans. The island G, known in
modern times as Ram Island, disappeared in 1851, although it still
continued to figure on Walling’s map of 1858: The two other little
bays mentioned in the text scarcely appear on Champlain’s map; and he
may have inadvertently included in this bay the two that are farther
north, viz. Crow’s Pond and Pleasant Bay, although they do not fall
within the limits of his map.

218. Vide antea, notes 168, 204, 205.

219. Indian corn, Zea mays, is a plant of American origin. Columbus saw
it among the natives of the West Indies, “a sort of grain they call

Maiz, which was well tasted, bak’d, or dry’d and made into flour.”—

_Vide History of the Life and Actions of Chris. Columbus by his Son

Ferdinand Columbus, Churchill’s Voyages_, Vol. II. p. 510.

It is now cultivated more or less extensively in nearly every part of
the world where the climate is suitable. Champlain is the first who
has left a record of the method of its cultivation in New England,
vide antea, p. 64, and of its preservation through the winter. The

Pilgrims, in 1620, found it deposited by the Indians in the ground
after the manner described in the text. Bradford says they found

“heaps of sand newly padled with their hands, which they, digging up,
found in them diverce faire Indean baskets filled with corne, and some
in eares, faire and good, of diverce collours, which seemed to them a
very goodly sight, haveing never seen any such before:”—_His. Plym.

Plantation_, p. 82. Squanto taught the English how to “set it, and
after how to dress and tend it”—Idem, p. 100.

“The women,” says Roger Williams, “set or plant, weede and hill, and
gather and barne all the corne and Fruites of the field,” and of
drying the corn, he adds, “which they doe carefully upon heapes and

Mats many dayes, they barne it up, covering it up with Mats at night,
and opening when the Sun is hot”

The following are testimonies as to the use made by the natives of the

Indian corn as food:—

“They brought with them in a thing like a Bow-case, which the
principall of them had about his wast, a little of their Corne
powdered to Powder, which put to a little water they eate.”—_Mourts

Relation_, London, 1622, Dexter’s ed., p. 88.

“Giving us a kinde of bread called by them Maizium.”—Idem,
p. 101.

“They seldome or never make bread of their Indian corne, but seeth
it whole like beanes, eating three or four cornes with a mouthfull of
fish or flesh, sometimes eating meate first and cornes after, filling
chinckes with their broth.”—_Wood’s New Eng. Prospect_, London, 1634.

Prince Society’s ed., pp. 75, 76.

“Nonkekich. Parch’d meal, which is a readie very wholesome, food,
which they eate with a little water hot or cold: … With spoonfull
of this meale and a spoonfull of water from the Brooke, have I
made many a good dinner and supper.”—Roger Williams’s Key, London,

1643, Trumbull’s ed., pp. 39, 40.

“Their food is generally boiled maize, or Indian corn, mixed with
kidney beans or Sometimes without…. Also they mix with the said
pottage several sorts of roots, as Jerusalem artichokes, and ground
nuts, and other roots, and pompions, and squashes, and also several
sorts of nuts or masts, as oak-acorns, chesnuts, walnuts: These husked
and dried, and powdered, they thicken their pottage therewith.”—

Historical Collections of the Indians, by Daniel Gookin, 1674,

Boston, 1792. p. 10.

220. The character of the Indian dress, as here described, does not differ
widely from that of a later period.—_Vide Mourt’s Relation_, 1622,

Dexter’s ed., p. 135: Roger Williams’s Key, 1643, Trumbull’s ed.,
p. 143, et seq.; History of New England, by Edward Johnson, 1654,

Poole’s ed., pp. 224, 225.

Champlain’s observations were made in the autumn before the approach
of the winter frosts.

Thomas Morton, writing in 1632, says that the mantle which the women

“use to cover their nakednesse with is much longer then that which the
men use; for as the men have one Deeres skinn, the women haue two soed
together at the full length, and it is so lardge that it trailes after
them, like a great Ladies trane, and in time,” he sportively adds, “I
thinke they may have their Pages to beare them up.”—_New Eng.

Canaan_, 1632, in Force’s Tracts, Vol. II, p. 23.

221. This conclusion harmonizes with the opinion of Thomas Morton, who says
that the natives of New England are “_sine fide, sine lege, et sine
rege_, and that they have no worship nor religion at all.”—_New Eng.

Canaan_, 1632, in Force’s Tracts, Vol. II. p. 21.

Winslow was at first of the same opinion, but afterward saw cause for
changing his mind.—_Vide Winslow’s Relation_, 1624, in Young’s

Chronicles, P 355. See also Roger Williams’s Key, Trumbull’s ed.,
p. 159.

222. “Their houses, or wigwams,” says Gookin, “are built with small poles
fixed in the ground, bent and fastened together with barks of trees,
oval or arborwise on the top. The best sort of their houses are
covered very neatly, tight, and warm with the bark of trees, stripped
from their bodies at such seasons when the sap is up; and made into
great flakes with pressures of weighty timbers, when they are green;
and so becoming dry, they will retain a form suitable for the use they
prepare them for. The meaner sort of wigwams are covered with mats
they make of a kind of bulrush, which are also indifferent tight and
warm, but not so good as the former.”—_Vide Historical Collections_,

1674, Boston, 1792, p. 9.

223. The construction of the Indian couch, or bed, at a much later period
may be seen by the following excerpts: “So we desired to goe to rest:

he layd us on the bed with himselfe and his wife, they at one end and
we at the other, it being only plancks layd a foot from the ground,
and a thin mat upon them.”—Mourt’s Relation, London. 1622, Dexter’s
ed., pp. 107, 108. “In their wigwams, they make a kind of couch or
mattresses, firm and strong, raised about a foot high from the earth;
first covered with boards that they split out of trees; and upon the
boards they spread mats generally, and sometimes bear skins and deer
skins. These are large enough for three or four persons to lodge upon:

and one may either draw nearer or keep at a more distance from the
heat of the fire, as they please; for their mattresses are six or
eight feet broad.”—_Gookin’s Historical Collections_, 1674, Boston,

1792, p. 10.

224. This exploration appears to have extended about as far as Point

Gammon, where, being “near the land,” their Indian guide left them, as
stated in the text.

225. On the map of Port Fortune, or Chatham, the course of one of these
excursions is marked by a dotted line, to which the reader is
referred.—Vide notes on the map of Port Fortune.

226. Port Fortune, perhaps here used, to signify the port of chance or
hazard; referring particularly to the dangers they encountered in
passing round Monomoy to reach it. The latitude of Stage Harbor in

Chatham is 41 deg. 40’. The distance from Mallebarre or Nauset to Port

Fortune, or Stage Harbor, by water round the Southern point of Monomoy
is at the present time about nine leagues. The distance may possibly
have been greater in 1606, or Champlain may have increased the
distance by giving a wide berth to Monomoy in passing round it.

CHAPTER XV.

THE INCLEMENCY OF THE WEATHER NOT PERMITTING US AT THAT TIME TO CONTINUE OUR DISCOVERIES, WE RESOLVED TO RETURN TO OUR SETTLEMENT. WHAT HAPPENED TO US UNTIL WE REACHED IT.

After having gone some six or seven leagues, we sighted an island, which we named La Soupconneuse, [227] because in the distance we had several times thought it was not an island. Then the wind became contrary, which caused us to put back to the place whence we had set out, where we stayed two or three days, no savage during this time presenting himself to us.

On the 20th, we set out anew and coasted along to the southwest nearly twelve leagues, [228] where we passed near a river which is small and difficult of access in consequence of the shoals and rocks at its mouth, and which I called after my own name. [229] This coast is, so far as we saw, low and sandy. The wind again grew contrary and very strong, which caused us to put out to sea, as we were unable to advance on one tack or the other; it, however, finally abated a little and grew favorable. But all we could do was to return again to Port Fortune, where the coast, though low, is fine and good, yet difficult of access, there being no harbors, many reefs, and shallow water for the distance of nearly two leagues from land. The most that we found was seven or eight fathoms in some channels, which, however, continued only a cable’s length, when there were suddenly only two or three fathoms; but one should not trust the water who has not well examined the depth with the lead in hand.

Some hours after we had returned to port, a son of Pont Grave, named Robert, lost a hand in firing a musket, which burst in several pieces, but without injuring any one near him.

Seeing now the wind continuing contrary, and being unable to put to sea, we resolved meanwhile to get possession of some savages of this place, and, taking them to our settlement, put them to grinding corn at the handmill, as punishment for the deadly assault which they had committed on five or six of our company. But it was very difficult to do this when we were armed, since, if we went to them prepared to fight, they would turn and flee into the woods, where they were not to be caught. It was necessary, accordingly, to have recourse to artifice, and this is what we planned: when they should come to seek friendship with us, to coax them by showing them beads and other gewgaws, and assure them repeatedly of our good faith; then to take the shallop well armed, and conduct on shore the most robust and strong men we had, each one having a chain of beads and a fathom of match on his arm; [230] and there, while pretending to smoke with them (each one having an end of his match lighted so as not to excite suspicion, it being customary to have fire at the end of a cord in order to light the tobacco), coax them with pleasing words so as to draw them into the shallop; and, if they should be unwilling to enter, each one approaching should choose his man, and, putting the beads about his neck, should at the same time put the rope on him to draw him by force. But, if they should be too boisterous, and it should not be possible to succeed, they should be stabbed, the rope being firmly held; and, if by chance any of them should get away, there should be men on land to charge upon them with swords. Meanwhile, the little cannon on our barque were to be kept ready to fire upon their companions in case they should come to assist them, under cover of which firearms the shallop could withdraw in security. The plan above-mentioned was well carried out as it had been arranged.

Some days after these events had transpired, there came savages by threes and fours to the shore, making signs to us to go to them. But we saw their main body in ambuscade under a hillock behind some bushes, and I suppose that they were only desirous of beguiling us into the shallop in order to discharge a shower of arrows upon us, and then take to flight. Nevertheless, Sieur de Poutrincourt did not hesitate to go to them with ten of us, well equipped and determined to fight them, if occasion offered. We landed at a place beyond their ambuscade, as we thought, and where they could not surprise us. There three or four of us went ashore together with Sieur de Poutrincourt: the others did not leave the shallop, in order to protect it and be ready for an emergency. We ascended a knoll and went about the woods to see if we could not discover more plainly the ambuscade. When they saw us going so unconcernedly to them, they left and went to other places, which we could not see, and of the four savages we saw only two, who went away very slowly. As they withdrew, they made signs to us to take our shallop to another place, thinking that it was not favorable for the carrying out of their plan. And, when we also saw that they had no desire to come to us, we re-embarked and went to the place they indicated, which was the second ambuscade they had made, in their endeavor to draw us unarmed to themselves by signs of friendship. But this we were not permitted to do at that time, yet we approached very near them without seeing this ambuscade, which we supposed was not far off. As our shallop approached the shore, they took to flight, as also those in ambush, after whom we fired some musket-shots, since we saw that their intention was only to deceive us by flattery, in which they were disappointed; for we recognized clearly what their purpose was, which had only mischief in view. We retired to our barque after having done all we could.

On the same day, Sieur de Poutrincourt resolved to return to our settlement on account of four or five sick and wounded men, whose wounds were growing worse through lack of salves, of which our surgeon, by a great mistake on his part, had brought but a small provision, to the detriment of the sick and our own discomfort, as the stench from their wounds was so great, in a little vessel like our own, that one could scarcely endure it. Moreover, we were afraid that they would generate disease. Also we had provisions only for going eight or ten days farther, however much economy might be practised; and we knew not whether the return would last as long as the advance, which was nearly two months.

At any rate, our resolution being formed, we withdrew, but with the satisfaction that God had not left unpunished the misdeeds of these barbarians. [231] We advanced no farther than to latitude 41 deg. 30’, which was only half a degree farther than Sieur de Monts had gone on his voyage of discovery. We set out accordingly from this harbor. [232]

On the next day, we anchored near Mallebarre, where we remained until the 28th of the month, when we set sail. On that day the air was very cold, and there was a little snow. We took a direct course for Norumbegue or Isle Haute. Heading east-north-east, we were two days at sea without seeing land, being kept back by bad weather. On the following night, we sighted the islands, which are between Quinibequy and Norumbegue. [233] The wind was so strong that we were obliged, to put to sea until daybreak; but we went so far from land, although we used very little sail, that we could not see it again until the next day, when we saw Isle Haute, of which we were abreast.

On the last day of October, between the Island of Monts Deserts and Cap Corneille, [234] our rudder broke in several pieces, without our knowing the reason. Each one expressed his opinion about it. On the following night, with a fresh breeze, we came among a large number of islands and rocks, whither the wind drove us; and we resolved to take refuge, if possible, on the first land we should find.

We were for some time at the mercy of the wind and sea, with only the foresail set. But the worst of it was that the night was dark, and we did not know where we were going; for our barque could not be steered at all, although we did all that was possible, holding in our hands the sheets of the foresail, which sometimes enabled us to steer it a little. We kept continually sounding, to see if it were possible to find a bottom for anchoring, and to prepare ourselves for what might happen. But we found none. Finally, as we were going faster than we wished, it was recommended to put an oar astern together with some men, so as to steer to an island which we saw, in order to shelter ourselves from the wind. Two other oars also were put over the sides in the after part of the barque, to assist those who were steering, in order to make the vessel bear up on one tack and the other. This device served us so well, that we headed where we wished, and ran in behind the point of the island we had seen, anchoring in twenty-one fathoms of water until daybreak, when we proposed to reconnoitre our position and seek for a place to make another rudder. The wind abated. At daybreak, we found ourselves near the Isles Rangees, [235] entirely surrounded by breakers, and we praised God for having preserved us so wonderfully amid so many perils.

On the 1st of November, we went to a place which we deemed favorable for beaching our vessel and repairing our helm. On this day, I landed, and saw some ice two inches thick, it having frozen perhaps eight or ten days before. I observed also that the temperature of the place differed very much from that of Mallebarre and Port Fortune; for the leaves of the trees were not yet dead, and had not begun to fall when we set out, while here they had all fallen, and it was much colder than at Port Fortune.

On the next day, as we were beaching our barque, a canoe came containing Etechemin savages, who told the savage Secondon in our barque that Iouaniscou, with his companions, had killed some other savages, and carried off some women as prisoners, whom they had executed near the Island of Monts Deserts.

On the 9th of the month, we set out from near Cap Corneille, and anchored the same day in the little passage [236] of Sainte Croix River.

On the morning of the next day, we landed our savage with some supplies which we gave him. He was well pleased and satisfied at having made this voyage with us, and took away with him some heads of the savages that had been killed at Port Fortune. [237] The same day we anchored in a very pretty cove [238] on the south of the Island of Manan.

On the 12th of the month, we made sail; and, when under way, the shallop, which we were towing astern, struck against our barque so violently and roughly that it made an opening and stove in her upper works, and again in the recoil broke the iron fastenings of our rudder. At first, we thought that the first blow had stove in some planks in the lower part, which would have sunk us; for the wind was so high that all we could do was to carry our foresail. But finding that the damage was slight, and that there was no danger, we managed with ropes to repair the rudder as well as we could, so as to serve us to the end of our voyage. This was not until the 14th of November, when, at the entrance to Port Royal, we came near being lost on a point; but God delivered us from this danger as well as from many others to which we had been exposed. [239]

ENDNOTES:

227. La Soupconneuse, the doubtful, Martha’s Vineyard. Champlain and

Poutrincourt, in the little French barque, lying low on the water,
creeping along the shore from Chatham to Point Gammon, could hardly
fail to be doubtful whether Martha’s Vineyard were an island or a part
of the main land. Lescarbot, speaking of it, says, _et fut appelee
l’Ile Douteuse_.

228. Nearly twelve leagues in a southwesterly direction from their
anchorage at Stage Harbor in Chatham would bring them to Nobska Point,
at the entrance of the Vineyard Sound. This was the limit of

Champlain’s explorations towards the south.

229. “Called after my own name.” viz. Riviere de Champlain.—Vide map,

1612. This river appears to be a tidal passage connecting the Vineyard

Sound and Buzzard’s Bay, having Nouamesset and Uncatena Islands on the
southwest, and Nobska Point, Wood’s Boll, and Long Neck on the
northeast. On our Coast Survey Charts, it is called Hadley River. Its
length is nearly two miles, in a winding course. The mouth of this
passage is full of boulders, and in a receding tide the current is
rough and boisterous, and would answer well to the description in the
text, as no other river does on the coast from Chatham to Wood’s

Holl. On the small French barque, elevated but a little above the
surface of the water, its source in Buzzard’s Bay could not be
discovered, especially if they passed round Nobska Point, under the
lee of which they probably obtained a view of the “shoals, and rocks”

which they saw at the mouth of the river.

230. A fathom of match on his arm. This was a rope, made of the tow of
hemp or flax, loosely twisted, and prepared to retain the fire, so
that, when once lighted, it would burn till the whole was consumed. It
was employed in connection with the match-lock, the arm then in common
use. The wheel-lock followed in order of time, which was discharged by
means of a notched wheel of steel, so arranged that its friction, when
in motion, threw sparks of fire into the pan that contained the
powder. The snaphance was a slight improvement upon the wheel-lock.

The flint-lock followed, now half a century since superseded by the
percussion lock and cap.

231. They did not capture any of the Indians, to be reduced to a species of
slavery, as they intended; but, as will appear further on, inhumanly
butchered several of them, which would seem to have been an act of
revenge rather than of punishment. The intercourse of the French with
the natives of Cape Cod was, on the whole, less satisfactory than that
with the northern tribes along the shores of Maine, New Brunswick, and

Nova Scotia. With the latter they had no hostile conflicts whatever,
although the Indians were sufficiently implacable and revengeful
towards their enemies. Those inhabiting the peninsula of Cape Cod, and
as far north as Cape Anne, were more suspicious, and had apparently
less clear conceptions of personal rights, especially the rights of
property. Might and right were to them identical. Whatever they
desired, they thought they had a right to have, if they had the power
or wit to obtain it. The French came in contact with only two of the
many subordinate tribes that were in possession of the peninsula;
viz., the Monomoyicks at Chatham, and the Nausets at Eastham. The
conflict in both instances grew out of an attempt on the part of the
natives to commit a petty theft. But it is quite possible that the
invasion of their territory by strangers, an unpardonable offence
among civilized people, may have created a feeling of hostility that
found a partial gratification in stealing their property; and, had not
this occasion offered, the stifled feeling of hostility may have
broken out in some other form. In general, they were not subsequently
unfriendly in their intercourse with the English. The Nausets were,
however, the same that sent a shower of arrows upon the Pilgrims in

1620, at the place called by them the “First Encounter,” and not more
than three miles from the spot where the same tribe, in 1605, had
attacked the French, and Slain one of De Monts’s men. It must,
however, be said that, beside the invasion of their country, the

Pilgrims had, some days before, rifled the granaries of the natives
dwelling a few miles north of the Nausets, and taken away without
leave a generous quantity of their winter’s supply of corn; and this
may have inspired them with a desire to be rid of visitors who helped
themselves to their provisions, the fruit of their summer’s toil,
their dependence for the winter already upon them, with so little
ceremony and such unscrupulous selfishness; for such it must have
appeared to the Nausets in their savage and unenlightened state. It is
to be regretted that these excellent men, the Pilgrims, did not more
fully comprehend the moral character of their conduct in this
instance. They lost at the outset a golden opportunity for impressing
upon the minds of the natives the great practical principle enunciated
by our Lord, the foundation of all good neighborhood, [Greek: Panta
oun osa an thelaete ina poiosin hymin hoi anthropoi, houto kai hymeis
poieite autois. Matth]. vii 12.—_Vide Bradford’s Hist. Plym.

Plantation_, pp. 82, 83; Mourt’s Relation, London, 1622, Dexter’s
ed., pp. 21, 22, 30, 31, 55.

232. The latitude of Nobska Point, the most southern limit of their voyage,
is 41 deg. 31’, while the latitude of Nauset Harbor, the southern limit of
that of De Monts on the previous year, 1605, is 41 deg. 49’. They
consequently advanced but 18’, or eighteen nautical miles, further
south than they did the year before. Had they commenced this year’s
explorations where those of the preceding terminated, as Champlain had
advised, they might have explored the whole coast as far as Long

Island Sound. Vide antea, pp. 109, 110.

233. Between the Kennebec and Penobscot.

234. Vide antea, note 177.

235. Isles Rangees, the small islands along the coast southwest of

Machias. Vide map of 1612.

236. Petit passage de la Riviere Saincte Croix, the southern strait
leading into Eastport Harbor. This anchorage appears to have been in

Quoddy Roads between Quoddy Head and Lubeck.

237. In reporting the stratagem resorted to for decoying the Indians into
the hands of the French at Port Fortune, Champlain passes over the
details of the bloody encounter, doubtless to spare himself and the
reader the painful record; but its results are here distinctly
stated. Compare antea, pp. 132, 133.

238. Sailing from Quoddy Head to Annapolis Bay, they would in their course
pass round the northern point of the Grand Manan; and they probably
anchored in Whale Cove, or perhaps in Long Island Bay, a little
further south. Champlain’s map is so oriented that both of these bays
would appear to be on the south of the Grand Manan. Vide map of

1612.

239. Champlain had now completed his survey south of the Bay of Fundy. He
had traced the shore-line with its sinuosities and its numberless
islands far beyond the two distinguished headlands, Cape sable and

Cape Cod, which respectively mark the entrance to the Gulf of Maine.

The priority of these observations, particularly with reference to the
habits, mode of life, and character of the aborigines, invests them
with an unusual interest and value. Anterior to the visits of

Champlain, the natives on this coast had come in contact with

Europeans but rarely and incidentally, altogether too little
certainly, if we except those residing on the southern coast of Nova

Scotia, to have any modifying effect upon their manners, customs, or
mode of life. What Champlain reports, therefore, of the Indians, is
true of them in their purely savage state, untouched by any influences
of European civilization. This distinguishes the record, and gives to
it a special importance.

CHAPTER XVI.

RETURN FROM THE FOREGOING DISCOVERIES, AND WHAT TRANSPIRED DURING THE WINTER.

Upon our arrival, Lescarbot, who had remained at the settlement, assisted by the others who had stayed there, welcomed us with a humorous entertainment. [240]

Having landed and had time to take breath, each one began to make little gardens, I among the rest attending to mine, in order in the spring to sow several kinds of seeds which had been brought from France, and which grew very well in all the gardens.

Sieur de Poutrincourt, moreover, had a water-mill built nearly a league and a half from our settlement, near the point where grain had been planted. This mill [241] was built at a fall, on a little river which is not navigable on account of the large number of rocks in it, and which falls into a small lake. In this place, there is such an abundance of herring in their season that shallops could be loaded with them, if one were to take the trouble to bring the requisite apparatus. The savages also of this region come here sometimes to fish. A quantity of charcoal was made by us for our forge. During the winter, in order not to remain idle, I undertook the building of a road along the wood to a little, river or brook, which we named La Truitiere, [242] there being many trout there. I asked Sieur de Poutrincourt for two or three men, which he gave me to assist in making this passage-way. I got along so well that in a little while I had the road through. It extends through to trout-brook, and measures nearly two thousand paces. It served us as a walk under the shelter of the trees, which I had left on both sides. This led Sieur de Poutrincourt to determine to make another through the woods, in order that we might go straight to the mouth of Port Royal, it being a distance of nearly three leagues and a half by land from our settlement. He had this commenced and continued for about half a league from La Truitiere; but he did not finish it, as the undertaking was too laborious, and he was occupied by other things at the time more necessary. Some time after our arrival, we saw a shallop containing savages, who told us that a savage, who was one of our friends, had been killed by those belonging to the place whence they came, which was Norumbegue, in revenge for the killing of the men of Norumbegue and Quinibequy by Iouaniscou, also a savage, and his followers, as I have before related; and that some Etechemins had informed the savage Secondon, who was with us at that time.

