The History of the Progress and Termination of the Roman Republic (New York J. C. Derby, 1856) by Adam Ferguson
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Title:The history of the progress & termination of the Roman republic. By Adam Ferguson.

Author:Ferguson, Adam, 1723-1816.

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Print Source:The history of the progress & termination of the Roman republic. By Adam Ferguson.

Ferguson, Adam, 1723-1816.

493 p. front. (port.) 24 cm.

Philadephia,

T. Wardle,

1830.

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THE IISTORY OF THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION OF THE OMXAN tEPUBLIC. BY ADAM

FErPGUSON, LL.D., PROFESSOR OF IMORAL PHILOSOPHY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF

EDINBURGH. WVITH A NOTICE OF THE AUTHOR, BY LORD JEFFREY. NEW YORK: J-C D

E BY I 119 NASSA U STREET. CINCINNATI: — H. W. DERBY. 18 5 6.

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NOTICE OF THE AUTHOR. ADAM FERGUSON was born at Logierait, in the highlands of Scotland, on the 20th of June, 1723, and was the son of a Presbyterian clergyman. In’the autumn of 1738 he entered the University of St. Andrew’s, where, four years after, he took the degree of Master of Arts, and he passed some time subsequently in the study of theology. In 1745, he was selected by Lord John Murray, commander of the forty-second Highland regiment, as his miltary chaplain, to qualify himself for which office he received ordination, although he had not studied divinity the full period of six years. He remained with the regiment until 1757, when he succeeded the celebrated David Hume as keeper of the Advocates’

Library, but resigned that office in the following year. In 1759, he was elected Professor of Natural Philosophy in the University of Edinburgh; though we are told that he had not made physical science a principal object of his inquiries, nor, indeed, studied it much more than most young men do in the common course of academical instruction. Five months of preparation, however, enabled him to enter upon this office, the duties of which he performed in a manner that secured his popularity. About 1762, he founded a society known by the name of ” The Poker,” for procuring from the government the establishment of a militia in Scotland, and, to forward its views, wrote a satirical pamphlet, entitled 1” The History of Sister Peg.” His first publication, however, excepting a printed sermon, was ” A Defence of the Morality of Stage Plays,” during the controversy respecting Home’s tragedy of “Douglas.” Several pamphlets were written in defence of the same views; but Mr. Ferguson’s was admitted, by the opposite party, to be the only piece on that side evincing any tolerable degree of discretion. In’ 1764, he was elected Professor of Moral Philosophy at Edinburgh, and entered on his duties with a degree of spirit and activity, from which the most advantageous results were anticipated. His lectures drew constantly a numerous and applauding auditory. About a year after his election to the chair of Philosophy, he published his i” Essay on the History of Civil Society,” which received the unanimous approval of the literary world. In a letter dated the 10th of March, 1767, Mr. Hurne, congratulating him on its success, says: ” I have met with nobody that had read it who did not praise it; Lord Mansfield is very loud to that purpose in his Sunday societies; I heard Lord Chesterfield and Lord Lyttleton express the same sentiments; and, what is above all, Cadell, I am told, is already projecting a second edition of the same quarto size.” The style, as well as the matter, was also praised by the poet Gray; and Lord Shelburne approved of it so highly as to express a desire to patronise the author, and offered to procure him some appropriate appointment in one of the English universities, after having been informed that the government of West Florida, which he had some thoughts of conferring on him, would not be considered a suitable office. Mr. Ferguson shortly after married, and took a farm in the parish of Currie, where he gratified his taste for agricultural and horticultural pursuits. In May, 1774, he set out for Geneva, to take charge, as tutor, of Charles, Earl of Chesterfield. The connection was dissolved in the course of the following year, and he returned to Edinburgh, where, to his astonishment and mortification, he found the chair he had held declared vacant by the town-council, though they had previously appointed, at his desire, a deputy to perform its duties. His friends, Drs. Robertson, Blair, and Black, indignantly remonstrated against this proceeding, applied to the Court of Session in his behalf, and he was, though not without much exertion, re

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iv NOTICE OF THE AUTHOR. instated in his office. He appears to have exhibited a good deal of feeling on this occasion; and he concluded a letter to a friend, in reference to the movement of his enemies, by saying: “The fools and knaves are no more than necessary to give others something to do.” Literature and agriculture continued to occupy his time for many years. The progress of the American war called his attention to the study of politics, about 1776, in which year he published 1” Remarks on a Pamphlet, lately published by Dr. Price, entitled,‘Observations on the Nature of Civil Liberty,’ &c.” He also communicated his views, from time to time, to Sir William Pulteney, and other members of Parliament; and, on the determination of the government to send out commissioners to quell the disorders, he was appointed Secretary to the Commission. He was, in consequence, absent in the United States during the sessions of 1778
and 1779; but his duties were efficiently performed in that period by Dugald Stewart. In 1780, he had an attack of apoplexy, which, however, had no permanent effect on either his bodily or mental faculties; but he now thought it expedient to cease lecturing without notes, and therefore commenced writing a course of instruction to be read to his classes. At the same time he was busy in completing his celebrated ” History of the Progress and Termination of the Roman Republic,” which appeared in 1783 in three volumes quarto. This work has been translated into several modern languages, and has been justly described as one which not only delights by the clearness of its narrative and the boldness of its descriptions, but instructs and animates by profound and masterly delineations of character, as well as by the philosophical precision with which it traces the connection of events. It is written in that tone of high-minded enthusiasm which, if it can only snatch from oblivion whatever is noble and generous in the record of human actions, regards the graces of style as objects merely of secondary account, and is chiefly studious of impressing the lessons of wisdom which may be gathered from the survey of distant ages.

This admirable performance will hold its place among classic English histories, notwithstanding that some points of which it treats appear in a somewhat different light from the discoveries and criticisms of more recent scholars. In 1784, he resigned the chair of moral philosophy to Dugald Stewart, and was himself joined in the professorship of mathematics with Mr. Playfair, to entitle him to retain his salary. He now proceeded to revise the notes of his lectures on Ethics and Politics, and in 1792
published them under the*title of “Principles of Moral and Political Science,” in two volumes, quarto. Among modern writers, to whose suggestion he appears to have been most indebted, are Shaftesbury, Hutcheson, Montesquieu, and Adam Smith. The work has been censured for the very partial notice which it offers of the importance of religious principle; it abounds, however, in passages of great beauty on tie subject of a future state, and shows an anxiety to establish the foundations of natural theology. After its publication, the author visited the continent, and was elected a member of the Academy of Berlin, and of other learned societies. He passed the winter of 1793 at Rome, and returned to Scotland in the following year, with an intention of spending the remainder of his days in rural retirement. For this purpose he fixed on Hallyards, in Manor Water, where he remained fourteen years; but at the expiration of thlat period, his sight and hearing having in a great measure failed, he removed to St. Andrew’s, that he might more frequently enjoy the conversation of his friends. Here he gradually declined in all but his intellectual faculties, in the full vigour of which he died, on the 22d of February, 1816, in the ninety-third year of his age. The private character of Dr.

Ferguson was irreproachable; his manners were easy, elegant, and becoming both a man of the world and a philosopher. With his intimate friends, he was full of fascinating gayety and refined humour. If impatient of anything, it was of contradiction; and of assumed superiority he could rarely forbear testifying his contempt. We have his own authority for suggesting that he was indebted, for his manner, less to intercourse with polished society than to familiarity with the beautiful in nature. The principal compositions of Dr. Ferguson, besides those we have mentioned, tVere’The Institutes of Moral Philosophy,” and a 1” Memoir of Dr. Black,”

both of which were translated into several languages. Hiis fame at present, however, rests upon his great work, ” The History o;’ the Progress and Termination of the Roman Republic.”

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CONTENTS. BOO K I. Cannee-Hannibal not supported from Carthage-Sequel of the War-In Italy-And CHAP. I. Africa-Scipio’s operations-Battle of ZanaTHE

Subject-Supposed origin of the Roman State End of the War..41 -Its Government-The King-Senate-People CHAP. VI. Curie - Centuries -Tribes -

Religion -The State of Rome at the Peace with CarthageTriumph-Originial Maxims-Progress of the Wars with the Gauls-With the Macedonians State under its Kings-Change to a Republic -Battle of Cynocsephalse-Peace-Freedom to PAGE 9 Greece-Preludes to the War with Antiochus C-Flight of Hannibal to that Prince-Antiochus CHAP. II. passes into Europe Dispositions made by the Form of the Republic-Dissension of Parties-First Romans Elioht of Antiochsi to Asia His Dictator-Secessihn of the Plebeians-Tribunes defeat at the Mountains of Sipulus-Pac of the People-Their Objects-Distribution of and settlement of Asia-Course of Roman Corn-Division of Lands-Pretensions of the Affairs at Home, &c.60

Plebeians Commission to compile Laws-De- cemvirs-Twelve Tables-Intermarriage of CHAP. VII. Ranks-Claim of the Plebeians to the Consulate State of Italy-Character of the Roman policy-Military or Consular Tribunes-Censors- Death of Scipio and of Hannibal-Indulgence _Ediles-Prmfectus Annonwe-Fortune of the Re-of the Romans to the King of Macedoniapublic-Reduction ofVeie-Destruction cfRome Complaints against Philip-Succession of Perby the Gauls-Rebuilding of the City. 14 seus and Origin of the War-Action on the Peneus-Overtures of Peace-Progress of the CHIAP. III. War-Defeat of Perseus at Pidna, by Paulus Scene of foreign War and domestic Dispute opened nEmilius-His Flight and Captivity-Settlewith reviving Rome-Faction or Conspiracy of ment of Macedonia and Illyricum-Manneers Manlius-Condemnation-Plebeians elected in-of the Romans. 70 to the office of Consular TribunesAspire to the Consulate-The first Plebeian Consul-Establishment of the Prator-Patrician /Ediles-B O O

K I I. The Plebeians qualified to hold all the offices of CHAP. I.

State-The measure~ of Roman Matistracy com-State, Manners, and Policy of the Times-Replete-Review of the Constitution-Its seeming peted Complaint from Carthge-ostile D peated Complaints from Carthage-Hostile Defects-Butgreat Successes-Policyofthe State Dioition of the Romans-Resoltion to rerespecting foreign or vanquished Nations-For-Disposition of the Romans-Resofution to re mation of the LegionSeries of Wars-With the s eCarthanefromtheCoast-Measurestaken for this purpose-Carthage besieged-Taken Samnites-Campanians-The Tarentines-Pyr-and destroyed-Revolt of the Macedoniansrhus-Sovereignty of Italy-Different Footing on and destroyed-Revolt of the MT&,,onianswhich the inhabitants stood.. heir Kingdom reduced to the form of a Rowhich the inhabitants stood 26 man Province-Fate of the Achvean LeagueCHAP. IV. Operations in Spain-Conduct of ViriathusLimits of Italy-Contious Nations-Ligurians-State of Numantia-Blockade of NumantiaLimits of Italy-Conti~ 005s Its Reduction-Revolt of the Slaves in SicilyGauls-Greek and Phoenician Colonies of Gaul Legal Establishments and Manners of the and Spain-Nations of Illyricum-LOf Greece-city Achwean League-Thebans-Athenians-Asiat- ity ic Nations-Pergamus-Syria-E, gypt-Carthage CHAP. II. -The Mamertines of Messina-Occasion of the Roman Empire-Political Characfirst War with Carthage-Losses of the Parties-ter of its Head-Facility with which it conPeace State of the Romans-Political or civil tinued to advance-Change of Character, poInstitutions-Colonies-Musters-Operation on litical as well as moral-Character of the Peothe Coin-Increase of the Slaves-Gladiators 
ple or Commons-Dangerous Humours likely Different results of the War at Rome and Car-to break out Appearance of Tiberius Gracthage-Mutiny and invasion of the Mercenaries chus His Project to revive the Law of at Carthage-End of this War-Cession of Sar-Licinius-litercession of the Tribune Octadinia-War with the Illyrians-First Corres-vius-The Republic divided-Disputes in the pondence of Rome with Greece. 34

Comitia-Deposition of the Tribune Octavius -Commissioners appointed for the Division CHAP. V. of Lands-Tiberins Gracchus sues to be reProgress of the Romans within the Alps-Origin of elected Tribune-His Death-ImmediateConthe second Punic War-March of Hannibal into sequences-Proceedings of Carbo-Embassy Italy-Progress-Action on the Tecinus-On the of Scipio-Foreign Affairs-Violence of the Trebia-On the Lake Thrasymenes-Battle of Commissioners-Domestic Affairs. 90 5

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vi CONTENTS. CHAP. III. pear in the Times of Sylla-Faction of Lepidus State of the Italian Allies, and the Views which -Sertorius harbours the Marian Party in Spain now began to be conceived by them-Appear- -Is attacked by Metellus and Pompey-Hli ance of Caius Gracchus-Resolution to purge the Death, and final Suppression of the Party-First Ciiv of Aliens-Consulate and factious Motions Appearance of C. Julius Cesar-Tribulnes begin of Flulvills Flaccus-Conspiracy of Frigellm sup-to trespass on the Laws of Sylla-Progress of the pressed Caius Gracchus returns to Rome-Of- Empire-Preparations of Mithridates-War with fers himself Candidate for the Tribunate-Ad- the Romans-Irruption into Bithvnia-Siege of dress of Cornelia Tribunate and Acts of Caius Cyzictls-Raised-Flight of Mithridates-L,ucul Gracchus-Re-election-Proposal to admit the lus carries the War into Pontus-Rout and Dis. Inhabitants of Italy on the Rolls of Roman Citi-, persion of the Army of Mithridates His Flight zeus-Popular Acts of Gracchus and Livius  into Armenia-Conduct of Lucullus in the ProThe Senate begin to prevail-Death of Caius vince of Asia.146 Gracchus and Fulvius… 100 CHAP. II. CHAP. IV. Escape and Revolt of the Gladiators at CapuaState of Order and Tranquillity which followed the Spartacus-Action and Defeat of Lentulus the Suppression of the late Tumults-Appearance Roman Consul-And of Cassius the Prmetor of of Caius Marius-Foreign Wars-Complaints Gaul-Appointment of M. Crassus for this Seragainst Jugurtha-Appearance of the Cimbri-vice-Destruction of the Gladiators-Triumph War with Jugurtha-Campaign and treaty of of Metellus and Pompey-Consullship of Pompey Piso Jugurtha comes to Rome with a Safe-con- and Crassus-Tribunes restored to their former duct-Obliged to retire from thence-Campaign Powers-Consulate of Metellus and Hortensius of Metellus-Of Marius-Jugurtha betrayed by -War in Crete-Renewal of the War in Pontus Bocchus-His Death, after the Triumph of Ma-and Armenia-Defeat of Tigranes-Negoliation rius-This General reelected, in order to comwith the King of Parthia-Mutiny of the Roman mand against the Cimbri…

106 Army-Complaints of Piracies committed in the Roman Seas-Commission proposed to PomCHAP. V. pey-His Conduct against the Pirates-His ComRJ.view of the Circumstances which revived the mission extended to Pontus-Operations against popular Party-Farther Account of Laws and Mithridates-Defeat and Flight of that PrinceRegulations under their Administration-State Operations of Pompey in Syria-Siege and Reof the Empire-Fourth Consulate of Marius-duction of Jerusalem-Death of Mithridates 154 Continued Migrations of the barbarous NationsDeflated by Marius at Aque Sextiam-By Marius CHAP. III. and Catulus in Italy…. 117

Growing Corruption of the Roman Officers of State -The Love of Consideration changed for AvaCHAP. VI. rice, Rapacity, and Prodigality-Laws against Character and immoderate ambition of Marius-Extortion-Catiline, a Candidate for the ConsulDeath of Nonius-Re-election of the Tribune ship-Conspiracy with Autronius-Competition Saturninus-His Sedition and seizing the Capi-for the Consulate-Election of Cicero and Antotol-Death of Saturninus-Reverse in the State nius-Condition of the Times-Agrarian Law of of Parties-Recal of Metellus-Violent Death of Rullus-Trial of RabiriusCabals of the Trithe Tribune Furius-Birth of Caius Julius Cesar bunes-Of Catiline-His Flight from the City-Lex Cecilia Didia Blank in the Roman His-Discovery of his Accomplices-Their Executorv-Sylla offers himself Candidate for the Of-tion.169 fice of Prator-Edict of the Censors against the Latin Rhetoricians-Btillion in the Roman Trea-CHAP. IV. sury-Present of a Group in Golden Figures Character of the Times-Philosophy-Opposite Tefrom the King of MauritaniaActs of Livius nets and Votaries-Proceedings of the SenateDrusus-Revolt of the Italian Allies-Policy of Tribunate of Metellus, Nepos, and of Cato-Pro.

the Romans in yielding to the Necessity of their posal to recal Pompey, at the Htead of his Army Affairs-The Laws of Plautius.. 120 frustrated His Arrival in Italy-And Triumph 178 CHAP. VII. umph 178 Triumph of Pompeius Strabo-Progress of Sylla-CHAP. V. War with the King of Pontus-Rise of that King-Transactions at Rome, and in the Provinces-Julius dom-Arpointment of Sylla to Command-Poli- Caesar appointed in the Quality of Proprietor cy of the Tribune Sulpicius-Sylla’s Commission to his first Province in Lusitania-Trial of Clorecalled in Favour of Marius-His March from dius-Proposed Adoption into a Plebeian FamiCampania to Rome-Expels Marius and his Fac-ly, to qualify Him for the Office (of Tribunetion from the City-His operations in Greece-Caesar a Candidate for the Consulship-The TriSiege of Athens-Battle of Chneronea-Of Orcho-umvirate of Caesar, Pompey, and Crassus-Conmenos-Transactions at Rome-Policy of Cinna sulship of Cesar-Motion of Vatinius, to confer -Marius recalledCinna flies, and is deprived on Ciesar, for five Years, the Command in Gaull -Recovers the Possession of Rome-Treaty of Marriage of Pompey to Julia-Of Caesar to CalSylla with Mithridates-He passes into Italy-purnia-Plot of Vettius-Consulate of Lucius Is opposed by numerous Armies-Various Events Calpurnius and A. Gibinius-Attack made upon of the War in Italy-Sylla prevails-His Pro-Cicero-His exile. 185 scription, or Massacre-Named Dictator-His Policy-Resignation-And Death.. 129 CHAP. VI.

Caesar takes Possession of his Province-Migration of the Helvetii-Their Defeat-War with ArioB O O K III. vistus-Return ofCaesar, for the Winter, into Italy -Great Concourse of Citizens to his QuartersCHAP. I. Motion to recal Cicero-Disorders that followed State of the Commonwealth and Numbers of the upon it-Consultations of Ponlpey and CaesarPeople-Chbaracter of Persons who began to ap-Augmentation of the Army in Gaul-Second

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CONTENTS. vii Campaign of Cwesar ( perations on the Aisne-CHAP. VI. On the Meuse and Sambre-Battle with the The Siege of Marseilles continued-Its surrender Nervii Successful Attempt for the restoration -Caesar named Dictator-Return to Rome-Msof Cicero-Controversy relating to his House-tiny at Placentia-Caesar, with Servilius IsauriRepeated Riots of Clodius-Trial of Milo 198 cus, Consuls-Forces and Disposition of Pompey -Departure of Caesar to Brundusium Transports CHAP. VII. the first Division of his Army to AcroceraunusReturn of Cato from Cyprus-His Repulse at the Message to Pompey, and their several Operations Election of Praetors-Arrival of Ptolemy Auletes  The Lines of Dyrrachium Cesar baffled in at Rome-Visit of Pompey and Crassus to Cae-his attempt to invest Pompey-Action and De. sar’s Quarters at Lucca-Renewal of their As-feat of Caesar-His retreat-March of both Arsociation-Military Operations in Caesar’s Promies in Thessaly-Battle of Pharsalia 273 vince-Violent Election of Crassus and Pompey -Provinces-Of Crassus in Syria-Of Pompey CHAP. VII. in Spain for five years-Crassus departs for Sy-Comparative Loss on the different Sides in the late ria.. 209 Action-Pompey’s Flight-His Death Arrival of Caesar at Alexandria-Cato, with the Fleet and Remains of the Army from Pharsalia, steers B OO K IV. fbr Africa-State of Italy, and of the Republican Party-Adventures of Caesar in Egypt-Victory CHAP. I. over Pharnaces-Arrival in Italy-Mutiny of State of the Commonwealth-Administration of the the Legions-Caesar passed into Africa-His Provinces-Operations of Caesar in-Gaul, Ger-Operations, and Action with the Horse and Irmany, and Britain-State of Pompey at Rome-regulars of the Enemy-Post at Ruspina-Siege Progress of Crassus into Syria-Kingdom of Par-of Uzita-Battle of Thapsus-Death of Cato 289
thia-Invasion of Crassus beyond the Euphrates -Second invasion of Caesar in Britain. 216 CHAP. II. Death of Julia, the Daughter of Caesar, and Wife of Pompey-Trial of Gabinius-Detection of an CHAP. I. infamous Transaction of Memmius and Aheno-Arrival of Caesar at Utica-Wreck of the Repubbarbus-Revolt of the low countries-Military lican Party-Servility of the Roman PeopleExecution against the Inhabitants of the Country Malgnificence and Administration of Caesar-His between the Rhine and the Meuse-Operations last Campaign in Spain-Death of the elder of of Crassus in Mesopotamia-His Death-Com- Pompey’s Sons-Caesar’s Return, Triumphs, Hopetition for the Consulate-Death of Clodius-nour, and Policy in the StateSpirit of the Riot m the City-Pompey sole Consul-Trial of Times-Source of the Conspiracy against Ceesar Milo.224 -Its Progress-Death of Caesar 309 CHAP. III. CHAP. II. Character of Pompey in Capacity of sole Consul-General Consternation on the Death of CaesarPrivilege of’ Cesar to be admitted as Candidate Tumultuary Assembly of the People-Declarafor the Office of Consul, without resigning his tions of Cinna and Dolabella-Appearance of Province-General Revolt of the GaulsOpera- Brutus and Cassius in the Forum-Their Return tions in that Country-Blockade and Reduction to the Capitol Meeting and Debate in the Seof Alesia-Distribution of Caesar’s Army in Gaul nate-Act of Oblivion-Speech of Brutus to the 235 People-Funeral of Caesar-Insurrection of the People-Policy of Antony-Appearance of OcCIIAP. IV. tavius-His Difference with Antony-Both have Caesar remains in Gaul-Pompey assumes Piso into Recourse to Arms-Aspect of ThingsAntony the Ofice of Consul-Succession of Servius Sul-proceeds to expel Decimus Brutus from the Cispicius and M.

