dunbar09
Author: Unknown
Date: 0101-01-01T00:00:00+00:00

Essay IX

Of the Relation of Man to the Surrounding Elements Local circumstances have been pointed out as of various import; as dissuasives from, or as incentives to, action, as occasions of success or disappointment to national enterprize, and as more or less auspicious to the origin and progress of arts and sciences. But there is, in the opinion both of the origin and progress of arts and sciences. But there is, in the opinion both of the vulgar and the learned, another and more immediate dependence of the species on external things; which, presiding with various effect over human nature itself, antecedently determines its character.

Our external frame, like every system of matter, is subject to mechanical laws. It is liable, accordingly, to annoyance from all the elements; and changes introduced into the body cannot, consistently with the law of their union, be indifferent to the mind. That state of the medium, that temperature of heat and cold, those productions of soil, and species of aliment, which correspond best with our corporeal fabric, tend to the freer and more vigorous exercise of all the mental powers. Yet natural historians, who describe man as an animal merely allow him in that capacity some distinguishing prerogatives. While the elements swarm with life; while earth, sea, and air are peopled with their proper inhabitants; while different tribes have habitations assigned to them in particular corners of the globe, where alone they can find subsistence; man erects for himself a mansion in every country, subsists on a variety of aliment prepared or unprepared by art, and breathes with equal freedom in the frozen or in the burning zone.

Races of animals that existed in past times seem now to be totally extinct. The largest and strongest of quadrupeds, according to M.

Buffon, has disappeared from the animal world; [Hist. Nat. tom.

xviii, p. 178] nor does he think it impossible that, consistently with the order of nature, animals of one common stock may have been so diversified and transformed by the vicissitudes of the globe, as to constitute distinct species. The animals of the new and of the old continent may have had one common original; and perhaps of man alone can be said in the strictest sense,

Genus immortale manet –-

The human frame at least is more fixed and immutable than any other; and more exempted from that influence which prevails through the gradations of animal and vegetable life.[A]

There is no one country on the face of the earth which is declared, by general consent, to be the fittest residence for man.

That influence of the heavens seems to be relatively the best, which habit has rendered the most familiar. And to exchange of a sudden one climate for another, is always hazardous for any tribe or people. Yet the positive malignancy of no climate of the world can be inferred from the dangers which ae so often consequent on the migrations of mankind. Our physical habits are established or dissolved by slow degrees; violent transitions seem repugnant to nature, and often threaten our constitution with destruction. But if it can resist the impetuosity of the shock, the body accommodates itself by degrees to its new condition. Things offensive become indifferent, or even agreeable; things noxious innocent or salutary, and in time perhaps so essential, that no danger were more to be apprehended than a return to antient habits.

Emigrants can learn only from experience the peculiarities of other climates; and, in the course of that experience, they struggle with a series of calamity, from which the natives of those climates are exempt, and from which the posterity of those emigrants will be exempt in all succeeding generations. If we may judge then from the first impressions on our animal oeconomy, the external constitution of nature in the different climates of the earth tends rather to discourage than to promote the distant migrations of mankind. Yet, in another view, it is this diversity of climate which accounts for the dispersion of nations, and the general revolutions of conquest.

In a flourishing period indeed of civil and commercial arts, a nation can hardly be encumbered with excessive population. But the more simple ages are unacquainted with such variety of resources.

Bold adventure is ever more welcome to Barbarians, than the flow proceedings of art; and they even scorn to accomplish by industry what valour alone may effect. In this spirit was the answer of Brennus to the Romans when questioned, at the siege of Clusium, concerning his pretensions on Tuscany, [Tit. Liv. l.v. c. 36] ţThat his pretensions lay in his sword; and all things belonged to the brave.ţ He added also on more plausible foundations, after reminding the Romans of some passages in their own story, that lands which remained neglected, and which the natives were in no condition to cultivate, could not be said to be exclusively pre-occupied or appropriated by any people.