The commander of the shallop was the savage named Ouagimou, who was on terms of friendship with Bessabez, chief of the river Norumbegue, of whom he asked the body of Panounias, [243] who had been killed. The latter granted it to him, begging him to tell his friends that he was very sorry for his death, and assuring him that it was without his knowledge that he had been killed, and that, inasmuch as it was not his fault, he begged him to tell them that he desired they might continue to live as friends. This Ouagimou promised to do upon his return. He said to us that he was very uneasy until he got away from them, whatever friendship they might show him, since they were liable to change; and he feared that they would treat him in the same manner as they had the one who had been killed. Accordingly, he did not tarry long after being dismissed. He took the body in his shallop from Norumbegue to our settlement, a distance of fifty leagues.

As soon as the body was brought on shore, his relatives and friends began to shout by his side, having painted their entire face with black, which is their mode of mourning. After lamenting much, they took a quantity of tobacco and two or three dogs and other things belonging to the deceased, and burned them some thousand paces from our settlement on the seashore. Their cries continued until they returned to their cabin.

The next day they took the body of the deceased and wrapped it in a red covering, which Mabretou, chief of this place, urgently implored me to give him, since it was handsome and large. He gave it to the relatives of the deceased, who thanked me very much for it. After thus; wrapping up the body, they decorated it with several kinds of matachiats; that is, strings of beads and bracelets of diverse colors. They painted the face, and put on the head many feathers and other things, the finest they had. Then they placed the body on its knees between two sticks, with another under the arms to sustain it. Around the body were the mother, wife, and others of the relatives and friends of the deceased, both women and girls, howling like dogs.

While the women and girls were shrieking, the savage named Mabretou made an address to his companions on the death of the deceased, urging all to take vengeance for the wickedness and treachery committed by the subjects of Bessabez, and to make war upon them as speedily as possible. All agreed to do so in the spring.

After the harangue was finished and the cries had ceased, they carried the body of the deceased to another cabin. After smoking tobacco together, they wrapped it in an elk-skin likewise; and, binding it very securely, they kept it until there should be a larger number of savages present, from each one of whom the brother of the deceased expected to receive presents, it being their custom to give them to those who have lost fathers, mothers, wives, brothers, or sisters.

On the night of the 26th of December, there was a southeast wind, which blew down several trees. On the last day of December, it began to snow, which continued until the morning of the next day. On the both of January following, 1607, Sieur de Poutrincourt, desiring to ascend the river Equille, [244] found it at a distance of some two leagues from our settlement sealed with ice, which caused him to return, not being able to advance any farther. On the 8th of February, some pieces of ice began to flow down from the upper part of the river into the harbor, which only freezes along the shore. On the both of May following, it snowed all night; and, towards the end of the month, there were heavy hoar-frosts, which lasted until the 10th or 12th of June, when all the trees were covered with leaves, except the oaks, which do not leaf out until about the 15th. The winter was not so severe as on the preceding years, nor did the snow continue so long on the ground. It rained very often, so that the savages suffered a severe famine, owing to the small quantity of snow. Sieur de Poutrincourt supported a part of them who were with us; namely, Mabretou, his wife and children, and some others.

We spent this winter very pleasantly, and fared generously by means of the ORDRE DE BON TEMPS, which I introduced. This all found useful for their health, and more advantageous than all the medicines that could have been used. By the rules of the order, a chain was put, with some little ceremonies, on the neck of one of our company, commissioning him for the day to go a hunting. The next day it was conferred upon another, and thus in succession. All exerted themselves to the utmost to see who would do the best and bring home the finest game. We found this a very good arrangement, as did also the savages who were with us. [245]

There were some cases of mal de la terre among us, which was, however, not so violent as in the previous years. Nevertheless, seven died from it, and another from an arrow wound, which he had received from the savages at Port Fortune. [246]

Our surgeon, named Master Estienne, opened some of the bodies, as we did the previous years, and found almost all the interior parts affected. Eight or ten of the sick got well by spring.

At the beginning of March and of April, all began to prepare gardens, so as to plant seeds in May, which is the proper time for it. They grew as well as in France, but were somewhat later. I think France is at least a month and a half more forward. As I have stated, the time to plant is in May, although one can sometimes do so in April; yet the seeds planted then do not come forward any faster than those planted in May, when the cold can no longer damage the plants except those which are very tender, since there are many which cannot endure the hoar-frosts, unless great care and attention be exercised.

On the 24th of May, we perceived a small barque [247] of six or seven tons’ burthen, which we sent men to reconnoitre; and it was found to be a young man from St. Malo, named Chevalier, who brought letters from Sieur de Monts to Sieur de Poutrincourt, by which he directed him to bring back his company to France. [248] He also announced to us the birth of Monseigneur, the Duke of Orleans, to our delight, in honor of which event we made bonfires and chanted the Te Deum. [249]

Between the beginning and the 20th of June, some thirty or forty savages assembled in this place in order to make war upon the Almouchiquois, and revenge the death of Panounias, who was interred by the savages according to their custom, who gave afterwards a quantity of peltry to a brother of his.[250] The presents being made, all of them set out from this place on the 29th of June for Choueacoet, which is the country of the Almouchiquois, to engage in the war.

Some days after the arrival of the above Chevalier, Sieur de Poutrincourt sent him to the rivers St. John [251] and St. Croix [252] to trade for furs. But he did not permit him to go without men to bring back the barque, since some had reported that he desired to return to France with the vessel in which he had come, and leave us in our settlement. Lescarbot was one of those who accompanied him, who up to this time had not left Port Royal. This is the farthest he went, only fourteen or fifteen leagues beyond Port Royal.

While awaiting the return of Chevalier, Sieur de Poutrincourt went to the head of Baye Francoise in a shallop with seven or eight men. Leaving the harbor and heading northeast a quarter east for some twenty-five leagues along the coast, we arrived at a cape where Sieur de Poutrincourt desired to ascend a cliff more than thirty fathoms high, in doing which he came near losing his life. For, having reached the top of the rock which is very narrow, and which he had ascended with much difficulty, the summit trembled beneath him. The reason was that, in course of time, moss had gathered there four or five feet in thickness, and, not being solid, trembled when one was on top of it, and very often when one stepped on a stone three or four others fell down. Accordingly, having gone up with difficulty, he experienced still greater in coming down, although some sailors, men very dexterous in climbing, carried him a hawser, a rope of medium size, by means of which he descended, This place was named Cap de Poutrincourt, [253] and is in latitude 45 deg. 40’.

We went as far as the head of this bay, but saw nothing but certain white stones suitable for making lime, yet they are found only in small quantities. We saw also on some islands a great number of gulls. We captured as many of them as we wished. We made the tour of the bay, in order to go to the Port aux Mines where I had previously been, [254] and whither I conducted Sieur de Poutrincourt, who collected some little pieces of copper with great difficulty. All this bay has a circuit of perhaps twenty leagues, with a little river at its head, which is very sluggish and contains but little water. There are many other little brooks, and some places where there are good harbors at high tide, which rises here five fathoms. In one of these harbors three or four leagues north of Cap de Poutrincourt, we found a very old cross all covered with moss and almost all rotten, a plain indication that before this there had been Christians there. All of this country is covered with dense forests, and with some exceptions is not very attractive. [255]

From the Port aux Mines [256] we returned to our settlement. In this bay there are strong tidal currents running in a southwesterly direction.

On the 12th of July, Ralleau, secretary of Sieur de Monts, arrived with three others in a shallop from a place called Niganis, [257] distant from Port Royal some hundred and sixty or hundred and seventy leagues, confirming the report which Chevalier had brought to Sieur de Poutrincourt.

On the 3d of July, [258] three barques were fitted out to send the men and supplies, which were at our settlement, to Canseau, distant one hundred and fifteen leagues from our settlement, and in latitude 45 deg. 20’, where the vessel [259] was engaged in fishing, which was to carry us back to France.

Sieur de Poutrincourt sent back all his companions, but remained with eight others at the settlement, so as to carry to France some grain not yet quite ripe. [260]

On the 10th of August, Mabretou arrived from the war, who told us that he had been at Choueacoet, and had killed twenty savages and wounded ten or twelve; also that Onemechin, chief of that place, Marchin, and one other, had been killed by Sasinou, chief of the river of Quinibequy, who was afterwards killed by the companions of Onemechin and Marchin. All this war was simply on account of the savage Panounias, one of our friends who, as I have said above, had been killed at Norumbegue by the followers of Onemechin and Marchin. At present, the chiefs in place of Onemechin, Marchin, and Sasinou are their sons: namely, for Sasinou, Pememen; Abriou for his father, Marchin; and for Onemechin, Queconsicq. The two latter were wounded by the followers of Mabretou, who seized them under pretence of friendship, as is their fashion, something which both sides have to guard against. [261]

ENDNOTES:

240. Lescarbot, the author of a History of New France often referred to in
our notes, published a volume entitled “LES MUSES DE LA NOUVELLE

FRANCE,” in which may be found the play entitled LE THEATRE DE

NEPTUNE, which he composed to celebrate the return of this expedition.

241. The mill is represented on Champlain’s map of Port Royal as situated
on the stream which he calls Riviere du Moulin, the River of the

Mill. This is Allen River; and the site of the mill was a short
distance southeast of the “point where corn had been planted,” which
was on the spot now occupied by the village of Annapolis.

242. Vide antea, note 212. see also the map of Port Royal, where the road
is delineated, p. 24.

243. This Indian Panounias and his wife had accompanied De Monts in 1605,
on his expedition to Cape Cod.—Vide antea, p. 55.

244. Now the Annapolis River.

245. The conceit of this novel order was a happy one, as it served to
dispel the gloom of a long winter in the forests of La Cadie, as well
as to improve the quality and variety of their diet. The noblesse,
or gentlemen of the party, were fifteen, who served in turn and for a
single day as caterer or steward, the turn of each recurring once in
fifteen days. It was their duty to add to the ordinary fare such
delicate fish or game as could be captured or secured by each for his
particular day. They always had some delicacy at breakfast; but the
dinner was the great banquet, when the most imposing ceremony was
observed.

246. Champlain does not inform us how many of Poutrincourt’s party were
killed in the affray at Chatham. He mentions one as killed on the
spot. He speaks of carrying away the “dead bodies” for burial. He also
says they made a “deadly assault” upon “five or six of our company;”

and another appears to have died of his wounds after their return to

Port Royal, as stated in the text.

247. Une petite barque. The French barque was a small vessel or large
boat, rigged with two masts; and those employed by De Monts along our
coast varied from six to eighteen tons burden, and must not be
confounded with our modern bark, which is generally much larger.

The vaisseau, often mentioned by Champlain, included all large
vessels, those used for fishing, the fur-trade, and the transportation
of men and supplies for the colony.

The chaloupe was a row-boat of convenient size for penetrating
shallow places, was dragged behind the barque in the explorations of
our coast, and used for minor investigations of rivers and estuaries.

The patache, an advice-boat, is rarely used by Champlain, and then
in the place of the shallop.

248. It Seems that young Chevalier had come out in the “Jonas,” the same
ship that had brought out Poutrincourt, Lescarbot, and others, the
year before. It had stopped at Canseau to fish for cod. It brought the
unwelcome news that the company of De Monts had been broken up; that
the Hollanders, conducted by a “French traitor named La Jeunesse,” had
destroyed the fur-trading establishments on the St. Lawrence, which
rendered it impracticable to sustain, as heretofore, the expenses of
the company. The monopoly of the fur-trade, granted to De Monts for
ten years, had been rescinded by the King’s Council. “We were very
sad,” says Lescarbot, “to see so fine and holy an undertaking broken
off, and that so many labors and perils endured had resulted in
nothing: and that the hope of establishing there the name of God and
the Catholic Faith had disappeared. Notwithstanding, after M. de

Poutrincourt had a long while mused hereupon, he said that, although
he should have none to come with him, except his family, he would not
forsake the enterprise.”—_His. Nou. France_, par M. Lescarbot.

Paris, 1612. pp. 591-2.

249. On the 16th of April, 1607, was born the second son of Henry IV. by

Marie de Medicis, who received the title, Le Duc d’Orleans. In France,
public rejoicings were universal. On the 22d of the month, he was
invested with the insignia of the Order of St. Michael and the Holy

Ghost with great pomp, on which occasion a banquet was given by the

King in the great hall at Fontainebleau, and in the evening the park
was illuminated by bonfires and a pyrotechnic display, which was
witnessed by a vast concourse of people. The young prince was baptized
privately by the Cardinal de Gondy, but the state ceremonies of his
christening were delayed, and appear never to have taken place: he
died in the fifth year of his age, never having received any Christian
name.—_Vide the Life of Marie de Medicis_, by Miss Pardoe, London,

1852, Vol. I. p. 416; Memoirs of the Duke of Sully, Lennox, trans.,

Phila., 1817, Vol. IV. p. 140. In New France, the little colony at

Port Royal attested their loyalty by suitable manifestations of
joy. “As the day declined,” Says Lescarbot, “we made bonfires to
celebrate the birth of Monseigneur le Duc d’Orleans, and caused our
cannon and falconets to thunder forth again, accompanied with plenty
of musket-shots, having before for this purpose chanted a Te Deum.”

—Vide His. Nou. France, Paris, 1612, p.594.

250. Lescarbot says that about four hundred set out for the war against the

Almouchiquois, at Choueacoet, or Saco. The savages were nearly two
months in assembling themselves together. Mabretou had sent out his
two sons, Actaudin and Actaudinech, to summon them to come to Port

Royal as a rendezvous. They came from the river St. John, and from the
region of Gaspe. Their purpose was accomplished, as will appear in the
sequel.

251. At St. John, they visited the cabin of Secondon, the Sagamore, with
whom they bartered for some furs. Lescarbot, who was in the
expedition, says, “The town of Ouigoudy was a great enclosure upon a
hill, compassed about with high and small trees, tied one against
another; and within it many cabins, great and small, one of which was
as large as a market-hall, wherein many households resided.” In the
cabin of Secondon. they saw some eighty or a hundred savages, all
nearly naked. They were celebrating a feast which they call Tabagie.

Their chief made his warriors pass in review before his guests.—_Vide

His. Nou. France_, par M. Lescarbot. Paris, 1612. p. 598.

252. They found sack at St. Croix that had been left there by De Monts’s
colony three years before, of which they drank. Casks were still lying
in the deserted court-yard: and others had been used as fuel by
mariners, who had chanced to come there.

253. De Laet’s map has C. de Poutrincourt; the map of the English and

French Commissaries, C. Fendu or split Cape. Halliburton has Split

Cape, so likewise has the Admiralty map of 1860.

It is situated at the entrance of the Basin of Mines, and about eight
miles southwest of Parrsborough. The point of this cape is in latitude

45 deg. 20’.

254. Vide antea, p. 26.

255. The author is here speaking of the country about the Basin of Mines.

The river at the head of the bay is the Shubenacadie. It is not easy
to determine where the moss-covered cross was found. The distance from

Cap de Poutrincourt is indefinite, and the direction could not have
been exactly north. There is too much uncertainty to warrant even a
conjecture as to its locality.

256. The port aux Mines is Advocate’s Harbor.—Vide antea, p. 26, and
note 67.

257. Niganis is a small Bay in the Island of Cape Breton, south of Cape

North: by De Laet called Ninganis; English, and French Commissaries,

Niganishe; modern maps, Niganish.

258. The 3d of July was doubtless an error of the printer for the 30th,
as appears from the later date in the preceding paragraph, and the
statement of Lescarbot, that he left on the 30th of July. He says they
had one large barque, two small ones, and a shallop. One of the small
ones was sent before, while the other two followed on the 30th; and he
adds that Poutrincourt remained eleven days longer to await the
ripening of their grain, which agrees with Champlain’s subsequent
statement, that he left with Poutrincourt on the 11th of

August.—Vide His. Nou. France, 1612, p. 603.

259. The “Jonas.”—Vide antea, p. 146.

260. Vide antea, note 258.

261. The implacable character of the American Indian is well illustrated in
this skirmish which took place at Saco. The old chief Mabretou, whose
life had been prolonged through several generations, had inspired his
allies to revenge, and had been present at the conflict. The Indian

Panounias had been killed in an affray, the particular cause of which
is not stated. To avenge his death, many lives were lost on both
sides. The two chiefs of Saco were slain, and in turn the author of
their death perished by the hand of their friends. Lescarbot informs
us that Champdore, under Poutrincourt, subsequently visited Saco, and
concluded a formal peace between the belligerent parties, emphasizing
its importance by impressive forms, and ceremonies.

CHAPTER XVII.

THE SETTLEMENT ABANDONED.—RETURN TO FRANCE OF SIEUR DE POUTRINCOURT AND ALL HIS COMPANY.

On the 11th of August, we set out from our settlement in a shallop, and coasted along as far as Cape Fourchu, where I had previously been.

Continuing our course along the coast as far as Cap de la Heve, where we first landed with Sieur de Monts, on the 8th of May, 1604, [262] we examined the coast from this place as far as Canseau, a distance of nearly sixty leagues. This I had not yet done, and I observed it very carefully, making a map of it as of the other coasts.

Departing from Cap de la Heve, we went as far as Sesambre, an island so called by some people from St. Malo, [263] and distant fifteen leagues from La Heve. Along the route are a large number of islands, which we named Les Martyres, [264] since some Frenchmen were once killed there by the savages. These islands lie in several inlets and bays. In one of them is a river named St. Marguerite, [265] distant seven leagues from Sesambre, which is in latitude 44 deg. 25’. The islands and coasts are thickly covered with pines, firs, birches, and other trees of inferior quality. Fish and also fowl are abundant.

After leaving Sesambre, we passed a bay which is unobstructed, of seven or eight leagues in extent, with no islands except at the extremity, where is the mouth of a small river, containing but little water. [266] Then, heading northeast a quarter east, we arrived at a harbor distant eight leagues from Sesambre, which is very suitable for vessels of a hundred or a hundred and twenty tons. At its entrance is an island from which one can walk to the main land at low tide. We named this place Port Saincte Helaine, [267] which is in latitude 44 deg. 40’ more or less.

From this place we proceeded to a bay called La Baye de Toutes Isles, [268] of some fourteen or fifteen leagues in extent, a dangerous place on account of the presence of banks, shoals, and reefs. The country presents a very unfavorable appearance, being filled with the same kind of trees which I have mentioned before. Here we encountered bad weather.

Hence we passed on near a river, six leagues distant, called Riviere de l’Isle Verte,[269] there being a green island at its entrance. This short distance which we traversed is filled with numerous rocks extending nearly a league out to sea, where the breakers are high, the latitude being 45 deg.

15’.

Thence we went to a place where there is an inlet, with two or three islands, and a very good harbor, [270] distant three leagues from l’Isle Verte. We passed also by several islands near and in a line with each other, which we named Isles Rangees, [271] and which are distant six or seven leagues from l’Isle Verte. Afterwards we passed by another bay [272] containing several islands, and proceeded to a place where we found a vessel engaged in fishing between some islands, which are a short distance from the main land, and distant four leagues from the Rangees. This place we named Port de Savalette, [273] the name of the master of the vessel engaged in fishing, a Basque, who entertained us bountifully; and was very glad to see us, since there were savages there who purposed some harm to him, which we prevented. [274]

Leaving this place, we arrived on the 27th of the month at Canseau, distant six leagues from Port de Savalette, having passed on our way a large number of islands. At Canseau, we found that the three barques had arrived at port in safety. Champdore and Lescarbot came out to receive us. We also found the vessel ready to sail, having finished its fishing and awaiting only fair weather to return. Meanwhile, we had much enjoyment among these islands, where we found the greatest possible quantity of raspberries.

All the coast which we passed along from Cape Sable to this place is moderately high and rocky, in most places bordered by numerous islands and breakers, which extend out to sea nearly two leagues in places, and are very unfavorable for the approach of vessels. Yet there cannot but be good harbors and roadsteads along the coasts and islands, if they were explored. As to the country, it is worse and less promising than in other places which we had seen, except on some rivers or brooks, where it is very pleasant; but there is no doubt that the winter in these regions is cold, lasting from six to seven months.

The harbor of Canseau [275] is a place surrounded by islands, to which the approach is very difficult, except in fair weather, on account of the rocks and breakers about it. Fishing, both green and dry, is carried on here.

From this place to the Island of Cape Breton, which is in latitude 45 deg. 45’ and 14 deg. 50’ of the deflection of the magnetic needle, [276] it is eight leagues, and to Cape Breton twenty-five. Between the two there is a large bay, [277] extending Some nine or ten leagues into the interior and making a passage between the Island of Cape Breton and the main land through to the great Bay of St. Lawrence, by which they go to Gaspe and Isle Percee, where fishing is carried on. This passage along the Island of Cape Breton is very narrow. Although there is water enough, large vessels do not pass there at all on account of the strong currents and the impetuosity of the tides which prevail. This we named Le Passage Courant, [278] and it is in latitude 45 deg. 45’.

The Island of Cape Breton is of a triangular shape, with a circuit of about eighty leagues. Most of the country is mountainous, yet in some parts very pleasant. In the centre of it there is a kind of lake, [279] where the sea enters by the north a quarter northwest, and also by the south a quarter Southeast. [280] Here are many islands filled with plenty of game, and shell-fish of various kinds, including oysters, which, however, are not of very good flavor. In this place there are two harbors, where fishing is carried on; namely, Le Port aux Anglois, [281] distant from Cape Breton some two or three leagues, and Niganis, eighteen or twenty leagues north a quarter northwest. The Portuguese once made an attempt to settle this island, and spent a winter here; but the inclemency of the season and the cold caused them to abandon their settlement.

On the 3rd of September, we set out from Canseau. On the 4th, we were off Sable Island. On the 6th, we reached the Grand Bank, where the catching of green fish is carried on, in latitude 45 deg. 30’. On the 26th, we entered the sound near the shores of Brittany and England, in sixty-five fathoms of water and in latitude 49 deg. 30’. On the 28th, we put in at Roscou, [282] in lower Brittany, where we were detained by bad weather until the last day of September, when, the wind coming round favorable, we put to sea in order to pursue our route to St. Malo, [283] which formed the termination of these voyages, in which God had guided us without shipwreck or danger.

END OF THE VOYAGES FROM THE YEAR 1604 TO 1608.

ENDNOTES:

262. Vide antea, p. 9 and note 22.

263. Sesambre. This name was probably suggested by the little islet,

Cezembre, one of several on which are military works for the defence
of St. Malo. On De Laet’s map of 1633, it is written Sesembre; on
that of Charlevoix. 1744, Sincenibre. It now appears on the

Admiralty maps corrupted into Sambro. There is a cape and a harbor
near this island which bear the same name.

264. The islands stretching along from Cap de la Heve to Sambro Island are
called the Martyres Iles on De Laet’s map, 1633.

265. The bay into which this river empties still retains the name of

St. Margaret.

266. Halifax Harbor. Its Indian name was Chebucto, written on the map of
the English and French Commissaries Shebuctu. On Champlain’s map,

1612, as likewise on that of De Laet, 1633, it is called “_Baye

Senne_,” perhaps from saine, signifying the unobstructed bay.

267. Eight leagues from the Island Sesambre or Sambro Island would take
them to Perpisawick Inlet, which is doubtless _Le Port Saincte

Helaine_ of Champlain. The latitude of this harbor is 44 deg. 41’,
differing but a single minute from that of the text, which is
extraordinary, the usual variation being from ten to thirty minutes.

268. Nicomtau Bay is fifteen leagues from Perpisawick Inlet, but _La Baye
de Toutes Isles_ is, more strictly speaking, an archipelago, extending
along the coast, say from Clam Bay to Liscomb Point, as may be seen by
reference to Champlain’s map, 1612, and that of De Laet, 1633,

Cruxius, 1660, and of Charlevoix, 1744. The northeastern portion of
this archipelago is now called, according to Laverdiere, Island Bay.

269. Riviere de l’Isle Verte, or Green Island River, is the River

St. Mary; and Green Island is Wedge Island near its mouth. The
latitude at the mouth of the river is 45 deg. 3’. This little island is
called I. Verte on De Laet’s map, and likewise on that of

Charlevoix; on the map of the English and French Commissaries, Liscomb
or Green Island.