Claudius Marcellus-Arrange- alpine Gaul.324 ment for the Provinces Motion to recal Caesar -Continued Debates in the Senate-Operations CHAP. III. of Caesar in Gaul-Intrigues in the City-Affairs Situation and Address of Octavius-Meeting of the in the other Provinces-Campaign of Cicero 

Senate-Progress of Antony His March into Succession of Constuls-State of Parties in the Gaul-Message of Octavius to Decimus Brutus  City and in the Senate-Arrival of Caesar in Italy New Consuls HIirtius and Pansa-Meeting of the in the Spring-Return to G(aulParts with two Senate-Deputation to Antony-His Answer  Legions to Pompey and the Senate-Alarm of Declared an Enemy-Advance of Hirtius and Caesar’s March The Consul Marcellus commits Octavius to raise the siege of Mutina-Brutus his sword to Pompey… 244 and Cassius confirmed in the Command of all the Eastern Provinces-Progress of the War ill CHAP. V. Gaul-Siege of Mutina raised-Junction of AntoReturn of different Officers from their Provinces-ny and Lepidus-Consulate of Octavius - 340 Decree of the Senate to supersede Caesar-Forbidden by the Tribunes-Commission to the CHAP. IV.

Consuls and to Pompey-Their Resolutions-Proceedings of the new Consul-State of the EastFlight of the Tribunes Antony and Quintus Cas-ern Provinces-Interview of Octavius, Antony, sius-Speech of Caesar to the Legion at Ravenna and Lepidtus, with their Coalition-The Proscrip-Surprise ofArminum-March ofCasar-Flight tion or Massacre-Death of Cicero-Sequel of of Pompey and the Senate, &c.-Approach of the Massacre-Succession of Consuls-Severe Casar-Embarkation and Departure of Pompey Exaction of Taxes-State of Sextus Pompeiusfrom Brundusium-Return of Caesar to Rome-Movements of Antony and Octavius-Both bend Passes by Marseilles into Spain-Campaign on their Course to the East-Posture and Operations the Segra-Legions of Pompey in Spain con-of Brutus and Cassius-Their arrival and Producted to the Var 255 gress in EuropeCampaign at Philippi-Firsl

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Iii CONTENTS. Action and Death of Cassius-Second Action retain a Part in the Government of the Empire. and Death of Brutus…. 353 Distribution of the Provinces-Title of Augustus -The Establishment of Augustus 404 CHAP.

V. Immediate Consequences of the Event at Philippi CHAP. II. -New Partition of the Empire made by Octavius State of the Emperor-Condition of the Empireand Antony-Their Separation-Progress of Oc-Amount of the Revenue unknownMilitary tavius at RomeHis friends MEecenas and Agrip-Establishments, &c… 417 pa-Alarm and Distress in Italy on the Dispossession of the Inhabitants to make way for the CHAP. IH.

Troops-Jealousy of Fulvia and Lucius Antonius The Family and Court of Augustus-His pretended -Blockade and Reduction of Perusia-‘Progress Resignation of the Empire renewed-The Exerof Antony in Asia His stay at Alexandria-Re- cise of his Power becomes less disguised-Death turn to Italy-Accommodation with Sextus Pom-of Agrippa.422 peius-Return of Octavius and Antony to Rome -Their policy. 369 CHAP. IV. Marriage of Julia with Tiberius-Death of Drusus CHAP. VI. -Death of Maecenas-Disgrace of Julia-War Alarm of the Parthian Invasion of Syria-Arrange- in Panonia-Roman Legions cut off in Germany ments of Octavius and Antony-Departure of the -Tiberius associated in the EmpireDeath of latter, and Residence at Athens-State of the Augustus……. 434

Commonwealth-Marriage of Octavius with Livia-Wtr with Sextus Pompeius-Actions near CHAP. V. the straits of Messina-Agrippa succeeds to the The Will of Augustus-Review of his Reign-And Command of Octavius’s Fleet-His victory at of his Character-Tiberius returns to NolaSea-Flight of Sextus Pompeius-Breach be-Without Delay, issues his Orders throughout the tween Octavius and Lepidus.. 379 Empire-But in the Senate affiects Reluctance to charge himself with the Government-Mutiny CHAP. VII. in Panonia-On the Rhine-Second Mutiny on Forces of Octavius after the Acquisition of Sicily, the Arrival of Deputies from the Senate-Imposan, I lice Junction of the Armies of Sextus Pom-ture of Clemens Plot of Libo-Description of peiil tend Lepidus-Mutiny and Separation of Tiberius-Death of Germanicus, and Trial of.these Forces-Arrival of Octavius at Rome-Piso.449 I [is IRetform of the Army-Expedition of Antony a latlllt the Parthians-His Retreat rhe Death ChIAP. VI. c)fSextus Pompeius Open Breach between Oc-Review of the first Period in the reign of Tiberius iavius and Antony-Progress of Antony and -Applications of Penal Law-Disposition of Ti Cleopatra towards Greece-Operations of Antony benus to a recluse Life-Place and Character of and Octavius on the Gulph of Ambracia-Battle Sejanus-Death of Drusus, Son of the Emperor  of Actium-Flight of’ Antony-Immediate Ar-Retirement of Tiberius to the Island of Capreaerangements of Octavius after his Victor Death Jealousy of the Emperor against Agrippina and of Antony-And of Cleopatra.. 387 her Children-Death of Livia Augusta-Design formed against SejanusHis Death-Prosecution of his supposed Accomplices-Artifices, old Age, and Death of Tiberius…. 460 BOOK VI. CHAP. VII. CHAP. I. Succession of Caius to the Empire-The first Ap The Merit or Demerit of Parties in the later Period pearances of his Reign-Conclusion of the Hisof the Roman Republic-Return of Octavius to tory-Observations on the Sequel-Accession of RomeHis Triumphs and public Entertainments the Flavian Family-Vicissitudes of Character -Reform of the Army-Proposition to resign his in the Emperors-Sources of Degradation in the Power-Consultation of Agrippa and Macenas-Imperial Establishment-Preservatives of the Preludes to the pretended Resignation of Octa-Empire-Its real and continual though almost vius-His Speech in the Senate-His Consent to insensible Decline…

475

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THE HISTORY or THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. CHAPTER

I. The Subject-Supposed Origin of the Roman State-Its Government 7’ihe People Curi  Centuries-Tribes-Religion-The Triumph  Progress of the State under its Kings-Change to a Republic. THE Roman State was originally a small prin-minations of Etrurians, Samnites, Campanians, cipality, and one of the many little cantons, which, and others, formed a multiplicity of little nations, under the denomination of Latins, occupied the united by leagues for common safety, and ranged left of the Tiber, from its confluence with the Anio under opposite interests, with a view to some bato the sea, and from Ostia to Circeii on the coast. lance of power which they endeavoured to mainWithin this narrow tract, reaching in breadth intain. The peninsula towards one extremity,4 was land no more than sixteen miles, and extending from time immemorial peopled with Grecian coon the coast about fifty miles, the.Latins are said lonies. Towards the other, it was, in the first to have formed no less than forty-seven indepen-ages of the Roman state, overrun by nations of dent states;1 each of whom had a separate capital Gaulish extraction.5 or strong hold, to which they occasionally retired The land throughout, in respect to situation, for safety, with their cattle and other effects, and climate, and soil, was highly favoured, diversified from which they made frequent wars on each with mountain and plain, well wooded and waother.2 The country, divided into so many sepa-tered, replenished with useful materials, fit to yield rate territories, we may consider as resembling pasture fobr numerous herds, and to produce abun some of the lately discovered islands in the South-dance of corn, wine, and oil. And, what is still ern or Pacific Ocean,3 where every height is re-of more importance, was already become the floupresented as a fortress, and every little township, rishing nursery of ingenious men, ardent and that can maintain its possessions, as a separate vigorous in their pursuits, though, in respect to state. Among settlements of this description, many arts and inventions, yet in a state of great the Romans, though they were originally no way simplicity or ignorance. distinguished in point of possessions or numbers, The Romans, who made their first step to do yet, in consequence of some superiority of insti-minion by becoming heads of the Latin confedetution or character, came to have a decided ascen-racy, continued their progress to the sovereignty dant. of Italy; or, after many struggles with nations Beyond the Tiber on the one hand, and the Lipossessed of resources similar to their own, united ris on the other, the contiguous parts of Italy were the forces of that country under their own direcpossessed, in the same manner with Latium, by tion, became the conquerors of many kingdoms different races of men, who, under various deno-in Asia and Africa, as well as in Europe; and formed an empire, if not the most extensive, at I Dionvg.

Halicar. lib. iv. 2 Liv. lib, i. e. 5. &c. 3 See Cook’s Voyage to New Zealand. 4 Magna Grecia. 5 Gallia Cisalpin3. B 9

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10 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK I. least the most splendid of any that is known in so much disorder at home, and oppression of their the history of’ mankind. In possession of this subjects abroad. seeming advantage, however, they were unable to With this object before me, I hasten to enter on preserve their owr, institutions; they became, to-the scenes in which it begins to appear; and shall gether with the conqu -sts they had made, a prey not dwell upon the history of the first ages of to miiitaryv government and a signal example of Rome; nor stop to collect particulars relating to the vicissitudes to which prosperous nations are the origin and progress of the commonwealth, exposed. longer than is necessary to aid the reader in reThis mighty state. remarkable for the smallness collecting the circumstances which formed the of its origin, as welf as for the greatness to which conjuncture in which this interesting change beit attained, has, by the splendour of its national gan to take place. exertions, by the extent of its dominion, by the For this purpose, indeed, a general description wisdom of its councils, or by its internal revolu-of the state and its territory, such as they were in tions and reverses of fortune, ever been a princithe beginning of this transaction, might have been pal object of history to all the more enlightened sufficient; but as it is difficult to fix the precise nations of taz-western world. To know it well, point at which causes begin to operate, or at which is to know mankind; and to have seen our species effects are complete, I have indulged myself in under the fairest aspect of great ability, integrity, looking back to the origin of this famous repuband courage. There is a merit in attempting to lie, whether real or fabulous, and shall leave the promote the study of this subject, even if the ef-reader to determine, at what time he will suppose fect should not correspond with the design. the period of authentic history to begin, or at Underlhis impression the following narrative what time he will suppose the causes of this re, was undelFrtaken, and chiefly with a view to the volution to operate, and to produce their effects. great revolution by which the republican form of As it is impossible to give, in mere description, government was exchanged for despotism; and by a satisfactory account of a subject which is in its which the Roman people, from being joint sove-nature progressive and fluctuating, or to explain reigns of a great empire, became, together with political establishments without some reference to their own provinces, the subjects, and often the the occasions whence they arose, I have, upon prey, of a tyranny which was equally cruel to these accounts, endeavoured to give, even to the both.

first part of my labours, the form of narration; As in this revolution men of the greatest abili-and, together with the progress of political instities, possessed of every art, and furnished with the tutions in the state, remarked its territorial acquimost ample resources, were acting in concert tositions and conquests, in the order in which they gether, or in opposition to each other, the scene is were made. In proportion as the principal object likely to exhibit what may be thought the utmost of the history presents itself, I shall wish, as fai range or extent of the human powers; and to as my talents and the materials before me allow, furnish those who are engaged in transactions to fill up the narration, and give to every scene of any way similar, with models by which they may the transaction its complete detail. When this is profit, and from which they may form sound done, and the catastrophe is passed, I shall wish principles of conduct, derived from experience, again to contract my narration; and as I open and confirmnned by examples of the highest au-with a summary account of what preceded my thority. period, close with a similar view of its sequel. The event which makes the principal object of The Romans are said to have made their settlethis history, has been sometimes considered as a ment in the end of the sixth, or beginning of the point of separation between two periods, which seventh Olympiad,l about two hundred years behave been accordingly treated apart-the- period fore the accession of Cyrus to the throne of Perof the republic, and that of the monarchy. During sia, seven hundred years before the Christian era, a considerable part of the first period, the Romans and long befobre the date of any authentic profane were highly distinguished by their genius, mag-history whatever. The detail of their story is minanimity, and national spirit, and made suitable nute and circumstantial; but on this account is attainments in what are the ordinary objects of the more to be suspected of fiction: and in many pursuit-wealth and dominion. In the second parts, besides that of the fable, with which it is period, they continued for some time to profit by confessedly mixed, may, without any blameable the attainments which were made in the former, scepticism, be rejected as the conjecture -f ingeand while they walked in the tract of the comnious men, or the embellishments of a mere tradimonwealth, or practised the arts and retained the tion, which partakes in the uncertainty of all lessons which former ages had taught, still kept other profane history of the same times, and latheir possessions. But after the springs of poli-bours under the obscurity which hangs over the tical life, which were wound up in the republic, origin of all other nations.2
had some time ceased to act; when the state was’hat the Roman state was originally a small become the concern of a single person, and the one, and came by degrees to its greatness, cannot vestige of former movements were efifaced, the be doubted. So much we may safely admit on the national character declined, and the power of a faith of tradition, or in this instance infer, from great empire became unable to preserve what a the continuation and recent marks of a progress small republic had acquired.

The example, which the people were still niaking, after they bewhether to be shunned or imitated, is certainly came an object of observation to other nations,3 instructive in either period; but most so in the and after they began to keep records of their transition that was made from one to the other; own: that they had been an assemblage of herdsand in the forfeiture of those public advantages, men and warriors, ignorant of letters, of money, of which the Roman peonle, in some part of their and of commercial arts, inured to depredlation course, availed themselves with so nmuch distin-1 iys. al. ib. i. 2 iv. ib. tion, and which, in the stquel, they abused with 3 Dionys. Hal. lib. i.

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1C1HAP. I.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 11 and violence, and subsisting chiefly by the produce Assemblies of the people were intimated by the of their herds, and the spoils of their enemies, may sound of a horn. The citizens were distinguishbe safely admitted; because we find them, in the ed into curie, centuries, and tribes-divisions unmost authentic parts of their history, supplying der which they formed their several compartments, these defects, and coining forward in the same for military array, religious ceremonies, or political direction, and consequently proceeding from the deliberations. When met to decide on. any public same origin, with other rude nations; being, in question, each division apart collected the votes of reality, a horde of ignorant barbarians, though its members, from thence formed a vote for the culikely to become an accomplished nation.

ria or century; and, by the majority of these, deIn the first accounts of their settlement, it is termined the whole. The curise were fraternities, said that they mustered three thousand men on or divisions of the people, which met for the perfoot and three hundred on horseback.4 Their es-formance of religious ri*es: each had its separate tablishment being effected by surprise or by force, priest, and place of assembly. When the curiae and their people consisting of armed men who were called on matters of state, they retained part had every acquisition to make at the expense of of their religious forms; opened their meeting their neighbours, they were naturally in a state with observing the auspices, or signs of futurity; of war with the country around them. They and if these were unfavourable, could not proceed took post on the Palatium, a small height on the on business. The augurs, therefore, in this mode Tiber, which, according to former traditions, had of assembly, had a negative on the proceedings been previously occupied by five different races of of the people. men, who, in a country so precariously settled, The centuries were formed on a more artful were frequently changing their places.5 Their idea, to make power accompany wealth. The city was first the model of a Roman camp, fortified people were divided into classes, according to the with a square breastwork and ditch, to serve as rate of their fortunes: each class was divided into an occasional retreat to themselves and their cat-centuries; but the number of centuries in the diftle. Their leader, or chief, was the sole magis-ferent classes was so unequal, that those of the trate or officer, either civil or military. The mem-first or richest class made a majority of the whole; bers of the commonwealth were distinguished into and when the centuries of this class were unanidifferent classes or ranks, under the names of pa-mous, they decided the question. By this institutrician and plebeian, patron and client. “

The tion, the rich were masters of the legislature, patron,” says Dionysius, “was to protect, to give though not without some compensation to the counsel; and, whether present or absent, was to poor, as the several classes were charged with his clients what the father is to his family. The taxes and public services, in the same proportion clients, in return, were to contribute to the support in which they were vested with power. of their patron, to aid him in placing his chil-The people, when thus assembled, were distindren in marriage; and, in the case of his being guished in their classes by their ensigns and arms, taken by an enemy, were to pay his ransom; or of and, though called together on political affairs, his being condemned in a fine, were to discharge were termed the army.9 it for him.,“6 In the first aces of this principality or commonThe limits of prerogative and privilege, as in wealth, the meetings of the people were held first other rude societies, were yet imperfectly marked.

by curil, and afterwards by centuries. The pracIt was the prerogative of the king to lead in war, tice of voting by tribes was of a later date than and to rule in peace; but it is probable that he no either, and was the device of a popular party to more wished to deliberate, than to fight alone; exclude the auspices, to level the condition of and, though he may have done either occasion-ranks, and by these means to turn the channels ally, yet numbers of his followers were ever ready of power in their own favour.‘The people were to attend him in both. The people acknowledged formed into their classes and centuries, to elect him as their leader, or prince; but they them-their officers, to enact laws, or to deliberate on selves, as in other instances of the same kind, other affairs of state; but they did not without were accustomed, on remarkable occasions, to as-struggle or contest always acquiesce in this mode semble; and, without any concerted form of de-of assembly. The poorer citizens often insisted mocracy, became the sovereign power, as often as to be called in the curile, and afterwards in the their passions engaged them to act in a body. tribes, to decide on affairs which the rich would The superior class of the people as naturally have referred to the centuries alone. The quescame to have their meetings apart, and may have tion on these occasions went to the foundation of assembled frequently, when the occasion was not the constitution, and implied a doubt whether the sufficient to require the attention of the whole.7 state was to be governed by the balance of numHence probably the establishments of the senate bers, or the balance of property.‘0~ and of the popular assemblies, which were called the Comitia, and were both of so early a date as 9

Dionys. Hal. lib. iv. c. 16, 17, 18. Liv. lib. i. c. 43. to be ascribed to the first of their kings.8 10 State of the classes and centuries at the establish.! Even this founder of the state, we are told, VALUATION. was distinguished by his ushers or lictors carrying Class. Romans.

Sterliwng.,5”o. of Cent. before him the axe and the rods, as the emblems.