In an exigency then, like that of the Transalpine Gauls, it is natural for rude states to send forth colonies to people, or armies to subdue the earth. And the incumbrance from population, which forms such an exigency, will be chiefly felt in the severer climates, and in the most ungrateful soil. Hence, in later times, the irruption of the northern Barbarians who desolated an subdued Europe. Their numbers, encreasing faster than their industry or the productions of the soil could keep pace with, created a species of necessity which, superior to all other considerations, authorized their first movements. And the fortune of the first adventurers, by raising expectation, instigated others to run a similar career. It deserves however to be remarked, that the first hostile incursions into a foreign country, have been usually made for the sake of plunder merely, without any design of abandoning antient possessions, or of forming new establishments. The first inroads of the Barbarians into the Roman empire were conducted with this view alone. But the desolation of one territory led to the desolation of another more remote; till at length a long absence from home reconciled these soldiers of fortune to other climes; or the difficulties and dangers of a return, or the temptations of superior affluence, retained them in countries more fertile than their own, better cultivated, and more adorned. No longer content with plunder, they seized upon the domains of the people subdued by their victorious arms; and erected governments on new foundations, with little regard to the policy of the vanquished. Free in their own country, they maintained their freedom in the settlements they acquired; armies were transformed into nations; and feudal systems began to arise out of the arrangement of war. The connexions with the parent state were gradually dissolved. And the posterity of those emigrants, regardless of the country of their fore-fathers, adhered to the governments whose protection they enjoyed, and to the climates which gave them birth.

Such migrations and establishments resulted from a condition of society, to which no European state is likely to return for ages. Switzerland perhaps alone is constituted in such circumstances as seem to require a regular discharge of citizens.

Yet, without arts, without manufactures, without money, she has established a species of commerce peculiar to herself, and actually derives from the numbers of her people the means of subsistence.

She resorts not, like antient states, to migrations, to plunder, or to conquest. While she cultivates peace, she subsists by war; whose demands she so readily supplies by hiring out troops indiscriminately to the neighbouring states; and this strange policy of government is both the cause and the effect of a flourishing population. Nor does here prosperity consist merely in the abundance of people, or in an exemption from the miseries of war. In the uninterrupted possession of internal harmony and content, she rivals the most favoured nations. But if the general circumstances of the modern resembled those of the antient world, the Helvetic body, destitute of such resources, could disencumber itself by no other expedients than migrations and offensive war.

Upon the whole then we may observe, that the changes of situation on the surface of the globe, so incident to tribes and nations, far from authorizing any plea of local pre-eminence, serve only to demonstrate the latitude allowed to the human constitution in respect of the variety of climate and of ailment which corresponds so happily with its texture.

The power of the human body to redress itself, when annoyed by the elements, is often astonishing. Under alterations of the medium more violent, more sudden, more opposite, than climate ever presents, it maintains an almost incredible equality in its own temperature. From a series of late experiments, [See Experiments by Charles Blagden, M.D. F.R.S. inserted in Phil. Trans. for 1775.]

conducted by a society of gentlemen every way qualified to inform the Public, it appears that, when surrounded with air heated to 244
degrees on the scale of Fahrenheit, the heat of the animal body deviates but little from its natural standard. In the conduct too of these curious experiments, as well as in the unsolicited experience of ordinary life, is displayed the tendency of habit to correct and mitigate the effects of external annoyance.

If it is not then intenseness alone, but rather vicissitude of temperature, which is most apt to annoy our frame; it would seem even reasonable to infer, that nations commonly reputed the most subject to impressions from the external elements, are, in reality, the most exempt from their dominion; and that it is not in our variable and inconstant climates, but under a more permanent and equal sky, that we ought to look for the freer and more uninfluenced condition of the species.

On the other hand, it might be contended that vicissitude itself, when regular and progressive, like the return of the seasons, becoming familiar to the body, shocks or incommodes it in an inferior degree; and that no one state of the atmosphere, in our temperate zones, has such intenseness and duration as to produce sensible effects on the human frame. Without entering at present into so nice a problem, let it be sufficient to observe, that habit and violent transition, exclusively of other influence, account for a number of appearances. But it is not pretended they account for all; and how nicely soever advantages and disadvantages may be balanced upon the whole, there are at least some distinctions among mankind infallibly regulated by a local standard.