270. This inlet has now the incongruous name of Country Harbor: the three
islands at its mouth are Harbor, Goose, and Green Islands. The inlet
is called Mocodome on Charlevoix’s map.

271. There are several islets on the east of St. Catharine’s River, near
the shore, which Laverdiere suggests are the Isles Rangees. They
are exceedingly small, and no name is given them on the Admiralty
charts.

272. Tor Bay.

273. Le Port de Savalette. Obviously White Haven, which is four leagues
from the Rangees and six from Canseau, as stated in the text.

Lescarbot gives a very interesting account of Captain Savalette, the
old Basque fisherman, who had made forty-two voyages into these
waters. He had been eminently successful in fishing, having taken
daily, according to his own account, fifty crowns’ worth of codfish,
and expected his voyage would yield, ten thousand francs. His vessel
was of eighty tons burden, and could take in a hundred thousand dry
codfish. He was well known, and a great favorite with the voyagers to
this coast. He was from St. Jean de Luz, a small seaport town in the
department of the Lower Pyrenees in France, near the borders of Spain,
distinguished even at this day for its fishing interest.

274. The Indians were in the habit of selecting from day to day the best of

Savalette’s fish when they came in, and appropriating them to their
own use, nolens volens.

275. Canseau. Currency has been given to an idle fancy that this name was
derived from that of a French navigator, but it has been abundantly
disproved by the Abbe Laverdiere. It is undoubtedly a word of Indian
origin.

276. The variation of the magnetic needle in 1871, fifteen miles South of
the Harbor of Canseau, was, according to the Admiralty charts, 23
degrees west. The magnetic needle was employed in navigation as early
as the year 1200, and its variation had been discovered before the
time of Columbus. But for a long period its variation was supposed to
be fixed; that is to say, was supposed to be always the same in the
same locality. A few years before Champlain made his voyages to

America, it was discovered that its variation in Paris was not fixed,
but that it changed from year to year. If Champlain was aware of this,
his design in noting its exact variation, as he did at numerous points
on our coast, may have been to furnish data for determining at some
future day whether the variation were changeable here as well as in

France. But, whether he was aware of the discovery then recently made
in Paris or not, he probably intended, by noting the declination of
the needle, to indicate his longitude, at least approximately.

277. Chedabucto Bay.

278. The Strait of Canseau. Champlain gives it on his map, 1612. _Pasage du
glas;_ De Laet, 1633, Passage du glas; Creuxius, 1660, Fretum

Campseium; Charlevoix, 1744, Passage de Canceau. It appears from the
above that the early name was soon superseded by that which it now
bears.

279. Now called La Bras d’Or, The Golden Arm.

280. There is, in fact, no passage of La Bras d’Or on the southwest; and

Champlain corrects his error, as may be seen by reference to his map
of 1612. It may also be stated that the sea enters from the
northeast. Nordouest in the original is here probably a
typographical error for nordest. There are, indeed, two passages,
both on the northeast, distinguished as the Great and the Little Bras
d’Or.

281. Le Port aux Anglois, the Harbor of the English. On De Laet’s map,

Port aux Angloix. This is the Harbor of Louisburgh, famous in the
history of the Island of Cape Breton.

282. Roscofs, a small seaport town. On Mercator’s Atlas of 1623, it is
written Roscou, as in the text.

283. According to Lescarbot, they remained at St. Malo eight days, when
they went in a barque to Honfleur, narrowly escaping
shipwreck. Poutrincourt proceeded to Paris, where he exhibited to

Henry IV. corn, wheat, rye, barley, and oats, products of the colony
which he had so often promised to cherish, but whose means of
subsistence he had now nevertheless ungraciously taken away.

Poutrincourt also presented to him five oustards, or wild geese,
which he had bred from the shell. The king was greatly delighted with
them, and had them preserved at Fontainebleau. These exhibitions of
the products of New France had the desired effect upon the generous
heart of Henry IV.; and De Monts’s monopoly of the fur-trade was
renewed for one year, to furnish some slight aid in establishing his
colonies in New France.

THE VOYAGES TO THE GREAT RIVER ST. LAWRENCE, MADE BY SIEUR DE CHAMPLAIN, CAPTAIN IN ORDINARY TO THE KING IN THE MARINE, FROM THE YEAR 1608 TO THAT OF 1612.

CHAPTER I.

DETERMINATION OF SIEUR DE MONTS TO MAKE EXPLORATIONS IN THE INTERIOR; HIS COMMISSION, AND ITS INFRINGEMENT BY THE BASQUES, WHO DISARMED THE VESSEL OF PONT GRAVE; AND THE AGREEMENT BETWEEN THEM WHICH THEY SUBSEQUENTLY MADE.

Having returned to France after a stay of three years in New France, [283] I proceeded to Sieur de Monts, and related to him the principal events of which I had been a witness since his departure, and gave him the map and plan of the most remarkable coasts and harbors there.

Some time afterward, Sieur de Monts determined to continue his undertaking, and complete the exploration of the interior along the great river St. Lawrence, where I had been by order of the late King Henry the Great [284] in the year 1603, for a distance of some hundred and eighty leagues, commencing in latitude 48 deg. 40’, that is, at Gaspe, at the entrance of the river, as far as the great fall, which is in latitude 45 deg. and some minutes, where our exploration ended, and where boats could not pass as we then thought, since we had not made a careful examination of it as we have since done. [285]

Now after Sieur de Monts had conferred with me several times in regard to his purposes concerning the exploration, he resolved to continue so noble and meritorious an undertaking, notwithstanding the hardships and labors of the past. He honored me with his lieutenancy for the voyage; and, in order to carry out his purpose, he had two vessels equipped, one commanded by Pont Grave, who was commissioned to trade with the savages of the country and bring back the vessels, while I was to winter in the country.

Sieur de Monts, for the purpose of defraying the expenses of the expedition, obtained letters from his Majesty for one year, by which all persons were forbidden to traffic in peltry with the savages, on penalties stated in the following commission:—

HENRY BY THE GRACE OF GOD KING OF FRANCE AND NAVARRE, to our beloved and faithful Councillors, the officers of our Admiralty in Normandy, Brittany, and Guienne, bailiffs, marshals, prevosts, judges, or their lieutenants, and to each one of them, according to his authority, throughout the extent of their powers, jurisdictions, and precincts, greeting:

Acting upon the information which has been given us by those who have returned from New France, respecting the good quality and fertility of the lands of that country, and the disposition of the people to accept the knowledge of God, We have resolved to continue the settlement previously undertaken there, in order that our subjects may go there to trade without hinderance. And in view of the proposition to us of Sieur de Monts, Gentleman in Ordinary of our chamber, and our Lieutenant-General in that country, to make a settlement, on condition of our giving him means and supplies for sustaining the expense of it, [286] it has pleased us to promise and assure him that none of our subjects but himself shall be permitted to trade in peltry and other merchandise, for the period of one year only, in the lands, regions, harbors, rivers, and highways throughout the extent of his jurisdiction: this We desire to have fulfilled. For these causes and other considerations impelling us thereto, We command and decree that each one of you, throughout the extent of your powers, jurisdictions, and precincts, shall act in our stead and carry out our will in distinctly prohibiting and forbidding all merchants, masters, and captains of vessels, also sailors and others of our subjects, of whatever rank and profession, to fit out any vessels, in which to go themselves or send others in order to engage in trade or barter in peltry and other things with the savages of New France, to visit, trade, or communicate with them during the space of one year, within the jurisdiction of Sieur de Monts, on penalty of disobedience, and the entire confiscation of their vessels, supplies, arms, and merchandise for the benefit of Sieur de Monts; and, in order that the punishment of their disobedience may be assured, you will allow, as We have and do allow, the aforesaid Sieur de Monts or his lieutenants to seize, apprehend, and arrest all violators of our present prohibition and order, also their vessels, merchandise, arms, supplies, and victuals, in order to take and deliver them up to the hands of justice, so that action may be taken not only against the persons, but also the property of the offenders, as the case shall require. This is our will, and We bid you to have it at once read and published in all localities and public places within your authority and jurisdiction, as you may deem necessary, by the first one of our officers or sergeants in accordance with this requisition, by virtue of these presents, or a copy of the same, properly attested once only by one of our well-beloved and faithful councillors, notaries, and secretaries, to which it is Our will that credence should be given as to the present original, in order that none of our subjects may claim ground for ignorance, but that all may obey and act in accordance with Our will in this matter. We order, moreover, all captains of vessels, mates, and second mates, and sailors of the same, and others on board of vessels or ships in the ports and harbors of the aforesaid country, to permit, as We have done, Sieur de Monts, and others possessing power and authority from him, to search the aforesaid vessels which shall have engaged in the fur-trade after the present prohibition shall have been made known to them. It is Our will that, upon the requisition, of the aforesaid Sieur de Monts, his lieutenants, and others having authority, you should proceed against the disobedient and offenders, as the case may require: to this end. We give you power, authority, commission, and special mandate, notwithstanding the act of our Council of the 17th day of July last, [287] any hue and cry, Norman charter, accusation, objection, or appeals of whatsoever kind; on account of which, and for fear of disregarding which, it is Our will that there should be no delay, and, if any of these occur, We have withheld and reserved cognizance of the same to Ourselves and our Council, apart from all other judges, and have forbidden and prohibited the same to all our courts and judges: for this is Our pleasure.

Given at Paris the seventh day of January, in the year of grace, sixteen hundred and eight, and the nineteenth of Our reign. Signed, HENRY.

And lower down, By the King, Delomenie. And sealed with the single label of the great seal of yellow wax.

Collated with the original by me, Councillor, Notary, and secretary of the King.

I proceeded to Honfleur for embarkation, where I found the vessel of Pont Grave in readiness. He left port on the 5th of April. I did so on the 13th, arriving at the Grand Bank on the 15th of May, in latitude 45 deg. 15’. On the 26th, we sighted Cape St. Mary,[288] in latitude 46 deg. 45’, on the Island of Newfoundland. On the 27th of the month, we sighted Cape St. Lawrence, on Cape Breton, and also the Island of St. Paul, distant eighty-three leagues from Cape St. Mary.[289] On the 30th, we sighted Isle Percee and Gaspe,[290] in latitude 48 deg. 40’, distant from Cape St. Lawrence from seventy to seventy-five leagues.

On the 3d of June, we arrived before Tadoussac, distant from Gaspe from eighty to ninety leagues; and we anchored in the roadstead of Tadoussac,[291] a league distant from the harbor, which latter is a kind of cove at the mouth of the river Saguenay, where the tide is very remarkable on account of its rapidity, and where there are sometimes violent winds, bringing severe cold. It is maintained that from the harbor of Tadoussac it is some forty-five or fifty leagues to the first fall on this river, which comes from the north-north-west. The harbor is small, and can accommodate only about twenty vessels. It has water enough, and is under shelter of the river Saguenay and a little rocky island; which is almost cut by the river; elsewhere there are very high mountains with little soil and only rocks and sand, thickly covered with such wood as fir and birch. There is a small pond near the harbor, shut in by mountains covered with wood. There are two points at the mouth: one on the southwest side, extending out nearly a league into the sea, called Point St. Matthew, or otherwise Point aux Allouettes; and another on the northwest side, extending out one-eighth of a league, and called Point of all Devils.[292] from the dangerous nature of the place. The winds from the south-south-east strike the harbor, which are not to be feared; but those, however, from the Saguenay are. The two points above mentioned are dry at low tide: our vessel was unable to enter the harbor, as the wind and tide were unfavorable. I at once had the boat lowered, in order to go to the port and ascertain whether Pont Grave had arrived. While on the way, I met a shallop with the pilot of Pont Grave and a Basque, who came to inform me of what had happened to them because they attempted to hinder the Basque vessels from trading, according to the commission obtained by Sieur de Monts from his Majesty, that no vessels should trade without permission of Sieur de Monts, as was expressed in it; and that, notwithstanding the notifications which Pont Grave made in behalf of his Majesty, they did not desist from forcibly carrying on their traffic; and that they had used their arms and maintained themselves so well in their vessel that, discharging all their cannon upon that of Pont Grave, and letting off many musket-shots, he was severely wounded, together with three of his men, one of whom died, Pont Grave meanwhile making no resistance; for at the first shower of musketry he was struck down. The Basques came on board of the vessel and took away all the cannon and arms, declaring that they would trade, notwithstanding the prohibition of the King, and that when they were ready to set out for France they would restore to him his cannon and ammunition, and that they were keeping them in order to be in a state of security. Upon hearing all these particulars, I was greatly annoyed at such a beginning, which we might have easily avoided.

Now, after hearing from the pilot all these things, I asked him why the Basque had come on board of our vessel. He told me that he came in behalf of their master, named Darache, and his companions, to obtain assurance from me that I would do them no harm, when our vessel entered the harbor.

I replied that I could not give any until I had seen Pont Grave. The Basque said that, if I had need of any thing in their power, they would assist me accordingly. What led them to use this language was simply their recognition of having done wrong, as they confessed, and the fear that they would not be permitted to engage in the whale-fishery. After talking at length, I went ashore to see Pont Grave, in order to deliberate as to what was to be done. I found him very ill. He related to me in detail all that had happened. We concluded that we could only enter the harbor by force, and that the settlement must not be given up for this year, so that we considered it best, in order not to make a bad cause out of a just one, and thus work our ruin, to give them assurances on my part so long as I should remain there, and that Pont Grave should undertake nothing against them, but that justice should be done in France, and their differences should be settled there.

Darache, master of the vessel, begged me to go on board, where he gave me a cordial reception. After a long conference, I secured an agreement between Pont Grave and him, and required him to promise that he would undertake nothing against Pont Grave, or what would be prejudicial to the King and Sieur de Monts; that, if he did the contrary, I should regard my promise as null and void. This was agreed to, and signed by each.

In this place were a number of savages who had come for traffic in furs, several of whom came to our vessel with their canoes, which are from eight to nine paces long, and about a pace or pace and a half broad in the middle, growing narrower towards the two ends. They are very apt to turn over, in case one does not understand managing them, and are made of birch bark, strengthened on the inside by little ribs of white cedar, very neatly arranged; they are so light that a man can easily carry one. Each can carry a weight equal to that of a pipe. When they want to go overland to a river where they have business, they carry them with them. From Choueacoet along the coast as far as the harbor of Tadoussac, they are all alike.

ENDNOTES:

283. Champlain arrived on the shores of America on the 8th of May, 1604,
and left on the 3rd of September, 1607. He had consequently been on
our coast three years, three months, and twenty-five days.

284. The late King Henry the Great. Henry IV. died in 1610, and this
introductory passage was obviously written after that event, probably
near the time of the publication of his voyages in 1613.

285. In the preliminary voyage of 1603, Champlain ascended the St. Lawrence
as far as the falls of St. Louis, above Montreal.

286. The contribution by Henry IV. did not probably extend beyond the
monopoly of the fur-trade granted by him in this commission.

287. This, we presume, was the act abrogating the charter of De Monts
granted in 1603.

288. This cape still retains its ancient name, and is situated between

St. Mary’s Bay and Placentia Bay.

289. Cape St. Lawrence is the northernmost extremity of the Island of Cape

Breton, and the Island of St. Paul is twenty miles northeast of it.

290. The Isle Percee, or pierced island, is a short distance north of the

Island of Bonaventure, at the entrance of Mal Bay, near the village of

Percee, where there is a government light. Gaspe Bay is some miles
farther north. “Below the bay,” says Charlevoix, “we perceive a kind
of island, which is only a steep rock about thirty fathoms long, ten
high, and four in breadth: it looks like part of an old wall, and they
say it joined formerly to Mount Ioli, which is over against it on
the continent. This rock has in the midst of it an opening like an
arch, under which a boat of Biscay may pass with its sail up, and this
has given it the name of the pierced island.”—_Letters to the

Duchess of Lesdiguieres_, by Francis Xavier de Charlevoix, London,

1763, p. 12.

291. The position in the roadstead was southeast of the harbor, so that
the harbor was seen on the northwest. Charlevoix calls it Moulin

Baude. The reader will find the position indicated by the letter M on

Champlain’s map of the Port of Tadoussac. Baude Moulin (Baude Mill),
directly north of it, was probably a mill privilege. Charlevoix, in

1720, anchored there, and asked them to show him the mill; and they
showed him some rocks, from which issued a stream of clear water. He
adds, they might build a water-mill here, but probably it will never
be done.

292. Pointe de tous les Diables. Now known as Pointe aux Vaches, cows.

The point on the other side of the river is still called Pointe aux

Alouettes, or Lark Point.

CHAPTER II.

OF THE RIVER SAGUENAY, AND THE SAVAGES WHO VISITED US THERE.—OF THE ISLAND OF ORLEANS, AND ALL THAT WE OBSERVED THERE WORTHY OF NOTE.

After this agreement, I had some carpenters set to work to fit up a little barque of twelve or fourteen tons, for carrying all that was needed for our settlement, which, however, could not be got ready before the last of June.

Meanwhile, I managed to visit some parts of the river Saguenay, a fine river, which has the incredible depth of some one hundred and fifty to two hundred fathoms. [293] About fifty leagues from the mouth of the harbor, there is, as is said, a great waterfall, descending from a very high elevation with great impetuosity. There are some islands in this river, very barren, being only rocks covered with small firs and heathers. It is half a league broad in places, and a quarter of a league at its mouth, where the current is so strong that at three-quarters flood-tide in the river it is still running out. All the land that I have seen consists only of mountains and rocky promontories, for the most part covered with fir and birch, a very unattractive country on both sides of the river. In a word, it is mere wastes, uninhabited by either animals or birds; for, going out hunting in places which seemed to me the most pleasant, I found only some very small birds, such as swallows and river birds, which go there in summer. At other times, there are none whatever, in consequence of the excessive cold. This river flows from the northwest.

The savages told me that, after passing the first fall, they meet with eight others, when they go a day’s journey without finding any. Then they pass ten others, and enter a lake, [294] which they are three days in crossing, and they are easily able to make ten leagues a day up stream. At the end of the lake there dwells a migratory people. Of the three rivers which flow into this lake, one comes from the north, very near the sea, where they consider it much colder than in their own country; and the other two from other directions in the interior, [295] where are migratory savages, living only from hunting, and where our savages carry the merchandise we give them for their furs, such as beaver, marten, lynx, and otter, which are found there in large numbers, and which they then carry to our vessels. These people of the north report to our savages that they see the salt sea; and, if that is true, as I think it certainly is, it can be nothing but a gulf entering the interior on the north. [296] The savages say that the distance from the north sea to the port of Tadoussac is perhaps forty-five or fifty days’ journey, in consequence of the difficulties presented by the roads, rivers, and country, which is very mountainous, and where there is snow for the most part of the year. This is what I have definitely ascertained in regard to this river. I have often wished to explore it, but could not do so without the savages, who were unwilling that I or any of our party should accompany them. Nevertheless, they have promised that I shall do so. This exploration would be desirable, in order to remove the doubts of many persons in regard to the existence of this sea on the north, where it is maintained that the English have gone in these latter years to find a way to China. [297]

*

CHAMPLAIN’S EXPLANATION OF THE ACCOMPANYING MAP.

PORT DE TADOUCAC.

The figures indicate the fathoms of water.

A. A round mountain on the bank of the river Saguenay. B. The harbor of Tadoussac. C. A small fresh-water brook. D. The encampment of the savages when they come to traffic. E. A peninsula partly enclosing the port of the river Saguenay. F. Point of All Devils. G. The river Saguenay. H. Point aux Alouettes. I. Very rough mountains covered with firs and beeches. L. The mill Bode. M. The roadstead where vessels anchor while waiting for wind and tide. N. A little pond near the harbor. O. A small brook coming from the pond and flowing into the Saguenay. P. Place without trees near the point where there is a quantity of grass.

*

I set out from Tadoussac the last day of the month to go to Quebec. [298] We passed near an island called Hare Island, [299] distant six leagues from the above-named port: it is two leagues from the northern, and nearly four leagues from the southern shore. From Hare Island we proceeded to a little river, dry at low tide, up which some seven hundred or eight hundred paces there are two falls. We named it Salmon River, [300] since we caught some of these fish in it. Coasting along the north shore, we came to a point extending into the river, which we called Cap Dauphin, [301] distant three leagues from Salmon River. Thence we proceeded to another, which we named Eagle Cape, [302] distant eight leagues from Cap Dauphin. Between the two there is a large bay, [303] at the extremity of which is a little river dry at low tide. From Eagle Cape, we proceeded to Isle aux Coudres, [304] a good league distant, which is about a league and a half long. It is nearly level, and grows narrower towards the two ends. On the western end there are meadows, and rocky points extending some distance out into the river. On the southwest side it is very reefy, yet very pleasant in consequence of the woods surrounding it. It is distant about half a league from the northern shore, where is a little river extending some distance into the interior. We named it Riviere du Gouffre, [305] since abreast of it the tide runs with extraordinary rapidity; and, although it has a calm appearance, it is always much agitated, the depth there being great: but the river itself is shallow, and there are many rocks at and about its mouth. Coasting along from Isle aux Coudres, we reached a cape which we named Cap de Tourmente, [306] five leagues distant; and we gave it this name because, however little wind there may be, the water rises there as if it were full tide. At this point, the water begins to be fresh. Thence we proceeded to the Island of Orleans, [307] a distance of two leagues, on the south side of which are numerous islands, low, covered with trees and very pleasant, with large meadows, having plenty of game, some being, so far as I could judge, two leagues in length, others a trifle more or less. About these islands are many rocks, also very dangerous shallows, some two leagues distant from the main land on the South. All this shore, both north and South, from Tadoussac to the Island of Orleans, is mountainous, and the soil very poor. The wood is pine, fir, and birch only, with very ugly rocks, so that in most places one could not make his way.

Now we passed along south of the Island of Orleans, which is a league and a half distant from the main land and half a league on the north side, being six leagues in length, and one in breadth, or in some places a league and a half. On the north side, it is very pleasant, on account of the great extent of woods and meadows there; but it is very dangerous sailing, in consequence of the numerous points and rocks between the main land and island, on which are numerous fine oaks and in some places nut-trees, and on the borders of the woods vines and other trees such as we have in France. This place is the commencement of the fine and fertile country of the great river, and is distant one hundred and twenty leagues from its mouth. Off the end of the island is a torrent of water on the north shore, proceeding from a lake ten leagues in the interior: [308] it comes down from a height of nearly twenty-five fathoms, above which the land is level and pleasant, although farther inland are seen high mountains appearing to be from fifteen to twenty leagues distant.

ENDNOTES:

293. The deepest sounding as laid down on Laurie’s Chart is one hundred and
forty-six fathoms. The same authority says the banks of the river
throughout its course are very rocky, and vary in height from one
hundred and seventy to three hundred and forty yards above the stream.

Its current is broad, deep, and uncommonly vehement: in some places,
where precipices intervene, are falls from fifty to sixty feet in
height, down which the whole volume of water rushes with tremendous
fury and noise. The general breadth of the river is about two and a
half miles, but at its mouth its width is contracted to three-quarters
of a mile. The tide runs upward about sixty-five miles from its mouth.

294. If the Indians were three days in crossing Lake St. John here referred
to, whose length is variously stated to be from twenty-five to forty
miles, it could hardly have been the shortest time in which it were
possible to pass it. It may have been the usual time, some of which
they gave to fishing or hunting. “In 1647, Father Jean Duquen,
missionary at Tadoussac, ascending the Saguenay, discovered the Lake

St. John, and noted its Indian name, Picouagami, or Flat Lake. He was
the first European who beheld that magnificent expanse of inland
water.”—_Vide Transactions, Lit. and His. Soc. of Quebec_, 1867-68,
p. 5.

295. The first of these three rivers, which the traveller will meet as he
passes up the northern shore of the lake, is the Peribonca flowing
from the northeast. The second is the Mistassina, represented by the

Indians as coming from the salt sea. The third is the Chomouchonan,
flowing from the northwest.

296. There was doubtless an Indian trail from the head-waters of the

Mistassina to Mistassin Lake, and from thence to Rupert River, which
flows into the lower part of Hudson’s Bay.