100,000 ~.32%2 18s. 98 2’ 75,060 242 3 21 of his power, and the instuments of his justice. 3. 5,000 242 9 21 The names of the senators were entered in a list, 4. 25,000 80 14. 21 and they were separately called to their meetings. 5. 11,000 35 10 31 6. 1 Total……….. 193 From 4 Liv. lib. i.

c. 4. 5 Dionys. Hal. lib. i. First class,………. 98 Sub. 6 Ibid. lib.

ii. c. 10. 7 De minoribus rebus Principes, de majoribus omnes 95

“,onsultant. Tacit. de Moribus Germ. 8 Diouys. lib. i. Majority of the first class,…. 3

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12 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION’BooK 1. To these original springs of the political frame every period of five years, took a regular account may be joined those of religion, which in all go-of the numbers and estates of their citizens, as the vernments must have a considerable force; and in best measure they could have of their own pro. this have always been supposed a principal power gress or decline, and the surest test of their polhto regulate its movements. Here indeed, there cy and conduct as a nation. being no distinction of clergy and laity, the autho-The Romans reckoned in the first period of rity of the statesman, augur, and priest, was united their history, a succession of seven kings,2 to each in the same persons, or in the same orders of men: of whom they ascribed the invention of their seand as, in the mind of every citizen, notwithstand-veral institutions. To Romulus, the mixed fobrm Ing the high measure of his superstition, the of their government, the establishment of the sesword of state was preferred to the altar, the poli-nate and assemblies of the people, the ranks of tician and warrior availed himself of the respect patrician and plebeian, the relations of patron and which was paid to the priest, and made supersti-client. To Numa, the religion of the people, and tion itself subservient to the purposes of state. their regard to oaths. To Servius Tullius, the With presages and prodigies he encouraged or census, or periodical muster; and so on.-But restrained the people in their desires and pursuits; whether we suppose these institutions to have he bound them with vows and with oaths, to a been the suggestion of particular occasions, or degree that has not been equalled by mankind in the invention of ingenious men, directed by a any other instance; and, with reference to this cir-deep premeditation of all their effects, there is no cumstance in particular, it has been observed, that.

doubt that such institutions existed in very early the seeds of Roman greatness were laid in the times, and served as the foundation of that policy implicit respect with which every citizen revered which distinguished the Roman state. the first institutions of his country.l The monarchy of Rome is said to have lasted The wants by which the Romans were impel-two hundred and forty-four years, a period in led in the first state of their settlement, made it which the numbers of the people, and the extent necessary for them to vanquish some of their of their settlement, had greatly increased. During neighbours, or to perish in the attempt. Valour, this period, they had drawn many of their neighaccordingly, in their estimation, was the principal bours to Rome, and sent many of their own peoquality of human nature, and the defeat of an ple to occupy settlements abroad. By the inrolenemy the chief of its fruits. Every leader who ment of aliens, they procured a certain increase obtained a victory made his entry at Rome in pro-of people; and by spreading their colonies around, cession; and this gave rise to the triumph, which they made acquisitions of territory, and extended continued, from the first to the last age of the the nursery of Roman citizens. We find, never~commonwealth, to be the highest object of am-theless, that, by the last part of this policy, they bition. incurred a danger of losing the people whom they Historians, admiring the effect of this and of thus established or bred up in new settlements, other practices of an early date among the Romans, however little removed from the metropolis. Men have represented their founder, and his immediate had not yet learned to consider themselves as the successors, as philosophers, statesmen, and able citizens of one place, and inhabitants of another.

tutors, who, with a perfect foresight of the conse-In departing from Rome, the colonies ceased to quences, suggested the maxims which gave so be inrolled m any tribe or ward of that city, or happy a turn to the minds of men in this infant of its district; or to be ranked in any class of the republic. They are said to have taught, that by people. They ceased, of course, to be called upfrugality and valour the Romans were to conquer on to vote in any of the assemblies, which they the world: that they ought not to lav waste the no longer attended. They formed notions of an lands which they tcnquered, but to possess them interest separate from that of their original counwith colonies of their own people: that they ought try, so nmuch, that the colonies which had been not to slay the vanquished, but transport their Planted by one prince, resisted the power of his captives to Rome, as an accession to the number successors; and conquests, where the Roman of their own citizens: that they ought not to make citizens were mixed with the natives, in order to w-ar without provocation, nor to commence hosti-keep them in subjection, were sometimes in danlities until thev had demanded and had been re-ger of being lost. The colony itself took a part fused reparation of wrongs. In whatever begree in the discontents of tle people they were sent to we suppose these maxims to have been expressed restrain, and became parties with the vanquisl:ed or understood in the councils of Rome, it is cer-in their quarrel with the victors.3 But, notwithtain that the successful conduct of the state in standing frequent instances of this sort among these particulars was sufficient to have suggested the Roman colonies, the memory of their descent the idea that they were known. and the ties of consanguinity, the pride of their To the other fortunate customs which may be distinction as Romans, the capacity which every traced up to those early times of the state, we may colonist retained of returning to Rome, and of join that of the census, by which the people, at being reinstated in the rolls of the people, for the most part preserved their attachment to Rome, A property of 100,000 asses or pounds of copper entitled and made them still a part of her strength, and a the owner to a place in the first class, 75,000 to a place in principal source of her greatness. the second, 50,1)00 to a place in the third, 25,000 to a place During this period d the kingly government, in the fourth, 11,000 to a place in the fifth, and the rernain-the numbers that were inrolled in the city and der of the people, having no valuation, or having less than its increased from three thousand and ihat of the fifth class, were thrown into the sixth or last class. The whole were divided into 193 centuries, of two hundred to eighty thousand men of an age which the first class contained 80 centuries of foot, and 18
of horsemen, in all 98; being a majority of the whole. The sixth class formed no more than one century, as ap-Trquinius Piscus, Servius Tullius, Trquinius Suerbus pears from the inspection of the precr ding tsbln.

earste mtrche i nspection of the pretding ts. TarquiniusPriscus, Servius Tllius, Tarquinius SuLperbus 1 See Marchiavel’s Discourses on Livv 3 Liv.

lib. iii. c. 4.

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CHAP. l.1 OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 13 fit to carry arms.4 The number of Roman tribes abolishing the royalty, and by substituting in its or wards of the city was augmented from three place an elective and temporary magistracy, to twenty-one. The kingdom itself extended The principal part of the revolution consisted over the greater part of Latium, and had anin-in substituting the consuls, two annual magistimate alliance with the whole of it. The city trates, in place of the king. These officers were of Rome was become the principal resort of all chosen in the assembly of the centuries. The the Latin confederates, the place of their meet-officer who was to preside at the election erected ings for devotion or pleasure, and the seat of his standard, and pitched his tent in the field of their political consultations.5 Mars,7 a meadow which lay on the banks of the To accommodate and secure this populous and Tiber, above the city. The peoj:le repaired to growing community, several of the heights con-him in arms, and, distinguished by the ensigns tiguous to their original settlement were, during and armour of their different classes, proceeded the same period, successively occupied, the mar-to make their election.

shes between them were drained by excavations That the city might not be surprised while its and works of great magnificence, of which a defenders were thus abroad in the fields, a guard considerable part is still entire.

The city itself, was posted, with its colours displayed, on the Jainstead of an earthen rampart, was surrounded niculum, a hill on the right of the Tiber, which with towers and battlements of hewn stone.8 overlooked the river and contiguous plain. If an So far it appears, that while enemy appeared during the election, the guard Change to every successive prince gratified his had orders to strike their ensigns; and on this republic.

own ambition by subduing some signal every century repaired to its post of alarm, neighbouringo district or village, and and questions of state were suspended until the brought an accession of riches or territory to his danger was removed. As it became an article of country, the genius of monarchy was favourable superstition, that the centuries could not proceed to the growth of this rising empire. But when in any business without having an ensign disprinces became satiated with conquests abroad, played on the Janiculum, it was in the power of or began tomeditateschemes to increase their own any person, by striking the ensign, to break up importance at home, their ambition took a dif-an assembly of the people: and this expedient ferent direction, and led them to aim at making for stopping the progress of any business was the kingdom hereditary, and the people more sub-accordingly made use of at different times to the servient to their pleasure. Under this direction end of the republic.8 of the monarch’s ambition, the state, as Montes-It was meant that the consuls should succeed quieu observes, was likely to become stationary, to all the powers of the king; and’in order to or even to decline. A revolution became neces-enforce their authority, a penalty of five oxen and sary, in order to preserve it in its former progres-two sheep was denounced against every person sive state. who refused to obey them.9, Their joint and diSuch a revolution, we are told, vided command, with the limited term of one U. C. 244. took its rise from the resentments year, which was to be the duration of their power, of the people, excited by abuses of were thought sufficient securities against the power, and was hastened by a momentary indig-abuse of it. nation, roused by an insult offered by a son of The government, by this revolution, devolvedthe king to a Roman matron. As the political on the senate and nobles. The plebeians, in the evils which this revolution was intended to refirst formation of it, were favoured by the admedy were, the state of degradation and weak-mission of a certain number of their order to fill ness to wzohich the senate had been reduced, the up the senate, which had been reduced in its usurpation of hereditary succession to the crown, numbers Jby the tyranny of the late king; and and the general abuses of government, suitable they were declared, in case of any oppression, to remedies were sought for to these evils, by restoring the numbers and power of the senate, by of cattle, herdsnmen, and banditti. Rude nations some4 Liv. lib. i. c. 44. times execute works of great magnificence, as fortresses 5 Dionys. HIal. lib. iv. p. 250. and temples, for the purposes of war and superstition; 6 The stones employed in building the walls of Rome, but seldom palaces, and still more seldom worksof mere were said each to have been sufficient to load a cart. convenience and cleanliness, in which, for the most part, The common sewers were executed at a great expense. they are long defective. It is not unreasonable, therefore, It was proposed that they should be of sulfficiblnt dimen-to question the authority of tradition in respect to this sions to admit a wagon loaded with hay, (Plin. lib. xxxvi. singular monument of antiquity, which so greatly exceeds c. 15.) When these common sewers came to be obstruct-what the best accommodated city of modern Europe could ed, or out of repair, under the republic, the censors con-undertake for its own conveniency.

And as those works tracted to pay a thousand talents, or about 193,0001.

fbr are still entire, and may continue so for thousands of clearing and repairing them, (Dionys. Hal. lib. iii. c. 67.) years, it may be suspected that they were even prior to They were again in disrepair at the accession of Augustus the settlement of Romulus, and may have been the rewmsar, and the reinstating them is mentioned amnong the mains of a more ancient city, on the rsins of which the great works of Agrippa. He is said to have turned the followers of Romulus settled, as the Arabs now hut or course of seven rivers into these subterraneous passages, encamp on the ruins of Palmyra and Balbeck. Livy to have made them navigable, and to have actually pass-owns, that the common sewers were not accommodated ed in barges under the streets and buildings of Rome. to the plan of Rome, as it was laid out in his time; they These works are still supposed to remain; but, as they were carried in directions across the streets, and passed exceed the power and resources of the present city to under buildings of the greatest antiquity. This derangekeep them in repairpithey are quite concealed, except at ment indeed he imputes to the hasty rebuilding of the city one or two places. They were, in the midst of the Roman after its destruction by the Gauls; but haste, it is progreatness, and still are, reckoned among the wonders of bable, would have determined the people to build on their the world, (Liv. lib. i. c. 38;) and yet they are said to have old foundations, or at least not to change them so much teen works of the elder Tarquin, a prince whose territory as to cross the direction of former streets. d;d not extend, in any direction, above sixteen miles; and, 7 Campus Martius. on this supposition, they must have been madle to accom-8 See Book III. Chapter III. itodate a city that was calculated chiefly for the reception 9 Plutarch, in Vit. Poplicola.

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14 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK I. have a right of appeal from any sentence or corn-meetings or comitia of the centuries; that is, in nand of the magistrate to an assembly of the all assemblies of the people that were called to people at large. This was understood to be the elect officers of state, to enact laws, or to judge great charter of every citizen. But the patricians of appeals. By these several provisions in their alone could be chosen into the newly established favour, they were in possession of a complete offices of state. They alone were to furnish the aristocracy, which they claimed as hereditary in ordinary succession of members to the senate, their families, but which they were not likely to and, by their inrolment in the first and second retain, without much discontent and animosity classes, to have a decided majority in all the on the part of their subjects. CHAPTER II. Form of the Republic-Dissension of Parties-First Dictator-Secession of Plebeians-Tribunes qf the People Their Objects-Distribution of Corn-Division of Lands-Pretensions of the Plebeians-Commission to complile Laws-Decemvirs-Twelve Tables Intermarriage of Ranuks-Clacim of the Plebeians to the Consulate-Military or Consular Tribunes-Censors-,Ediles-?Prceectu s Anlnonce-Fortune of the Republic-Reduction of Veice-Destruction of Rome by the Gauls-Rebuilding oJ the City. ITHE government of Rome, as it tocracy, of which the nobles were now in full U. C. 244. is represented after the expulsion of possession, became severe in the exaction of the king, was become entirely aris-debts, or the patrons laid claim to more than the tocratical. The nobles had the exclusive posses-clients were willing to pay.3 The state was dission of office, without any third party to hold the tracted at once by its enemies from abroad, and balance between themselves and the people.

The by the dissension of parties at home. The auconsuls.were the sole executive magistrates, and thority of the new government not being suffithe only ministers of the senate; they were uncient to contend with these difficulties, the senate derstood to come in place of the king; performed resolved to place themselves and the commonall the functions of royalty; and, in the manner wealth, for a limited time, under the of the kings, to whom they succeeded, united in UI. C. 452 power of a single person, who, with their own persons all the dignities of the state, or 455.* the title of Dictator, or Master of those of judge, magistrate, and military leader. the people,4 should at his pleasure Such, at the first Institution of the common-dispose of the state, and of all its resources.

wealth, was, both in respect of government and manners, the simplicity or rudeness of this colnmunity. The people, however, in their new situ-modern times; but the last is more likely to have been ation, were gradually and speedily led, by the ac-tile tact in the original state of the Romans, and of ancumulation of their affairs, by the contest of their cient republics in general. Among them the great dis parties, and by the wants of the public, to a va-tinction of persons was that between freemen and slaves The rich freeman was supplied with every thing he riety of establishments, in which they separated Te ricd felabour of his slaves.

The necessitous the departments of state, more equally distributed freeman toiled with his own hands in labouring a small its powers, filled up the lists of office, and put piece of’ ground, or in tending a few beasts. He had no themselves in a posture to wield with advantag e ltradle by which to supply the luxuries of the rich, or by their strength as it increased, and to avail thm-which, as in modern times, to matke them his debtors.

their strength as it i,reasedl, and to avail them-VWhen lie wanted their aid hae was obliged to borrow; and selves of every circumstance that occurred in there was, perlllps, but one occasion on which he had their favour. credit for this purpose; when he was going to war, and WVhile the exiled king was endeavourinn, by Wvren he both had a reasonable excuse fob borrowing, and continual invasions, to recover his power, die- ) a prbable lprospect of being able to pay, perhaps with continual invasions, to recover r interest, friom the spoils of an enemy. But when his putes arose between the parties who had joined lhopes failed, he mrigiht become insolvent, and exposed to to expel him;2 creditors, supported by the aris-all the severities of which wee read such complaints in the early part of the Roman history. There is, throughout this history, sufficient evidence that the popular party were on the side of the debtor. 1 Dionys. tal. lib.

v. Tile 1rejudices of this party operated against the exaction 2 In these original disputes between the patricians and of debts. Their influence was employed in reducing the plebeians at Rome, it is implied that they frequently or interest of money; in having it abolished, and in having commonly stood in the relation of creditor and debtor, as it detested, under the invidious appellation of usury well as of patron and client. And we may account’for They even strove, on occasion, to abolish debts: the retIns circumstance in either of two ways: first, by suppos-sult wvas far frorm being favourable to the necessitous boring that the client was, in some degree, tributary to his rower; he was obliged to pay for the risk, the penalties, patron, as the vassal was tributary to his lord in the origi-and the obloquy to which the lender was exposed in nal state of modern nations. I)ionysius of Halicarnassus transgressing the laws. has laid some foundation for this supposition, in the pas-3 Dionys. Hal. lib.

5. sage above cited. Or we may suppose, in the second 4 Magister Populi.

place, that the debts in question were money or effects * The date of the nomination of the first dictator is actu:rlly borrowved by the client and lent by the patron. uncertain. Liv. lib. ii. Some place it nine years after’The first supposition is most agreeable to the manners of the expulsion of the kings; Dionys. twelve years.

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CHIIA. II.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 15 This officer was invested with power to punish These distractions, joined to the actual pro. the disorderly without trial and without appeal; sence of a foreign enemy, obliged the senate to to arm the people, and to employ their forces on have recourse to their former expedient, and to any service; to name his own substitute, or se-entrust the republic again in the hands of a diec cond in command; and to act without being, tator. Having succeeded in their first nomuinaeven at the expiration of his office, accountable tion, and having driven the enemy from their either to the senate or to the people. The cir-territories, they recurred to the same expedient cumstanices that were probably accidental in the again, on the return of a like occasion; but, in first nomination of this extraordinary officer, order to mix insinuation with the terrors of this were afterwards repeated as unalterable forms in measure, they made choice of Valerius, a person every successive appointment of the same kind. whose name was already known to the sufferers It became the prerogative of the senate to resolve by some popular laws which they owed to his that a dictator should be named, and of the con-family. This officer had credit enough with the sul to name him. The ceremony was performed people to prevail on them to take arms, and had in the dead of night;5 and as soon as the noinina-the good fortune to repel the enemy, by whom tion was known, the lictors, or ministers of jus-the state was invaded: but, upon his return, not tice, armed with their axes and rods, withdrew being able to prevail on the senate to fulfil the from the ordinary magistrate, to attend this hopes-which he had given to the people, he made temporary lord of the commonwealth. a speech to exculpate himself, and laid down his This was the first political expedient to which power. The citizens who had fought under his the state was directed by the exigency of its new banner being still in the field, and, without any government. The precedent came to be repeat-orders to disband, suspecting that the senate, unedly followed in times of calamity or public der pretence of some war on the frontier, meant alarm, and the whole powers of the state were to remove them from the city, ran to their arms; occasionally entrusted to single men, on the sole and, if they had not been restrained by their mrisecurity of their personal characters, or on that litary oath, and the respect they paid to the goof the short duration of their trust, which was vernment of their country, nmust have entered the limited to six months. This institution was de-gates by force. But, under the impression of vised by the senate, to repress the disorders which these motives, they fled from the walls instead broke out among the people, and to unite the of invading them, retired beyond the Anio, and forces of the commonwealth against its enemies. took possession of a height about three miles The next was of a diffbrent nature, and was from Rome,6 afterwards known by the name of meant to protect the plebeians against the op-the Sacred Hill. Their officers followed, and pression of their lords. endeavoured to persuade them to return to their The inferior class of the people, almost ex-duty; but were told, that no duty was owing to eluded from any share in the new government, a government which had withdrawn its protecsoon found that under its influence they had tion, and encouraged oppression; that free citimore oppression to fear from their patrons, than zeus own no country in which they are not perthey had ever experienced from the prince they mitted to enjoy their freedom.-” To what had banished. So long as the king and the se-purpose,” said Sicinius Bellutus, who was then nate shared in -the powers of the state, the one at the head of this mutiny, “recall us to a city took part with the people, when the other at-from which you have already forced us to fly by tempted to oppress them; and it was the ordinary your extortion. By what new assurance can interest and policy of the prince to weaken the you persuade us to rely on a faith which you nobles, by supporting the plebeians against them. have repeatedly broken’

By what charm can This eofect of the monarchy still, in some mea-you engage us in support of a commonwealth, sure, remained, so long as the exiled king was of which you will not allow us to be members. alive, maintained his pretensions, and made the You mean to engross all the fruits which are to united services of the. people necessary to the be reaped in your country, and it is well. We senate. During this period the patricians were shall leave you to do so, and do not mean to instill on their guard, and were cautious not to of-terrupt your enjoyments.” fend the people; but upon the death of the king, This secession of a great body of the people and the security which the new government de-having continued for several months, and in this rived from this event, the nobles availed them-time received a constant accession of numbers selves of their power, and enforced their claims from the city and from the contiguous fields, on the people with extreme severity. In the ca-threw the republic into the greatest disorder; expacity of’ creditors, they imprisoned, whipped, and posed its lands to be neglected or pillaged by its enslaved those who were indebted to them, and own inhabitants, and ravaged by numerous eneheld the liberties and the lives of their fellow-mies, who took this opportunity to invade it withcitizens at their mercy.

The whole body of ple-out opposition. beians was alarmed; they saw more formidable The patricians had sufficient force in their own enemies in the persons of their own nobility, body, and in that of their faithful retainers, to than in the armies of any nation whatever. guard the avenues of the city, and to secure it When the republic was attacked, they accord-from.surprise: but being reduced to great diffiingly refused to arm in its defence. Many who culties for want of their usual supplies of provihad already suffered under the rod of their cre-sions, and apprehending still greater from the ditors, when called upon to enlist, showed their interruption of labour and the suspension of golimbs galled with fetters, or torn with the stripes vernment, they came to a resolution to negotiate which they had received by command of their with the leaders of the mutiny; and, for this merciless patrons. purpose, raised Sp. Cassius, a person who, though 5 Liv. lib. viii. c. 20. & lib. ix. c. 28. 6 Cicero de Claris Oratoribus, c. 14.

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16 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOCK I. of a patrician family, was in high favour with him, nor procure him to be killed; neither strike the people, to the office of consul. They greed him, nor procure him to be struck. Let the perto mitigate the severities which they had hither-son who offends against this law be accursed; to practised against insolvent debtors, and to re-let his effects be made sacred to pious uses, and lease such of them as were actually in bonds, or let every one pursue him to death.” had been destined to slavery. To render this act irrevocable, a solemn oath With these concessions a deputation was sent for the perpetual observance of it was imposed, to the camp, and a negotiation was opened, in and dreadful imprecations were denounced against which the plebeians obtained, not only a full ac-any person who should propose to repeal it;2
and knowledgment of their privileges, but, what was such was the effect of these precautions, taken for of more consequence, a power of forming assem-the safety of the tribunes, that, under the republic, blies apart from the nobles,l and of electing an-persons obnoxious to-public justice could not be nual magistrates, to guard and watch over their punished, while they continued to bear this sacred own separate rights. “Your consuls,” they said, character. And the emperors themselves, after “are not so much the officers of the common-they had abolished all the other rights of the re~ wealth as the heads of a faction; and, in all public, found, under this sacred title of tribune, questions that relate to the people, are parties a refuge to their crimes and oppressions, and a rather’ than judges. It is reasonable that we protection against the designs of assassins, or tw. too have a head or representation in the common-resentment of those they had offended by their wealth, under which we may act, at least in our tyranny. own defence.” The college of tribunes, at its institution, was In return to this well-advised and not limited to any precise number of members; U. C. 260. specious requisition, the tribunitian it consisted at first of such persons as had been power was established, and with it most active in procuring the establishment, and the foundations of some good, and of much harm continued to be filled with the most zealous parlaid in the commonwealth. Great part of the tizans of the people, the number being three or last might have been prevented, if the plebeians, more, according as persons appeared to merit now in possession of a right to nominate tribunes this honour. But in process of time both the for the care of their interests, had from thence-plebeians who aspired to this distinction, and the forward been content with the power of election patricians who were jealous of it, conspired to merely, had discontinued their own collective as-augment the numbers.-The first, in order to semblies for any other purpose, and increased the make way for their own preferment; and the number of their tribunes, to a just representa-second, to the end that they might be the better tive of their whole body. The return, however, enabled, on occasion, to disunite their enemies, was more agreeable to the spirit of the times. and to procure the negative of a part, to arrest the The people were allowed to assemble; and, in-proceedings of the whole. The college of tristead of a representation to support and preserve bunes was accordingly augmented by degrees to their rights witl steadiness and with moderation, ten; and a law was made to provide that the electhey proceeded to elect a few leaders, who from tions should not stop, short of this number.3
thenceforward, were to head every popular tu-Patricians could neither elect nor be elected mult, and to raise up every wind of contention into this office,4 although, in the midst of irreguinto a storm.. larities incident to all unformed, especially to all The tribunes were authorised, at their first in-popular governments, some exceptions are menstitution, to forbid, or to restrain, any measures tioned, even to the last part of this rule. The which they thought hazardous, or injurious to tribunes were at first elected in the assembly of the rights of their constituents, but not to pro-the curim, where the vote of the poorest citizen pose any law, nor to move any positive resolu-was equal to that of the most wealthy.