In some climates of the world, the body arrives soon at maturity, and hastens to a dissolution with proportionable celerity. In other climates, a longer period is allowed both for its progress and decline. In the ages of antiquity, the Britons were remarkable for the longest, the Egyptians for the least extended life; while the ordinary standard in other countries deviated, as was supposed, more or less from these opposite extremes. Consistently with the same order of second causes, modern history informs us of a variety of people among whom the natural term of life exceeds not, or even falls below, the standard of Egypt; and the Britons yield, perhaps, in longevity to the more northern nations. The balance of numbers, indeed, may not be affected by such distinctions. If climates the most prolific are also the most destructive to the human species, the rules of proportion are not broken; and the encrease of mankind in one country may be as effectually advanced by the prolongation of life, as in another by a more abundant progeny. But, whether the law of mortality be so adjusted or not to the law of generation, the stated period of life is somewhat variable among nations. And, if the facts were doubtful or equivocal in general history, the influence in this respect of local situations, and of air of different temper, might be ascertained from the public registers of mortality in contiguous settlements, and under the same civil oeconomy. The air of the Hague is reputed the best in Holland; the air of Amsterdam the most malignant: and the duration of life, in those two places, seems to correspond with this natural cause. To correct such influences, there is, perhaps, some sovereign antidote, some controuling regimen laid up, for future generations, in the stores of philosophy. But from fact to possibility there lies no appeal; and, in all ages of the world, the term of our existence, though dependent on a multiplicity of causes, seems to have had some reference to climate; and, in general, to have increased with the latitude. Strength and vigour of body, till we arrive at the limit of the Polar circle, are found to increase in a similar progression.

Stature and magnitude, on the other hand, are at least as considerable in the warmer as in the colder regions. And the most diminutive and dwarfish of the human race are perhaps the natives of the frigid zone.

The Patagonian stature, after exercising so long the curiosity, the scepticism, the credulity of the Public, is at last sufficiently ascertained, and seems not to violate, in any marvellous degree, the usual description of man. But, as a contrast to this, the world has been lately amused with an account of a nation, in the island of Madagascar, where the ordinary stature rises not above three feet and a half. It is not, however, pretended that the Patagonians are eminent for intellectual abilities above other tribes of Barbarians; and the little people of Madagascar seem to have nothing dwarfish in the constitution of their minds. They are described, by an intelligent Writer, [Eloge de M. Commerson, par M. de la Lande.] as a warlike people, and a match in genius, in conduct, and in enterprize, for the other natives of the island. Yet, without impeaching so respectable authority, we may be permitted to observe, that probably the same illusion of imagination which magnified the dimensions of the human figure in Patagonia, has diminished them in Madagascar. And the only admissible conclusion is, that in the one country, as in the other, there prevails a remarkable deviation from the usual standard towards opposite extremes.

The existence of such varieties in the description of man is conformable to history, and to experience, and is in part deducible from analogy and philosophic theory. But such varieties, though resulting from the general and regular tenour of mechanical laws, afford no criterion by which to ascertain the endowments of the understanding among tribes or nations. Among the natives of the same spot, similar distinctions abound, exclusive of all apparent connexion with temper, with genius, or with capacity. No historian has described that measure of animal strength, that symmetry of outward form, or the natural term of existence which, in the course of human life, is found most connected with the largest endowments and accomplishments of the species. In every age and country these combinations and assemblages are too dissimilar and various to form the basis of any theory: or rather, such dissimilarity and variety demonstrate the indifference of nature with regard to such coincidences in the system of man. Yet the history of human reason is liable to be confounded with the history of mere animal distinctions; as if national genius or capacity could be calculated from the bills of mortality, from the gradations of colour in different tribes, or from certain varieties in organical texture, which, being either foreign to the mind, or corresponding equally with all its perfections and infirmities, touch not the essentials of human greatness.

The Tartars and Chinese, between whom there is observed by travellers, an exact resemblence in all the lineaments and proportions of the body, discover little affinity in the genius or complexion of the mind; or rather the resemblance, in the one respect, is, not more conspicuous than the contrast in the other.