297. The salt sea referred to by the Indians was undoubtedly Hudson’s Bay.

The discoverer of this bay, Henry Hudson, in the years 1607, 1608, and

1609, was in the northern ocean searching for a passage to Cathay. In

1610, he discovered the strait and bay which now bear his name. He
passed the winter in the southern part of the bay; and the next year,

1611, his sailors in a mutiny forced him and his officers into a
shallop and abandoned them to perish. Nothing was heard of them
afterward. The fame of Hudson’s discovery had reached Champlain
before the publication of this volume in 1613. This will be apparent
by comparing Champlain’s small map with the TABULA NAUTICA of Hudson,
published in 1612. It will be seen that the whole of the Carte

Geographique de la Nouvelle France of Champlain, on the west of

Lumley’s Inlet, including Hudson’s Strait and Bay, is a copy from the

Tabula Nautica. Even the names are in English, a few characteristic
ones being omitted, such as Prince Henry, the King’s Forlant, and Cape

Charles.—_Vide Henry Hudson the Navigator_, by G. M. Asher, LL.D.,

Hakluyt Society, 1860, p. xliv.

298. This was June 30, 1608.

299. Isle aux Lievres, or hares. This name was given by Jacques Cartier,
and it is still called Hare Island. It is about ten geographical miles
long, and generally about half or three-quarters of a mile wide.

300. Riviere aux Saulmons. “From all appearances,” says Laverdiere, “this

Salmon River is that which empties into the ‘Port a l’Equilles,’ eel
harbor, also called ‘Port aux Quilles,’ Skittles Port. Its mouth is
two leagues from Cape Salmon, with which it must not be confounded.”

It is now known as Black River.

301. Cap Dauphin, now called Cape Salmon, which is about three leagues
from Black River.

302. Cap a l’Aigle, now known as Cap aux Oies, or Goose Cape. The Eagle

Cape of to-day is little more than two leagues from Cape Salmon, while

Goose Cape is about eight leagues, as stated in the text.

303. The bay stretching between Cape Salmon and Goose Cape is called Mal

Bay, within which are Cape Eagle, Murray Bay, Point au Ries, White

Cape, Red Cape, Black Cape, Point Pere, Point Corneille, and Little

Mal Bay. In the rear of Goose Cape are Les Eboulemens Mountains, 2,547
feet in height. On the opposite side of the river is Point Ouelle, and
the river of the same name.

304. Isle aux Coudres, Hazel Island, so named by Jacques Cartier, still
retains its ancient appellation. Its distance from Goose Cape is about
two leagues. The description of it in the text is very accurate.

305. Riviere du Gouffre. This river still retains this name, signifying
whirlpool, and is the same that empties into St. Paul’s Bay, opposite

Isle-aux Coudres.

306. Cap de Tourmente, cape of the tempest, is eight leagues from Isle
aux Coudres, but about two from the Isle of Orleans, as stated in the
text, which sufficiently identifies it.

307. Isle d’Orleans. Cartier discovered this island in 1635, and named it
the Island of Bacchus, because he saw vines growing there, which he
had not before seen in that region. He says, “Et pareillement y
trouuasmes force vignes, ce que n’auyons veu par cy deuant a toute la
terre, & par ce la nommasmes l’ysle de Bacchus.”—_Brief Recit de la

Navigation Faite en MDXXXV._, par Jacques Cartier, D’Avezac ed.,

Paris, 1863, pp. 14, 15. The grape found here was probably the Frost

Grape, Vitis cordifolia. The “Island of Orleans” soon became the
fixed name of this island, which it still retains. Its Indian name is
said to have been Minigo.—Vide Laverdiere’s interesting note,

Oeuvres de Champlain, Tome II, p. 24. Champlain’s estimate of the
size of the island is nearly accurate. It is, according to the

Admiralty charts, seventeen marine miles in length, and four in its
greatest width.

308. This was the river Montmorency, which rises in Snow Lake, some fifty
miles in the interior.—Vide Champlain’s reference on his map of

Quebec and its environs. He gave this name to the river, which it
still retains, in honor of the Admiral Montmorency, to whom he
dedicated his notes on the voyage of 1603.—_Vide Laverdiere_, in
loco; also Champlain, ed. 1632; Chiarlevoix’s Letters, London,

1763, p. 19. The following is Jean Alfonse’s description of the fall
of Montmorency: “When thou art come to the end of the Isle, thou shall
see a great River, which falleth fifteene or twenty fathoms downe from
a rocke, and maketh a terrible noyse.”—_Hakluyt, Vol. III. p. 293.

The perpendicular descent of the Montmorency at the falls is 240 feet.

CHAPTER III.

ARRIVAL AT QUEBEC, WHERE WE CONSTRUCTED OUR PLACE OF ABODE; ITS SITUATION. —CONSPIRACY AGAINST THE SERVICE OF THE KING AND MY LIFE. BY SOME OF OUR MEN—PUNISHMENT OF THEM, AND ALL THAT TRANSPIRED OF THE AFFAIR.

From the Island of Orleans to Quebec the distance is a league. I arrived there on the 3d of July, when I searched for a place suitable for our settlement, but I could find none more convenient or better situated than the point of Quebec, so called by the savages, [309] which was covered with nut-trees. I at once employed a portion of our workmen in cutting them down, that we might construct our habitation there: one I set to sawing boards, another to making a cellar and digging ditches, another I sent to Tadoussac with the barque to get supplies. The first thing we made was the storehouse for keeping under cover our supplies, which was promptly accomplished through the zeal of all, and my attention to the work.

*

CHAMPLAIN’S EXPLANATION OF THE ACCOMPANYING MAP.

QUEBEC.

The figures indicate the fathoms of water.

A. The site where our habitation is built. [Note 1] B. Cleared land where we sow wheat and other grain. [Note 2] C. The gardens.[Note 3] D. small brook coming from marshes. [Note 4] E. River where Jacques Cartier passed the winter, which in his time he
called St. Croix, and which name has been transferred to a place
fifteen leagues above Quebec. [Note 5] F. River of the marshes. [Note 6] G. Place where was collected the grass for the animals brought here.

[Note 7] H. The grand fall of Montmorency, which descends from a height of more
than twenty-five fathoms into the river. [Note 8] I. The end of the Island of Orleans. L. A very narrow point on the shore east of Quebec. [Note 9] M. Roaring river which extends to the Etechemins. N. The great river of St. Lawrence. O. Lake in the roaring river. P. Mountains in the interior; bay which I named New Biscay, q. Lake of the great fall of Montmorency. [Note 10] R. Bear Brook. [Note 11] S. Brook du Gendre. [Note 12] T. Meadows overflowed at every tide. V. Mont du Gas, very high, situated on the bank of the river. [Note 13] X. Swift brook, adapted to all kinds of mills. Y. Gravelly shore where a quantity of diamonds are found somewhat better
than those of Alanson. Z. The Point of Diamonds. 9. Places where the savages often build their cabins. [Note 14]

NOTES. The following notes on Champlain’s explanation of his map of Quebec are by the Abbe Laverdiere, whose accurate knowledge of that city and its environs renders them especially valuable. They are given entire, with only slight modifications.

1. That is properly the point of Quebec, including what is at present
enclosed by La Place, the street Notre Dame, and the river.

2. This first clearing must have been what was called later the Esplanade
du Fort, or Grande Place, or perhaps both. The Grande Place became, in

1658, the fort of the Hurons: it was the space included between the Cote
of the lower town and the Rue du Fort.

3. A little above the gardens, on the slope of the Cote du Saut au Matelot,
a cross is seen, which seems to indicate that at that time the cemetery
was where it is said to be when it is mentioned some years later for the
first time.

4. According to the old plans of Quebec, these marshes were represented to
be west of Mont Carmel, and at the foot of the glacis of the Citadel.

The brook pulled eastward of the grounds of the Ursulines and Jesuites,
followed for some distance the Rue de la Fabrique as far as the
enclosure of the Hotel Dieu, to the east of which it ran down the hill
towards the foot of the Cote de la Canoterie.

5. The river St. Charles. The letter E does not indicate precisely the
place where Jacques Quartier wintered, but only the mouth of the river.

6. Judging from the outlines of the shore, this brook, which came from the
southwest, flowed into the harbor of the Palais, towards the western
extremity of the Parc.

7. This is probably what was called later the barn of the Messieurs de la

Compagnie, or simply La Grange, and appears to have been somewhere on
the avenue of Mont Carmel.

8. The fall of Montmorency is forty fathoms or two hundred and forty French
feet, or even more.

9. Hence it is seen that in 1613 this point had as yet no name. In 1629,

Champlain calls it Cap de Levis: it can accordingly be concluded that
this point derives its name from that of the Duc de Ventadour, Henri de

Levis, and that it must have been so named between the years 1625 and

1627, the time when he was regent.

10. The Lake of the Snows is the source of the western branch of the

Riviere du Saut.

11. La Riviere de Beauport, which is called likewise La Distillerie.

12. Called later Ruisseau de la Cabaneaux Taupiers. Riviere Chalisour, and
finally Riviere des Fous, from the new insane asylum, by the site of
which it now passes.

13. Height where is now situated the bastion of the Roi a la Citadelle.

This name was given it, doubtless, in memory of M. de Monts, Pierre du

Guast.

14. This figure appears not only at the Point du Cap Diamant, but also
along the shore of Beauport, and at the end of the Island of Orleans.

*

Some days after my arrival at Quebec, a locksmith conspired against the service of the king. His plan was to put me to death, and, getting possession of our fort, to put it into the hands of the Basques or Spaniards, then at Tadoussac, beyond which vessels cannot go, from not having a knowledge of the route, nor of the banks and rocks on the way.

In order to execute his wretched plan, by which he hoped to make his fortune, he suborned four of the worst characters, as he supposed, telling them a thousand falsehoods, and presenting to them prospects of acquiring riches.

These four men, having been won over, all promised to act in such a manner as to gain the rest over to their side; so that, for the time being, I had no one with me in whom I could put confidence, which gave them still more hope of making their plan succeed: for four or five of my companions, in whom they knew that I put confidence, were on board of the barques, for the purpose of protecting the provisions and supplies necessary for our settlement.

In a word, they were so skilful in carrying out their intrigues with those who remained, that they were on the point of gaining all over to their cause, even my lackey, promising them many things which they could not have fulfilled.

Being now all agreed, they made daily different plans as to how they should put me to death, so as not to be accused of it, which they found to be a difficult thing. But the devil, blindfolding them all and taking away their reason and every possible difficulty, they determined to take me while unarmed, and strangle me; or to give a false alarm at night, and shoot me as I went out, in which manner they judged that they would accomplish their work sooner than otherwise. They made a mutual promise not to betray each other, on penalty that the first one who opened his mouth should be poniarded. They were to execute their plan in four days, before the arrival of our barques, otherwise they would have been unable to carry out their scheme.

On this very day, one of our barques arrived, with our pilot, Captain Testu, a very discreet man. After the barque was unloaded, and ready to return to Tadoussac, there came to him a locksmith, named Natel, an associate of Jean du Val, the head of the conspiracy, who told him that he had promised the rest to do just as they did; but that he did not in fact desire the execution of the plot, yet did not dare to make a disclosure in regard to it, from fear of being poniarded.

Antoine Natel made the pilot promise that he would make no disclosure in regard to what he should say, since, if his companions should discover it, they would put him to death. The pilot gave him his assurance in all particulars, and asked him to state the character of the plot which they wished to carry out. This Natel did at length, when the pilot said to him: “My friend, you have done well to disclose such a malicious design, and you show that you are an upright man, and under the guidance of the Holy Spirit. But these things cannot be passed by without bringing them to the knowledge of Sieur de Champlain, that he may make provision against them; and I promise you that I will prevail upon him to pardon you and the rest. And I will at once,” said the pilot, “go to him without exciting any suspicion; and do you go about your business, listening to all they may say, and not troubling yourself about the rest.”

The pilot came at once to me, in a garden which I was having prepared, and said that he wished to speak to me in a private place, where we could be alone. I readily assented, and we went into the wood, where he related to me the whole affair. I asked who had told it to him. He begged me to pardon him who had made the disclosure, which I consented to do, although he ought to have addressed himself to me. He was afraid, he replied, that you would become angry, and harm him. I told him that I was able to govern myself better than that, in such a matter; and desired him to have the man come to me, that I might hear his statement. He went, and brought him all trembling with fear lest I should do him some harm. I reassured him, telling him not to be afraid; that he was in a place of safety, and that I should pardon him for all that he had done, together with the others, provided he would tell me in full the truth in regard to the whole matter, and the motive which had impelled them to it. “Nothing,” he said, “had impelled them, except that they had imagined that, by giving up the place into the hands of the Basques or Spaniards, they might all become rich, and that they did not want to go back to France.” He also related to me the remaining particulars in regard to their conspiracy.

After having heard and questioned him, I directed him to go about his work. Meanwhile, I ordered the pilot to bring up his shallop, which he did. Then I gave two bottles of wine to a young man, directing him to say to these four worthies, the leaders of the conspiracy, that it was a present of wine, which his friends at Tadoussac had given him, and that he wished to share it with them. This they did not decline, and at evening were on board the barque where he was to give them the entertainment. I lost no time in going there shortly after; and caused them to be seized, and held until the next day.

Then were my worthies astonished indeed. I at once had all get up, for it was about ten o’clock in the evening, and pardoned them all, on condition that they would disclose to me the truth in regard to all that had occurred; which they did, when I had them retire.

The next day I took the depositions of all, one after the other, in the presence of the pilot and sailors of the vessel, which I had put down in writing; and they were well pleased, as they said, since they had lived only in fear of each other, especially of the four knaves who had ensnared them. But now they lived in peace, satisfied, as they declared, with the treatment which they had received.

The same day I had six pairs of handcuffs made for the authors of the conspiracy: one for our surgeon, named Bonnerme, one for another, named La Taille, whom the four conspirators had accused, which, however, proved false, and consequently they were given their liberty.

This being done, I took my worthies to Tadoussac, begging Pont Grave to do me the favor of guarding them, since I had as yet no secure place for keeping them, and as we were occupied in constructing our places of abode. Another object was to consult with him, and others on the ship, as to what should be done in the premises. We suggested that, after he had finished his work at Tadoussac, he should come to Quebec with the prisoners, where we should have them confronted with their witnesses, and, after giving them a hearing, order justice to be done according to the offence which they had committed.

I went back the next day to Quebec, to hasten the completion of our storehouse, so as to secure our provisions, which had been misused by all those scoundrels, who spared nothing, without reflecting how they could find more when these failed; for I could not obviate the difficulty until the storehouse should be completed and shut up.

Pont Grave arrived some time after me, with the prisoners, which caused uneasiness to the workmen who remained, since they feared that I should pardon them, and that they would avenge themselves upon them for revealing their wicked design.

We had them brought face to face, and they affirmed before them all which they had stated in their depositions, the prisoners not denying it, but admitting that they had acted in a wicked manner, and should be punished, unless mercy might be exercised towards them; accursing, above all, Jean du Val, who had been trying to lead them into such a conspiracy from the time of their departure from France. Du Val knew not what to say, except that he deserved death, that all stated in the depositions was true, and that he begged for mercy upon himself and the others, who had given in their adherence to his pernicious purposes.

After Pont Grave and I, the captain of the vessel, surgeon, mate, second mate, and other sailors, had heard their depositions and face to face statements, we adjudged that it would be enough to put to death Du Val, as the instigator of the conspiracy; and that he might serve as an example to those who remained, leading them to deport themselves correctly in future, in the discharge of their duty; and that the Spaniards and Basques, of whom there were large numbers in the country, might not glory in the event. We adjudged that the three others be condemned to be hung, but that they should be taken to France and put into the hands of Sieur de Monts, that such ample justice might be done them as he should recommend; that they should be sent with all the evidence and their sentence, as well as that of Jean du Val, who was strangled and hung at Quebec, and his head was put on the end of a pike, to be set up in the most conspicuous place on our fort.

ENDNOTES:

309. Champlain here plainly means to say that the Indians call the narrow
place in the river Quebec. For this meaning of the word, viz.,
narrowing of waters, in the Algonquin language, the authority is
abundant. Laverdiere quotes, as agreeing with him in this view,

Bellenger, Ferland, and Lescarbot. “The narrowing of the river,” says

Charlevoix, “gave it the name of Quebeio or Quebec, which in the

Algonquin language signifies contraction. The Abenaquis, whose
language is a dialect of the Algonquin, call it Quelibec, which
signifies something shut up.”—_Charlevoix’s Letters_, pp. 18, 19.

Alfred Hawkins, in his “Historical Recollections of Quebec,” regards
the word of Norman origin, which he finds on a seal of the Duke of

Suffolk, as early as 1420. The theory is ingenious: but it requires
some other characteristic historical facts to challenge our belief.

When Cartier visited Quebec, it was called by the natives Stadacone.

—_Vide Cartier’s Brief Recit_, 1545, D’Avezac ed., Paris, 1863,
p. 14.

CHAPTER IV.

RETURN OF PONT GRAVE TO FRANCE.—DESCRIPTION OF OUR QUARTERS AND THE PLACE WHERE JACQUES CARTIER STAYED IN 1535.

After all these occurrences, Pont Grave set out from Quebec, on the 18th of September, to return to France with the three prisoners. After he had gone, all who remained conducted themselves correctly in the discharge of their duty.

I had the work on our quarters continued, which was composed of three buildings of two stories. Each one was three fathoms long, and two and a half wide. The storehouse was six fathoms long and three wide, with a fine cellar six feet deep. I had a gallery made all around our buildings, on the outside, at the second story, which proved very convenient. There were also ditches, fifteen feet wide and six deep. On the outer side of the ditches, I constructed several spurs, which enclosed a part of the dwelling, at the points where we placed our cannon. Before the habitation there is a place four fathoms wide and six or seven long, looking out upon the river-bank. Surrounding the habitation are very good gardens, and a place on the north side some hundred or hundred and twenty paces long and fifty or sixty wide. Moreover, near Quebec, there is a little river, coming from a lake in the interior, [310] distant six or seven leagues from our settlement. I am of opinion that this river, which is north a quarter northwest from our settlement, is the place where Jacques Cartier wintered, [311] since there are still, a league up the river, remains of what seems to have been a chimney, the foundation of which has been found, and indications of there having been ditches surrounding their dwelling, which was small. We found, also, large pieces of hewn, worm-eaten timber, and some three or four cannon-balls. All these things show clearly that there was a settlement there founded by Christians; and what leads me to say and believe that it was that of Jacques Cartier is the fact that there is no evidence whatever that any one wintered and built a house in these places except Jacques Cartier, at the time of his discoveries. This place, as I think, must have been called St. Croix, as he named it; which name has since been transferred to another place fifteen leagues west of our settlement. But there is no evidence of his having wintered in the place now called St. Croix, nor in any other there, since in this direction there is no river or other place large enough for vessels except the main river or that of which I spoke above; here there is half a fathom of water at low tide, many rocks, and a bank at the mouth; for vessels, if kept in the main river, where there are strong currents and tides, and ice in the winter, drifting along, would run the risk of being lost; especially as there is a sandy point extending out into the river, and filled with rocks, between which we have found, within the last three years, a passage not before discovered; but one must go through cautiously, in consequence of the dangerous points there. This place is exposed to the northwest winds; a half fathoms. There are no signs of buildings here, nor any indications that a man of judgment would settle in this place, there being many other better ones, in case one were obliged to make a permanent stay. I have been desirous of speaking at length on this point, since many believe that the abode of Jacques Cartier was here, which I do not believe, for the reasons here given; for Cartier would have left to posterity a narrative of the matter, as he did in the case of all he saw and discovered; and I maintain that my opinion is the true one, as can be shown by the history which he has left, in writing.

*

CHAMPLAIN’S EXPLANATION OF THE ACCOMPANYING MAP.

ABITATION DE QUEBECQ.

A. The storehouse. B. Dove-cote. C. A building where our arms are kept, and for lodging our workmen. D. Another building for our workmen. E. Dial. F. Another building, comprising the blacksmith’s shop and the lodgings of
the mechanics. G. Galleries extending entirely round the dwellings. H. The dwelling of Sieur de Champlain. I. Gate to the habitation where there is a drawbridge. L. Promenade about the habitation ten feet wide, extending to the border
of the moat. M. Moat extending all round our habitation. N. Platforms, of a tenaille form, for our cannon. O. Garden of Sieur de Champlain. P. The kitchen. Q. Open space before the habitation on the bank of the river. R. The great river St. Lawrence.

*

As still farther proof that this place now called St. Croix is not the place where Jacques Cartier wintered, as most persons think, this is what he says about it in his discoveries, taken from his history; namely, that he arrived at the Isle aux Coudres on the 5th of December, [312] 1535, which he called by this name, as hazel-nuts were found there. There is a strong tidal current in this place; and he says that it is three leagues long, but it is quite enough to reckon a league and a half. On the 7th of the month, Notre Dame Day, [313] he set out from this island to go up the river, in which he saw fourteen islands, distant seven or eight leagues from Isle aux Coudres on the south. He errs somewhat in this estimation, for it is not more than three leagues. [314] He also says that the place where the islands are is the commencement of the land or province of Canada, and that he reached an island ten leagues long and five wide, where extensive fisheries are carried on, fish being here, in fact, very abundant, especially the sturgeon. But its length is not more than six leagues, and its breadth two; a fact well recognized now. He says also that he anchored between this island and the main land on the north, the smallest passage, and a dangerous one, where he landed two savages whom he had taken to France, and that, after stopping in this place some time with the people of the country, he sent for his barques and went farther up the river, with the tide, seeking a harbor and place of security for his ships. He says, farther, that they went on up the river, coasting along this island, the length of which he estimates at ten leagues; and after it was passed they found a very fine and pleasant bay, containing a little river and bar harbor, which they found very favorable for sheltering their vessels. This they named St. Croix, since he arrived there on this day; and at the time of the voyage of Cartier the place was called Stadaca, [315] but we now call it Quebec. He says, also, that after he had examined this place he returned to get his vessels for passing the winter there.

Now we may conclude, accordingly, that the distance is only five leagues from the Isle aux Coudres to the Isle of Orleans, [316] at the western extremity of which the river is very broad; and at which bay, as Cartier calls it, there is no other river than that which he called St. Croix, a good league distant from the Isle of Orleans, in which, at low tide, there is only half a fathom of water. It is very dangerous for vessels at its mouth, there being a large number of spurs; that is, rocks scattered here and there. It is accordingly necessary to place buoys in order to enter, there being, as I have stated, three fathoms of water at ordinary tides, and four fathoms, or four and a half generally, at the great tides at full flood. It is only fifteen hundred paces from our habitation, which is higher up the river; and, as I have stated, there is no other river up to the place now called St. Croix, where vessels can lie, there being only little brooks. The shores are flat and dangerous, which Cartier does not mention until the time that he sets out from St. Croix, now called Quebec, where he left his vessels, and built his place of abode, as is seen from what follows.

On the 19th of September, he set out from St. Croix, where his vessels were, setting sail with the tide up the river, which they found very pleasant, as well on account of the woods, vines, and dwellings, which were there in his time, as for other reasons. They cast anchor twenty-five leagues from the entrance to the land of Canada; [317] that is, at the western extremity of the Isle of Orleans, so called by Cartier. What is now called St Croix was then called Achelacy, at a narrow pass where the river is very swift and dangerous on account of the rocks and other things, and which can only be passed at flood-tide. Its distance from Quebec and the river where Cartier wintered is fifteen leagues.

Now, throughout the entire extent of this river, from Quebec to the great fall, there are no narrows except at the place now called St. Croix; the name of which has been transferred from one place to another one, which is very dangerous, as my description shows. And it is very apparent, from his narrative, that this was not the site of his habitation, as is claimed; but that the latter was near Quebec, and that no one had entered into a special investigation of this matter before my doing so in my voyages. For the first time I was told that he dwelt in this place, I was greatly astonished, finding no trace of a river for vessels, as he states there was. This led me to make a careful examination, in order to remove the suspicion and doubt of many persons in regard to the matter. [318]

While the carpenters, sawers of boards, and other workmen, were employed on our quarters, I set all the others to work clearing up around our place of abode, in preparation for gardens in which to plant grain and seeds, that we might see how they would flourish, as the soil seemed to be very good.