But tion. They were not entitled to exercise their even here the patricians, although not absolute powers beyond the walls of the city, or to absent masters, as they were in the assembly of the centhemselves from it for a whole day, except in turies, having great influence, and, by holding tho their attendance on the festival of the Latin al-auspices, having even a negative on all proceedlies, where the presence of all the Roman magis-ings, it was thought necessary to alter the form trates was required. A single tribune might stop of the assembly in which the tribunes were elected the proceedings of his own body, and of the to that of the tribes; and by this means to enable people themselves, as well as the proceedings of the people to make their election, without any the senate and patrician magistrates. In the ex-control from the nobles, either in virtue of the ercise of this last part of their trust, though not authority of the senate, or the interposition of permitted in this age of aristocracy to mix with the augurs.5 the senators, they had places assigned them at Such was the institution of the plebeian trithe doors of the senate-house, from which, as bunes, while the state yet knew of no other mafrom a watch-tower, they were to observe, and on gistrate besides the consuls and the quaestors, of occasion to stop, the proceedings of the lords. whom the last, even under the kings, had been As the tribunes were destined to withstand the employed as a species of commissaries, or proexertions of power, and were supposed, on the viders for the army. The expedient was adopted most dangerous occasions, to expose themselves by the senate, to quiet the animosity of parties; to the axe and the sword of their adversaries, it but tended, in fact, only to rqpder the contest be.

was thought necessary to guard their persons tween them more equal, and to multiply the subwith the most sacred fences of religion and law. jects of dispute. The tribunes being vested with For this purpose an inviolable rule was prescribed power to assemble the people, could not long be in the following terms: “Let no one offer violence to the person of a tribune; neither kill 2 Dionys. Halicar. lib. iv. p. 410. 3 Lex Trebonia.‘Liv. lib.

iii. c. 65. 1 Dionys. Hal. lib vi;. 4 Dionys. Hal. lib. vii. 5 Dionys.

Hal. lib. ix. p. 65

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CHAP. II.] oF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 17 confined to the mere negative with which they the institution of the tribunes wars a sequel of were at first entrusted; nor was it easy, on every the troubles which had preceded that establishoccasion, to distinguish the measures of attack ment. The secession of the people took place in from those of defence; and the party of the ple-Autumn, the usual seed-time in Italy; and the beians, with thtse officers at their head, were then labours of that season having been accordingly in a posture, not only to preserve their rights, but interrupted, the city was threatened with falikewise to gain to their order continual accessions mine; and the senate exerted all its industry in of privilege and power. Happily for the state, guarding against this evil.8 After the public there was yet much ground of this sort to be granaries were filled for this purpose, it became gained, without transgressing the bounds of good a question, upon what terms, and at what price, order, or encroaching on the authority of equit-the poorer citizens should be supplied from able government. thence. Their insolence in the late mutiny, The popular leaders inthis career had to break and the part which they themselves, by susthrough the bar of hereditary distinction, which, pending the labours of the field, had taken, in it was pretended, contrary to the genius of the bringing on the distress with which they were republic, that no personal merit and no measure now threatened, were fully stated against them of ability could remove. One of the first steps in this deliberation. The opportunity was they made ill puisuit of this object, was to pre-thought to be fair, to recal the several conceselude every other power in the state from a nega-sions which had been extorted from the senate, tive on their own proceedings.

For this purpose and, in particular, to oblige the people to part it was enacted, by the authority of the tribes, that with their tribunes, and to return within the forno one, under pain of death, or of an arbitrary mer bounds of their duty. fine, should interrupt a tribune while he was Such was the substance of a contumelious speaking to the people.5 Being thus provided speech, delivered in the senate by the celebrated against interruption, as they were by a former Caius Marcius Coriolanus. The younger nolaw against violence to their persons, they not bility applauded his sentiments; but the greater only took up the complaints of their constituents, part of the senate, having recently escaped from they suggested new claims to be made by them, a popular storm, were unwilling to engage themand at every succession to office, endeavoured to selves anew in the same dangerous situation. In signalize their term by some additional establish-order, therefore, to appease the people, who were mont for the benefit of the people: they even ingreatly incensed at the proposal which had been terrupted the state in its councils and military made to subdue them, they agreed to deliver corn operations, and almost in every instance hung from the public granaries, at a price below that upon the wheels of government, until the griev-of the most plentiful season.

And, by this proances they complained of were redressed, or the ceeding, for the present pacified the tribunes, but demands they made were complied with. flattered their presumption, and encouraged them In order to increase the number of plebeian to meditate still further demands. The distress officers, whose aid the tribunes alleged were with which their constituents had been threatnecessary to themselves, they soon after their ened was prevented, but the insult they had reown institution, procured that of ceived from Caius Marcius was not avenged; U. C. 260. the’lEdiles, who were to inspect and they cited him to appear before the tribunal the markets, and have charge of of the people, to answer for his conduct to the the public buildings and public shows. Being party he had offended.

The senate and patrisubordinate to the tribunes, as well as to the con-cians were disposed to protect him; but, trusting suls, they acted, upon occasion, in what related that by the majority of their votes they might be to the policy of the town, as assistants to both.7 able to acquit him in the comitia of the centuries, As Rome was a place of arms, and subsisted the only assembly before which, from the time in some measure by public magazines; as settle-of its first institution, any capital charge had ments won from the enemy were often to be been hitherto laid against a citizen, they suffered disposed of to citizens; as its institutions were the trial to proceed. In this, however, they were yet new and incomplete;-
and as the patricians disappointed. The tribunes insisted, that the still claimed an exclusive right to all the offices people should assemble in their tribes; and havof state, there was much to occupy the cares of ing prevailed in this previous question, the accuthe public-the distribation of corn from the sed, as being already condemned by this determnigranaries, the division of conquered lands, the nation relating to the form of his trial, withdrew dtiets of the laws, and the arbitrary proceedings from his sentence.9 of the magistrates. The qualifications of candi-Coriolanus, in resentment of this dates for the office of consul furnished, during U. C. 202. prosecution, which forced him into some ages, the subject of continual debates, and exile, joined the enemies of his frequently exposed the parties concerned in country, and by increasing the alarm of war them, if they escaped the swords of their ene-from abroad, helped to suspend for a while the mles, to perish by their own dissensions. Their animosities of which he himself had furnished civil and military transactions were constantly the occasion at home. The contest in which he blended together. The senate frequently in-had engaged the parties ended with his own volved the state in war, in order to suspend its exile, and was not attended with any other poliintestine divisions, and the people as often toQk tical effects; but it merits a place in these obseroccasion, from the dificulties in which the comvations, as a proof of the great influence which mInunity was involved by its enemies, to extort a the plebeian party, under its new leaders, had accompliance with their own demands. quired, and as an evidence of the singular state The first subject of contention that arose after of the Roman policy, by which, in the uncertain 6 Dionys. Hal. lib. vii. 7 Ibid. lib. vi. 8

Dionys. Hal. lib. vii. 9 Ibid. lib. i. 469. C

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18 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION. [BouK L choice of different modes of assembly, the very of, by making an equal division of his )wn acform of the government was left undetermined, quisitions among the mnore indigent citizens.2 until the occasion occurred on which this go-He obtained an act of the people to appoint three vernment was to act. commissioners to inquire into the abuses which The assembly of the centuries formed an aris-had been committed in the disposal of lands actocracy, that of the tribes a democracy. They quired from the enemy, and to consider of the did not partake in the sovereignty by any deter-proper corrections. minate rule, but each of them occasionally seized The senate, and the patricians in general, were upon the whole of it; and, instead of balancing greatly alarmed; most of them had possessions each other by regular checks and interruptions, that seemed to fall within the object of this inthreatened to render the administration of the quiry. The popular party alleged, that conRepublic a continual scene of contradictions and quered lands being acquired by the joint labours, inconsistencies. Such at least is the judgment and at the common’ hazard, of all the people, which we are tempted, in speculation, to pass on should be equally divided among them.

The this singular constitution, although, in the sequel patricians contended, that these levelling prin of its history, it will appear to possess at least ciples led to confusion and anarchy; that, in a one of the highest political advantages, in being state of which all the territory was actually, and the most excellent nursery of statesmen and war-within a few centuries, acquired by conquest, riors, and in forminog the most conspicuous ex-these maxims could not be applied without the ample of national ability and success. subversion of government, as well as of property. The calm which the approach of Coriolanus, In this contest Cassius appeared to have the at the head of an army of Volsci, produced with-advantage of numbers on his side; and if he had in the city, was of no longer duration than the confined his views to the division of lands, under alarm which produced it. As soon as the exwhich he was said to disguise a more dangerous ternal enemy withdrew. the parties within resu-intention, the senate and nobles must have at med their disputes; but on a subject which was least devised considerable settlements for the still more important than that which had recently people, in order to elude his demands. But employed them; and which, continuing to be while Cassius alarmed the rich with danger to moved at intervals, served to the last hour of their property, he at the same time alarmed the Republic as an object of popular zeal, or fur-every citizen with danger to his personal consenished a specious pretence, which ambitious and quence, by offering the freedom of the’ city to designing men continually employed, to captivate every alien, who, at his summons, crowded from the ears of the populace. This was the most all the cantons of Latium to vote in the asselpopular of all propositions-an equal division of blies of the Roman people. His colleague opland property, known by the name of the Agra-posed this measure, and the city, for the present, rian law. was saved from the intrusion of strangers. The While the Romans were making their first attempt, however, gave offence to the people: as acquisitions of territory, their conquests were well as to the senate; and the unhappy author understood to be made for the people, and were of it, in order to regain the favour of his party, accordingly divided among them, or given to proposed a resolution, not only to make a gratuitthose who had not a sufficient provision for the ous distribution of corn, but even to refund what subsistence of their fafilies.l But of late, during had been formerly paid by any citizen at the puba considerable period, while the Republic barely lic granaries. This proposal too was interpreted withstood the attacks of the exiled king, or re-to his prejudice, and raised a suspicion that he covered the losses sustained in the wars with the meant, with the aid of aliens and of indigent numerous enemies that supported him, she had citizens, to usurp the government. On this supeither made few acquisitions of this sort, or, suit-position all parties in the state combined against ably to the growing disparity of ranks, which, him, and he was condemned to suffer the punishthough not necessary in very small republics, be-ment of treason. comes so in proportion as nations extend, suffered This appears to have been the first project afthe conquered lands to pass by connivance, occuter the state began to have its demesne lands, and pancy or purchase, into the hands of powerful after private estates began to be accumulated, that citizens, who made use of these opportunities to was made to divide all territorial acquisitions in appropriate estates to themselves. equal shares to the people. And though the auThe tribunes had not yet begun thor of it perished in the attempt, the project itU. C. 267. to make their complaints on this sub-self was entailed on the commonwealth, as a subject, when they were anticipated ject of dissension, and became the source of reby the consul Sp. Cassius, who, being already in peated demands on the part of the people. high favour with the popular party, continued The tribunes had no sooner accomplished the to flatter the passions of the inferior class, and is ruin of Cassius, in which they concurred with said to have aimed at an improper and danger-the senate, than they insisted for the execution ous influence in the state. He affected great of the law he had framed, and for the nomination zeal for the rights of the people, and proportional of three commissioners already resolved on, for indignation against their oppressors. He com-the division of conquered lands. They protected plained, in particular, of the improper use which the people in refusing to serve the state in its had been recently made of the conquered lands, wars, until this demand should be granted. And by suffering them to become the property of per-having absolute and irresistible power to stop all sons who were already too rich. Having him-proceedings in the city, they prevented all miliself made some conquests, he showed how the tary levies within the walls, obliged the consuls, lands of the Republic ought to have been ilisposed during a certain period, to erect their standard 1 Dionys.

Hal. lib. ii. 2 Liv. lib. ii. c. 41.

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CHAPi [I.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC, 19 n the country, and there to force the herdsman the popular party, it is said, demanded at once a and labourer to enlist, by driving away the cattle, system of jurisprudence and a complete body of and dlstraining the effects of those who were un-laws. Being opposed by the patricians, they willing to obey them.3 came to consider the measure as an object of par In these exertions of political strength, the ty; and they oaressed the acceptance of it, as much parties at Rome learned by degrees to form their from animosity to the nmagistrates, as from a de. different plans, whether of administration or of sire to secure public justice, or to regulate the opposition. forms of judicial procedure. The patricians conThe senate endeavoured to furnish the people sidered the project as an attack on their power; with employment abroad, to amuse them with and however innocent or reasonable it may have triumphal processions, to gratify them with par-been, endeavoured tQ
elude the execution of it tial settlements and allotments of lands; and, in with all the arts of evasion and delay, which they order to stop the violence of their leaders, by the had employed to prevent the division of the connegative of some one of their own order, conti-quered lands, or to frustrate any other the most nually endeavoured to divide the college of tri-factious purpose of their adversaries. buites. In this contest the powers and artifices of both The tribunes, in their turn, endeavoured, by parties were fully exerted. To the great authority oaths and private engagements, to secure the and address of the nobles, the people opposed an unanimity of their own body, or to bind the mi-ardour that was not to be cooled by delays, to be nority to follow the decision of the greater num-discouraged by partial defeats, orrestrained by scruher. They taught the people to despise the par-ples in the choice of means for the attainment of tial settlements, which, to pacify or to suspend their end.

From this, as from many other instantheir importunities, were offered to them at a ces, it may beinferred, that the popular party, in the distance from Rome. They taught them to aim contest with their superiors, are apt to think, that at a higher object-the political consequence of the rules of veracity and candour may be dispentheir order, and an equal share in the government sed with, and that the means of deceit and vioof their country. The tribunes were honoured lence may, without any scruple, be employed in in proportion to the part which they took in sup-their own favour. With less honour and digport of this popular cause; and plebeians were sucnity to maintain than their adversaries, they are cessively raised to this office, in reward of the ani-less afraid of imputations that detract from either; mosity they had occasionally shown to the senate, and their leaders, supported by the voice of the and from respect to the courage with which they more numerous party, are less apprehensive of had, in any case, withstood the authority of the evil fame. In this contest, accordingly, fictitious magistrate. plots and conspiracies were fabricated by the poAt every succession, accordingly, the new tri-pular side, and fictitious designs against the liberbunes endeavoured to signalize their year by sug-ties of the people were imputed to the patricians, gesting some advantage to the people; and, in in order to render them odious, and to deter them the course of their struggles, obtained many re-from appearing in support of their real pretengulations favourable to their interest as an order sions.7 in the state. In the issue of these contests, the senate deOne law which has been already mentioned, spairing of being able to divert the people from and which is of uncertain date, they obtained-to their purpose, agreed to the nomination of three substitute the assembly of the tribes for that of the commissioners, who should be sent into Greece curia in the election of tribunes.4 to make a collection of such laws as, being found Another, to exclude the patricians salutary in that country, might be transferred U.

C. 28-2. entirely from the assembly of the to Rome. Soon after the return of the commistribes.5 sioners, the senate approved their report, and The Agrarian law itself they frequently moved, concurred in the nomination of the famous dein the interval of other claims and pretensions, cemvirs to compile a body of laws for the comor brought it forward along with such claims, in monwealth. order to alarm the patricians, and to force them, The decemvirs were appointed under apprehension of this principal object of U. C. 302. merely to make the draft of a new their fears, to a compromise, or to a compliance code, and to propose matter for the in some other demand. consideration of the senate and people, from whom To the other circumstances, which tended fre-alone the propositions could receive the authority quently to revive these political flames, may be of laws; yet the persons named for this purpose, joined the arbitrary proceedings of the magis-as the history bears, had credit enough with the trate, and the defect of judicial forms in the com-people to be vested with a temporary sovereignty, monwealth. The consuls had succeeded to the in which they superseded the authority of the kings as sole officers of state, both civil and mili-senate, as well as that of the consuls, and had untary; they had not sufficient forms or limitations limited power over the lives and fortunes of their prescribed to themin the exercise of their power.6 fellow citizens.8 Before their commission expiThis defect, whichis commoninthe administration red, they presented a number of laws, engraven of rude governments, is for the most part supplied on ten tables or plates, and containing a sumby degrees. Evils are corrected in proportion as mary of the privileges to be enjoyed by the people, they are felt, and the rational proceedings of one of the crimes to be pulnished by the magistrate, age are adopted as precedents to regulate the and of the forms to be observed in all judicial next. But, in the present instance, at Rome, proceedings. They at the same time informed the people, that their plan was still-incomplete, 3 Dionys. Hal. lib. viii. Ibid. No. 273
and No. 278. that many useful additions were yet to be made6 4 Dionys.

Hal. lib. ix. Liv. lib. ii. c. 56. 5 Liv. lib. ii. c. 60. Liv. lib. iii.

c. 9. Dionys. Halicar. lib. x. 7 Dionys. Hal. lib. x. 8 Ibid. No. 303.

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20 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION LEoox I. and, upon the faith of these declarations, obtained The interest of money was limited to orne per for another year the renewal of their powers, with cent;4 but bankruptcy was treated as a crime, and, a change of some of the persons who were named without any distinction of fraud or mistortune, ex in the commission.

posed the insolvent debtor to the mercy of his In this second year of the decemvirs’ appoint-creditors, who might put him to death, dissect or ment, two more tables or plates were added to quarter him, and distribute his members among the former ten; a circumstance from which this them.5
part of the Roman law has derived its name. Mixed with laws that arose from superstition, This supplement, as well as the former body of there were others containing proofs of great nalaws, was received with great avidity, and the tional wisd6m. In private every family were free twelve tables continued to be respected at Rome, to worship the gods in their own way. And in as the ancient titles by-which men are supposed public, though certain forms were required, yet to hold any valuable rights are revered in all na-there was not any penalty annexed to the omission tions. No complete copy of them being trans-of them, as the punishment of offences in this mitted to modern times, we cannot fully judge of matter was left to the offended god. their value; but, from the fragments remaining The people were required to build their houses in authors that occasionally cite them,2 this code two feet asunder, to leave eight feet for the ordiappears, in some clauses, to have been a first draft nary breadth of streets and highways, and double of the regulations which are necessary in the es-this breadth at the turnings. tablishment of property, and in making private They were forbid to dress or to polish the wood parties answerable to public judicatures in all their employed in funeral piles, or to express their sordisputes.-The property of land was established row for the dead by wounding their flesh, tearing by a fair prescription of two years, and that of their hair, or by uttering indecent or lamentable other effects by a prescription of one year.-Any cries. controversy concerning the boundaries of land Such are a few of the more singular and characproperty was to be determined by arbiters or jury-teristical clauses which are mentioned among the men appointed by the magistrate.-Parties cited fragments of the twelve tables. The ardour of to a court of justice were not at liberty to decline the people to obtain this code, and the unlimited attendance.-Judgment in capital cases was com-powers which they entrusted to the commissionpetent only to the assembly of the people in their ers appointed to frame it, had nearly cost them centuries; but this supreme tribunal might dele-their liberty; and thus ended the progress of their gate its powers by a special commission.

commonwealth. The two additional tables, as In considering this code as a record of ancient well as the first ten, having been posted up for manhers, the following particulars are worthy of public inspection, and having been formally enactnotice: ed by the senate and people, the object of the deThe distinction of patrician and plebeian was cemvirs’

conunission was obtained, and it was exso great, that persons in these different orders pected that they were to abdicate their power; were not permitted to intermarry. The fathe being considered as the absolute sold him and received his price. The-buyer once and he athb i n g conered a again re-delivered thechild, and had his price returned. master of his child, had a right even to kill, or After the third purchase, the buyer manumitted him by a expose him to sale.3 singular ceremony prescribed in the laws. 4 Nam primo duodecim tabulis sancitum, no quis unciario (1-12
per mon. or 1 per cent. per ann.) fenore amplius 1 Livy calls the twelve tables Fons omnis publicipri-exerceret, cum antea ex libidine locupletiumn agitaretur: vatiquejuris. Tacitus calls them Finis equijuris.

And dein rogatione tribunitia ad semuncias redacta; postreme Crasisus, in thie Dialogue of Cic. de Orat. is made to say, vetitm usure; multisque plebiscitis obviam itum fraudibus Bibliothecas omnium philosophorum, unus mihi videtur qlume toties repressie miras per artes rursus oriebantur tabularum libellus superare. De Orat. lib. i. c. 44. Tacit. Ann. lib. vi.

2 Vid. Gravini de Origine Juris Civilis. Pighii Anal. Montesquieu ventures to reject the authority qf Tacitus 3 The clause in the twelve tables relating to the father’s in this instance, and supposes that the law which he as. power of sale, contains a singular limitation. Vendendi cribes to the decemvirs had no existence until the year filium patri potestas esto.

Si pater filium ter venundavit U. C. 398; when according to Livy, lib. vi.

it was obtained filius a patre liber esto. The father may sell his child, but by the tribunes M. Duellius and L. Menenius, in favour ou if he has sold him three timesthe child shall befree. (Dio-the people. Haud teque patribus leta, insequente anno nys. lib. ii. c. 27. p. 97.) This law, in its first appearance C. Martio et Cn. Manlio Coss. de unciario fesnore, a M carries an implication that, until this restriction was applied, Duellio, L. Menenio, tribunis plebis, rogatio perlata. It fathers practised selling their children times without limit. is indeed probable that many antiquated laws were referNo law, it may be said, is made against crimes altogether un-red to this legendary code of the twelve tables on no betknown; and, in general, what people do, may be inferred ter authority than that of their antiquity. And so greet a tfrom what they are forbid to do; and yet the clause, con-reduction of interest was more likely to come from tribunes sidered in this light, is full of absurdity.