The former people are described as bold, warlike, independent, lovers of toil, and of a ferocity approaching to brutality. The latter, as an indolent and pacific race, prone to supperstition, and to servile dependence; addicted to compliment, and extravagant in all the ceremonials of behaviour. Thus the extremes of national character may be combined with exterior appearances nearly similar.

It is also worthy of observation, that palpable defects in the animal constitution coincide so often with the perfection of the understanding; and palpable defects in the intellectual, with the utmost perfection in all the animal powers. Some illustrious examples of such coincidences occur among the characters of the last age: an age, perhaps, as fertile of the intellectual talents as the world has ever seen. One of these is Lord Falkland, whose disadvantages in person are contrasted with excellence of mind, by the noble Historian who has delivered his name down to posterity as a model of perfection. Another is Sir Charles Cavendish, whose character, as delineated by the same masterly hand, conveys a moral lesson to posterity.[B]

The Graces, according to the fine allusion of antiquity, are often to be contemplated under the form of the Satyrs. Such coincidences, which abound in every country, seem to announce the peculiar character of the human mind, its independence on the laws of mechanism, and its alliance with a nobler system.

A disregard of this high prerogative has contaminated, in some instances, the conduct of nations. Hence the policy of Sparta authorised an institution the most shocking in the proceedings of mankind; that institution of Lycurgus, by which children of a delicate frame were condemned to instant death, from a supposed connexion between intellectual and corporael infirmity. How different is the wisdom of nature, which usually renders such children the darling objects of parental care!

Had the Spartan rule been adopted in our age, England had not reared up a Lyttelton, nor Europe bred a Voltaire. But, in the eye of reason and philosophy, this connexion disappears; and a policy so repugnant to the first dictates of morality, derives no countenance or apology from the history of individuals or of tribes. If there subsists then no inseparable connexion, no necessary or established harmony between the perfections of body and mind, the inferences from analogy are destitute of solid foundation; and the changes introduced into the former by external impulse, will imply no corresponding changes in our moral frame.

Soil and climate seem to act with a gradation of influence on vegetable, animal, and intellectual nature. There are varieties of configuration, equally commodious for the animal functions; and varieties in our animal powers, equally consistent with the exertion of all the nobler faculties. Man, therefore, by his rank in the creation, is more exempted from mechanical dominion than the classes below him; and even the beauty of his person derives its arbitrary estimation from the variety of which the body is susceptible, without detriment to its functions. An exalted mind in a well-organized body, is like a fine picture in a good light. Yet the exterior mechanism may be regarded, in some respects, as the mere drapery of nature, wherein is displayed all the wantonness of art; and which is usually no more decisive of the absolute perfections of mankind, than the modes of artificial attire. But the attire of nature, like the fashions of art, may prove cumbersome and incommodious, not only for animal, but for intellectual exertions; and certain consequences will arise from that mysterious union which enters into so complicated an existence, and connects it with the vegetable and with the animal world.

It deserves also to be observed, that the rank of man, which, in so many respects, renders his constitution superior to dangerous annoyance, renders it in one respect more vulnerable. An animal feels only what disturbs the animal oeconomy. The scenery of creation it regards with total indifference; but that scenery acts on a human being in a peculiar manner, and, without annoying his person, affects the sensibility and delicacy of his moral frame.

The organs of sound and sight are susceptible of impressions or convention, interest, in an eminent degree, the imagination and the passions. Hence the elements of natural language. Hence a moral expression in music. Hence certain graces of proportion, figure, motion; and all the fine connexions which form the foundations of criticism in the elegant and polite arts.

The objects with which the senses are conversant, become emblematical to the imagination, and call forth a train of corresponding emotions, that are never excited in the inferior orders of animal life.

Some predominant qualities in rude and savage tribes are to be ascribed, in the opinion of ingenious writers, to the face of the country they inhabit. The emotions in the breast of the savage derive, it seems, a degree of wildness and ferocity from the chaos which surrounds him; and a certain adjustment and embellishment of the outward objects is requisite to dispel the gloom of life, to enliven and exhilarate the spirits, to mollify the temper, and to render it humane.

––- The attentive mind,

By this harmonious action on her powţrs, Becomes herself harmonious.