Meanwhile, a large number of savages were encamped in cabins near us, engaged in fishing for eels, which begin to come about the 15th of September, and go away on the 15th of October. During this time, all the Savages subsist on this food, and dry enough of it for the winter to last until the month of February, when there are about two and a half, or at most three, feet of snow; and, when their eels and other things which they dry have been prepared, they go to hunt the beaver until the beginning of January. At their departure for this purpose, they intrusted to us all their eels and other things, until their return, which was on the 15th of December. But they did not have great success in the beaver-hunt, as the amount of water was too great, the rivers having overrun their banks, as they told us. I returned to them all their supplies, which lasted them only until the 20th of January. When their supply of eels gave out, they hunted the elk and such other wild beasts as they could find until spring, when I was able to supply them with various things. I paid especial attention to their customs.

These people suffer so much from lack of food that they are sometimes obliged to live on certain shell-fish, and eat their dogs and the skins with which they clothe themselves against the cold. I am of opinion that, if one were to show them how to live, and teach them the cultivation of the soil and other things, they would learn very aptly. For many of them possess good sense, and answer properly questions put to them. They have a bad habit of taking vengeance, and are great liars, and you must not put much reliance on them, except judiciously, and with force at hand. They make promises readily, but keep their word poorly. The most of them observe no law at all, so far as I have been able to see, and are, besides, full of superstitions. I asked them with what ceremonies they were accustomed to pray to their God, when they replied that they had none, but that each prayed to him in his heart, as he wished. That is why there is no law among them, and they do not know what it is to worship and pray to God, living as they do like brute beasts. But I think that they would soon become good Christians, if people would come and inhabit their country, which they are for the most part desirous of. There are some savages among them, called by them Pilotais, whom they believe have intercourse with the devil face to face, who tells them what they must do in regard to war and other things; and, if he should order them to execute any undertaking, they would obey at once. So, also, they believe that all their dreams are true; and, in fact, there are many who say that they have had visions and dreams about matters which actually come to pass or will do so. But, to tell the truth, these are diabolical visions, through which they are deceived and misled. This is all I have been able to learn about their brutish faith. All these people are well proportioned in body, without deformity, and are agile. The women, also, are well-formed, plump, and of a swarthy color, in consequence of certain pigments with which they rub themselves, and which give them a permanent olive color. They are dressed in skins: a part only of the body is covered. But in winter they are covered throughout, in good furs of elk, otter, beaver, bear, seals, deer, and roe, of which they have large quantities. In winter, when the snow is deep, they make a sort of snow-shoe of large size, two or three times as large as that used in France, which they attach to their feet, thus going over the snow without sinking in; otherwise, they could not hunt or walk in many places. They have a sort of marriage, which is as follows: When a girl is fourteen or fifteen years old, and has several suitors, she may keep company with all she likes. At the end of five or six years, she takes the one that pleases her for her husband, and they live together to the end of their lives. But if, after living some time together, they have no children, the man can disunite himself and take another woman, alleging that his own is good for nothing. Hence, the girls have greater freedom than the married women.

After marriage, the women are chaste, and their husbands generally jealous. They give presents to the fathers or relatives of the girls they have wedded. These are the ceremonies and forms observed in their marriages. In regard to their burials: When a man or a woman dies, they dig a pit, in which they put all their property, as kettles, furs, axes, bows, arrows, robes, and other things. Then they place the body in the pit and cover it with earth, putting, on top many large pieces of wood, and another piece upright, painted red on the upper part. They believe in the immortality of the soul, and say that they shall be happy in other lands with their relatives and friends who are dead. In the case of captains or others of some distinction, they celebrate a banquet three times a year after their death, singing and dancing about the grave.

All the time they were with us, which was the most secure place for them, they did not cease to fear their enemies to such an extent that they often at night became alarmed while dreaming, and sent their wives and children to our fort, the gates of which I had opened to them, allowing the men to remain about the fort, but not permitting them to enter, for their persons were thus as much in security as if they had been inside. I also had five or six of our men go out to reassure them, and to go and ascertain whether they could see any thing in the woods, in order to quiet them. They are very timid and in great dread of their enemies, scarcely ever sleeping in repose in whatever place they may be, although I constantly reassured them, so far as I could, urging them to do as we did; namely, that they should have a portion watch while the others slept, that each one should have his arms in readiness like him who was keeping watch, and that they should not regard dreams as the actual truth to be relied upon, since they are mostly only false, to which I also added other words on the same subject. But these remonstrances were of little avail with them, and they said that we knew better than they how to keep guard against all things; and that they, in course of time, if we continued to stay with them, would be able to learn it.

CHAPTER V.

SEEDS AND VINES PLANTED AT QUEBEC.—COMMENCEMENT OF THE WINTER AND ICE.— EXTREME DESTITUTION OF CERTAIN INDIANS.

On the 1st of October, I had some wheat sown, and on the 15th some rye. On the 3d, there was a white frost in some places, and the leaves of the trees began to fall on the 15th. On the 24th, I had some native vines set out, which flourished very well. But, after leaving the settlement to go to France, they were all spoiled from lack of attention, at which I was much troubled on my return. On the 18th of November, there was a great fall of snow, which remained only two days on the ground, during which time there was a violent gale of wind. There died during this month a sailor and our locksmith [319] of dysentery, so also many Indians from eating eels badly cooked, as I think. On the 5th of February, it snowed violently, and the wind was high for two days. On the 20th, some Indians appeared on the other side of the river, calling to us to go to their assistance, which was beyond our power, on account of the large amount of ice drifting in the river. Hunger pressed upon these poor wretches so severely that, not knowing what to do, they resolved, men, women, and children, to cross the river or die, hoping that I should assist them in their extreme want. Having accordingly made this resolve, the men and women took the children and embarked in their canoes, thinking that they could reach our shore by an opening in the ice made by the wind; but they were scarcely in the middle of the stream when their canoes were caught by the ice and broken into a thousand pieces. But they were skilful enough to throw themselves with the children, which the women carried on their backs, on a large piece of ice. As they were on it, we heard them crying out so that it excited intense pity, as before them there seemed nothing but death. But fortune was so favorable to these poor wretches that a large piece of ice struck against the side of that on which they were, so violently as to drive them ashore. On seeing this favorable turn, they reached the shore with as much delight as they ever experienced, notwithstanding the great hunger from which they were suffering. They proceeded to our abode, so thin and haggard that they seemed like mere skeletons, most of them not being able to hold themselves up. I was astonished to see them, and observe the manner in which they had crossed, in view of their being so feeble and weak. I ordered some bread and beans to be given them. So great was their impatience to eat them, that they could not wait to have them cooked. I lent them also some bark, which other savages had given me, to cover their cabins. As they were making their cabin, they discovered a piece of carrion, which I had had thrown out nearly two months before to attract the foxes, of which we caught black and red ones, like those in France, but with heavier fur. This carrion consisted of a sow and a dog, which had sustained all the rigors of the weather, hot and cold. When the weather was mild, it stank so badly that one could not go near it. Yet they seized it and carried it off to their cabin, where they forthwith devoured it half cooked. No meat ever seemed to them to taste better. I sent two or three men to warn them not to eat it, unless they wanted to die: as they approached their cabin, they smelt such a stench from this carrion half warmed up, each one of the Indians holding a piece in his hand, that they thought they should disgorge, and accordingly scarcely stopped at all. These poor wretches finished their repast. I did not fail, however, to supply them according to my resources; but this was little, in view of the large number of them. In the space of a month, they would have eaten up all our provisions, if they had had them in their power, they are so gluttonous: for, when they have edibles, they lay nothing aside, but keep consuming them day and night without respite, afterwards dying of hunger. They did also another thing as disgusting as that just mentioned. I had caused a bitch to be placed on the top of a tree, which allured the martens [320] and birds of prey, from which I derived pleasure, since generally this carrion was attacked by them. These savages went to the tree, and, being too weak to climb it, cut it down and forthwith took away the dog, which was only skin and bones, the tainted head emitting a stench, but which was at once devoured.

This is the kind of enjoyment they experience for the most part in winter; for in summer they are able to support themselves, and to obtain provisions so as not to be assailed by such extreme hunger, the rivers abounding in fish, while birds and wild animals fill the country about. The soil is very good and well adapted for tillage, if they would but take pains to plant Indian corn, as all their neighbors do, the Algonquins, Ochastaiguins, [321] and Iroquois, who are not attacked by such extremes of hunger, which they provide against by their carefulness and foresight, so that they live happily in comparison with the Montagnais, Canadians, and Souriquois along the seacoast. This is in the main their wretched manner of life. The show and ice last three months there, from January to the 8th of April, when it is nearly all melted: at the latest, it is only seldom that any is seen at the end of the latter month at our settlement. It is remarkable that so much snow and ice as there is on the river, and which is from two to three fathoms thick, is all melted in less than twelve days. From Tadoussac to Gaspe, Cape Breton, Newfoundland, and the Great Bay, the snow and ice continue in most places until the end of May, at which time the entire entrance of the great river is sealed with ice; although at Quebec there is none at all, showing a strange difference for one hundred and twenty leagues in longitude, for the entrance to the river is in latitude 49 deg. 50’ to 51 deg., and our settlement [322] in 46 deg. 40’.

ENDNOTES:

310. The river St. Charles flows from a lake in the interior of the same
name. It was called by the Montagnais, according to Sagard as cited by

Laverdiere, in loco, “Cabirecoubat, because it turns and forms
several points.” Cartier named it the Holy Cross, or St. Croix,
because he says he arrived there “that day;” that is, the day on which
the exaltation of the Cross is celebrated, the 14th of September,

1535.—_Vide Cartier_, Hakluyt, Vol. III. p. 266. The Recollects gave
it the name of St. Charles, after the grand vicar of Pontoise, Charles
des Boues.—_Laverdiere, in loco_. Jacques Cartier wintered on the
north shore of the St. Charles, which he called the St. Croix, or the

Holy Cross, about a league from Quebec. “Hard by, there is, in that
river, one place very narrow, deep, and swift running, but it is not
passing the third part of a league, over against the which there is a
goodly high piece of land, with a towne therein: and the country about
it is very well tilled and wrought, and as good as possibly can be
seene. This is the place and abode of Donnacona, and of our two men we
took in our first voyage, it is called Stadacona … under which towne
toward the North the river and port of the holy crosse is, where we
staied from the 15 of September until the 16 of May, 1536, and there
our ships remained dry as we said before.”—_Vide Jacques Cartier,

Second Voyage_, Hakluyt, Vol. III. p. 277.

311. The spot where Jacques Cartier wintered was at the junction of the
river Lairet and the St. Charles.

312. Cartier discovered the Isle of Coudres, that is, the isle of filberts
or hazel-nuts, on the 6th of September, 1535.—_Vide Cartier_, 1545,

D’Avezac ed., Paris, 1863, p. 12. This island is five nautical miles
long, which agrees with the statement of Champlain, and its greatest
width, is two miles and a quarter.

313. Notre Dame Day, iour de nostre dame, should read “Notre Dame Eve.”

Cartier says, “Le septiesme iour dudict moys iour nostre-dame_,”

etc.—Idem, p. 12. Hakluyt renders it, “The seventh of the moneth
being our Ladees even.”—Vol. III. p. 265.

314. As Champlain suggests, these islands are only three leagues higher up
the river; but, as they are on the opposite side, they could not be
compassed in much less than seven or eight leagues, as Cartier
estimates.

315. This was an error in transcribing. Cartier has Stadacone.—_Vide Brief

Recit_, 1545, D’Avezac ed., p. 14.

316. The distance, according to Laurie’s Chart, is at least twenty-six
nautical miles.

317. Canada at this time was regarded by the Indians as a limited
territory, situated at or about Quebec. This statement is confirmed by
the testimony of Cartier: “Ledict Donnacona pria nostre cappitaine de
aller le lendemain veoir Canada, Ce que luy promist le dist
cappitaine. Et le lendemam, 13. iour du diet moys, ledict cappitaine
auecques ses gentilz homines accompaigne de cinquante compaignons bien
en ordre, alleret veoir ledict Donnacona & son peuple, qui est distat
dou estoient lesdictes nauires d’une lieue.”—_Vide Brief Recit_,

1545, D’Avezac ed., p. 29. Of the above the following is Hakluyt’s
translation: “Donnacona their Lord desired our Captaine the next day
to come and see Canada, which he promised to doe: for the next day
being the 13 of the moneth, he with all his Gentlemen and fiftie

Mariners very well appointed, went to visite Donnacona and his people,
about a league from our ships.”

Their ships were at this time at St. Croix, a short distance up the

St. Charles, which flows into the St. Lawrence at Quebec; and the
little Indian village, or camp, which Donnacona called Canada, was at

Quebec. Other passages from Cartier, as well as from Jean Alfonse,
harmonize with this which we have cited. Canada was therefore in

Cartier’s time only the name of a very small territory covered by an

Indian village. When it became the centre of French interests, it
assumed a wider meaning. The St. Lawrence was often called the River
of Canada, then the territory on its shores, and finally Canada has
come to comprehend the vast British possessions in America known as
the “Dominion of Canada.”

318. The locality of Cartier’s winter-quarters is established by Champlain
with the certainty of an historical demonstration, and yet there are
to be found those whose judgment is so warped by preconceived opinion
that they resist the overwhelming testimony which he brings to bear
upon the subject. Charlevoix makes the St. Croix of Cartier the

Riviere de Jacques Cartier.—_Vide Shea’s Charlevoix_, Vol. I. p. 116.

319. Unless they had more than one locksmith, this must have been Antoine

Natel.—Vide antea, p. 178.

320. Martres. The common weasel, Musltla vulgaris.

321. Ochastaiguins. This, says Laverdiere, is what Champlain first called
the Hurons, from the name of Ochateguin, one of their chiefs. Huron
was a nickname: the proper name of this tribe was Wendot or

Wyandot. They occupied the eastern bank of Lake Huron and the southern
shores of the Georgian Bay. The knowledge of the several tribes here
referred to had been obtained by Champlain, partly from his own
observation and partly from the Indians. The Algommequins or

Algonquins, known at this time to Champlain, were from the region of
the Ottawa. The Yroquois or Iroquois dwelt south of the St. Lawrence
in the State of New York, and comprised what are generally known as
the Five Nations. The Montagnais or Montaignets had their great
trading-post at Tadoussac, and roamed over a vast territory north and
east of that point, and west of it as far as the mountains that
separate the waters of the Saguenay and those of the Ottawa. The name
was given to them by the French from this mountain range. The

Canadians were those about the neighborhood of Quebec. The Souriquois
were of Nova Scotia, and subsequently known as Micmacs. Of most of
these different tribes, Champlain could speak from personal knowledge.

322. Laverdiere gives the exact latitude of Quebec at the Observatory, on
the authority of Captain Bayfield, as 46 deg. 49’ 8”.

CHAPTER VI.

THE SCURVY AT QUEBEC.—How THE WINTER PASSED.—DESCRIPTION OF THE PLACE.— ARRIVAL AT QUEBEC OF SIEUR DES MARAIS, SON-IN-LAW OF PONT GRAVE.

The scurvy began very late; namely, in February, and continued until the middle of April. Eighteen were attacked, and ten died; five others dying of the dysentery. I had some opened, to see whether they were tainted, like those I had seen in our other settlements. They were found the same. Some time after, our surgeon died. [323] All this troubled us very much, on account of the difficulty we had in attending to the sick. The nature of this disease I have described before.

It is my opinion that this disease proceeds only from eating excessively of salt food and vegetables, which heat the blood and corrupt the internal parts. The winter is also, in part, its cause; since it checks the natural warmth, causing a still greater corruption of the blood. There rise also from the earth, when first cleared up, certain vapors which infect the air: this has been observed in the case of those who have lived at other settlements; after the first year when the sun had been let in upon what was not before cleared up, as well in our abode as in other places, the air was much better, and the diseases not so violent as before. But the country is fine and pleasant, and brings to maturity all kinds of grains and feeds, there being found all the various kinds of trees, which we have here in our forests, and many fruits, although they are naturally wild; as, nut-trees, cherry-trees, plum-trees, vines, raspberries, strawberries, currants, both green and red, and several other small fruits, which are very good. There are also several kinds of excellent plants and roots. Fishing is abundant in the rivers; and game without limit on the numerous meadows bordering them. From the month of April to the 15th of December, the air is so pure and healthy that one does not experience the slightest indisposition. But January, February, and March are dangerous, on account of the sicknesses prevailing at this time, rather than in summer, for the reasons before given; for, as to treatment, all of my company were well clothed, provided with good beds, and well warmed and fed, that is, with the salt meats we had, which, in my opinion, injured them greatly, as I have already stated. As far as I have been able to see, the sickness attacks one who is delicate in his living and takes particular care of himself as readily as one whose condition is as wretched as possible. We supposed at first that the workmen only would be attacked with this disease; but this we found was not the case. Those sailing to the East Indies and various other regions, as Germany and England, are attacked with it as well as in New France. Some time ago, the Flemish, being attacked with this malady in their voyages to the Indies, found a very strange remedy, which might be of service to us; but we have never ascertained the character of it. Yet I am confident that, with good bread and fresh meat, a person would not be liable to it.

On the 8th of April, the snow had all melted; and yet the air was still very cold until April, [324] when the trees begin to leaf out.

Some of those sick with the scurvy were cured when Spring came, which is the season for recovery. I had a savage of the country wintering with me, who was attacked with this disease from having changed his diet to salt meat; and he died from its effects, which clearly shows that salt food is not nourishing, but quite the contrary in this disease.

On the 5th of June, a shallop arrived at our settlement with Sieur des Marais, a son-in-law of Pont Grave, bringing us the tidings that his father-in-law had arrived at Tadoussac on the 28th of May. This intelligence gave me much satisfaction, as we entertained hopes of assistance from him. Only eight out of the twenty-eight at first forming our company were remaining, and half of these were ailing.

On the 7th of June, I set out from Quebec for Tadoussac on some matters of business, and asked Sieur des Marais to stay in my place until my return, which he did.

Immediately upon my arrival, Pont Grave and I had a conference in regard to some explorations which I was to make in the interior, where the savages had promised to guide us. We determined that I should go in a Shallop with twenty men, and that Pont Grave should stay at Tadoussac to arrange the affairs of our settlement; and this determination was carried out, he spending the winter there. This arrangement was especially desirable, since I was to return to France, according to the orders sent out by Sieur de Monts, in order to inform him of what I had done and the explorations I had made in the country.

After this decision, I, set out at once from Tadoussac, and returned to Quebec, where I had a shallop fitted out with all that was necessary for making explorations in the country of the Iroquois, where I was to go with our allies, the Montagnais.

ENDNOTES:

323. His name was Bonnerme.—Vide antea, p. 180.

324. Read May instead of April.

CHAPTER VII.

DEPARTURE FROM QUEBEC AND VOYAGE TO THE ILE ST. ELOI.—MEETING THERE WITH THE ALGONQUINS AND OCHATAIGUINS.

With this purpose, I set out on the 18th of the month. Here the river begins to widen, in some places to the breadth of a league or a league and a half. The country becomes more and more beautiful. There are hills along the river in part, and in part it is a level country, with but few rocks. The river itself is dangerous in many places, in consequence of its banks and rocks; and it is not safe sailing without keeping the lead in hand. The river is very abundant in many kinds of fish, not only such as we have here, but others which we have not. The country is thickly covered with massive and lofty forests, of the same kind of trees as we have about our habitation. There are also many vines and nut-trees on the bank of the river, and many small brooks and streams which are only navigable with canoes. We passed near Point St. Croix, which many maintain, as I have said elsewhere, is the place where Jacques Cartier spent the winter. This point is sandy, extending some distance out into the river, and exposed to the northwest wind, which beats upon it. There are some meadows, covered however every full tide, which falls nearly two fathoms and a half. This passage is very dangerous on account of the large number of rocks stretching across the river, although there is a good but very winding channel, where the river runs like a race, rendering it necessary to take the proper time for passing. This place has deceived many, who thought they could only pass at high tide from there being no channel: but we have now found the contrary to be true, for one can go down at low tide; but it would be difficult to ascend, in consequence of the strong current, unless there were a good wind. It is consequently necessary to wait until the tide is a third flood, in order to pass, when the current in the channel is six, eight, ten, twelve, and fifteen fathoms deep.

Continuing our course, we reached a very pleasant river, nine leagues distant from St. Croix and twenty-four from Quebec. This we named St. Mary’s River. [325] The river all the way from St. Croix is very pleasant.

Pursuing our route, I met some two or three hundred savages, who were encamped in huts near a little island called St. Eloi, [326] a league and a half distant from St. Mary. We made a reconnoissance, and found that they were tribes of savages, called Ochateguins and Algonquins, [327] on their way to Quebec, to assist us in exploring the territory of the Iroquois, with whom they are in deadly hostility, sparing nothing belonging to their enemies.

After reconnoitring, I went on shore to see them, and inquired who their chief was. They told me there were two, one named Yroquet, and the other Ochasteguin, whom they pointed out to me. I went to their cabin, where they gave me a cordial reception, as is their custom.

I proceeded to inform them of the object of my voyage, with which they were greatly pleased. After some talk, I withdrew. Some time after, they came to my shallop, and presented me with some peltry, exhibiting many tokens of pleasure. Then they returned to the shore.

The next day, the two chiefs came to see me, when they remained some time without saying a word, meditating and smoking all the while. After due reflection, they began to harangue in a loud voice all their companions who were on the bank of the river, with their arms in their hands, and listening very attentively to what their chiefs said to them, which was as follows: that nearly ten moons ago, according to their mode of reckoning, the son of Yroquet had seen me, and that I had given him a good reception, and declared that Pont Grave and I desired to assist them against their enemies, with whom they had for a long time been at warfare, on account of many cruel acts committed by them against their tribe, under color of friendship; that, having ever since longed for vengeance, they had solicited all the savages, whom I saw on the bank of the river, to come and make an alliance with us, and that their never having seen Christians also impelled them to come and visit us; that I should do with them and their companions as I wished; that they had no children with them, but men versed in war and full of courage, acquainted with the country and rivers in the land of the Iroquois; that now they entreated me to return to our settlement, that they might see our houses, and that, after three days, we should all together come back to engage in the war; that, as a token of firm friendship and joy, I should have muskets and arquebuses fired, at which they would be greatly pleased. This I did, when they uttered great cries of astonishment, especially those who had never heard nor seen the like.

After hearing them, I replied that, if they desired, I should be very glad to return to our settlement, to gratify them still more; and that they might conclude that I had no other purpose than to engage in the war, since we carried with us nothing but arms, and not merchandise for barter, as they had been given to understand; and that my only desire was to fulfill what I had promised them; and that, if I had known of any who had made evil reports to them, I should regard them as enemies more than they did themselves. They told me that they believed nothing of them, and that they never had heard any one speak thus. But the contrary was the case; for there were some savages who told it to ours. I contented myself with waiting for an opportunity to show them in fact something more than they could have expected from me.

ENDNOTES:

325. This river is now called the Sainte Anne.

326. A small island near Batiscan, not on the charts.

327. Hurons and Algonquins.

CHAPTER VIII.

RETURN TO QUEBEC.—CONTINUATION AFTERWARDS WITH THE SAVAGES TO THE FALL OF THE RIVER OF THE IROQUOIS.

The next day, we set out all together for our settlement, where they enjoyed themselves some five or six days, which were spent in dances and festivities, on account of their eagerness for us to engage in the war.

Pont Grave came forthwith from Tadoussac with two little barques full of men, in compliance with a letter, in which I I begged him to come as speedily as possible.

The savages seeing him arrive rejoiced more than ever, inasmuch as I told them that he had given some of his men to assist them, and that perhaps we should go together.