The child, to be acting in favour of the people, who were generally the repeatedly sold, must have repeatedly disengaged himself debtors, and who soon after procured the entire abolition from slavery. After being twice sold, he must have put of the interestof money, than from the decemvirs, who, hehimself a third time in the father’s power; and to render ing of the aristocratical faction, took part with the creditors. such cases the object of law in any age or country what-5 The clause in this code respecting insolvent debtors, ever, the great law of parental affection must have been is equally strange with that which respects the power of strangely suspended. The question therefore may be sub-the father, and shows no less upon what atrocious ideas mitted to civilians and antiqiaries, whether it be not easier of what they were to permit, as well as of what they were to suppose a mistake in the tradition or in the record. or to prohibit, the compilers of this code proceeded. Their an unnecessary precaution in the compilers of this code; ideas in either, it is probable, were never realized. Livy than such a frequency of the circumstances presumed in says, that debtors were nexi et traditi credito7-ibus. (Liv. this clause, as would make the offence a proper object of lib. ii. c. 23 & 27.) But it is affirmed with great probabilegislation in any age or nation whatever; and whether lity of truth, that no creditor ever took the full benefit of this law may not have been, in its original intention, what this law against his insolvent debtor, (Aul. Gel. lib. 20. c. it became in the subsequent applications of it, a mere pre-1.) Laws that result from custom, and are suggeste dy caution in favour of the parent, that he should not be de-real occasions, are genuine proofs of the reigning mapprived of his child by surprise, and that unless he had sold ners; but laws enacted by special lawgivers or commishim three times, he was not supposed to have sold him at sioners, only indicate what occurs to the fancy of the all. The form by which a Roman father emancipated his compiler, and what are the prohibitions he is pleased to son, consisted of a sale three times repeated. The father suppose may be necessary.

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CHAP. II.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 21 but the principal persons vested with this trust, sons\ of the tribunes, which, under the late having procured it with a view to usurp the go-usurpation, had almost lost its effect, was now vernment, or:being debauched by two years un-renewed, and extended, though in a meaner decontrolled dominion in the possession of it, refu-gree, to the ediles and inferior officers, who were sed to withdraw from their station, and boldly supposed to act under the tribunes in preserving ventured to persist in the exercise of their power the rights of the people. after the time for which it was given had elapsed.

The patricians likewise consented to have the At Rome the power of the magistrate was sup-acts of the senate formally recorded, placed in the posed to determine by his own resignation, and temple of Ceres, and conmmitted to the care of.the the republic might suffer a peculiar inconveniency ediles.7 This was in fact a considerable diminufrom the obstinacy of particular persons, who contion of the power of the consuls, who had been tinued to exercise the functions of office after the hitherto considered as the keepers and interpreperiod assigned them by law was expired. ters of the senate’s decrees, and who had often The decemvirs took advantage of this defect in suppressed or carried into execution the acts of the constitution, continued the exercise of their this body at pleasure. power beyond the period for which it was given, But the most striking effect, astook measures to prevent the restoration of the U. C.

304. cribed to the present unanimity of senate and the assemblies of the people, or the the citizens, was the ease with which election of ordinary magistrates, and, even with-the plebeian assemblies were permitted to extend out employing much artifice, got the people to ac-the authority of their acts to all the different orquiesce in their usurpation, as an evil which could ders of the commonwealth. not be remedied; and the usurpers, in this as in The comitia, or assemblies of the Roman other instances, seemed to meet with a submission people, as may be collected from the past obserthat was proportioned to the confidence with which vations, were now of three denominations; that they assumed their power. The wrongs of the of the curie, the centuries, and the tribes. In state appeared to make little impression on parties assemblies of the first and second denomination, who had an equal concern to prevent them; but all citizens were supposed to be present; and laws a barbarous insult offered to a private family re-were enacted relating to the policy of the state in kindled or gave occasion to the breaking out of a general, as well as to particular departments, and flame, which injuries of a more public nature only separate bodies of men. The centuries disposed seemed to have smothered. of civil offices, and the curice of military comAppius Claudius, one of the usurpers, being mands.8 In the assembly of the tribes, composed captivated with the beauty of Virginia, the child of plebeians alone, the tribunes were elected; and of an honourable family, and already betrothed acts were passed to regulate the proceedings of to a person of her own condition, endeavoured to their own order, beyond which, in the ancient make himself master of her person, by depriving times of the Republic, their authority did not exher at once of her parentage and of her liberty. tend. But as the senate denied the right of the For this purpose, under pretence that she had tribes to enact laws that should bind the commubeen born in servitude, and that she had been nity, the plebeians, in their turn, disputed the stolen away in her infancy, he suborned a person legislative authority of the senate. The centuto claim her as his slave. The decemvir himself ries alone were supposed to enjoy the right of being judge in this iniquitous suit, gave judgment enacting laws for the commonwealths against the helpless party, and ordered her to be This distribution, however, was partial, and removed to the house of the person by whom she tended to lodge the sovereignty of the state in the was claimed. In this affecting scene, the father, hands of the patricians, who, though no more under pretence of bidding a fast farewell to his than a part of the people, were enabled, by their child, came forward to embrace her; and, in the undoubted majority in the assemblies of the centupresence of the multitude, having then no other turies as well as in the senate, to give law to the means to preserve her honour, he availed himself whole. of the prerogative of a Roman father, and stabbed Equity and sound policy required that the pleher to the heart with a knife. A general indig-beians should have a voice in the legislature of a nation instantly arose from this piteous sight, and commonwealth of which they made so considerall parties concurred, as at the expulable a part. This privilege appeared to be necesU. C. 304. sion of the Tarquins, to deliver the sary, in order to secure them against the partial Republic from so hateful a tyranny.6 influence of a separate order of men. They acThe senate and patrician administration being cordingly obtained it; but in a manner that tendre-established by the cheerful concurrence of the ed to disjoin, rather than to unite into one body, plebeians, and the former government restored the collateral members of the state. Instead of with the consent of all parties, a tide of mutual a deliberative voice, by which they might concur confidence ensued, which led to the choice of the with the senate and comitia of the centuries, or most popular persons into the office of consul, and by which they might control and amend their procured a ready assent from the nobles to every decrees, they obtained for themselves a separate measure which tended to gratify the people. and independent power of legislation, by which, The danger which had been recently experias a counterpoise to the patrician acts, which enced from the exercise of uncommon discre-might pass in the centuries without their concur tionary powers, produced a resolution to forbid, rence, they could, on their part, and without the under the severest penalties of confiscation and lteath, any person ever to propose the granting of 7 Liv.

lib. iii. any such powers. The consecration of the per-8 Liv. lib. v. c.

52. Lib. ix. c. 38. Cic. ad Famll. 1ib. i ep. 9. Lib. vi. c. 21. 9 These were termed Leges: the resolutions of the senate were termed Senatus Consulta, and those of the 6 Liv. ib. iii. c. 37. Dionys. Hal. fine.

tribes, Plebiscita.

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22 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK 1. presence or consent of the nobles, from the dignity of consul. Superstition, for the U. C. 304. make plebeian acts that could equal-most part, being founded oan custom alone, no ly bind the whole community.’ change can be made in the custom, without appearThis rude and artless manner of communicating ing to destroy the religion that is founded upon it. a share of the’legislature to the inferior order of This difficulty accordingly put a stop, for a while, the people, tended greatly to increase the intricacy to the hasty pace with which the plebeians adof this singular constitution, which now opened, vanced to the consulate: but this obstruction was in fact, three distinct sources of legislation, and at length removed, as many difficulties are reproduced laws of three different denominations; moved in human affairs, by a slight evasion, and decrees of the senate,2 which had a temporary by the mere change of a name. The authority; acts of the centuries;3 and resolutions U. C. 309. title of consul being changed for that of the tribes;4 and by these means undoubtedly of military tribune, and no sacerdotal made way for much intestine division, distraction, function being included in the duties of this office, and tumult. plebeians, though not qualified to be consuls, So far animosity to the late usurpation had were allowed to offer themselves as candidates, united all orders of men in the measures that and to be elected military tribunes with consular followed the expulsion of the decemvirs; but the power. In this manner the supposed profanation spirit of cordiality did not long survive the sense was avoided, and plebeians were allowed to be of those injuries, and that resentment to a com-qualified for the highest office of the state. The mon enemy from which this transient unanimity mere privilege, however, did not, for a considerarose. The plebeians had removed some part of able time, enable any individual of that order to the establishment, in which the patricians were attain to the honour of first magistrate ot the unequally favoured; but they bore witl the commonwealth. The plebeians in a body had greater impatience the inequalities which remain-prevailed against the law which excluded them; ed, and by which they were still condemned to but as separate candidates for office, still yielded act a subordinate part in the commonwealth. the preference to the patrician competitor; or, if They were still excluded from the office of con-a plebeian were likely to prevail at any particular sul, and from that of the priesthood. They were election of military tribunes, the patricians had debarred from intermarriage with the nobles by an credit enough to have the nomination of consuls express law, which had been enacted, lest the revived in that instance, in order to disappoint sexes from passion, forgetting distinctions, should their antagonists. in this manner unite their different ranks; but Together with the separation of the military being now, in some measure, by the late act’in and sacerdotal functions, which took place on this favour of the comitia of the tribes, become joint occasion, another change, more permanent and of or rival sovereigns of the state, they could not greater moment, was effected. Ever since the in.

long acquiesce in these unequal conditions. stitution of the census, or muster, the enrolment A few years after the restoration of the people was become a principal object of U. C. 308. of the commonwealth, Canuleius, a the executive power. In the first ages it belonged plebeian, being one of the tribunes, to the king, together with all the other flunctions moved the celebrated act which bears his name of state. In the sequel, it devolved on the conto repeal the clause of the twelve tables which suls; and they accordingly, at every period of five prohibited the intermarriage of patricians and years, by the rules of this office, could dispose of plebeians. The other nine tribunes joined at the every citizen’s rank, assign him his class, place same time in a claim of more importance-that him in the rolls of the senate, or on that of the the office of consul should be laid open to all the knights, or strike him off from either; and, by different orders of the commonwealth, and might charring him with all the burdens of a subject, be held by plebeians, as well as patricians.6 The while they stripped him of the privileges of a senate, and the whole order of nobles, having for citizen, deprive him at once of his political consome time, by delays, and by involving the state, sequence,7 and of his state as a Roman.8 as usual, in foreign wars, endeavoured to suspend These regulations were accordingly enforced, the determination of these questions, were at not held up into public view merely to awe the length obliged to gratify the people in the less people.

The magistrate actually took an account material part of their pretensions, respecting the of the citizen’s estate, inquired into his character, intermarriage of different ranks, in order, if pos-and assigned him his place; promoted him to the sible, to pacify them on the refusal of the more senate or to the knighthood; degraded or disfranimportant claim, which related to their capacity chised, according as he judged the party worthy of being elected into the office of consul.

or unworthy of his freedom, of the rank which To elude their demands on this material point, he held, or of that to which he aspired in the it was observed, that of the sacrifices and other commonwealth.9 duties belonging to the priesthood, which, by the So important a trust committed to the discresacred laws of religion, could be performed only tion of an officer elected for a different purpose, by persons of noble birth, many were to be per-took its rise in the simplicity of a rude age; but formed by the consul, and could not, without continued for a considerable period without any profanation, be committed to any person of ple-flagrant examples of abuse. It was, nevertheless, beian extraction; and that, by this consideration that branch of the consular magistracy which the alone, the plebeians must be for ever excluded patricians were least willing to communicate or to share with the plebeians. While they admit1 Dionys. Hal.

p. 306. Liv. lib. iii. c. 5b. 2 Senatus Consulta. 7 Liv. lib. iv. c. 24. /

3 Leges. 4 Plebiscita. 8 The citizens who came under this predicament werm 5 Lex Canuleia. Liv. lih. iv P 1. termed iErarii. 6 Dionys. Hal. 9 Liv.

lib. iv. c. 24.

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CHAP. II.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 23 ted them, therefore, to be elected tribunes with paration of departments, were suggested no less consular power, they stipulated, that the charge by the multiplicity of growing affairs, than by the of presiding in the census, or musters, should be pretensions of party, or by the ambition of sepa. disjoined from it; and that, under the title of rate pretenders to power. In the first of those censors, this charge should remain with persons ways, we are led to account for the institution of of patrician birth.‘0 They contend-the plebeian ediles, already mentioned; for that U. C. 310. ed for this separation, not with a of the praefectus annone, or inspector of the professed intention to reserve the markets, together with the additions that were, office of censor to their own order, but under pre-in the course of these changes, continually made.ence that persons invested with the consular to the number of quaestors. power, being so frequently employed in the field The quiestors had been long established at against the enemies of the commonwealth, could Rome; they had charge of the public funds, and not attend to the affairs of the city, or perform all followed the kings and the consuls as commissathe duties of censor at their regular periods. ries or provisors in the field. During the busy But whatever may have been the real motive period -which we have been now considering, for separating the department of censor from that their number was augmented from two to four; of consul, the change appears to have been sea-and the places were filled, for the sonably made; and may be considered as a striking U. C. 333. most part, with patricians, though example of that singular felicity with which the net limited to persons of this rank.

Romans, for some time, advanced in their policy, The prmefectus annonae, or inspector of the as well as in their fortunes. Hitherto the Roman markets, was an officer occasionally named, on a consul, being a warrior, was chiefly intent on the prospect of scarcity, to guard against famine, and glory he was to reap in the field, and to gain at to provide for the wants of the people. Rome the expense of the enemies of the state. He diswas in fact a place of arms, or a military’station, dained to seize the advantages which he had in often depending as much for subsistence on the his power, in the capacity of a clerk or accountant foresight and care of its officers, as on the course entrusted with the census, or enrolment of his of its ordinary markets. Without a proper atfellow-citizens; nor does it appear that any pecu-tention to this particular on the part of the state, liar attention was given to the choice of consuls the people were exposed to suffer from scarcity. on the year of the census, as being then vested On the approaches of famine, they became muwith any dangerous measures of power. But tinous and disorderly, and were ready to barter considering the height at which party disputes their freedom, and the constitution were then arrived, and the great consequence of U. C. 313. of their country, for bread. During a citizen’s rank and place en the rolls, it was no the famine which first suggested the longer safe to entrust in the same hands the civil separation of this trust from that of the ordinary rights of the people, and the executive powers of officers of state, Sp. Mielius, a Roman knight, the state. The consul, being frequently raised being possessed of great wealth, engrossed great to his station by party intrigues, and coming into quantities of corn; and having it in his power to power with the ardour of private ambition and of supply the wants of the poor, endeavoured to party zeal, might have easily, in the manner of form a dangerous party among them, and by their making up the rolls of the people, gratified his means to raise himself to the head of the comown resentments, or that of his faction. The monwealth. The senate took the alarm, and, as office of consul, in his capacity of military leader, in the most dangerous crisis of the state, had fewas naturally the province of youth, or of vigour-course to the nomination of a dictator. Mselius ous manhood; but that of censor, when disjoined being cited to appear before him, and having refrom it, fell as naturally into the hands of persons fused to answer, was put to death. of great authority and experienced age; to whom, The care of supplying the people with corn, in the satiety of brighter honours, the people which had been at this time committed to L. might safely entrust the estimate of their fortunes, Minucius, was from thenceforward entrusted to and the assignment of their rank. In such hands citizens of the first rank, and the office itself beit continued, for a considerable period, to be very came necessary in the political establishment of faithfully discharged; and by connecting the dig-the commonwealth. nities of citizen, and the honours of the state, Hitherto we have considered the Roman Rewith private as well as public virtue, had the public as a scene of mere political deliberations happiest effects on the manners of the people. and councils, preparea for contention, and seemThe number of censors, like that of the coningly unable to exert any united strength. The suls, was limited to two; but that of the consular state, however, presented itself to the nations tribunes was left undetermined, and at successive around it under a very different aspect, as a horde elections was augmented from three to eight.

of warriors, who had made and preserved their This has given occasion to some historians, who acquisitions by force, and who never betrayed are quoted by Livy, to ascribe the..nstitution of any signs of weakness in the foreign wars they this office, not to the importunity of the plebeian had to maintain. party, but to the exigencies of the state; which In their transition from monarchy to republic, being assailed by numerous enemies, and not indeed, there seems to have been a temporary inhaving as yet devised the method of multiplying termission of natural exertions. Private citizens, commanders, under the titles of proconsul, were annually raised to the head of the republic, did led to substitute officers of a different denomina-not with their elevation acquire the dignity of tion, whose numbers might be increased at disprinces; they did not command the same respect cretion. It is indeed probable, that, in the progress from their fellow citizens at home, nor had the of this government, new institutions, and the se-same consideration from rival nations abroad. The frequent dissensions of the people seemed 10 Liv. lib. iv. c. 8. to render them an easy prey to their enemies.

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24 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BoO. I.L During the life of Tarquin many powers united Sabines, the Hernici, the Volsci and Etruscans, against them in behalf of the exiled king. They and, in about a hundred years after the expulsion were stripped of their territory, confined to the of Tarquin, to extend its dominion greatly bewalls of their city, and deserted by their allies.’ yond the territories which had been in the posThe fortune of the state seemed to fall with its session of that rince. In one direction, from monarchy. The event, however, belied these Falerium to Anxur, about sixty miles; and in appearances, and the power of the annual magis-the other, from the summits of the tracy soon became more formidable abroad, though U. C. 344. Appenines to the sea: and Rome, less awful at home, than that of the monarch. the metropolis of this little empire, The republican government sought for respite was become, with a few competitors, one of the from domestic trouble in the midst of foreign war, principal states of Italy. and the forces of the state, instead of being re-The first and nearest object of its emulation strained, were impelled into action by intestine at this period was Vein, an Etruscan principality, divisions.

The ambition with which the lower of which the capital, situated about nine miles ranks of the people endeavoured to watch their from Rome, was built on an eminence, and sesuperiors, the solicitude with which the higher cured by precipices. order endeavoured to preserve its distinction, the The Romans, even before the change of their exercise of ability which, in this contest, was government from the form of a principality to common to both, enabled them to act against fb-that of a republic, had been in possession of the reign enemies with a spirit that was whetted, but Tiber and both its banks; but on the right of not worn out, in their domestic quarrels. this river were still circumscribed by the VeiThe conuls annually elected, brought to the wentes, with whom they had waged long and helm of affairs a fresh vigour of mind and conti-desperate wars; and, as may be supposed among nual supplies of renewed ambition. Every offi-rivals in so close a neighbourhood, with imminent cer, on his accession to the magistracy, was in danger to both. Vein, according to Dionysius,haste to distinguish his administration, and to was equal in extent to Athens, and, like the other merit his triumph; and numerous as the enemies Etruscan cantons, was further advanced than of the Republic appeared, they were not sufficient Rome in the arts of peace, probably better proto furnish every Roman consul, in his turn, with vided with the resources of war, but inferior in an opportunity to earn this envied distinction. the magnanimity of its councils and in the courage It was given only to those who obtained actual of its people. The Veimntes being, after a varivictories, and who killed a certain number of ety of struggles, beat from the field, they retired their enemies.2 within their walls, suffered themselves tc. be inIn this nursery of warriors, honours, tending vested, and underwent a siege or blockade of ten to excite ambition or to reward military merit, years. The Romans, in order to reduce them, were not confined to the leaders of armies alone: continued during those ten years in the field, the victorious soldier partook in the triumph of without any interruption or distinction of seahis leader, and had subordinate rewards propor-sons; made secure approaches, fortifying themtioned to the proofs he had given of his valour. selves in the posts which they suc”[ bear the scars,” said Dentatus (while he U. C. 357. cessively occupied, and in the end pleaded for a share in the conquered lands to entered the place by storm. himself and his fellow-soldiers,) “of five and In these operations, we are told, that they forty wounds, of which twelve were receiv;ed in learned to make war with more regularityv than one day. I have carried many prizes of valour. they had formerly practised; and having, some Fourteen civic crowns bestowed upon me by those little time before, appointed a military pay for I had saved in battle. Three times the mural such of their people as served on foot, they at crown; having been so often the first to scale the this time extended the same establishment to their enemies’ walls. Eight times the prize of distinc-horsemen or knights; imposed taxes on the people tion in battle. Many tokens of esteem and gra-in order to defray this expense, and made other titude from the hands of generals. Eighty-three arrangements, which soon after enabled them to chains of gold, sixty bracelets, eighteen lances, carry their enterprises to a greater distance, and and thirty-five sets of horse-furniture, from pri-to conduct them with more order and system: vate persons, who were pleased to approve of my circumstances which, together with the accessions services.“3 of territory and power, gained by the reduction Under the influence of councils so fertile in of Veine, rendered this event a remarkable epocha the invention of military distinctions, and in in the history of Rome. armies of which the soldier was roused by so many The use which they proposed to make of their incentives to military ambition, the frequent conquest was partly founded in the original policy change of comlmanders, which is commonly im-of the state. The practice of incorporating vanpolitic, proved a perpetual renovation of the ar-quished enemies, indeed, with the Roman people, dour and spirit with which armies were led. In had been long discontinued: for even Tarquin, public deliberations on the subject of war, the it is said, had introduced the custom of enslaving vehement ambition of individuals proved a conti-captives, and this fate the citizens of Veine unnual incentive to vigorous resolutions, by which derwent;4 but their lands, and the city itself, the state not only soon recovered the consequence offered a tempting prize to the conquerors. And which it seemed to have lost in its transition from accordingly it was proposed to transplant into monarchy, but was speedily enabled to improve those vacant possessions and seats one half of the upon all its former advantages, as head of the Roman senate and people.5 Latin confederacy; frequently to vanquish the This proposal was extremely acceptable to persons of inferior condition, who hoped to double 1 Dionys. Hal. lih. v. 2 Five thousan 1 in one field. 3