But this adjustment is not equally indispensable throughout the habitable globe. For, independently of culture, the scene from the and of nature is more or less magnificent, more or less adorned. Here are immense deserts; there delicious plains. This the region of clouds and storms; that of a more placid and benignant sky. Here predominates the beautiful; the sublime. The emotions hence generated correspond; and the tone of temper and of manners is, if I may say so, in unison with the natural world. This species of energy, which rises out of external things, exerts itself in its full effect on man alone; and seems to be attended with consequences in rude and savage life, analogous to those which result, in the progress of society, from various style and composition in the imitative and designing arts.

Having thus stated the relations of man to the elements around him, which appear to be various and complicated, it will be proper to contemplate his resources, and to mark those distinguishing prerogatives by which he endeavours to maintain or to restore his independence, to re-act upon external things, and to become, in some degree, the arbiter of his own happiness and perfection.

NOTES.

NOTE [A]

The privileges of man as an animal are incontestible, and wonderfully adapted to his superior rank in the creation. Nous trouverons, says Mons. Buffon with equal truth and elegance, nous trouverons que lţhomme est le seul des etres vivant dont la nature soit assez forte, assez entendu, assez flexible pour pouvoir subsister, se multiplier par-tout, et se preter aux influences de tous les climats de la terre; nous verrons evidemment, quţaucun des animaux nţa obtenu ce grand privilege; que loin de pouvoir se multiplier par-tout, la plupart son bornes et confines dans des certains climats, et meme dans des contrees particulieres. Lţhomme est en tout lţouvrage du ciel; les animaux ne sont a beaucoup dţegards que des productions de la terre.

Hist. Nat. tome xviii. p. 177.

Other distinctions might be mentioned no less conspicuous.

Nature has fixed certain seasons at which the greater part of the animal kind propagate their several species: while a similar prerogative is vested in man at all seasons, and in all climates of the world.

Vide Aristot. de Hist. Animal. l. v. c. 8.

This distinction, in the school of Socrates, was insisted on as an argument for a superintending Providence. To de, said that master of wisdom,

Xenoph. Mem. l. i. c. 4. ţIt is not well ordered, that, while the courtships of the grove are confined to one period of the year, the period of our loves is not thus interrupted, and is prolonged to declining age?ţ

NOTE [B]

I will beg leave to lay before the reader the eminent and worthy character mentioned in the text, as it is drawn by the most instructive, and perhaps the most faithful, historian of the last age. ţThe conversation says Clarendon, speaking of himself, the Chancellor took most delight in, was that of Sir Charles Cavendish, brother to the Marquis, who was one of the most extraordinary persons of that age, in all the noble endowments of the mind. He had all the disadvantages imaginable in his person, which was not only of so small a size, that it drew the eyes of men upon him; but with such deformity in his little person, and an aspect in his countenance, that was apter to raise contempt than application: but in this unhandsome or homely habitation, there was very lovely and beautiful; cultivated and polished by all the knowledge and wisdom that arts and sciences could supply it with. He was a great philosopher in the extent of it, and an excellent mathematician, whose correspondence was very dear to Gassendus and Descartes, the last of whom dedicated some of his works to him. He had a very notable courage, and the vigour of his mind so adorned his body, that, being with his brother the Marquis in all the war, he usually went out in all parties, and was present, and charged the enemy in all battles with as keen a courage as could dwell in the heart of man. But then the goodness of his disposition, the humility and meekness of his nature, and the vivacity of his wit, was admirable.

He was so modest, that he could hardly be prevailed with to enlarge himself on subjects he understood better than other men, except he was pressed by his very familiar friends, as if he thought it presumption to know more than handsomer men use to do. Above all, his virtue and piety was such, that no temptation could work upon him to consent to any thing that swerved in the least degree from the precise rules of honour, or the most severe rules of conscience.ţ

Life of Clarendon, Vol. III.

Thus far the noble historian, who, in the last feature of the character, seems to have drawn, by anticipation, the Cavendishes of our days; whose inflexible integrity and patriotism appear in the British senate; and whose hereditary virtues are worthy of the house of Cavendish, and of the former age.