On the 28th of the month, [328] we equipped some barques for assisting these savages. Pont Grave embarked on one and I on the other, when we all set out together. The first of June, [329] we arrived at St. Croix, distant fifteen leagues from Quebec, where Pont Grave and I concluded that, for certain reasons, I should go with the savages, and he to our settlement and to Tadoussac. This resolution being taken, I embarked in my shallop all that was necessary, together with Des Marais and La Routte, our pilot, and nine men.

I set out from St. Croix on the 3d of June [330] with all the savages. We passed the Trois Rivieres, a very beautiful country, covered with a growth of fine trees. From this place to St. Croix is a distance of fifteen leagues. At the mouth of the above-named river [331] there are six islands, three of which are very small, the others some fifteen to sixteen hundred paces long, very pleasant in appearance. Near Lake St. Peter, [332] some two leagues up the river, there is a little fall not very difficult to pass. This place is in latitude 46 deg., lacking some minutes. The savages of the country gave us to understand that some days’ journey up this river there is a lake, through which the river flows. The length of the lake is ten days’ journey, when some falls are passed, and afterwards three or four other lakes of five or six days’ journey in length. Having reached the end of these, they go four or five leagues by land, and enter still another lake, where the Sacque has its principal source. From this lake, the savages go to Tadoussac. [333] The Trois Rivieres extends forty days’ journey of the savages. They say that at the end of this river there is a people, who are great hunters, without a fixed abode, and who are less than six days’ journey from the North Sea. What little of the country I have seen is sandy, very high, with hills, covered with large quantities of pine and fir on the river border; but some quarter of a league inland the woods are very fine and open, and the country level. Thence we continued our course to the entrance of Lake St. Peter, where the country is exceedingly pleasant and level, and crossed the lake, in two, three, and four fathoms of water, which is some eight leagues long and four wide. On the north side, we saw a very pleasant river, extending some twenty leagues into the interior, which I named St. Suzanne; on the south side, there are two, one called Riviere du Pont, the other, Riviere de Gennes, [334] which are very pretty, and in a fine and fertile country. The water is almost still in the lake, which is full of fish. On the north bank, there are seen some slight elevations at a distance of some twelve or fifteen leagues from the lake. After crossing the lake, we passed a large number of islands of various sizes, containing many nut-trees and vines, and fine meadows, with quantities of game and wild animals, which go over from the main land to these islands. Fish are here more abundant than in any other part of the river that we had seen. From these islands, we went to the mouth of the River of the Iroquois, where we stayed two days, refreshing ourselves with good venison, birds, and fish, which the savages gave us. Here there sprang up among them some difference of opinion on the subject of the war, so that a portion only determined to go with me, while the others returned to their country with their wives and the merchandise which they had obtained by barter.

Setting out from the mouth of this river, which is some four hundred to five hundred paces broad, and very beautiful, running southward, [335] we arrived at a place in latitude 45 deg., and twenty-two or twenty-three leagues from the Trois Rivieres. All this river from its mouth to the first fall, a distance of fifteen leagues, is very smooth, and bordered with woods, like all the other places before named, and of the same forts. There are nine or ten fine islands before reaching the fall of the Iroquois, which are a league or a league and a half long, and covered with numerous oaks and nut-trees. The river is nearly half a league wide in places, and very abundant in fish. We found in no place less than four feet of water. The approach to the fall is a kind of lake, [336] where the water descends, and which is some three leagues in circuit. There are here some meadows, but not inhabited by savages on account of the wars. There is very little water at the fall, which runs with great rapidity. There are also many rocks and stones, so that the savages cannot go up by water, although they go down very easily. All this region is very level, covered with forests, vines, and nut-trees. No Christians had been in this place before us; and we had considerable difficulty in ascending the river with oars.

As soon as we had reached the fall, Des Marais, La Routte, and I, with five men, went on shore to see whether we could pass this place; but we went some league and a half without seeing any prospect of being able to do so, finding only water running with great swiftness, and in all directions many stones, very dangerous, and with but little water about them. The fall is perhaps six hundred paces broad. Finding that it was impossible to cut a way through the woods with the small number of men that I had, I determined, after consultation with the rest, to change my original resolution, formed on the assurance of the savages that the roads were easy, but which we did not find to be the case, as I have stated. We accordingly returned to our shallop, where I had left some men as guards, and to indicate to the savages upon their arrival that we had gone to make explorations along the fall.

After making what observations I wished in this place, we met, on returning, some savages, who had come to reconnoitre, as we had done. They told us that all their companions had arrived at our shallop, where we found them greatly pleased, and delighted that we had gone in this manner without a guide, aided only by the reports they had several times made to us.

Having returned, and seeing the slight prospect there was of passing the fall with our shallop, I was much troubled. And it gave me especial dissatisfaction to go back without seeing a very large lake, filled with handsome islands, and with large tracts of fine land bordering on the lake, where their enemies live according to their representations. After duly thinking over the matter, I determined to go and fulfil my promise, and carry out my desire. Accordingly, I embarked with the savages in their canoes, taking with me two men, who went cheerfully. After making known my plan to Des Marais and others in the shallop, I requested the former to return to our settlement with the rest of our company, giving them the assurance that, in a short time, by God’s’ grace, I would return to them.

I proceeded forthwith to have a conference with the captains of the savages, and gave them to understand that they had told me the opposite of what my observations found to be the case at the fall; namely, that it was impossible to pass it with the shallop, but that this would not prevent me from assisting them as I had promised. This communication troubled them greatly; and they desired to change their determination, but I urged them not to do so, telling them that they ought to carry out their first plan, and that I, with two others, would go to the war with them in their canoes, in order to show them that, as for me, I would not break my word given to them, although alone; but that I was unwilling then to oblige any one of my companions to embark, and would only take with me those who had the inclination to go, of whom I had found two.

They were greatly pleased at what I said to them, and at the determination which I had taken, promising, as before, to show me fine things.

ENDNOTES:

328. The reader will observe that this must have been the 28th of June,

1609.

329. Read 1st of July.

330. Read 3d of July.

331. The river is now called St. Maurice; and the town at its mouth, Three

Rivers. Two islands at the mouth of the river divide it into three;
hence, it was originally called Trois Rivieres, or Three Rivers.

332. Laverdiere suggests that Champlain entered this lake, now for the
first time called St. Peter, in 1603, on St. Peter’s day, the 29th

June, and probably so named it from that circumstance.

333. From the carrying-place they enter the Lake St. John, and from it
descend by the Saguenay to Tadoussac. In the preceding passage, Sacque
was plainly intended for Saguenay.

334. Of the three rivers flowing into Lake St. Peter, none retains the name
given to them by Champlain. His St. Suzanne is the river du Loup;
his Riviere du Pont is the river St. Francois; and his De Gennes
is now represented by the Yamaska. Compare Champlain’s map of 1612
with Laurie’s Chart of the river St. Lawrence.

335. This is an error: the River of the Iroquois, now commonly known as the

Richelieu, runs towards the north.

336. The Chambly Basin. On Charlevoix’s Carte de la Riviere Richelieu, it
is called Bassin de St. Louis.

CHAPTER IX.

DEPARTURE FROM THE FALL OF THE IROQUOIS RIVER.—DESCRIPTION OF A LARGE LAKE.—ENCOUNTER WITH THE ENEMY AT THIS LAKE; THEIR MANNER OF ATTACKING THE IROQUOIS, AND THEIR BEHAVIOR IN BATTLE.

I set out accordingly from the fall of the Iroquois River [337] on the 2d of July. [338] All the savages set to carrying their canoes, arms, and baggage overland, some half a league, in order to pass by the violence and strength of the fall, which was speedily accomplished. Then they put them all in the water again, two men in each with the baggage; and they caused one of the men of each canoe to go by land some three leagues, [339] the extent of the fall, which is not, however, so violent here as at the mouth, except in some places, where rocks obstruct the river, which is not broader than three hundred or four hundred paces. After we had passed the fall, which was attended with difficulty, all the savages, who had gone by land over a good path and level country, although there are a great many trees, re-embarked in their canoes. My men went also by land; but I went in a canoe. The savages made a review of all their followers, finding that there were twenty-four canoes, with sixty men. After the review was completed, we continued our course to an island, [340] three leagues long, filled with the finest pines I had ever seen. Here they went hunting, and captured some wild animals. Proceeding about three leagues farther on, we made a halt, in order to rest the coming night.

They all at once set to work, some to cut wood, and others to obtain the bark of trees for covering their cabins, for the sake of sheltering themselves, others to fell large trees for; constructing a barricade on the river-bank around their cabins, which they do so quickly that in less than two hours so much is accomplished that five hundred of their enemies would find it very difficult to dislodge them without killing large numbers. They make no barricade on the river-bank, where their canoes are drawn up, in order that they may be able to embark, if occasion requires. After they were established in their cabins, they despatched three canoes, with nine good men, according to their custom in all their encampments, to reconnoitre for a distance of two or three leagues, to see if they can perceive any thing, after which they return. They rest the entire night, depending upon the observation of these scouts, which is a very bad custom among them; for they are sometimes while sleeping surprised by their enemies, who slaughter them before they have time to get up and prepare for defence. Noticing this, I remonstrated with them on the mistake they made, and told them that they ought to keep watch, as they had seen us do every night, and have men on the lookout, in order to listen and see whether they perceived any thing, and that they should not live in such a manner like beasts. They replied that they could not keep watch, and that they worked enough in the day-time in the chase, since, when engaged in war, they divide their troops into three parts: namely, a part for hunting scattered in several places; another to constitute the main body of their army, which is always under arms; and the third to act as avant-coureurs, to look out along the rivers, and observe whether they can see any mark or signal showing where their enemies or friends have passed. This they ascertain by certain marks which the chiefs of different tribes make known to each other; but, these not continuing always the same, they inform themselves from time to time of changes, by which means they ascertain whether they are enemies or friends who have passed. The hunters never hunt in advance of the main body, or avant-coureurs, so as not to excite alarm or produce disorder, but in the rear and in the direction from which they do not anticipate their enemy. Thus they advance until they are within two or three days’ march of their enemies, when they proceed by night stealthily and all in a body, except the van-couriers. By day, they withdraw into the interior of the woods, where they rest, without straying off, neither making any noise nor any fire, even for the sake of cooking, so as not to be noticed in case their enemies should by accident pass by. They make no fire, except in smoking, which amounts to almost nothing. They eat baked Indian meal, which they soak in water, when it becomes a kind of porridge. They provide themselves with such meal to meet their wants, when they are near their enemies, or when retreating after a charge, in which case they are not inclined to hunt, retreating immediately.

In all their encampments, they have their Pilotois, or Ostemoy, [341] a class of persons who play the part of soothsayers, in whom these people have faith. One of these builds a cabin, surrounds it with small pieces of wood, and covers it with his robe: after it is built, he places himself inside, so as not to be seen at all, when he seizes and shakes one of the posts of his cabin, muttering some words between his teeth, by which he says he invokes the devil, who appears to him in the form of a stone, and tells him whether they will meet their enemies and kill many of them. This Pilotois lies prostrate on the ground, motionless, only speaking with the devil: on a sudden, he rises to his feet, talking, and tormenting himself in such a manner that, although naked, he is all of a perspiration. All the people surround the cabin, seated on their buttocks, like apes. They frequently told me that the shaking of the cabin, which I saw, proceeded from the devil, who made it move, and not the man inside, although I could see the contrary; for, as I have stated above, it was the Pilotois who took one of the supports of the cabin, and made it move in this manner. They told me also that I should see fire come out from the top, which I did not see at all. These rogues counterfeit also their voice, so that it is heavy and clear, and speak in a language unknown to the other savages. And, when they represent it as broken, the savages think that the devil is speaking, and telling them what is to happen in their war, and what they must do.

But all these scapegraces, who play the soothsayer, out of a hundred words, do not speak two that are true, and impose upon these poor people. There are enough like them in the world, who take food from the mouths of the people by their impostures, as these worthies do. I often remonstrated with the people, telling them that all they did was sheer nonsense, and that they ought not to put confidence in them.

Now, after ascertaining from their soothsayers what is to be their fortune, the chiefs take sticks a foot long, and as many as there are soldiers. They take others, somewhat larger, to indicate the chiefs. Then they go into the wood, and seek out a level place, five or fix feet square, where the chief, as sergeant-major, puts all the sticks in such order as seems to him best. Then he calls all his companions, who come all armed; and he indicates to them the rank and order they are to observe in battle with their enemies. All the savages watch carefully this proceeding, observing attentively the outline which their chief has made with the sticks. Then they go away, and set to placing themselves in such order as the sticks were in, when they mingle with each other, and return again to their proper order, which manoeuvre they repeat two or three times, and at all their encampments, without needing a sergeant to keep them in the proper order, which they are able to keep accurately without any confusion. This is their rule in war.

We set out on the next day, continuing our course in the river as far as the entrance of the lake. There are many pretty islands here, low, and containing very fine woods and meadows, with abundance of fowl and such animals of the chase as stags, fallow-deer, fawns, roe-bucks, bears, and others, which go from the main land to these islands. We captured a large number of these animals. There are also many beavers, not only in this river, but also in numerous other little ones that flow into it. These regions, although they are pleasant, are not inhabited by any savages, on account of their wars; but they withdraw as far as possible from the rivers into the interior, in order not to be suddenly surprised.

The next day we entered the lake, [342] which is of great extent, say eighty or a hundred leagues long, where I saw four fine islands, ten, twelve, and fifteen leagues long, which were formerly inhabited by the savages, like the River of the Iroquois; but they have been abandoned since the wars of the savages with one another prevail. There are also many rivers falling into the lake, bordered by many fine trees of the same kinds as those we have in France, with many vines finer than any I have seen in any other place; also many chestnut-trees on the border of this lake, which I had not seen before. There is also a great abundance of fish, of many varieties: among others, one called by the savages of the country Chaousarou [343] which varies in length, the largest being, as the people told me, eight or ten feet long. I saw some five feet long, which were as large as my thigh; the head being as big as my two fists, with a snout two feet and a half long, and a double row of very sharp and dangerous teeth. Its body is, in shape, much like that of a pike; but it is armed with scales so strong that a poniard could not pierce them. Its color is silver-gray. The extremity of its snout is like that of a swine. This fish makes war upon all others in the lakes and rivers. It also possesses remarkable dexterity, as these people informed me, which is exhibited in the following manner. When it wants to capture birds, it swims in among the rushes, or reeds, which are found on the banks of the lake in several places, where it puts its snout out of water and keeps perfectly still: so that, when the birds come and light on its snout, supposing it to be only the stump of a tree, it adroitly closes it, which it had kept ajar, and pulls the birds by the feet down under water. The savages gave me the head of one of them, of which they make great account, saying that, when they have the headache, they bleed themselves with the teeth of this fish on the spot where they suffer pain, when it suddenly passes away.

Continuing our course over this lake on the western side, I noticed, while observing the country, some very high mountains on the eastern side, on the top of which there was snow. [344] I made inquiry of the savages whether these localities were inhabited, when they told me that the Iroquois dwelt there, and that there were beautiful valleys in these places, with plains productive in grain, such as I had eaten in this country, together with many kinds of fruit without limit. [345] They said also that the lake extended near mountains, some twenty-five leagues distant from us, as I judge. I saw, on the south, other mountains, no less high than the first, but without any snow. [346] The savages told me that these mountains were thickly settled, and that it was there we were to find their enemies; but that it was necessary to pass a fall in order to go there (which I afterwards saw), when we should enter another lake, nine or ten leagues long. After reaching the end of the lake, we should have to go, they said, two leagues by land, and pass through a river flowing into the sea on the Norumbegue coast, near that of Florida, [347] whither it took them only two days to go by canoe, as I have since ascertained from some prisoners we captured, who gave me minute information in regard to all they had personal knowledge of, through some Algonquin interpreters, who understood the Iroquois language.

Now, as we began to approach within two or three days’ journey of the abode of their enemies, we advanced only at night, resting during the day. But they did not fail to practise constantly their accustomed superstitions, in order to ascertain what was to be the result of their undertaking; and they often asked me if I had had a dream, and seen their enemies, to which I replied in the negative. Yet I did not cease to encourage them, and inspire in them hope. When night came, we set out on the journey until the next day, when we withdrew into the interior of the forest, and spent the rest of the day there. About ten or eleven o’clock, after taking a little walk about our encampment, I retired. While sleeping, I dreamed that I saw our enemies, the Iroquois, drowning in the lake near a mountain, within sight. When I expressed a wish to help them, our allies, the savages, told me we must let them all die, and that they were of no importance. When I awoke, they did not fail to ask me, as usual, if I had had a dream. I told them that I had, in fact, had a dream. This, upon being related, gave them so much confidence that they did not doubt any longer that good was to happen to them.

When it was evening, we embarked in our canoes to continue our course; and, as we advanced very quietly and without making any noise, we met on the 29th of the month the Iroquois, about ten o’clock at evening, at the extremity of a cape which extends into the lake on the western bank. They had come to fight. We both began to utter loud cries, all getting their arms in readiness. We withdrew out on the water, and the Iroquois went on shore, where they drew up all their canoes close to each other and began to fell trees with poor axes, which they acquire in war sometimes, using also others of stone. Thus they barricaded themselves very well.

Our forces also passed the entire night, their canoes being drawn up close to each other, and fastened to poles, so that they might not get separated, and that they might be all in readiness to fight, if occasion required. We were out upon the water, within arrow range of their barricades. When they were armed and in array, they despatched two canoes by themselves to the enemy to inquire if they wished to fight, to which the latter replied that they wanted nothing else; but they said that, at present, there was not much light, and that it would be necessary to wait for daylight, so as to be able to recognize each other; and that, as soon as the sun rose, they would offer us battle. This was agreed to by our side. Meanwhile, the entire night was spent in dancing and singing, on both sides, with endless insults and other talk; as, how little courage we had, how feeble a resistance we would make against their arms, and that, when day came, we should realize it to our ruin. Ours also were not slow in retorting, telling them they would see such execution of arms as never before, together with an abundance of such talk as is not unusual in the siege of a town. After this singing, dancing, and bandying words on both sides to the fill, when day came, my companions and myself continued under cover, for fear that the enemy would see us. We arranged our arms in the best manner possible, being, however, separated, each in one of the canoes of the savage Montagnais. After arming ourselves with light armor, we each took an arquebuse, and went on shore. I saw the enemy go out of their barricade, nearly two hundred in number, stout and rugged in appearance. They came at a slow pace towards us, with a dignity and assurance which greatly amused me, having three chiefs at their head. Our men also advanced in the same order, telling me that those who had three large plumes were the chiefs, and that they had only these three, and that they could be distinguished by these plumes, which were much larger than those of their companions, and that I should do what I could to kill them. I promised to do all in my power, and said that I was very sorry they could not understand me, so that I might give order and shape to their mode of attacking their enemies, and then we should, without doubt, defeat them all; but that this could not now be obviated, and that I should be very glad to show them my courage and good-will when we should engage in the fight.

*

CHAMPLAIN’S EXPLANATION OP THE ACCOMPANYING MAP.

DEFEAT OF THE IROQUOIS AT LAKE CHAMPLAIN.

A. The fort of the Iroquois. B. The enemy. C. Canoes of the enemy, made of oak bark, each holding ten, fifteen, or
eighteen men. D. Two chiefs who were killed. E. One of the enemy wounded by a musket-shot of Sieur de Champlain. F. Sieur de Champlain. G. Two musketeers of Sieur de Champlain. H. Montagnais, Ochastaiguins, and Algonquins. I. Canoes of our allied savages made of birch bark. K. The woods.

NOTES. The letters A, F, G, and K, are wanting but the objects to which they point are easily recognized. The letter H has been placed on the canoes of the allies instead of the collected body of the allies immediately above them.

*

As soon as we had landed, they began to run for some two hundred paces towards their enemies, who stood firmly, not having as yet noticed my companions, who went into the woods with some savages. Our men began to call me with loud cries; and, in order to give me a passage-way, they opened in two parts, and put me at their head, where I marched some twenty paces in advance of the rest, until I was within about thirty paces of the enemy, who at once noticed me, and, halting, gazed at me, as I did also at them. When I saw them making a move to fire at us, I rested my musket against my cheek, and aimed directly at one of the three chiefs. With the same shot, two fell to the ground; and one of their men was so wounded that he died some time after. I had loaded my musket with four balls. When our side saw this shot so favorable for them, they began to raise such loud cries that one could not have heard it thunder. Meanwhile, the arrows flew on both sides. The Iroquois were greatly astonished that two men had been so quickly killed, although they were equipped with armor woven from cotton thread, and with wood which was proof against their arrows. This caused great alarm among them. As I was loading again, one of my companions fired a shot from the woods, which astonished them anew to such a degree that, seeing their chiefs dead, they lost courage, and took to flight, abandoning their camp and fort, and fleeing into the woods, whither I pursued them, killing still more of them. Our savages also killed several of them, and took ten or twelve prisoners. The remainder escaped with the wounded. Fifteen or sixteen were wounded on our side with arrow-shots; but they were soon healed.

After gaining the victory, our men amused themselves by taking a great quantity of Indian corn and some meal from their enemies, also their armor, which they had left behind that they might run better. After feasting sumptuously, dancing and singing, we returned three hours after, with the prisoners. The spot where this attack took place is in latitude 43 deg. and some minutes, [348] and the lake was called Lake Champlain. [349]

ENDNOTES:

337. The River of the Iroquois, so called by Champlain, was long known by
that name, says Charlevoix, because these Indians generally descended
it, in order to make their inroads into the colony. Fort Richelieu, at
the mouth of the river, erected in 1641, was named after the
celebrated Cardinal, the river having already taken his name. This
fort having been demolished, another was built by M. de Sorel, a

French officer in command, which took his name, as likewise did the
river. A fort was built on the same river at the present village of

Chambly in 1664, and called Fort St. Louis. This wooden structure was
replaced by another of stone, erected prior to 1721, to which the name
of Chambly was given, as likewise by some writers to the river. The
river has likewise sometimes been called the St. Johns, but the
prevailing name is the Richelieu.

338. Read the 12th of July.

339. This fall is now avoided, and the navigation of the Richelieu secured
by a canal connecting Chambly Basin and St. Johns, a distance of about
ten miles.

340. It is not entirely certain what island is here referred to. It has
been supposed to be the Island of St. Therese. But, taking all of

Champlain’s statements into consideration, the logical inference would
be that it is the Isle aux Noix.

341. “These two words were used in Acadie to indicate the jongleur, or
sorcerer. The word pilotois, according to P. Biard, Rel. 1611,
p. 17, came from the Basques, the Souriquois using the word autmoin,
which Lescarbot writes aoutmoin, and Champlain ostemoy.

P. Lejeune, in the Relation of 1636, p. 13, informs us that the

Montagnais called their Sorcerers manitousiouekbi: and according to

P. Brebeuf. Rel. 1635. p.35. the Hurons designated theirs by the name
arendiouane.”—_Laverdiere, in loco_.

342. The distances are here overstated by more than threefold, both in
reference to the lake and the islands. This arose, perhaps, from the
slow progress made in the birch canoes with a party of sixty
undisciplined savages, a method of travelling to which Champlain was
unaccustomed; and he may likewise have been misled by the
exaggerations of the Indians, or he may have sailed to comprehend
their representation of distances.

343. Of the meaning of chaousarou, the name given by the Indians to this
fish, we have no knowledge. It is now known as the bony-scaled pike,
or gar pike, Lepidosteus osseus. It is referred to by several early
writers after Champlain.

“I saw,” says Sagard, “in the cabin of a Montagnais Indian a certain
fish, which some call Chaousarou, as big as a large pike. It was only
an ordinary sized one, for many larger ones are seen, eight, nine, and
ten feet long, as is said. It had a snout about a foot and a half
long, of about the same shape as that of the snipe, except that the
extremity is blunt and not so pointed, and of a large size in
proportion to the body. It has a double row of teeth, which are very
sharp and dangerous;… and the form of the body is like that of a
pike, but it is armed with very stout and hard scales, of silver gray
color, and difficult to be pierced.”—_Sagard’s History of Canada_,

Bk. iii. p. 765; Laverdiere. Sagard’s work was published in 1636.