Dionys. IHal lib. x. c 36. vel p. 362 4 Liv. lib. v. c. 22. 5 Ibid. c. 24

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CHAP. II.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 25 their possessions, and flattered themselves that which they mistook for an ambuscade or an ar they might double the power of the state: but it tifice to draw them into a snare, they examined was strenuously opposed by the senate and nobles, all the avenues with care before they ventured as tending to divide and weaken the commonto enter the gates. The more effectually to diswealth, and as more likely to restore a rival than lodge every enemy, they set fire to the city, reto strengthen themselves. It was eluded by a duced it to ashes, and took post on the ruins, in partial division of the Veimen territory, in which order to besiege the capitol, which alone held seven jugera, or about four English acres, were out.7 In this state of affairs, the republic, already assigned as the lot of a family; anu by these so formidable to all ifs neighbours, was supposed means the more indigent citizens were provided to be extinguished for ever. The fthme of its for, without any hazard of dismembering the state. ruin reached even to Greece, where Rome began But while the Romans were thus availing them-to be considered.at this time as a rising and prosselves of the spoils of a fallen enemy, and properous commonwealth.8 bably enjoying, on the extinction of their rival, a The Gauls remained in possession of the ruins more than common degree of imagined security, for six months; during which time they made a they became themselves an example of the insta-fruitless attempt to scale the rock on which the bility of human afihirs; being assailed by a new capitol was built; and being repulsed by Manand unlooked-for enemy, who came like a stroke lius, who, for his vigilance and valour on this ocof lightning on their settlement, dispersed their casion, acquired the name of Capitolinus, they people, and reduced their habitations to ashes. continued to invest and block up the fortress, in The Gauls, who are said to have passed the hopes of being able to reduce it by famine. The Alps in three several migrations, about two Romans, who were shut up in the capitol, still hundred years before this date, being now mas-preserved the forms of their commonwealth, and ters of all the plains on the Po, and of all the made acts in the name of the senate and people. coasts of the Adriatic to the banks of the river Sensible that Camillus, under whose auspices Sena, where they had a settlement, which, from they had reduced the city of Veike, and triumphed their name was called Sena Gallia; and being over many other enemies, now in exile on the still bent on extending their possessions, or shift-score of an invidious charge of embezzling the ing their habitations, iad passed the Appenines, spoils he had won at that place, was the fittest and laid siege to Clusium, the capital of a small person to retrieve their aflauirs; they absolved him nation in Tuscany.6 The inhabitants of this of this accusation, reinstated him in the qualifiplace made application to the Romans for succour; cation to command their armies;9 and, in order but could obtain no more than a deputation to that he might assemble their allies and collect the intercede with the Gauls in their behalf. The remains of their late army, which was dispersed deputies who were sent on this business, and in the neighbouring country, vested him with the commissioned to act only as mediators, having power of dictator. In this extremity of their appeared in arms on the side of the besieged, the fortunes, he overlooked his wrongs, procured Gauls complained of’ their conduct as a breach of numbers to resort to his standard, and hastened faith, and as a departure from the neutrality which to arm for the preservation of his country. He the Romans professed: and being denied satisfac-came to the relief of the capitol at a critical motion on this complaint, they dropped their design ment, when the besieged, being greatly reduced on Clusium, and turned their arms against these by famine, had already capitulated, and were mediators, who had violated the laws of war. paying a ransom for themselves and their reThey advanced on the left of the Tiber, found maining effects.- Before this transaction was comthe Romans posted to receive them on the Allia, pleted, he surprised the besiegers, obliged them a small river which was the limit of the Roman to relinquish their prize, and afterwards, in a deterritory, in the country of the Sabines, about ten cisive battle that was fought in the neighbourhood miles from Rome; and, with the same impetuo-of Rome, revenged the disaster which his countrysity which hitherto attended them, they passed men had suffered on the banks of the Ailia.l0 the Allia on the right of the Roman army, drove -Whatever may have been the true account of them into the angle that is formed by the conflu-this famous adventure, the Romans have given ence of the two rivers, put all who withstood it a place in their history, retained a deep ilmpresthem to the sword, and fbrced the remainder into sion of their danger from the Gauls, and from the Tiber, where numbers perished, or, being cut thence dated the origin of some particulars in off from their retreat to Rome, were dispersed in their policy, which seem to have arisen from such the neighbouring country. an impression. They set apart particular funds This calamity is said to have so in the treasury, to be spared in all other possible U. C.

363. much stunned or overwhelmed the exigences of the state, and reserved for a resource Roman people, that they made no in case of a Gaulish invasion. They subjected farther attempt to defend their city. All the the magistrate to certain general restrictions, but youth that were fit to carry armns retired into the allowed an exception in case of an invasion from capitol. The weak or infirm, whether from sex the Gauls; and it is likely that, in the age in or age, fled as from a place condemned to dewhich they took these alarming impressions, they struction, or suffered themselves to be surprised had not yet acquired those advantages of disciand cut off in the streets. pline and military skill, in which they were afterThe Gauls, having employed three days in the wards so much superior to the Gauls and other pursuit and slaughter of those who fled from the barbarous neighbours.i field of battle, on the fourth day advanced to, wards te xwalls of Rome. But being alarmed at 7 Plutarch, in vit. Camilli. 8 [bid. first by the general desertion of the battlements, 9

L. lib. v.. 32. 10 Ibid. c. 4, &c. 11 The establishmernt of the Legion, and the imprrovement made in the choice of its weapons and manner of 6

Liv. lib. v. c. 35, &c. array, are mentioned as subsequent to this date: and the

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‘26 THE PROGRESS ANi TERMINATION [Boosr 1. Although historians have amply supplied the yet entire for our reception?” To this specious letail of history before this event, they neverthe-argument might have been opposed the consideraless acknowledge, that all prior evidence of facts tion of the many advantages of their fcimier situaperished in the destruction of Rome; that all re-tion; its place on a navigable river, its command(
cords and monuments of what the Romans had of the passage from Latium to Etruria, and of formerly been, were then to be gathered from the the navigation of the Tiber from the descents of ruins of cottages, which had been for several the Appenines to the sea. But motives of sumonths trodden under foot by a barbarous enemy; perstition and national pride were supposed to that the laws of the twelve tables, the People’s be of greater weight. “Would you,” said CaCharters of Right, and the Forms of the Consti-millus, “abandon the seats of your ancestors? tution, were to be collected in fragments of plates Would you have Veim restored, and Rome to Which were dug from the rubbish of their former perish for ever’? Would you relinquish the altars habitations; and that nothing remaining to mark of the gods, who have fixed their shrines in these the former position of Rome, besides the capitol, sacred places; to whose aid you are indebted for raised on its rock, and surrounded with ruins, so many triumphs, and to whom you owe the the people deliberated whether they should at-conquest of those habitations for which you now tempt to renew their settlement on this ground, propose to forsake their temples?” or transfer it to Veia. It had been formerly pro-Convinced by this argument, the Romans, deposed to remove to that place one half of the se-termined to remain in their ancient situation, nate and people. It was then proposed, that they proceeded to restore their habitations, and, in the should choose that as the proper ground on which course of a year, accomplished the work of reto restore the name and the seat of their common-building their city. An era from which, as from wealth. ” Why,” said the promoters of this de-a second foundation, may be dated the rise of the sign, “attempt, at a great expense, and with so commonwealth, and the beginning of a period1 much labour, to clear out the wretched ruins of in which its history, though still controverted in a fallen city, while we have another, provided some particulars, is less doubtful than before, oI with private and public buildings of every sort, less disfigured with fable.1

CHAPTER III. Scene qf Foreign WVar and Domestic Dispute opened with reviring Rome-Faction or Consp%. racy of M/lanlius-Condemnation-Plebeians elected into the Office of Consular TribunesAspire to the Consulate-The first Plebeian Consul-Establishmnent of the Prector-Patrician Ediles The Plebeians qualified to hold all the Offices of State-PThe Measure of Roman 7Viagistracy complete-Review of the Constitution-Its seeming defects-But great successesPolhcy of the State respecting Foreign or Vanquished ANations-Forrm ation of the LegionSeries of Wars-With the Samnites, Campanians-The Tarentines-Pyrrhus-Sovereignty of Italy Different Footing on which the Inhabitants stood. THE Romans were not allowed to restore of one hundred and seventeen years which foltheir community, nor to rebuild their habitations lowed, they accordingly had to encounter a sucin peace.

They were invaded by cession of enemies, in subduing of whom they U. C.

365. the Equi, the Volsci, the Hernici, became the sovereigns of Italy; while they conthe Etruscans, and some of their tinued to undergo internal convulsions, which, wn Latin confederates;2 who dreading the re-as formerly, proved the birth of political instituestablishment of a commonwealth, from which tions, and filled up the measure of their national they had already suffered so much, and whose establishment. power was so great an object of their jealousy, During this period, the plebeians, far from hemade every effort to prevent it. During a period ing satisfied with their past acquisitions, made continual efforts to extend their privileges. The Romans, it is confessed, made less progress in every other tribunes by traducing the senate, and by dhisart than in that of war. Their general Camnillus, at his ying in their harangues the severities of the triumph for the victory obtained over the Gauls, made his playing in their harangues the severities of the entry into Rome, having his visage paint.ed with red; a patrician creditor, and the sufferings of the piepractice, says Pliny, which is yet to be found among na-beian debtor, still inflamed the animosity of their tions of Africa, who remain in a state of barbarity, and party; the republic itself was so feebly established, which this natural historian was inclined to consider as a that ambitious citizens were encouraged by means characteristic of barbarous manners. 1 Some parts even of the history that follows, are doubt-of factions raised among persons of the lower ful. The names of dictators and of consuls, the reality class, to have thoughts of subverting the governof entire campaigns, as well as of single actions, are conment. In this manner Manlius, the famous troverted, (Liv. lib. i.

c. 5. & 26. lib. v. c. 55. lib. viii. c. 38. champion of the capitol, who, as has been oblib. ix. c. 15.) but that which preceded this date rests almost champion of the capitol, who, as has been ob-..-.dlition alone, (Liv. lib. vi. c. 1.) It serves, however, served, by his vigilance and valour preserved that….t….., i., w{,(,.i the Romans themselves believed; and fortress from the Gauls, formedl a design to usurp Is therefi,re the best comment we can have on the genius the sovereignty.

Presuming on his merit in this and tendency, as well as the origin, of their political in-and other services, he thouht himself above the;titutiols and other services, he thought hims elf above th L2 iv lib vi. c. 2. & 16. laws; and endeavouring by his intrigues with

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CHAP. III.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 27 the populace, to form a party against the state, was wanting but the title of corsul. To this ne incurred, what was at Rome of all imputations too they were soon led to aspire; and were urged the most detested, that of aspiring to be king. In to make the concluding step in the rise of their opposition to this conspiracy, whether real or fic-order, by the ambition of a female patrician; titious, the Republic was committed to the care who, being married into a plebeian family, bore of a dictator; and Manlius being brought before with impatience the mortifications to which she him, endeavoured to turn the suspicion of malice was exposed in the condition of her new relaand envy against his accusers. He produced four tions. She excited her husband, she engaged hundred citizens, whom he had redeemed from her own kindred among the patricians, she roused their creditors and released from chains. He the whole plebeian party to remove the indidniproduced the spoils of thirty enemies slain by ties which yet remained affixed to their race, in himself in battle; forty badges of honour con-being supposed unworthy to hold the consular ferred on him by generals under whom he had dignity. served; many citizens whom he had rescued from Licinius Stolo, the husband of the enemy, and in the number of those he had U. C. 377. this lady, and Publius Sextius, saved, he pointed at Caius Servilius, second in another active and ambitious ple.

command to the dictator, who now carried the beian, were placed in the college of tribunes, in sword of the state against the life of a person order to urge this point. They began the exerwho had saved his own. And in the conclusion cise of their office by proposing three very imof his defence, “Such were the treasons,” he portant laws: the first intended for the relief of said, “by which the friends of the people were insolvent debtors; by which all payments made to be sacrificed to the senate.” on the score of interests, should be deducted from His merits in the public service were great, the capital, and three years be allowed to pay off and entitled him to any reward from the people, the remainder. except a surrender of their liberties. His libera-A second law to limit the extent of estates in lity to the more indigent citizens, if it proceeded land, by which no citizen should be allowed to from humanity, was noble; but if it proceeded engross above five hundred jugera,5 or to have in from a design to alienate their affections from the stock above one hundred bullocks, and five hunpublic, or transfer them to himself, was a crime; dred goats and sheep. and the most splendid services, considered as the A third law to restore the election of consuls, artifices of a dangerous ambition, were the ob-in place of consular tribunes, with an express jects of punishment, not of reward. provision that, at least, one of the consuls should The people, it is said, while they had in their be of plebeian descent. view the capitol, which had been saved by the The patricians having gained some of the trivigilance and bravery of this unfortunate crimi-bunes to their party, prevailed upon them to disnal, hesitated in their judgment; but their meet-sent from their colleagues, and to suspend, by ing being adjourned to the following day, and to their negatives, all proceedings on the subject of a different place, they condemned him to be these laws. The tribunes, Licinius and Sexthrown from the rock on which he had so lately tius, in their turn, suspended the usual election signalized his valour.3 of magistrates, and put a stop to all the ordinary Such alarms to the general state of the com-affairs of state. monwealth, had their temporary effect in sus-An anarchy of five years ensued,6 during which pen(ling the animosity of parties; but could not time the Republic, bereft of all its officers, had no reconcile their interests, nor prevent the periodi-magistracy besides the tribunes of the people, cal heats which continually arose on the return who were not legally vested with any degree of’ of disputes. The plebeians had been executive power.7 Any alarm from abroad must U. C. 366. now above forty years in possession have suspended the contest at home, and forced of a title to hold the office of con-the parties to a treaty: but they are said to have sular tribune, but had not been able to prevail at enjoyed, in this state of domestic trouble, uninany election.4 The majority of the centuries terrupted peace with their neighbours; a circum. were still composed of patricians; and when stance from which we may infer, that, in most candidates of plebeian rank were likely, by their of their wars, they were themselves the aggrespersonal consideration, to carry a majority, the sors, and owed this interval of peace to the vaother party, in such particular instances, had incancy of the consulate, and to their want of the fluence enough, as has been observed, to revive prompters, by whom they were usually excited the election of consuls, a title from which the to quarrel with their neighbours. plebeians, by law, were still excluded.

In the several questions, on which the parties The plebeians, however, by the zeal of their were now at variance, the patricians contended party, by the assiduity and influence of indivi-chiefly for the exclusion of plebeians from the duals who aspired to office, by the increase of office or title of consul; and, as an insuperable their numbers in the first and second classes, by bar to their admission, still insisted on the sacritheir alliance with the patrician families in conlegious profanation that would be incurred, by sequence of marriage, at last surmounted these suffering the rites usually performed by the condifficulties, obtained the dignity of consular tri-suls to pass into plebeian hands. This argument, bune for one of their owfi order, and from instead of persuading the popular leaders to dethenceforward began to divide the sist from their claim, only made them sensible U. C. 353. votes of the centuries with the pa-that it was necessary to remove this impediment trician candidates. They were ac-by a previous operation, before they attempted to cordingly raised in their turn to what was then pass through the way which it was meant to the first office of the state, and in which nothing 5 About 300 English acres. 3 Liv. lib. vi c. 27. 4

Ibid. c. 37. 6 From U. C. 377 to 382. 7 Liv. lib. vi. c. 35.

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28 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION. rBOOK I obstruct. They appeared then for a little to drop admitted the plebeians to partake in the dignity their pursuit of the consulate; they affected to of consul, reserved to their own order the exclurespect the claim of the patricians, to retain the sive right to the offices of praetor and edile: by possession of places which had always been as-the last of which they had the direction of sports signed to their order. But they moved, that the and public entertainments;.a station which, in a number o’ ordinary attendants on the sacred state that was coming gradually under.:.e gorites should be augmented from two to ten; and vernment of popular assemblies, becanme,!n pro that of these one half should be named of ple-cess of time, a great object of ambition, and a beian extraction. principal access to power.

While the patricians continued to reject this The design or the effect of this institution did proposal, on account of the effect it was likely to not escape the notice of the plebeian party. They have on their pretensions in general, they gave complained, that while the patricians affected to way successively; and, at the interval of some resign the exclusive title to one office, they had years, first to the acts that were devised in favour engrossed two others, inferior only in name, equal of insolvent debtors; next, to the Agrarian law, in consideration and influence. Put no exclusive or limitation of property in land; and last of all, advantage could be long retained by one order, to the new establishment relating to the priest-while the other was occasionally possessed of the hood, and to the communication of the consulate legislative and supreme executive power. All the itself to persons of plebeian rank. offices, whether of praetor or edile, of’ dictator or The authors of the new regulations, knowing censor, were, in process of time, filled with persons that the majority of the centuries was composed of either rank; and the distinction of patrician or of patricians, or was still under the influence of plebeian became merely nominal, or served as a that order, were not satisfied with the mere privi-monument of the aristocracy which had subsistlege of being qualified to stand for the consulate. ed in former ages. The only effect which it now Thev insisted, that at least one of the consuls had was favourable to the plebeians; -hould be a plebeian; and having prevailed in U. C. 417. as it limited the choice of tribunes this, as in the other contested points, the plebeian to their own order, while, in cornparty entered immediately on the possession of mon with the patricians, they had access to every their new privilege, and raised Pu-other dignity in the state. U. C. 387. blius Sextius, the tribune who had Such is the account which been so active in the cause of his Review of the historians have given us of the constituents, to the office of consul. constitution. origin and progress of the RoBut while the patricians thus incurred a re-man constitution. This horde, peated diminution of their exclusive prerogatives, in the earliest account of it, presented a distincthey endeavoured, by separating the judicative tion of ranks, under the titles of Patrician, Eques. from the executive power of the consul, and -by trian, and Plebeian; and the state, though gocommitting the first to a patrician officer, under verned by a prince, had occasional or ordinary the title of Praetor, to save a part from the gene-assemblies, by which it approached to the form ral wreck. of a republic. Assemblies to which every citizen It was intended that the prator should be su-was admitted were termed the Comitia: those bordinate, but next in rank, to the consul. He which were formed of the superior ranks, or of a was attended by two lictors, and had his commis-select number, were termed the Senate. Among sion in very general terms, to judge of all differ-those who had attained the age of manhood, to ences that should be brought before him, and to be noble and to be of the senate were probably hear the suits of the people until the setting of synonymous terms. But after the introduction the sun. This unlimited jurisdiction, as we shall of the census, separate rolls were kept fobr the sehave occasion to observe, came to be gradually nate, the equestrian order, and the people. These circumscribed by its own precedents, and by the rolls were composed by different offices in succesaccumulating edicts of successive prators. One sive periods in the state. A senate was composed person at first was supposed able to discharge all of a hundred members by Romulus.2 This numnthe duties of this office; but the number, in order ber was augmented or diminished at pleasure by to keep pace with the growing multiplicity of his successors. The consuls succeeded in this civil affairs, was afterwards gradually increased. matter to the prerogative of the kings; and the Another political change, by which the patri-censors were appointed to exercise it, with the cians procured some compensation for what they other duties of the census, as a principal part of had now surrendered, was made about the same their functions. It is remarkable, that, notwithtime. The care of the public shows and enter-standing the great importance of the senate in tainments had hitherto belonged to the ediles of the government of their country, so little precauthe people. The office of edile being at its first tion was taken to ascertain who were to be its institution expensive, was likely to become gra-constituent members, or to fix their legal numdually more so by the frequent additions which ber. The body was accordingly fluctuating. In.

were made to the festivals, and by the growing dividuals were placed or displaced at the discredemands of the people for shows and amuse-tion of the officer entrusted with the muster, and ments. The plebeians complained of this charge the numbers of the.whole increased or diminished as a burden on their order, and the opposite party indefinitely. The officers of state, though not offered to relieve them of it, providled that two enrolled, had access to the senate; but their conofficers for this purpose, under the title of Curile Ediles, should be annually elected from among 2 Liv. lib. i. c. 8. According to Livy the senate conthe patricians.’ sisted of no more than a hundred members at the death of By these institutions the nobies, while they Romulus; but, according to Dionysius, their numbers had been augmented by a popular election at the admission of the Sabines; some writers say to two hundred; others to 1

Liv. lib. vi. c. 42. one hundred and fifty. Dionys. lib ii c 47.