He had undoubtedly seen this singular fish; but his description is so
nearly in the words of Champlain as to suggest that he had taken it
from our author.

Creuxius, in his History of Canada, published at Paris in 1664,
describes this fish nearly in the words of Champlain, with an
engraving sufficiently accurate for identification, but greatly
wanting in scientific exactness. He adds, “It is not described by
ancient authors, probably because it is only found in the Lake of the

Iroquois;” that is, in Lake Champlain. From which it may be inferred
that at that time it had not been discovered in other waters. By the

French, he says, it is called piscis armatus. This is in evident
allusion to its bony scales, in which it is protected as in a coat of
mail.

It is described by Dr. Kay in the Natural History of New York,

Zooelogy, Part I. p 271. On Plate XLIII. Fig. 139, of the same work,
the reader will observe that the head of the fish there represented
strikingly resembles that of the chaousarou of Champlain as depicted
on his map of 1612. The drawing by Champlain is very accurate, and
clearly identifies the Gar Pike. This singular fish has been found in

Lake Champlain, the river St. Lawrence, and in the northern lakes,
likewise in the Mississippi River, where is to be found also a closely
related species commonly called the alligator gar. In the Museum of
the Boston Society of Natural History are several specimens, one of
them from St. John’s River, Florida, four feet and nine inches in
length, of which the head is seventeen and a half inches. If the body
of those seen by Champlain was five feet, the head two and a half feet
would be in about the usual proportion.

344. The Green Mountain range in Vermont, generally not more than twenty or
twenty-five miles distant. Champlain was probably deceived as to the
snow on their summits in July. What he saw was doubtless white
limestone, which might naturally enough be taken for snow in the
absence of any positive knowledge. The names of the summits visible
from the lake are the following, with their respective heights. The

Chin, 4,348 feet; The Nose, 4,044; Camel’s Hump, 4,083; Jay’s Peak,

4,018; Killington Peak, 3,924. This region was at an early period
called Irocosia.

345. This is not an inaccurate description of the beautiful as well as rich
and fertile valleys to be found among the hills of Vermont.

346. On entering the lake, they saw the Adirondack Mountains, which would
appear very nearly in the south. The points visible from the lake were

Mt. Marcy, 5,467 feet high above tide-water; Dix’s Peak, 5,200; Nipple

Top, 4,900; Whiteface, 4,900; Raven Hill, 2,100; Bald Peak, 2,065.—

Vide Palmer’s Lake Champlain, p. 12.

347. The river here referred to is the Hudson. By passing from Lake

Champlain through the small stream that connects it with Lake George,
over this latter lake and a short carrying place, the upper waters of
the Hudson are reached. The coast of Norumbegue and that of Florida
were both indefinite regions, not well defined by geographers of that
day. These terms were supplied by Champlain, and not by his
informants. He could not of course tell precisely where this unknown
river reached the sea, but naturally inferred that it was on the
southern limit of Norumbegue, which extended from the Penobscot
towards Florida, which latter at that time was supposed to extend from
the Gulf of Mexico indefinitely to the north.

348. This battle, or Skirmish, clearly took place at Ticonderoga, or

Cheonderoga, as the Indians called it, where a cape juts out into
the lake, as described by Champlain. This is the logical inference to
be drawn from the whole narrative. It is to be observed that the
purpose of the Indians, whom Champlain was accompanying, was to find
their enemies, the Iroquois, and give them battle. The journey, or
warpath, had been clearly marked out and described by the Indians to

Champlain, as may be seen in the text. It led them along the western
shore of the lake to the outlet of Lake George, over the fall in the
little stream connecting the two lakes, through Lake George, and
thence to the mountains beyond, where the Iroquois resided. They found
the Iroquois, however, on the lake; gave them battle on the little
cape alluded to; and after the victory and pursuit for some distance
into the forest, and the gathering up of the spoils, Champlain and his
allies commenced their journey homeward. But Champlain says he saw the
fall in the stream that connects the two lakes. Now this little stream
flows into Lake Champlain at Ticonderoga, and he would naturally have
seen the fall, if the battle took place there, while in pursuit of the

Iroquois into the forest, as described in the text. The fall was in
the line of the retreat of the Iroquois towards their home, and is
only a mile and three-quarters from the cape jutting out into the lake
at Ticonderoga. If the battle had occurred at any point north of

Ticonderoga, he could not have seen the fall, as they retreated
immediately after the battle: if it had taken place south of that
point, it would have been off the warpath which they had determined
to pursue. We must conclude, therefore, that the battle took place at

Ticonderoga, a little north of the ruins of the old Fort Carillon,
directly on the shore of the lake. If the reader will examine the plan
of the battle as given by Champlain’s engraving, he will see that it
conforms with great exactness to the known topography of the place.

The Iroquois, who had their choice of positions are on the north, in
the direction of Willow Point, where they can most easily retreat, and
where Champlain and his allies can be more easily hemmed in near the
point of the cape. The Iroquois are on lower ground, and we know that
the surface there shelves to the north. The well-known sandy bottom of
the lake at this place would furnish the means of fastening the
canoes, by forcing poles into it, a little out from the shore during
the night, as they actually did. On Champlain’s map of 1632, this
point is referred to as the location of the battle; and in his note on
the map. No. 65, he says this is the place where the Iroquois were
defeated by Champlain. All the facts of the narrative thus point to

Ticonderoga, and render it indisputable that this was the scene of the
first of the many recorded conflicts on this memorable lake. We should
not have entered into this discussion so fully, had not several
writers, not well informed, expressed views wholly inconsistent with
known facts.

349. The Indian name of Lake Champlain is Caniaderiguaronte, the lake
that is the gate of the country.—_Vide Administration of the

Colonies_, by Thomas Pownall. 1768, p. 267. This name was very
significant, since the lake and valley of Champlain was the “gate,” or
warpath, by which the hostile tribes of Iroquois approached their
enemies on the north of the St. Lawrence, and vice-versa.

CHAPTER X.

RETURN FROM THE BATTLE, AND WHAT TOOK PLACE ON THE WAY.

After going some eight leagues, towards evening they took one of the prisoners, to whom they made a harangue, enumerating the cruelties which he and his men had already practised towards them without any mercy, and that, in like manner, he ought to make up his mind to receive as much. They commanded him to sing, if he had courage, which he did; but it was a very sad song.

Meanwhile, our men kindled a fire; and, when it was well burning, they each took a brand, and burned this poor creature gradually, so as to make him suffer greater torment. Sometimes they stopped, and threw water on his back. Then they tore out his nails, and applied fire to the extremities of his fingers and private member. Afterwards, they flayed the top of his head, and had a kind of gum poured all hot upon it; then they pierced his arms near the wrists, and, drawing up the sinews with sticks, they tore them out by force; but, seeing that they could not get them, they cut them. This poor wretch uttered terrible cries, and it excited my pity to see him treated in this manner, and yet showing such firmness that one would have said, at times, that he suffered hardly any pain at all. They urged me strongly to take some fire, and do as they did. I remonstrated with them, saying that we practised no such cruelties, but killed them at once; and that, if they wished me to fire a musket-shot at him, I should be willing to do so. They refused, saying that he would not in that case suffer any pain. I went away from them, pained to see such cruelties as they practised upon his body. When they saw that I was displeased, they called me, and told me to fire a musket-shot at him. This I did without his feeing it, and thus put an end, by a single shot, to all the torments he would have suffered, rather than see him tyrannized over. After his death, they were not yet satisfied, but opened him, and threw his entrails into the lake. Then they cut off his head, arms, and legs, which they scattered in different directions; keeping the scalp which they had flayed off, as they had done in the case of all the rest whom they had killed in the contest. They were guilty also of another monstrosity in taking his heart, cutting it into several pieces, and giving it to a brother of his to eat, as also to others of his companions, who were prisoners: they took it into their mouths, but would not swallow it. Some Algonquin savages, who were guarding them, made some of them spit it out, when they threw it into the water. This is the manner in which these people behave towards those whom they capture in war, for whom it would be better to die fighting, or to kill themselves on the spur of the moment, as many do, rather than fall into the hands of their enemies. After this execution, we set out on our return with the rest of the prisoners, who kept singing as they went along, with no better hopes for the future than he had had who was so wretchedly treated.

Having arrived at the falls of the Iroquois, the Algonquins returned to their own country; so also the Ochateguins, [350] with a part of the prisoners: well satisfied with the results of the war, and that I had accompanied them so readily. We separated accordingly with loud protestations of mutual friendship; and they asked me whether I would not like to go into their country, to assist them with continued fraternal relations; and I promised that I would do so.

I returned with the Montagnais. After informing myself from the prisoners in regard to their country, and of its probable extent, we packed up the baggage for the return, which was accomplished with such despatch that we went every day in their canoes twenty-five or thirty leagues, which was their usual rate of travelling. When we arrived at the mouth of the river Iroquois, some of the savages dreamed that their enemies were pursuing them. This dream led them to move their camp forthwith, although the night was very inclement on account of the wind and rain; and they went and passed the remainder of the night, from fear of their enemies, amid high reeds on Lake St. Peter. Two days after, we arrived at our settlement, where I gave them some bread and peas; also some beads, which they asked me for, in order to ornament the heads of their enemies, for the purpose of merry-making upon their return. The next day, I went with them in their canoes as far as Tadoussac, in order to witness their ceremonies. On approaching the shore, they each took a stick, to the end of which they hung the heads of their enemies, who had been killed, together with some beads, all of them singing. When they were through with this, the women undressed themselves, so as to be in a state of entire nudity, when they jumped into the water, and swam to the prows, of the canoes to take the heads of their enemies, which were on the ends of long poles before their boats: then they hung them about their necks, as if it had been some costly chain, singing and dancing meanwhile. Some days after, they presented me with one of these heads, as if it were something very precious; and also with a pair of arms taken from their enemies, to keep and show to the king. This, for the sake of gratifying them, I promised to do.

After some days, I went to Quebec, whither some Algonquin savages came, expressing their regret at not being present at the defeat of their enemies, and presenting me with some furs, in consideration of my having gone there and assisted their friends.

Some days after they had set out for their country, distant about a hundred and twenty leagues from our settlement, I went to Tadoussac to see whether Pont Grave had returned from Gaspe, whither he had gone. He did not arrive until the next day, when he told me that he had decided to return to France. We concluded to leave an upright man, Captain Pierre Chavin of Dieppe, to command at Quebec, until Sieur de Monts should arrange matters there.

ENDNOTES:

350. The Indian allies on this expedition were the Algonquins

(_Algoumequins_), the Hurons (_Ochatequins_), and the Montagnais

(_Montagnets_). The two former, on their way to Quebec, had met

Champlain near the river St. Anne, and joined him and the Montagnais,
who belonged in the neighborhood of Tadoussac, or farther east.—_Vide
antea_, p. 202. They now, at the falls near the Basin of Chambly,
departed to their homes, perhaps on the Ottawa River and the shores of

Lake Huron.

CHAPTER XI.

RETURN TO FRANCE, AND WHAT OCCURRED UP TO THE TIME OP RE-EMBARKATION.

After forming this resolution, we went to Quebec to establish him in authority, and leave him every thing requisite and necessary for the settlement, together with fifteen men. Every thing being arranged, we set out on the first day of September [351] for Tadoussac, in order to fit out our vessel for returning to France.

We set out accordingly from the latter place on the 5th of the month, and on the 8th anchored at Isle Percee. On Thursday the 10th, we set out from there, and on the 18th, the Tuesday following, we arrived at the Grand Bank. On the 2d of October, we got soundings. On the 8th, we anchored at Conquet [352] in Lower Brittany. On Saturday the 10th, we set out from there, arriving at Honfleur on the 13th.

After disembarking, I did not wait long before taking post to go to Sieur de Monts, who was then at Fontainebleau, where His Majesty was. Here I reported to him in detail all that had transpired in regard to the winter quarters and our new explorations, and my hopes for the future in view of the promises of the savages called Ochateguins, who are good Iroquois. [353] The other Iroquois, their enemies, dwell more to the south. The language of the former does not differ much from that of the people recently discovered and hitherto unknown to us, which they understand when spoken.

I at once waited upon His Majesty, and gave him an account of my voyage, which afforded him pleasure and satisfaction. I had a girdle made of porcupine quills, very well worked, after the manner of the country where it was made, and which His Majesty thought very pretty. I had also two little birds, of the size of blackbirds and of a carnation color; [354] also, the head of a fish caught in the great lake of the Iroquois, having a very long snout and two or three rows of very sharp teeth. A representation of this fish may be found on the great lake, on my geographical map. [355]

After I had concluded my interview with His Majesty, Sieur de Monts determined to go to Rouen to meet his associates, the Sieurs Collier and Le Gendre, merchants of Rouen, to consider what should be done the coming year. They resolved to continue the settlement, and finish the explorations up the great river St. Lawrence, in accordance with the promises of the Ochateguins, made on condition that we should assist them in their wars, as I had given them to understand.

Pont Grave was appointed to go to Tadoussac, not only for traffic, but to engage in any thing else that might realize means for defraying the expenses.

Sieur Lucas Le Gendre, of Rouen, one of the partners, was ordered to see to the purchase of merchandise and supplies, the repair of the vessels, obtaining crews, and other things necessary for the voyage.

After these matters were arranged, Sieur de Monts returned to Paris, I accompanying him, where I stayed until the end of February. During this time, Sieur de Monts endeavored to obtain a new commission for trading in the newly discovered regions, and where no one had traded before. This he was unable to accomplish, although his requests and proposals were just and reasonable.

But, finding that there was no hope of obtaining this commission, he did not cease to prosecute his plan, from his desire that every thing might turn out to the profit and honor of France.

During this time, Sieur de Monts did not express to me his pleasure in regard to me personally, until I told him it had been reported to me that he did not wish to have me winter in Canada, which, however, was not true, for he referred the whole matter to my pleasure.

I provided myself with whatever was desirable and necessary for spending the winter at our settlement in Quebec. For this purpose I set out from Paris the last day of February following, [356] and proceeded to Honfleur, where the embarkation was to be made. I went by way of Rouen, where I stayed two days. Thence I went to Honfleur, where I found Pont Grave and Le Gendre, who told me they had embarked what was necessary for the settlement. I was very glad to find that we were ready to set sail, but uncertain whether the supplies were good and adequate for our sojourn and for spending the winter.

ENDNOTES:

351. September, 1609.

352. A small seaport town in the department of Finisterre, twelve miles
west of Brest.

353. The Ochateguins, called by the French Hurons, were a branch of the

Iroquois. Their real name was Yendots. They were at this time allied
with the Algonquins, in a deadly war with their Iroquois cousins, the

Five Nations.—_Vide Gallatins Synopsis_, Transactions of Am. Antiq.

Society, Cambridge, 1836, Vol. II. p. 69, et passim.

354. The Scarlet tanager, Pyranga rubra, of a scarlet color, with black
wings and tail. It ranges from Texas to Lake Huron.

355. Vide antea, p. 216; and map. 1612.

356. Anno Domini 1610.

SECOND VOYAGE OF SIEUR. DE CHAMPLAIN TO NEW FRANCE, IN THE YEAR 1610.

CHAPTER I.

DEPARTURE FROM FRANCE TO RETURN TO NEW FRANCE, AND OCCURRENCES UNTIL OUR ARRIVAL AT THE SETTLEMENT.

The weather having become favorable, I embarked at Honfleur with a number of artisans on the 7th of the month of March. [357] But, encountering bad weather in the Channel, we were obliged to put in on the English coast at a place called Porlan, [358] in the roadstead of which we stayed some days, when we weighed anchor for the Isle d’Huy, [359] near the English coast, since we found the roadstead of Porlan very bad. When near this island, so dense a fog arose, that we were obliged to put in at the Hougue. [360]

Ever since the departure from Honfleur, I had been afflicted with a very severe illness, which took away my hopes of being able to make the voyage; so that I embarked in a boat to return to Havre in France, to be treated there, being very ill on board the vessel. My expectation was, on recovering my health, to embark again in another vessel, which had not yet left Honfleur, in which Des Marais, son-in-law of Pont Grave, was to embark; but I had myself carried, still very ill, to Honfleur, where the vessel on which I had set out put in on the 15th of March, for some ballast, which it needed in order to be properly trimmed. Here it remained until the 8th of April. During this time, I recovered in a great degree; and, though still feeble and weak, I nevertheless embarked again.

We set out anew on the 18th of April, arriving at the Grand Bank on the 19th, and fighting the Islands of St. Pierre on the 22nd. [361] When off Menthane, we met a vessel from St. Malo, on which was a young man, who, while drinking to the health of Pont Grave, lost control of himself and was thrown into the Sea by the motion of the vessel and drowned, it being impossible to render him assistance on account of the violence of the wind.

On the 26th of the month, we arrived at Tadoussac, where there were vessels which had arrived on the 18th, a thing which had not been seen for more than sixty years, as the old mariners said who sail regularly to this country. [362] This was owing to the mild winter and the small amount of ice, which did not prevent the entrance of these vessels. We learned from a young nobleman, named Sieur du Parc, who had spent the winter at our settlement, that all his companions were in good health, only a few having been ill, and they but slightly. He also informed us that there had been scarcely any winter, and that they had usually had fresh meat the entire season, and that their hardest task had been to keep up good cheer.

This winter shows how those undertaking in future such enterprises ought to proceed, it being very difficult to make a new settlement without labor; and without encountering adverse fortune the first year, as has been the case in all our first settlements. But, in fact, by avoiding salt food and using fresh meat, the health is as good here as in France.

The savages had been waiting from day to day for us to go to the war with them. When they learned that Pont Grave and I had arrived together, they rejoiced greatly, and came to speak with us.

I went on shore to assure them that we would go with them, in conformity with the promises they had made me, namely, that upon our return from the war they would show me the Trois Rivieres, and take me to a sea so large that the end of it cannot be seen, whence we should return by way of the Saguenay to Tadoussac. I asked them if they still had this intention, to which they replied that they had, but that it could not be carried out before the next year, which pleased me. But I had promised the Algonquins and Ochateguins that I would assist them also in their wars, they having promised to show me their country, the great lake, some copper mines, and other things, which they had indicated to me. I accordingly had two strings to my bow, so that, in case one should break, the other might hold.

On the 28th of the month, I set out from Tadoussac for Quebec, where I found Captain Pierre, [363] who commanded there, and all his companions in good health. There was also a savage captain with them, named Batiscan, with some of his companions, who were awaiting us, and who were greatly pleased at my arrival, singing and dancing the entire evening. I provided a banquet for them, which gratified them very much. They had a good meal, for which they were very thankful, and invited me with seven others to an entertainment of theirs, not a small mark of respect with them. We each one carried a porringer, according to custom, and brought it home full of meat, which we gave to whomsoever we pleased.

Some days after I had set out from Tadoussac, the Montagnais arrived at Quebec, to the number of sixty able-bodied men, en route for the war. They tarried here some days, enjoying themselves, and not omitting to ply me frequently with questions, to assure themselves that I would not fail in my promises to them. I assured them, and again made promises to them, asking them if they had found me breaking my word in the past. They were greatly pleased when I renewed my promises to them.

They said to me: “Here are numerous Basques and Mistigoches” (this is the name they give to the Normans and people of St. Malo), “who say they will go to the war with us. What do you think of it? Do they speak the truth?” I answered no, and that I knew very well what they really meant; that they said this only to get possession of their commodities. They replied to me: “You have spoken the truth. They are women, and want to make war only upon our beavers.” They went on talking still farther in a facetious mood, and in regard to the manner and order of going to the war.

They determined to set out, and await me at the Trois Rivieres, thirty leagues above Quebec, where I had promised to join them, together with four barques loaded with merchandise, in order to traffic in peltries, among others with the Ochateguins, who were to await me at the mouth of the river of the Iroquois, as they had promised the year before, and to bring there as many as four hundred men to go to the war.

ENDNOTES:

357. In the title above, Champlain calls this his SECOND VOYAGE, by which
he means doubtless to say that this is the second voyage which he had
undertaken as lieutenant. The first and second voyages, of 1603 and of

1604, were not made under his direction.

358. Portland in Dorsetshire, England.

359. Isle d’Huy. This plainly refers to the Isle of Wight. On Ortelius’s
carte of 1603. it is spelled Vigt: and the orthography, obtained
probably through the ear and not the eye, might easily have been
mistaken by Champlain.

360. La Hougue. There are two small islands laid down on the carte of

Ortelius. 1603, under the name Les Hougueaux, and a hamlet nearby
called Hougo, which is that, doubtless, to which Chaimplain here
refers.

361. Comparing this statement with the context, it will be clear that the
passage should read the 8th, and not the 18th of April. The “Islands
of St. Pierre,” Isles S. Pierre, includes the Island of St. Peter
and the cluster surrounding it.

362. M. Ferland infers from this statement that the Basques, Normans, and

Bretons had been accustomed for the last sixty years, from the last
voyage of Roberval in 1549, to extend their fishing and fur-trading
voyages as far as Tadoussac.—_Vide Cours d’Hist. du Canada_, as cited
by Laverdiere.

363. Captain Pierre Chavin, of Dieppe. Vide antea, p. 227.

CHAPTER II.

DEPARTURE FROM QUEBEC TO ASSIST OUR ALLIED SAVAGES IN THEIR WAR AGAINST THE IROQUOIS, THEIR ENEMIES; AND ALL THAT TRANSPIRED UNTIL OUR RETURN TO THE SETTLEMENT.

I set out from Quebec on the 14th of June, to meet the Montagnais, Algonquins, and Ochateguins, who were to be at the mouth of the river of the Iroquois. When I was eight leagues from Quebec, I met a canoe, containing two savages, one an Algonquin, and the other a Montagnais, who entreated me to advance as rapidly as possible, saying that the Algonquins and Ochateguins would in two days be at the rendezvous, to the number of two hundred, with two hundred others to come a little later, together with Yroquet, one of their chiefs. They asked me if I was satisfied with the coming of these savages. I told them I could not be displeased at it, since they had kept their word. They came on board my barque, where I gave them a good entertainment. Shortly after conferring with them about many matters concerning their wars, the Algonquin savage, one of their chiefs, drew from a sack a piece of copper a foot long, which he gave me. This was very handsome and quite pure. He gave me to understand that there were large quantities where he had taken this, which was on the bank of a river, near a great lake. He said that they gathered it in lumps, and, having melted it, spread it in sheets, smoothing it with stones. I was very glad of this present, although of small value. [364]

Arriving at Trois Rivieres, I found all the Montagnais awaiting me, and the four barques as I stated above, which had gone to trade with them.

The savages were delighted to see me, and I went on shore to speak with them. They entreated me, together with my companions, to embark on their canoes and no others, when we went to the war, saying that they were our old friends. This I promised them, telling them that I desired to set out at once, since the wind was favorable; and that my barque was not so swift as their canoes, for which reason I desired to go on in advance. They earnestly entreated me to wait until the morning of the next day, when we would all go together, adding that they would not go faster than I should. Finally, to satisfy them, I promised to do this, at which they were greatly pleased.

On the following day, we all set out together, and continued our route until the morning of the next day, the 19th of the month, when we arrived at an island [365] off the river of the Iroquois, and waited for the Algonquins, who were to be there the same day. While the Montagnais were felling trees to clear a place for dancing, and for arranging themselves for the arrival of the Algonquins, an Algonquin canoe was suddenly seen coming in haste, to bring word that the Algonquins had fallen in with a hundred Iroquois, who were strongly barricaded, and that it would be difficult to conquer them, unless they should come speedily, together with the Matigoches, as they call us.