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CHAP. III.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 29 tinuing members, after their year in office ex-command all the other officers of state, except the pired, depended on the discretion of the censors. tribunes of the people; they introduced all foreign It seemed to be sufficient for the purposes of this ambassadors; and they alone could move the seconstitution, that the senate should be a meeting nate on any subject of deliberation, and put their of the superior class of the citizens. acts or determinations in writing. The consuls, As the noble and popular too, presided with a similar prerogative ir the asRecapitulation. assemblies had their existence sembly of the centuries, and in that of the curia, under the kings, the transition proposed the question, collected the votes, declared from monarchy to republic in so small a state, by the majority, and framed the act. In all military substituting elective and temporary magistrates preparations, in making their levies as well as in in place of the king, was easy. A sufficient occathe command of the army, they were vested with sion was given to it in the abuses which were high degrees of discretionary power4
over all the felt in the last reign of the monarchy. The dis-troops of the commonwealth, composed of Roman orders incident to the shock of parties, who were citizens or allies. They commanded the treasury, set free from a former controul, required, on occa-as far as necessary to the service on which they sion, the remedy of a discretionary authority ves-were employed, and had one of its commissioners, ted in some person who might be entrusted with or quastors, appointed to attend their court, and the public safety, and soon led to the occasional to receive their orders.

institution of a dictatorial power. The high pre-The senate, however, had the ordinary adminisrogatives claimed and maintained by one party, tration of the revenue, took account of its receipts obliced the other to assume a posture of defence, and disbursements, and suffered no money to be and to place themselves under the conduct of issued without their own decree, or the warrant leaders properly authorised to vindicate their of the consul in actual service. Even the money rights. These rights were understood, by de-decreed by the censors for the repair of public grees, to imply equality, and, in the successive buildings, and the execution of public works, could institutions that followed, put every citizen in not be issued by the quiestors without an act of ossession of equal pretension to preferment and the senate to authorise it. All crimes and disorhonours; pretensions which were to be limited ders that were committed among the free inhabionly by the great distinction which Nature has tants of Italy, or municipal allies of the state, all made between the capacities, merits, and cha-disputes of a private or public nature that arose racters of men, and which are subject, in every among them, came under the jurisdiction and decommunity, to be warped by the effects of educa-termination of the senate. All foreign embaissies tion and fortune. were received or despatched, and all negotiations New departments of state, or additions to the were conducted, by this body. In such matters number of officers employed in them, were con-the people did no more than affirm or reverse tinually suggested by the increase of civil affairs; what the senate, after mature deliberation, had and while the territory of the Republic was but a decreed, and for the most part gave their consent small part of Italy, the measure of her political as a matter of form; insomuch, that while government was full, and the list of her officers persons, who observed the high executive powcomplete. Functions which, in the first or sim-ers of the consul, considered the state as moplest ages, were either unknown or had been narchial; foreigners, on the contrary, who resortcommitted to the kino alone, were now thrown ed on public business to Rome, were apt to beinto separate lots or departments, and furnished lieve it an aristocracy vested in the senate. their several occupations to two consuls, one prT-The people, notwithstanding, had reserved the tor, two censors, four ediles, and eight quaestors, sovereignty to themselves, and, in their several asbesides officers of these different ranks, who, with semblies, exercised the powers of legislation, and the titles of proconsul, propritor and proqumestor, conferred all the offices of state.5

They likeand without any limitation of number, were em-wise, in all criminal matters, held the supreme ployed wherever the exigences of the state requir-jurisdiction. In their capacity of sovereign, they ed their service. were the sole arbiters of life and death; and even In this account of the Roman constitution we in their capacity of subjects, did not submit to are come nearly to that state of its maturity3 air restraints which, in every other state, are found which Polybius began to observe and to admire necessary to government. the felicity of its institutions, and the order of its A citizen, while accused of any crime, continuadministration. The plebeians were now recon-ed at liberty until sentence was given against him, ciled to a government to which they themselves and might withdraw from his prosecutors at any had access, and citizens of every rank made great stage of the trial, even while the last century was efforts of industry in a state in which men were delivering its votes. A voluntary banishment allowed to arrive at eminence, not only by advan-from the forum, from the meetings of the senate, tages of fortune, but likewise by personal quali-and the assemblies of the people, was the highest ties. The senate and assemblies of the people, punishment which any citizen, unless he remainthe magistrates and selectcommissioners, had each ed to expose himself to the effects of a formal their departments, which they administered with sentence, was obliged to undergo; and it was exan appearance of sovereign and absolute sway, pressly stipulated, that, even at Tibur or Praand without any interfering of interests or jea-neste, a few miles from Rome, a convict who had lousy of power. withdrawn from judgment should be safe.6 The consuls were destined to the command of: The consuls were destined to the command of 4 Vid. Zonar. No. 501. Frontini Stragemata, lib. iv. armies; but, while at Rome, seemed to have the Val. Max. lib. ii. c. 7. highest prerogatives in the administration of all 5 In the centuries they enacted laws, and elected:ilo civil and political affairs. They had under their officers of state. In the curia they appointed officers to military command. 6 The laws of Publius, which gave the power of legisla3 As it stood in the fifth and sixth centuries of Rome. tion to the plebeian assemblies, and that of Valerius, which

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30 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BooK 1. Parts so detached were not likely to act as one of the people, the qualification of a citizen, which bold, nor to proceed with any regular concert; entitled him to be considered as a member of the anil thV s’ate seems to have carried, in all its es-commnonwealth, were still undetermined. Aliens tablishments, the seeds of dissension and tumult. settling at Rome were admitted on the rolls of It was long supported, nevertheless, by the un-the people, and citizens removing to the colonies common zeal of its members in ftavour of a comwere omitted. Laws, therefore, might be obtainmonwealth in which they enjoyed so much free-ed in a clandestine manner, when the people, not dom, and in which they wer, vested with so much sufficiently aware of’ the consequence of such personal consequence. laws, did not attend; or the question minght be The several members of th? constitution, while determined by the voice of a single alien, as often in appearance supreme, were in many respects as the division was nearly equal, and a designing dependent on each other. magistrate chose to place any number of aliens on The consuls, while in office, had the meetings, the rolls for this purpose.a The state took its and determinations of the senate and people, in laws, not only from the assemblies, which were a great measure, in their power; but they re-held, however irregularly, within the capital, but ceived this power from the people, and were ac-from military detachments and armies, when countable for the discharge of it at the expiration of their office. The senate could resolve, but they could not 3

In the settlement of Romulus, recruits of every quality, execute, until they had obtained from the people whether outlaws, fugitives, or captives, were received without distinction. In the first ages of the Republic, a confirmation of their acts, and were obliged to aliens settling at Rome were admitted as citizens, and solicit the tribunes for leave to proceed in any even placed on the rolls of the senate.-The Tarqulins, and matter which these officers were inclined to op-the first of the Claudian faimily, were emigrants from the neigllbouring cantons.-After the establishment of the cenTpose. antwacosiu,ofomdatr sus, or periodical muster, the king,the consuls, and last of all, The senate was constituted, or formed, at re-the censors, made up the rolls of the senate and people at gular periods, at the discretion of the consuls or pleasure. They admitted upon it very readily every incensors, officers named by the people. habitant of the city who claimed to be enrolled; but when The city, nevertheless, was overawed by the a right of voting in any of the popular assemblies at Rome came to be considered as a privilege of moment, the inhasenate andofficersofstate. Ongreatandalarm-hitants of Latium crowded to Rome in order to obtain it. intg occasions, the people themselves were no lon-They were sometimes put upon the rolls by one consul ger sovereigns than they were allowed by the and forbid the city by tis colleague; and ill every such senate and consuls to hold this character. The case the negative, by a maxim of the Roman policy, prevailed.-Such as actually settled at Rome, sooner or later senate and consuls having it in their power to found means to be inserted in the tribes; and the towns of name a dictator, could at once transfer the sove-Latium complained, that they were deserted by numbers reignty of the state to a single person, and sub-of their people, who resorted to Rome for this purpose, ject every citizen to his authority. Every ildi-and that they were likely to be depopulated. They oh-. e on te rs a t w o tained a law, by whichl Latin emigrants were excluded vidual held his place on the rolls at the will of the from the rolls of the Roman people, except they had left censors, and his property at the disposal of courts offspring to replace them in the country towns they had left. that were composed of senators; the servants of And this seems to have been the first law enacted at the public in general, who aimed at lucrative Rome to regulate or restrain the naturalization of aliens, Some authors have affirmed, that, even while aliens were commissions, depended on the senate, as adminis-so easily admitted on the rolls of the people, Roman cititrators of the treasury, and trustees in the collec-zens, accepting of settlements in the colonies, forfeited tion or disbursements of the public money;l and their political rights. In this, however, it is probable, that the effects of mere absence have been mistaken for an exevery Roman youth, when embodiedinthe legions press and formal exclusion. Whoever ceased to give in entrusted his honours and his life in the hands of his name at the census, or whoever left his wardl or tribe the consul, or commander in chiefL2 in the city to live at a distance, was not enrolled in the The mass, however, was far from being so well wvard, nor placed in any class.

It did not follow, however, that he had forfeited his right, or might not claimli it as often compacted, or the unity of power so well estab-as he attended the census. In this case he was upon a lished, as speculative reasoners sometimes think foot of equality with every other citizen, and in the same necessary for the order of government. The se-manner received or rejected at the will of the censor, or nate and the popular assemblies, in their legisla-other officer who took the muster. tive capacities, counteracted one another. The In this account of the Roman colonies, writers have followed the account of Sigonius, whose opinion, in every numbers required to constitute a legal assembly circumstance relating to the Roman history, is of great._ ___ authority. In this particular, however, it happens, that the principle passage he has quoted in support of his opinsecured every citizen in the right of appeal to the people ion, is by some accident strangely perverted. Livy relates, at large, after being repeatedly re-enacted, were now in lib. xxxiv. c. 42. that the people of Ferentium, in the year full force. (Liv. lib. x. c. 8.) of Rome five hundred and fifty-seven, started a new pre1 The influence which the senate possessed as adminis-tension, by which all Latins who gave their names to trators of the public treasury, according to Polybius, was be inscribed in any Roman colony should be considered as very great. They had a number of commissions to give, Roman citizens; but that the senate rejected this claim in the collection of various duties levied on the navigators when offered by persons who were annexed to the colonies of rivers, the entry to seaports, the produce of mines, and of Puteoli, Salernum, and Buxentum. J.ovum.jus eo anno demesne or public lands, chiefly let out for pasturage. a Ferentinatibus tentatum, ut Latini, qui in coloniasn RoeThey had likewise considerable disbursements on the re-manam nomina dedissent, cives Romani essent. Puteolos, pair of highways and public buildings, and in the execution Salernumque et Buzentum adsoripti coloni, qui nomina deof a variety of other works. In such transactions great derunt quum ob id sepro civibus Romanis ferrent; senanumbers of people were concerned, as contractors, as part-tusjudicavit non esse eos cives Romanos. There was a ners with those who contracted with the senate, or as cre-distinction between Roman folonies and colonies of Roditors who advanced money to enable the contractors to man citizens. The first might be Latins, or other allies, perform their articles. In all these several capacities planted under the authority of the Roman state. The the parties depended on the will of the senate, and con-second were probably citizens. And the whole amount tinually attended at the doors of that assembly, soliciting of this passage was to prove, that Latins were not to be commissions, pleading for an abatement of some condition, considered as Roman citizens, merely because they resided for delay ii: the execution of some article, or relief in the in some colony of Roman citizens. But the quotation of case of unforeseen hardship or loss. Sigonius is as follows, and gives a wonderful perversion to 2 Polyb.

lib. vi. c. 10, 11, 12, 13, 14. the passage in question: De antiqueo Jure ftaliic, lib. ii. c. 3

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CHiP. III.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 31 abroad in the field.5 Yet, under all these defects the wars which led to the conquest of Italy, came as we have repeated occasions to observe, they to be formed in divisions, and had different orders enjoyed the most envied distinction of nations, con-of light and heavy-armed intantry, as well as tinual prosperity, and an almost uninterrupted cavalry. The light-armed infantry were called succession of statesmen and warriors unequalled the Velites, and were supposed to ply in the front, in the history of mankind. on the flank, or m the rear of the army; and In about one hundred years after their service was, to keep the heavy-arnmed foot U. C. 465. they began to restore their city from undisturbed by missiles till they came into close the ruins in which it was laid by the action with the enemy. Gauls, they extended their sovereignty from the The heavy-armed foot consisted of three orfarthest limits of Tuscany on the one side, to the ders, called the Hastati, Principes, and Triarii; of sea of Tarentum and the straits of Messina on whom each had its separate divisions or manipules; the other; and as the contest of parties at home and those of the different orders were placed inl led to a succession of political establishments, three different rows, and at distances from each their frequent wars suggested the policy which other, equal to the front of the division. By this they adopted respecting toreign nations, and the disposition the manipules of the first and second arrangement of their national force. row could either act separately, or, by mutually They had for some time discontinued the prac-filling up their intervals, could complete the line, tice of admitting captives into the number of their leaviiing the Triarii, in time of action, as a body people; but continued that of extending and se-of reserve, to support the line, or fill up the place curing their acquisitions, by colonies of their own of any manipule that might be forced by the enecitizens, or of such allies as they could most se-my. And, in order to faciliate occasionally this curely trust. They exacted from the cantons of change of disposition, the divisions of one row Italy which they vanquished, contributions of faced the intervals of the other.8 They were subsistence and clothing for the benefit of their armed with the pilum, which was a heavy Javelin armies; and they generally imposed some condi-or spear to be cast at the enemy, and with a short tion of this sort as a preliminary to every negotia-and massy sword fitted to strike or to thrust. tion or treaty of peace.6 They bore an oblong shield, tbur feet high by Their forces consisted of native Romans, and two and a half feet broad, with a helnet, breastof their allies in Italy, nearly in equal plate, and greaves. U. C.

415. parts. The legion, says Livy, had In the structure of these weapons and this debeen formerly arrayed in a continued fensive armour, the Romans consulted at once line, or compacted column;7 but in the course of both the principal causes of courage in a soldier, his consciousness of the means to annoy his enemy, and of a power to defend himself And with “Quare ascripti coloni nomine quidem erant cives Rothese advantages they continued for ages to premani, revero coloni. Testem postulateis non longe abiero. vail in most of their conflicts, and were the model Presto est Livius qui scribit, lib. xxxiv. Puteolos, Salernum et Buxentum civium Romnan. Adscripti coloni, qui nomini dederant cum ob id se pro civibus ferrent; senatus 8 This account of the Roman legion is not without its judicasse non esse eoscives Romanos; et alio loco narrat difficulties. It appears irrational to break and disperse Ferentinates novurn jus tentasse, ut Latini qui in coloniam the strength of a body in this manner; and Caesar Irakes no Romanamn noniina dedissent, cives Romani essent.” mention of any such distinction of orders, of the mnanipules, The perversion of this quotation is remarkable. Differ-of the rows in which they were formed, or of the intervals ent clauses of the same sentence are quoted as separate at which they fought. His legion consisted of tenl cohorts, passages in different parts of the author. The order of the formed from right to left on a contitmued front. Polybius, clauses is so placed, that the use of the first in explaining however, one of the best military historians, and himself the second is lost, and the words civium Roman are imn-an eye-witness of the disposition of the Roman legion in serted. The passage in Livy, asserting that even Latins action, as well as on the parade, is very explicit in his acpleaded to be admitted as citizens, because they resided in count of it; refers to it in the description of the Roman some colony of citizens, proves the reverse of what Sigo-rmarch (Polyb. lib. vl. c. 38.) in the description of every battle nius maintain, viz. that citizens removing to colonies were (Polyb. lib. iii. c. 1, 2, 3, 4.) and (Polyb. lib. xv. c. 10.) in disfranchised. stating the comparative advantages of the Roiman legion and The fact is, that, in the time of Livy and other histo-Macedonian phalanx (Polyb. lib. xvii. c. 28.) The phalanx rians, the distinction between Roman citizens, whether of being a column of indefinite depth, close ranks, and a colminthe city or of the colonies, and the other inhabitants of ued tront, with lances or spears, it was impregnable to the Italy, was become a matter of antiquity and of mere curi-short sword and loose order of the Romans, so long as it osity; and therefore is not by them so fully and distinctly preserved its front entire, and the spear-man nade no opestated, as not to admit of dispute.

The colonists ceasing to ning for the Roman soldier to enter within the point of his attend at elections, or in the assemblies of the people, and weapon. not giving in their names at the musters, subjected them-It is observed that the Romans made their attack in seselves to all the effects of positive exclusion, although it is parate divisions and at intervals, in order to bring on some probable no such exclusion had taken place; for even ali-irregularity in the front of the phalanx, and in order to ens were not excluded by any positive law, and might be make some openings by which the Roman soldier could admitted on the rolls at the discretion of the officer who enter with his sword, and, once within the pointof his ene presided over the muster. Antiquarians, in search of an-my’s spear, could perform great slaughter with little resistcient constitutions, sometimes suppose that rules must have ance (Plutarch in vit. P. Emilii. Liv.lib.

xliv. c. 41. Neque existed, in order to have the pleasure of conjecturing what ulla evidentior causa victoriae fuit quamn quod multa passim they were. praefla erant que fluctuantes; turbarant primo, deinde dis5 The consul C. Marcius, U. C. 398, being encamped jecerunt phalanges.) From this account then it is probable at Sutrium in Etruria, assembled his army in their tribes, that the Romans did not divide their legion into orders and and passed a law to raise the twentieth penny on the price manipules, nor fight at intervals, until after they adopted the of every slave that should be manumitted. The senate, short stabbing sword, which is said to have been originally being pleased with the tax, confirmed the act; but the trifrom Spain; and that they continued to make this dispobunes, alarmed at the precedent, obtained a resolution, sition so long only as they had to do with enemies who by which it was declared for the future to be capital for used the spear and continued front; thlht after the social any person to propose any law in such d-wached or partial war in Italy, and their own civil wars began, they discon. assemblies of the people.

(L..v. lib. vii. 6B.) tinued the separate maniputes, and sought to strengthen 6 Liv. lib. viii. c. 1. et 2. Lib. ix. c 43. Lib. x. c. 5.

themselves against an army like their own, by presenting et 37. a continued front. Livy accordingly marks the time at 7 Liv. lib. viii. c.

8. which the formation of manipules, at intervals, was

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3;2 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK 1. which other nations endeavoured to imitatel in Campanians, and Tarentines on the other. the form of their armies and in the choice of their They quarrelled with the Samnites first in behalf weapons. of the Campanians, who, in order to obtain then It is understood in the antiquities of this peo-protection, made a surrender of themselves and pie, that when they were assembled for any pur-of all their possessions. This act of surrender pose, whether of state or of war, they were termed they afterwards had occasion to enforce against the army.

In their musters a plebeian was a foot the Campanians themselves, who endeavoured, soldier, the knight a horseman, and the legion a when too late, to recover their liberties. mere detachment of the whole, draughted for the The Samnites were a fierce nation, inhabiting year, or embodied for a particular service. The that tract of the Appenines which extends from men, as well as the officers, in the first period of the confines of Latium to those of the Apulia; the history of the Republic, were annually reliev-and who, to the advantages of their mountainous ed or exchanged; and even after it ceased to be situation, joined some singular and even romantic the practice thus annually to relieve the private institutions,3
which enabled them, during above men, and after the same legions were employ-forty years, from the time at which their wars ed during a succession oF some years, yet with the Romans began, to maintain the conthe people, to the latest period of the common-test,4 and to keep the balance of power in suswealth, continued to form the armies of their pense. country; and the officer of state was still under-During the dependence of this quarrel, the stood to command in virtue of his civil ma-Roman armies frequently penetrated into Lugistracy, or in virtue of a military qualification cania and Apulia, and before they had reduced which never failed to accompany it. No citizen the Samnites, were known as protectors and allies, could aspire to any of the higher offices in the or had forced their passage as conquerors to the commonwealth, until he had been enrolled in the southern extremities of Italy. And the state itlegions, either ten years if on horseback, or six-self, under a variety of titles, was in reality the teen years if on foot; and, notwithstanding the head, or held a species of sovereignty over all the special commissions that were occasionally given nations who occupied that part of the peninsula. for separate objects of state or of war, civil and The city of Tarentum, the most powerful of military rank were never disjoined.

Equal care the Greek settlements in this quarter, having newas taken to furnish the rising statesman and glected her military establishments in proportion warrior with the technical habits of either profesas she advanced in the arts of peace, was alarmed sion; or rather to instruct him, by his occasional at the near approach of the Romans, application to both, not to mistake the forms of U. C. 473. and applied for protection to Pyrrhus office in either for the business of state or of war, the king of Epirus, at that time greatnor to rest his pretensions to command on any ly distinguished among the military adventurers accomplishment short of that superior knowledge of Macedonia and Greece. They wished to emof mankind, and those excellent personal qualities ploy the military skill of this prince, without being of penetratioi, sagacity, and courage, which give exposed to fall a prey to his ambition; antd invited the person possessed of them an ascendant, as a him to come, without any army of his own, to friend or as an enemy, in any scene or depart-take the command of their people, whose nurnment of human affairs. It may be difficult to bers they magnified, in order to induce him to determine, whether we are to consider the Roman accept of their offer. But, like most foreign miliestablishment as civil or military; it certainly tary protectors, he appears to have had, together united, in a very high degree, the advantages with many schemes of ambition against those on of both, and continued longer to blend the pro-whom he made war, some designs likewise on the fessions of state and of war together, than we are state he was brought to defend.

With this donapt to think consistent with that propriety of cha-ble intention he did not rely on the forces of Taracter which we require in each: but to this verye rntulh, but passed into Italy at the head of a nucircumstance, probably amongr others, we may merous army, formed on the model of the Macesafely ascribe, in this distinguished Republic, the donians, and accustomed to service in the wars of great ability of her councils, and the irresistible that country and of Greece. force with which they were executed.2 This is the first enemy whose forces can be During a period ofrbout one hundred andtwen-considered as a known measure, with which to ty years after the rebuilding of Rome, the Ro-compare, or by which we can estimate, the power mans were engaged in a continual series of wars; and military attainments of the Romans. They first with the Latins and with their own colonies had been victorious in Italy, but the character and who wished to disengage themselves from so un-prowess of the enemies they had vanquished are equal an alliance; and afterwards with the Etrus-unknown. This prince knew the arts of war a3
cans on the one hand, and with the Samnites, they were practised in Macedonia and in Greece, and was reputed one of the first captains of that or any other age.s He accordingly prevailed over adopted. Polybius marks the continuance of it, and Casar evidently marks the discontinuance of it.

It is extremely probable, that the last change was one of those made by Marius, and was introduced into the Roman armies in 3 Of this sort it is mentioned, that tenp.of the fairest of the rocial war. one sex were annually selected as prizes to be vwon by the The three orders of hastati, principes, and triarii, were bravest and most deserving of the other.

Strabo, lib. v. extremely proper to mark the distinctionof classes subsist-fin. The Samnites furnished Roman generals with the ing among Roman citizens, who were nevertheless, all of subject of twenty-four triumphs, but mixed with checks them equally bound, on occasion, to serve in the condition and disgraces more remarkable than any they had received of private soldiers; and this may be one reason to incline in the course of their wars with any other nation. Florus, us to ascribe the discontinuance of this distribution to lib. 1. c. 16. Marius, who was a great leveller of ranks. 4 Liv. lib. x. c. 31. 1 Polyb. lib. vi. c. 17-24.