The alarm at once sounded among them, and each one got into his canoe with his arms. They were quickly in readiness, but with confusion; for they were so precipitous that, instead of making haste, they hindered one another. They came to our barque and the others, begging me, together with my companions, to go with them in their canoes, and they were so urgent that I embarked with four others. I requested our pilot, La Routte, to stay in the barque, and send me some four or five more of my companions, if the other barques would send some shallops with men to aid us; for none of the barques were inclined to go with the savages, except Captain Thibaut, who, having a barque there, went with me. The savages cried out to those who remained, saying that they were woman-hearted, and that all they could do was to make war upon their peltry.

Meanwhile, after going some half a league, all the savages crossing the river landed, and, leaving their canoes, took their bucklers, bows, arrows, clubs, and swords, which they attach to the end of large sticks, and proceeded to make their way in the woods, so fast that we soon lost sight of them, they leaving us, five in number, without guides. This displeased us; but, keeping their tracks constantly in sight, we followed them, although we were often deceived. We went through dense woods, and over swamps and marshes, with the water always up to our knees, greatly encumbered by a pike-man’s corselet, with which each one was armed. We were also tormented in a grievous and unheard-of manner by quantities of mosquitoes, which were so thick that they scarcely permitted us to draw breath. After going about half a league under these circumstances, and no longer knowing where we were, we perceived two savages passing through the woods, to whom we called and told them to stay with us, and guide us to the whereabouts of the Iroquois, otherwise we could not go there, and should get lost in the woods. They stayed to guide us. After proceeding a short distance, we saw a savage coming in haste to us, to induce us to advance as rapidly as possible, giving me to understand that the Algonquins and Montagnais had tried to force the barricade of the Iroquois but had been repulsed, that some of the best men of the Montagnais had been killed in the attempt, and several wounded, and that they had retired to wait for us, in whom was their only hope. We had not gone an eighth of a league with this savage, who was an Algonquin captain, before we heard the yells and cries on both sides, as they jeered at each other, and were skirmishing slightly while awaiting us. As soon as the savages perceived us, they began to shout, so that one could not have heard it thunder. I gave orders to my companions to follow me steadily, and not to leave me on any account. I approached the barricade of the enemy, in order to reconnoitre it. It was constructed of large trees placed one upon an other, and of a circular shape, the usual form of their fortifications. All the Montagnais and Algonquins approached likewise the barricade. Then we commenced firing numerous musket-shots through the brush-wood, since we could not see them, as they could us. I was wounded while firing my first shot at the side of their barricade by an arrow, which pierced the end of my ear and entered my neck. I seized the arrow, and tore it from my neck. The end of it was armed with a very sharp stone. One of my companions also was wounded at the same time in the arm by an arrow, which I tore out for him. Yet my wound did not prevent me from doing my duty: our savages also, on their part, as well as the enemy, did their duty, so that you could see the arrows fly on all sides as thick as hail. The Iroquois were astonished at the noise of our muskets, and especially that the balls penetrated better than their arrows. They were so frightened at the effect produced that, seeing several, of their companions fall wounded and dead, they threw themselves on the ground whenever they heard a discharge, supposing that the shots were sure. We scarcely ever missed firing two or three balls at one shot, resting our muskets most of the time on the side of their barricade. But, seeing that our ammunition began to fail, I said to all the savages that it was necessary to break down their barricades and capture them by storm; and that, in order to accomplish this, they must take their shields, cover themselves with them, and thus approach so near as to be able to fasten stout ropes to the posts that supported the barricades, and pull them down by main strength, in that way making an opening large enough to permit them to enter the fort. I told them that we would meanwhile, by our musketry-fire, keep off the enemy, as they endeavored to prevent them from accomplishing this; also that a number of them should get behind some large trees, which were near the barricade, in order to throw them down upon the enemy, and that others should protect these with their shields, in order to keep the enemy from injuring them. All this they did very promptly. And, as they were about finishing the work, the barques, distant a league and a half, hearing the reports of our muskets, knew that we were engaged in conflict; and a young man from St. Malo, full of courage, Des Prairies by name, who like the rest had come with his barque to engage in peltry traffic, said to his companions that it was a great shame to let me fight in this way with the savages without coming to my assistance; that for his part he had too high a sense of honor to permit him to do so, and that he did not wish to expose himself to this reproach; Accordingly, he determined to come to me in a shallop with some of his companions, together with some of mine whom he took with him. Immediately upon his arrival, he went towards the fort of the Iroquois, situated on the bank of the river. Here he landed, and came to find me. Upon seeing him, I ordered our savages who were breaking down the fortress to stop, so that the new-comers might have their share of the sport. I requested Sieur des Prairies and his companions to fire some salvos of musketry, before our savages should carry by storm the enemy, as they had decided to do. This they did, each one firing several shots, in which all did their duty well. After they had fired enough, I addressed myself to our savages, urging them to finish the work. Straightway, they approached the barricade, as they had previously done, while we on the flank were to fire at those who should endeavor to keep them from breaking it down. They behaved so well and bravely that, with the help of our muskets, they made an opening, which, however, was difficult to go through, as there was still left a portion as high as a man, there being also branches of trees there which had been beaten down, forming a serious obstacle. But, when I saw that the entrance was quite practicable, I gave orders not to fire any more, which they obeyed. At the same instant, some twenty or thirty, both of savages and of our own men, entered, sword in hand, without finding much resistance. Immediately, all who were unharmed took to flight. But they did not proceed far; for they were brought down by those around the barricade, and those who escaped were drowned in the river. We captured some fifteen prisoners, the rest being killed by musket-shots, arrows, and the sword. When the fight was over, there came another shallop, containing some of my companions. This although behind time, was yet in season for the booty, which, however, was not of much account. There were only robes of beaver-skin, and dead bodies, covered with blood, which the savages would not take the trouble to plunder, laughing at those in the last shallop, who did so; for the others did not engage in such low business. This, then, is the victory obtained by God’s grace, for gaining which they gave us much praise.

*

CHAMPLAIN’S EXPLANATION OF THE ACCOMPANYING MAP.

FORT DES IROQUOIS.

A. The fort of the Iroquois. B. The Iroquois throwing themselves into the river to escape the pursuit
of the Montagnais and Algonquins who followed for the purpose of
killing them. D. Sieur de Champlain and five of his men. E. The savages friendly to us. F. Sieur des Prairies of St. Malo with his comrades. G. Shallop of Sieur des Prairies. H. Great trees cut down for the purpose of destroying the fort of the

Iroquois.

*

The savages scalped the dead, and took the heads as a trophy of victory, according to their custom. They returned with fifty wounded Montagnais and Algonquins and three dead, singing and leading their prisoners with them. They attached to sticks in the prows of their canoes the heads and a dead body cut into quarters, to eat in revenge, as they said. In this way, they went to our barques off the River of the Iroquois.

My companions and I embarked in a shallop, where I had my wound dressed by the surgeon, De Boyer, of Rouen, who likewise had come here for the purpose of traffic. The savages spent all this day in dancing and singing.

The next day, Sieur de Pont Grave arrived with another shallop, loaded with merchandise. Moreover, there was also a barque containing Captain Pierre, which he had left behind, it being able to come only with difficulty, as it was rather heavy and a poor sailer.

The same day there was some trading in peltry, but the other barques carried off the better part of the booty. It was doing them a great favor to search out a strange people for them, that they might afterwards carry off the profit without any risk or danger.

That day, I asked the savages for an Iroquois prisoner which they had, and they gave him to me. What I did for him was not a little; for I saved him from many tortures which he must have suffered in company with his fellow-prisoners, whole nails they tore out, also cutting off their fingers, and burning them in several places. They put to death on the same day two or three, and, in order to increase their torture, treated them in the following manner.

They took the prisoners to the border of the water, and fastened them perfectly upright to a stake. Then each came with a torch of birch bark, and burned them, now in this place, now in that. The poor wretches, feeling the fire, raised so loud a cry that it was something frightful to hear; and frightful indeed are the cruelties which these barbarians practise towards each other. After making them suffer greatly in this manner and burning them with the above-mentioned bark, taking some water, they threw it on their bodies to increase their suffering. Then they applied the fire anew, so that the skin fell from their bodies, they continuing to utter loud cries and exclamations, and dancing until the poor wretches fell dead on the spot.

As soon as a body fell to the ground dead, they struck it violent blows with sticks, when they cut off the arms, legs, and other parts; and he was not regarded by them as manly, who did not cut off a piece of the flesh, and give it to the dogs. Such are the courtesies prisoners receive. But still they endure all the tortures inflicted upon them with such constancy that the spectator is astonished.

As to the other prisoners, which remained in possession of the Algonquins and Montagnais, it was left to their wives and daughters to put them to death with their own hands; and, in such a matter, they do not show themselves less inhuman than the men, but even surpass them by far in cruelty; for they devise by their cunning more cruel punishments, in which they take pleasure, putting an end to their lives by the most extreme pains.

The next day there arrived the Captain Yroquet, also another Ochateguin, with some eighty men, who regretted greatly not having been present at the defeat. Among all these tribes there were present nearly two hundred men, who had never before seen Christians, for whom they conceived a great admiration.

We were some three days together on an island off the river of the Iroquois, when each tribe returned to its own country.

I had a young lad, who had already spent two winters at Quebec, and who was desirous of going with the Algonquins to learn their language. Pont Grave and I concluded that, if he entertained this desire, it would be better to send him to this place than elsewhere, that he might ascertain the nature of their country, see the great lake, observe the rivers and tribes there, and also explore the mines and objects of special interest in the localities occupied by these tribes, in order that he might inform us upon his return, of the facts of the case. We asked him if it was his desire to go, for I did not wish to force him. But he answered the question at once by consenting to the journey with great pleasure.

Going to Captain Yroquet, who was strongly attached to me, I asked him if he would like to take this young boy to his country to spend the winter with him, and bring him back in the spring. He promised to do so, and treat him as his own son, saying that he was greatly pleased with the idea. He communicated the plan to all the Algonquins, who were not greatly pleased with it, from fear that some accident might happen to the boy, which would cause us to make war upon them. This hesitation cooled the desire of Yroquet, who came and told me that all his companions failed to find the plan a good one. Meanwhile, all the barques had left, excepting that of Pont Grave, who, having some pressing business on hand, as he told me, went away too. But I stayed with my barque to see how the matter of the journey of this boy, which I was desirous should take place, would result. I accordingly went on shore, and asked to speak with the captains, who came to me, and we sat down for a conference, together with many other savages of age and distinction in their troops. Then I asked them why Captain Yroquet, whom I regarded as my friend, had refused to take my boy with him. I said that it was not acting like a brother or friend to refuse me what he had promised, and what could result in nothing but good to them; taking the boy would be a means of increasing still more our friendship with them and forming one with their neighbors; that their scruples at doing so only gave me an unfavorable opinion of them; and that if they would not take the boy, as Captain Yroquet had promised, I would never have any friendship with them, for they were not children to break their promises in this manner. They then told me that they were satisfied with the arrangement, only they feared that, from change of diet to something worse than he had been accustomed to, some harm might happen to the boy, which would provoke my displeasure. This they said was the only cause of their refusal.

I replied that the boy would be able to adapt himself without difficulty to their manner of living and usual food, and that, if through sickness or the fortunes of war any harm should befall him, this would not interrupt my friendly feelings towards them, and that we were all exposed to accidents, which we must submit to with patience. But I said that if they treated him badly, and if any misfortune happened to him through their fault, I should in truth be displeased, which, however, I did not expect from them, but quite the contrary.

They said to me: “Since then, this is your desire, we will take him, and treat him like ourselves. But you shall also take a young man in his place, to go to France. We shall be greatly pleased to hear him report the fine things he shall have seen.” I accepted with pleasure the proposition, and took the young man. He belonged to the tribe of the Ochateguins, and was also glad to go with me. This presented an additional motive for treating my boy still better than they might otherwise have done. I fitted him out with what he needed, and we made a mutual promise to meet at the end of June.

We parted with many promises of friendship. Then they went away towards the great fall of the River of Canada, while I returned to Quebec. On my way, I met Pont Grave on Lake St. Peter, who was waiting for me with a large patache, which he had fallen in with on this lake, and which had not been expeditious enough to reach the place where the savages were, on account of its poor sailing qualities.

We all returned together to Quebec, when Pont Grave went to Tadoussac, to arrange some matters pertaining to our quarters there. But I stayed at Quebec to see to the reconstruction of some palisades about our abode, until Pont Grave should return, when we could confer together as to what was to be done.

On the 4th of June, Des Marais arrived at Quebec, greatly to our joy; for we were afraid that some accident had happened to him at sea.

Some days after, an Iroquois prisoner, whom I had kept guarded, got away in consequence of my giving him too much liberty, and made his escape, urged to do so by fear, notwithstanding the assurances given him by a woman of his tribe we had at our settlement.

A few days after, Pont Grave wrote me that he was thinking of passing the winter at the settlement, being moved to do so by many considerations. I replied that, if he expected to fare better than I had done in the past, he would do well.

He accordingly hastened to provide himself with the supplies necessary for the settlement.

After I had finished the palisade about our habitation, and put every thing in order, Captain Pierre returned in a barque in which he had gone to Tadoussac to see his friends. I also went there to ascertain what would result from the second trading, and to attend to some other special business which I had there. Upon my arrival, I found there Pont Grave, who stated to me in detail his plans, and the reasons inducing him to spend the winter. I told him frankly what I thought of the matter; namely, that I believed he would not derive much profit from it, according to the appearances that were plainly to be seen.

He determined accordingly to change his plan, and despatched a barque with orders for Captain Pierre to return from Quebec on account of some business he had with him; with the intelligence also that some vessels, which had arrived from Brouage, brought the news that Monsieur de Saint Luc had come by post from Paris, expelled those of the religion from Brouage, re-enforced the garrison with soldiers, and then returned to Court; [366] that the king had been killed, and two or three days after him the Duke of Sully, together with two other lords, whose names they did not know. [367]

All these tidings gave great sorrow to the true French in these quarters. As for myself, it was hard for me to believe it, on account of the different reports about the matter, and which had not much appearance of truth. Still, I was greatly troubled at hearing such mournful news.

Now, after having stayed three or four days longer at Tadoussac, I saw the loss which many merchants must suffer, who had taken on board a large quantity of merchandise, and fitted out a great number of vessels, in expectation of doing a good business in the fur-trade, which was so poor on account of the great number of vessels, that many will for a long time remember the loss which they suffered this year.

Sieur de Pont Grave and I embarked, each of us in a barque, leaving Captain Pierre on the vessel. We took Du Parc to Quebec, where we finished what remained to be done at the settlement. After every thing was in good condition, we resolved that Du Parc, who had wintered there with Captain Pierre, should remain again, and that Captain Pierre should return to France with us, on account of some business that called him there.

We accordingly left Du Parc in command there, with sixteen men, all of whom we enjoined to live soberly, and in the fear of God, and in strict observance of the obedience due to the authority of Du Parc, who was left as their chief and commander, just as if one of us had remained. This they all promised to do, and to live in peace with each other.

As to the gardens, we left them all well supplied with kitchen vegetables of all sorts, together with fine Indian corn, wheat, rye, and barley, which had been already planted. There were also vines which I had set out when I spent the winter there, but these they made no attempt to preserve; for, upon my return, I found them all in ruins, and I was greatly displeased that they had given so little attention to the preservation of so fine and good a plot, from which I had anticipated a favorable result.

After seeing that every thing was in good order, we set out from Quebec on the 8th of August for Tadoussac, in order to prepare our vessel, which was speedily done.

ENDNOTES:

364. This testimony of the Algonquin chief is interesting, and historically
important. We know of no earlier reference to the art of melting and
malleating copper in any of the reports of the navigators to our
northern coast. That the natives possessed this art is placed beyond
question by this passage, as well as by the recent discovery of copper
implements in Wisconsin, bearing the marks of mechanical fusion and
malleation. The specimens of copper in the possession of the natives
on the coast of New England, as referred to by Brereton and Archer,
can well be accounted for without supposing them to be of native
manufacture, though they may have been so. The Basques. Bretons,

English, and Portuguese had been annually on our northern coasts for
fishing and fur-trading for more than a century, and had distributed a
vast quantity of articles for savage ornament and use; and it would,
therefore, be difficult to prove that the copper chains and collars
and other trinkets mentioned by Brereton and Archer were not derived
from this source. But the testimony of the early navigators in the
less frequented region of the St. Lawrence is not open to this
interpretation. When Cartier advanced up the Gulf of Lawrence in 1535,
the savages pointed out the region of the Saguenay, which they
informed him was inhabited, and that from thence came the red copper
which they called caignetdaze.

“Et par les sauuaiges que auions, nous a esse dict que cestoit le
commencement du Saguenay & terre habitable. Et que de la ve noit le
cuyure rouge qu’ilz appellent caignetdaze.”—_Brief Recit_, par

Jacques Cartier, 1545. D’Avezac ed., p. 9. Vide idem, p. 34.

When Cartier was at Isle Coudres, say fifty miles below Quebec, on his
return, the Indians from the Saguenay came on board his ship, and made
certain presents to their chief, Donnacona, whom Cartier had captured,
and was taking home with him to France. Among these gifts, they gave
him a great knife of red copper, which came from the Saguenay. The
words of Cartier are as follows:—

“Donnerent audict Donnaconan trois pacquetz de peaulx de byeures &
loups marins avec vng grand cousteau de cuyure rouge, qui vient du

Saguenay & autres choses.”—Idem, p. 44.

This voyage of Cartier, made in 1535, was the earliest visit by any
navigator on record to this region. It was eighty years before the

Recollects or any other missionaries had approached the Gulf of

St. Lawrence. There was, therefore, no intercourse previous to this
that would be likely to furnish the natives with European utensils of
any kind, particularly knives of red copper. It is impossible to
suppose that this knife, seen by Cartier, and declared by the natives
to have come from the Saguenay, a term then covering an indefinite
region stretching we know not how far to the north and west, could be
otherwise than of Indian manufacture. In the text, Champlain
distinctly states on the testimony of an Algonquin chief that it was
the custom of the Indians to melt copper for the purpose of forming it
into sheets, and it is obvious that it would require scarcely greater
ingenuity to fabricate moulds in which to cast the various implements
which they needed in their simple arts. Some of these implements, with
indubitable marks of having been cast in moulds, have been recently
discovered, with a multitude of others, which may or may not have
passed through the same process. The testimony of Champlain in the
text, and the examples of moulded copper found in the lake region,
render the evidence, in our judgment, entirely conclusive that the art
of working copper both by fusion and malleation existed among the

Indians of America at the time of its first occupation by the French.

During the period of five years, beginning in 1871, an enthusiastic
antiquary, Mr. F. S. Perkins, of Wisconsin, collected, within the
borders of his own State, a hundred and forty-two copper implements,
of a great variety of forms, and designed for numerous uses, as axes,
hatchets, spear-heads, arrowheads, knives, gouges, chisels, adzes,
augers, gads, drills, and other articles of anomalous forms. These are
now deposited in the archives of the Historical Society of

Wisconsin. Other collections are gradually forming. The process is of
necessity slow, as they are not often found in groups, but singly,
here and there, as they are turned up by the plough or spade of other
implements of husbandry. The statement of Champlain in the text, and
the testimony of Carrier three-quarters of a century earlier, to which
we have referred, give a new historical significance to these recent
discoveries, and both together throw a fresh light upon the
prehistoric period.

365. This was the Island St. Ignace, which lies opposite the mouth of the
river Iroquois or Richelieu. Champlain’s description is not
sufficiently definite to enable us to identify the exact location of
this conflict with the savages. It is, however, evident, from several
intimations found in the text, that it was about a league from the
mouth of the Richelieu, and was probably on the bank of that river.

366. For some account of Saint Luc, see Memoir, Vol. I. By those of the
religion, ceux de la Religion, are meant the Huguenots, or

Protestants.

367. The assassination of Henry IV. occurred on the 14th of May, 1610; but
the rumor of the death of the Duke of Sully was erroneous. Maximelien
de Bethune, the Duke of Sully, died on the 22d of December, 1641, at
the age of eighty-two years.

CHAPTER III.

RETURN TO FRANCE.—MEETING A WHALE;—THE MODE OF CAPTURING THEM.

On the 13th of the month, we set out from Tadoussac, arriving at Ile Percee the next day, where we found a large number of vessels engaged in the fishery, dry and green.

On the 18th of the month, we departed from Ile Percee, passing in latitude 42 deg., without sighting the Grand Bank, where the green fishery is carried on, as it is too narrow at this altitude.

When we were about half way across, we encountered a whale, which was asleep. The vessel, passing over him, awakening him betimes, made a great hole in him near the tail, without damaging our vessel; but he threw out an abundance of blood.

It has seemed to me not out of place to give here a brief description of the mode of catching whales, which many have not witnessed, and suppose that they are shot, owing to the false assertions about the matter made to them in their ignorance by impostors, and on account of which such ideas have often been obstinately maintained in my presence.

Those, then, most skilful in this fishery are the Basques, who, for the purpose of engaging in it, take their vessels to a place of security, and near where they think whales are plenty. Then they equip several shallops manned by competent men and provided with hawsers, small ropes made of the best hemp to be found, at least a hundred and fifty fathoms long. They are also provided with many halberds of the length of a short pike, whose iron is six inches broad; others are from a foot and a half to two feet long, and very sharp. Each shallop has a harpooner, the most agile and adroit man they have, whose pay is next highest to that of the masters, his position being the most dangerous one. This shallop being outside of the port, the men look in all quarters for a whale, tacking about in all directions. But, if they see nothing, they return to the shore, and ascend the highest point they can find, and from which they can get the most extensive view. Here they station a man on the lookout. They are aided in catching sight of a whale both by his size and the water he spouts through his blow-holes, which is more than a puncheon at a time, and two lances high. From the amount of this water, they estimate how much oil he will yield. From some they get as many as one hundred and twenty puncheons, from others less. Having caught sight of this monstrous fish, they hasten to embark in their shallops, and by rowing or sailing they advance until they are upon him.

Seeing him under water, the harpooner goes at once to the prow of the shallop with his harpoon, an iron two feet long and half a foot wide at the lower part, and attached to a stick as long as a small pike, in the middle of which is a hole to which the hawser is made fast. The harpooner, watching his time, throws his harpoon at the whale, which enters him well forward. As soon as he finds himself wounded, the whale goes down. And if by chance turning about, as he does sometimes, his tail strikes the shallop, it breaks it like glass. This is the only risk they run of being killed in harpooning. As soon as they have thrown the harpoon into him, they let the hawser run until the whale reaches the bottom. But sometimes he does not go straight to the bottom, when he drags the shallop eight or nine leagues or more, going as swiftly as a horse. Very often they are obliged to cut their hawser, for fear that the whale will take them underwater. But, when he goes straight to the bottom, he rests there awhile, and then returns quietly to the surface, the men taking aboard again the hawser as he rises. When he comes to the top, two or three shallops are stationed around with halberds, with which they give him several blows. Finding himself struck, the whale goes down again, leaving a trail of blood, and grows weak to such an extent that he has no longer any strength nor energy, and returning to the surface is finally killed. When dead, he does not go down again; fastening stout ropes to him, they drag him ashore to their head-quarters, the place where they try out the fat of the whale, to obtain his oil. This is the way whales are taken, and not by cannon-shots, which many suppose, as I have stated above.

To resume the thread of my narrative: after wounding the whale, as mentioned, we captured a great many porpoises, which our mate harpooned to our pleasure and amusement. We also caught a great many fish having a large ear, with a hook and line, attaching to the hook a little fish resembling a herring, and letting it trail behind the vessel. The large ear, thinking it in fact a living fish, comes up to swallow it, thus finding himself at once caught by the hook, which is concealed in the body of the little fish. This fish is very good, and has certain tufts which are very handsome, and resemble those worn on plumes.

On the 22d of September, we arrived on soundings. Here we saw twenty vessels some four leagues to the west of us, which, as they appeared from our vessel, we judged to be Flemish.

On the 25th of the month, we sighted the Isle de Greneze, [368] after experiencing a strong blow, which lasted until noon.

On the 27th of the month, we arrived at Honfleur.

ENDNOTES:

368. Guernsey, which lay directly before them as they advanced up the

English Channel, and was the first large island that met the eye on
their way to Honfleur.

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