5 Pyrrhus, it is said, was struck with the military aspect 2 Polyb. ib.

vi. c. 17. of the Romans and admired in particular the form of their

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CHIP. III.] OF Ti’i ROMALN REPUBLIC. 33.he Romans in some of their first encounters; From the reduction of Tarentum but found that partial victories did not subdue U. C. 481. the Romans may ire conlsideled as this people, nor decide the contest. Having vast the sovereigns of Italy, although schemes of ambition in Sicily and Africa, as well their dominion was extremely ill defined, either as in Italy, he suddenly suspendfed his operations in respect to its nature or to its extent. They against the Romans, to comply with an invitation but in a few instances laid claim to absolute sore he received from Syracuse, to possess himself of reignty, and least of all over those who were that kingdom in behalf of his son, who had some most submissive to their power. It was their pretensions to it in the right of Agathoeles, from maxim to spare the obsequious, but to crush the whom he was descended. proud;9 an artful profession, by which, under In order to pursue this object, he endeavoured the pretensions of generosity and magnanimity, to obtain a peace or cessation of arms in Italy; they stated themselves as the sovereign nation. but was told, that, in order to treat with the RoUnder this presumptuous maxim their friendship mans, he must evacuate their country and return was to be obtained by submission alone; and to his own.6 With this answer he passed into was, no less cnan their enmity, fatal to those Sicily; and after some operations which were who embraced it. The title of ally was, for the successful, though not sufficiently supported by most part, no more than a specious name, under his partizans in that country to obtain the end of which they disguised their dominion, and under his expedition, he returned again into Italy for which they availed themselves of the strength the defelncc of Tarentuin; but found that during and resources of other nations, with the least his absence the Romans had made a considerable possible alarm to their jealousy or pride. progress, alnd were in condition to repay the de-XVith the Latins they had early formed an feats thec had suflered in the beginning of the alliance ofilnsive and defensive, in which the war. Helaing brought this matter to the proof parties nmutually stipulated the number of troops in several encounters, he committed the defence to be furnished by each; the respective shares of Tareltum to one of his officers; and after which each was to have in the spoils of their this fruitless attempt to make conquests beyond common enemies, and the manner of adjusting the Ioni-tn sea, in which he had employed six any disputes that might arise between them. This years, lie returnecd to his own country. was the league which the Latins were supposed The, Rolnans continuing the war to have so frequently broken, and of which the U. C. 481. arai:st Tarcntum, in about two Romnans so often exacted the observance by force.10 years after the departure of Pyrrhus In the first struggles which they iiade to refrom Italy, made themselves masters of the place. store their settlement destroyed by the Gauls, and Here, it is mentioned, they found, for the first in the subsequent wars they had to maintain, time, the plunderl of an opulent city, containing d(luring a hundred years, in support of their new the models of elegant workmanship in the fine establishment, different cantons of these original arts, ani the apparatus of an exquisite luxury. confederates, as well as many of their own colo”In formier times,” says Florus, “the victorious nies, had taken very different parts, and in the generals of Rome exhibited in their triumphs treaties which ensued, obtained, or were sentenced hbrds of’ cattle driven from the Sabines and the to, different conditions; some were admitted to Volsci, the empty cars of the Gauls, and broken the fieedom of Rome, and partook in the preroarms of the Samnites: but in that which was gative of Roman citizens. A few were, by their shown for the conquest of Tarentum, the pro-own choice, in preference to the character of flocession was led by Thessalian and Macedonian man citizens, permitted to retain the independency captives, followed with carriages loaded with pre-oi’heir towns, and were treated as allies. Others, clous furniture, with pictures, statues, plate, and under pretence of being admittedl to the freedom other ornaments of silver and gold.7 Spoils which, of Rome, though without the right of sufifrage, we may gucss, in the first exhibition of them, were deprived of their corporation establishments, were valued at Rome more as the public trophies and with the title of citizens, treated as subjects. of victory, than felt as the baits of private ava-A few were governed in form by a inilitarv rice, or the objects of a mean admiration. The power, and by a prufect or magistrate annually Roman citizen as yet lived content in his cottage, sent from Rome.It furnished in the rudest manner; and he subsisted on the simpllest fare, the produce of his own la-seven jugetra. The people were lodged ill cottages and hour. Curius Dentatsts, the consul who obtained slept otl straw, (Plin. lib. xviii. c. 3. Cicer. pro Rossio, this triumpha, having the offer of fifty jugera as Val. Max. lib. iv. c. 3.) The Romans, till a little before *this triump, having the offer.of fifty ju*era as tre siege of Tarentum, had no coin htbt copper, and estia reward fromn the public for his services, would mated consideraible sums more commonly tby the head of accept of no more than seven. This, he said, is:; cattle than by money. They coined silver for the first the ordinary portion of a citizen, and that person time U. C. 485. Gold was known as a precious material6 must be an commonand was sometimes joined with oxen in the reward of must be an unworthy member of the common-listinguished services. Liv. lib. iv. c. 50. Ibid. Ep-ri wealth who can wish for more.8
tome, lib. xv. 9 Parcere subjectis et debellare superbos. encampments. The Greeks always endeavoured to avail 10 Dionys. Hal. lib. vi. p. 415. Liv.

lib. vi. c. 10. lib. themselves of natural strengths, and accommodated the ix. e. 43. disposition of their camp to the ground; but the Romans, 11

Thecity of Capua, together with its district of Cantrusting only to their artificial works, pitched on the plain, pania, was the first example of a provincial government and always encanmped in the same form. Plutarch in vir. established by the Romans in any of their conquests. Tile Pyrrhi.

Campanians, in order to be protected against the Sam6 Liv. Epitorrme, lib.

xiii. Plutarch in vit. Pyrrhi. nites, had delivered themselves up to the Romans. But 7 Florus, Iib. i. c. 18. tlsey soon after became sensible of their folly, in trusting‘8 A Romanll citiz(r in this period might, by the law of their defence to any force but their own, or in resigning Incitinsa, have axr estate of five hundreed jugera, or about their power as a state, with a view to preserve any thing three hundred acres; hout the ordinary patrimony of a else. When they perceived this error, they endeavoured, noble tarmily oras probably far below this measure; ad in conjunction with some of their neighbours, to form a h.e lot of a citizen ill the new colonies seldom exceeded party against their new masters; and being defeated in E

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34 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION E[Boo I. From this unequal treatment arose the variety I about 181 years after this dlate, when, as will bh of ccnditions by which the natives of Italy were mentioned in the sequel, the whole was put upon distinguished, as colonies, municipal towns al-the sale footing by the general adinission of all lies, prafectures, or provincial governments, until the Italians upon the rolls of the Roman people. CHAPTER IV. Limits of Raly-Contkguous Nations-Ligurians  Gauls-Grec’e and Ph enician Colonies of Gaul and Spain-Nations of Illyricum-Qf Greece-Achaean LcagucT/‘lebans-Atheanians -Asiatic Nations-Pergamusm-Syria-Egypt- Cart hag c-The lJamelr-ines of MlessinaOccasion qf the first War with Carthage-Losses of the 1arties Peace-State of the lownans -Political or Civil Institutions Colonies-,7M[lusters-peration on the Coin-Increase of the Slares-Gladiators Different Results of the TVar at Rome and Carthage Mutiny, and Invasioan Mf the elcrcenaries at Carthage-End of this ITar-Cession of Sardinia lcar with the Illyrians-First Correspondence of Rome with Greece. AS the Romans, at the time to coasts of the Hadriatic to Senegallia, over what U. C. 481. which our last observations refer, are now the states of Parma, Modena, Bologna, were become the sovereigns of italy, and Urbino. In this favourable situation they or, by their ascendant in so powerful a country, appear to have abated much of’ their native ferowere enabiled to act a distinguished part among eqv, though without acquiring, in any considerthe nations around it; it is proper in this place able degree, the arts that inproxe the conveniences to carry our observations beyond the boundaries of life. lThey fed chiefly on then milk or thie ifesh of that Peninsula, and enumerate the powers of their cattle, and were occu tled entirely in the that, were then established on different sides of care of their arms and of their h erds. Bv these it, or beyond the narrow seas by which it was and the ornaments of gold, of which theyv were surrounded. extremely fond, they estimated their riches. They Italy was not then supposed to comprehend were divided into tribes or cantons, and lived in the whole of that tract which has in later times cottages huddled together, without any form of been known under this name.

Being bounded, towns or of villages. The leader of everv horde as at present, on the south and east by the seas was distinguished by his retinue, and valued of Sicily and bay of Tarentum, it extended no himself chiefly on the number of his followers. further to the northwest than to the Arnus on They had made frequent encroachments on the the one hand, and to the Rubicon on the other. states of Etruria and Umbria, but were met at Beyond these limits the western coasts were in-last, and stopped in their progress, by the Rohabited by a number of tribes, which, under the mans.

Such of them as were settled within the name of Ligurians, occupied the descents of the Rubicon, and from thence to Senegallia, had, Appenines and the south of the Alps quite to about three years before the arrival of Pyrrhus the sea-shore. On the other side of the Appe-in Italy, been obliged to acknowledge the authority nines, from Senegallia to the Alps, the rich and of the Roman state.l extensive plains on both sides of the Po were in The coasts of the Mediterranean, to the westthe possession of Gaulish nations, who were ward of Italy, had been known to the nations of said, some centuries before, to have passed the Greece and of Asia, and had received many comountains, and who were then actually spread lonies from thence, which formed trading settleover a fertile tract of more than twelve hundred ments, and remained altogether distinct from the miles in circumference. They consisted of nine natives. Such were the Greek colonies at Mardifferent hordes, that were supposed to have seilles, Emporitc, Saguntum, and the Tyrian passed the Alps at different times. Of these the colony at Gades on the coast of the ocean. On Laulebecii, Insubres, Cenomani, and Veneti oc-the other side of Italy, and round the Hadriatic, cupied the northern banks of the Po, including were settled a number of small nations, the Iswhat are now the states of Milan, Venice, and trians, Dalmatians, and Illyrians; of which, at other parts of Lonmbardy on that side of the the time when the Romans became acquainted river. The Anianes, Boil, IEgones, and Se-with the navigation of this gulf, the lllyr’%ns, nones, were settled to the southward, from the being the chief or principal power, extended Po to the descents of the Appenines, and on the eastward to the confines of Macedonia. Alexander the Great had finished U. C. 421. the career of his victories about their attempts to recover their independence, were treated sixty years before this date. His with the severity that is commonly employed against rebel hereditary dominions, as well as his personal eonsubjects. Their senate and popular assembly, under pre-quests, were dismembered, and beconme the patritence of suppressing seminaries of faction, were abolished,, ae patriand a prefect or governor annually appointed (Liv. lib. mony of officers, who had learned under him to ix. c. 20.) A similar course, under the same pretence, affect the majesty and the power of kins. Mawas soon after taken with Ac.tim, (Liv. lib. ix. c. 21.) cedonia was governed by Antigonus Dozen, who, This had been the principal sea-lnort of the Volsci, and long the head of many formidable combinations against the Romans. 1

Polyb. lib. ii. c. 17.19. 29.

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CHAP. IV.] OF THIE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 35 together with the principality of Pella, held un-under their banners; but Sparta,.tough greatly der his dependence Epirus, Thessaly, and Greece, fallen from the splendour of her ancient discito the Isthmus of Corinth. He had contended pline and power, was still too proud, or too much with Pyrrhus, the late invader of Italy, for part under the direction of her ambitious leaders, to fi’ this territory; and, by the death of this adven-sufltr herself to be absorbed in this upstart conturer, was now in possession of the whole. fecderacy; she continued ibr some time its rival, On one part of the coast of the Ionian sea, and was at last the cause, or furnished the occaand on the Gulf of Corinth, were settled he sion, of its fall. Etolians, who, during the prosperity of Greece, T’he Thebans and Athenians, though still prehad been an obscure and barbarous horde; but tending to the dignity of independent nations, had now, bly the confederacy of a number of’ were greatly reduced, and ready to beccme the cantons, laid many districts around them under prey of any party that was sufficiently powerful contribu’ion, and acted a distinguished part in to reach them, by breaking through the other the wars anld transactions that followed. barriers that were still opposed to the conquest On the other side of the Gulf’ of Corinth a of Greece. similar confederacy was fbrmed by the Ach amn In Asia, a considerable principality was formed teague. The name of Ach-ea, in the fabulous round the city of Pergamus, and bore its name. iges, was the most general denomination of Syria was become a mighty kingdom, extending breeks. WVhen other names, of Dorians and from the coasts of Ionia to Armenia and Persia. [onians, of Athenians and Spartans, became This kingdom hadl been formed by Seleucus more distinguished, the name of Achnans was Nicanor, a principal officer in the army of Alexappropriated to the tribes who occupied the sea-andcer, and it was now in the possession of his coast, or the Gulf of Corinth, from Elis to Sicyon. son, Antiochus Soter. On this tract twelve little cantons, Dymne, Phara, Egypt, in the same manner, had passed from Tritaea, Rhipes, Thasium, Patrae, Pellene, iEgi-the first Ptolemy to his son Philadelphus, who, um, bura, Carynia, Olenos, and Hellice,2 having upon the expulsion of Pyrrhus from Italy, had chanced their government from principalities to entered into a correspondence with the Romans. republics, formed themselves into a league for This kingdom included the island of Cyprus; their common defence.

Hellice had been, from and, having some provinces on the continent of time immemorial, the seat of their assembly; but Asia, extelnded from Cmelo-Syria, of which the this place having been overwhelmed by an inunda-dominion was still in contest with Antiochus, to tion of the sea, their meetings were transferred the deserts of Lvbia on the west and en the to 2Egium. south. Beyond these deserts, and almost oppoIn thie more famous times of Sparta, Athens, site to the island of Sicily, lay the famous repuband Thebes, these little cantons being situated on lie of Carthage, which was now possessed of a i poor and rocky shore, without shipping and considerable territory, surrounded by the petty without harbours,3 were of no consideration in African monarchies, out of which the great kinghe history of Greece; they took no part in the dom of Numidia was afterwards formed. defence of that country from the invasions of The city of Carthage is said to have been Darius, or of Xerxes, or in the divisions that founded about a hundred years earlier than Rome, followed under the hostile banners of Sparta and and was now unquestionably farther advanced in of Athens. They began, however, to appear in the commercial and lucrative arts, and superior support of the liberties of Greece against Philip in every resource to Rome, besides that which is the father of Alexander, and partook with the derived from the national character, and which other Greeks in the defeat which they received is the consequence of public virtue. from that prince at Chteronea, and in all its con-In respect to mere fbrm, the constitution of sequences. Their league was accordingly dis-both nations was nearly alike. They had a sesolved by the conqueror, and some of their cantons nate and popular assemblies, and annually elected separately annexed to the Macedonian monaI bvy. two officers of state for the supreme direction of But about the time that Pyrrhus invaded Italy, their civil and military affairs;5 and even at CarDymmre, Patrme, Phare, and Tritmea, fobund an op-thage the departments of state were so fortunately portunity to renew their ancient confederacy.

balanced, as to have stood fbr ages the shock of They were joined in about five -years afterwa:ds corrupt factions, without having suffered any by the canton of YEgium, and successively by fatal revolution, or without falling into either exthose of Bura and Carynia. These, during a treme of anarchy or tyrannical usurpation. The period of about twenty years, continued to be the frequent prospect, indeed, which the Carthagionly parties in this fmous league. They had a nians had, of incurring these evils, joined to the general congress, at which they originally elected influence of a barbarous superstition, which retwo annual officers of state, and a common se-presented the gods as delighted with human sacretary. They afterwards committed the exe-crifices, probably rendered their government in cutive power to one officer; and under the famous so high a degree inhuman and cruel. Under the Aratus of Sicyon, united that republic, together sanguinary policy of this state, officers were adwith Corinth and Megara, to their league.4 judged, for mistakes or want of capacity, as well About the time when the Romans became as for crimes, to expire on the cross, or were conmasters of Tarentum, this combination was be-demned to some other horrible punishment equally come the most considerable power of the Pelo-odious and unjust.8 ponnesus, and affected to unite the whole of it The Carthaginians being, like Tyre, of which they were supposed to be a colony, settled on a:t Pausanius, lib. vii. c. 6. 3

Plutarch. in Vit. Arat. p. 321. l 5 Aristob. Polit. lib. ii. c. 11. 4

Polyb. lib. ii. c. 3. and Pausanias, lib. vii. 6 Orosius, lib. iv. c. 6

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3C THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [Bo30 I. pen.nsula, and at first without sufficient land or their country, as those who were jealous of them territory to maintain any considerable numbers became, with still less advantage to the public, a of people, they applied themselves to such arts party for peace; or, when at war, a’party who as might procure a subsistence from abroad; and endeavoured to embarrass the conduct of it; and, became, upon the destruction of Tyre, the prin-under the effects of misfortune, were ever ready cipal merchants and carriers to all the nations to purchase tranquillity by the most shameful and inhabiting the coasts of the Mediterranean sea. dangerous concessions. Their situation, so convenient for shipping, was Carthage being mistress of the sea, was already extremely favourable to this pursuit; and their long known on the coasts of Italy: she had success in it soon put them in possession of a ter-treaties subsisting with the Romans above two ritory by which they became a landed as well as hundred years, in which they mutually settled a naval power. They visited Spain, under pre-the limits of their navigation, and the regulations tence of giving support and assistance to the city of their trade. And the Romans, as parties in of Gades, which.

like themselves, was a colony these treaties, appear to have had intercourse from Tyre. They became masters of Sardinia, with foreign nations by sea, earlier than is stated and had considerable possessions in Sicily, of in the other parts of their history. which they were extremely desirous to seize the In the first of those treaties, whole. From every part of their acquisitions U. C. 2,14. which is dated in the consulate of they endeavoured to derive the profit of mer-L. Junius Brutus and M.

Horachants, as well as the revenue of sovereigns. tius, the first year of the commonwealth, the RoIn this republic, individuals had amassed great mans engaged not to advance on the coast of fortunes, and estimated rank by their wealth. A Africa, unless they were forced by an enemy, or certain estate was requisite to qualify any citizen by stress of weather, beyond the Fair Promonfor the higher offices of state; and, in the canvas tory, which lay about twenty leagues to the westfor elections, every preferment, whether civil or ward of the Bay of Carthage. military, was venal.7

Ambition itself, therefore, Itwas agreed, that, even in these circumstances, became a principle of avarice, and every Cartha-they should remain no longer than five days, and ginian, in order to be great, was intent to be rich. supply themselves only with what might be neThough the interests of commerce should have cessary to refit their vessels, or to furnish them inculcated the desire of peace, yet the influence with victims for the usual sacrifices performed at of a few leading men in the state, and even the sea. But that in Sardinia, and even in Africa, spirit of rapacity which pervaded the people, the to the west of this boundary, they should be at necessity to which they were often reduced of liberty to trade and to dispose of their merchan providing settlements abroad for a populace who dise without paying any duties besides the fees could not be easily governed at home, led them of the crier and clerk of sale; and that the public frequently into foreign wars, and even engaged faith should be pledged for the payment of the them in projects of conquest. But notwithstand-price of all goods sold under the inspection of ing this circumstance, the community stifled or these officers. neglected the military character of their own ci-That the ports of Sicily should be equally open tizens, and had perpetual recourse to foreigners, to both nations. whom they trusted with their arms, and made the That the Carthaginians, on their part, should guardians of their wealth. Their armies, for the not commit any hostilities on the coast of Latium, most part, were composed of Numidians, Mauri-nor molest the inhabitants of Ardiea, Antium, tanians, Spaniards, Gauls, an(d fugitive slaves Laurentium, Circeii, Terracina, or of any other from every country around them. They were place in alliance with the Romans; that they among the few nations of the world who had the should not attempt to erect any fortress on that ingenuity, or rather the misfortune, to make war coast; and that if they should land at any time without becoming military, and who could be vic-with an armed force, they should not, upon any torious abroad, while they were exposed to be a account whatever, remain a night on shore.

prey to the meanest invader at home. By a subsequent treaty, in which the states of Under this wretched policy, however, the first Utica and Tyre are comprehended as allies to offices of trust and command being reserved for both parties, the former articles are renewed with the natives, though the character of the people ad:litional limitations to the navigation and trade in general was mean and illiberal, yet a few, of the Romans, and with some extension to that beinog descended of those who had enjoyed the of the Carthaginians. The latter, for instance, higher honours of the state, inherited the charac-are permitted to trade on the coast of Latium, ters of statesmen and warriors; and, instead of and even to plunder the natives, provided they suffering by the contagion of mercenary charac-put th3 Romans in possession of any strongholds ters, they derived some additional elevation of they should sieze on shore; and provided they mind from the contrast of manners they were should release, without ransom, such of the allies taught to despise. And thus, though the state; of the Romans as became their prisoners. in general, was degenerate, a few of its members Upon the arrival of Pyrrhus in were qualified for great affairs. War, and the U. C. 474. Italy, with an armament which other objects of state, naturally devolved on such equally alarmed both nations, the men, and occasionally rendered them necessary Romans and Carthaginians again renewed their to a sedentary or corrupted people, who, in treaties with an additional article, in which they ordinary times, were disposed to slight their abi-agreed mutually to support each other against lities, or to distrust their power. They became the designs of that prince, and not to enter into unfortunately a party for war in the councils of any separate treaty with him inconsistent with this defensive alliance: and further stipulated, that, in the wars which were expected with this 7 Polvb. lib. vi. c. 54. enemy, the Carthaginians, whether as principals

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(;sAP. IV.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 27 or auxiliaries, should furnish the whole shipping, Here commenced the first Punic both transports and armed gallies; but that the U. C. 490. war, about ten years after the deparexpense of every armament should be defrayed ture of Pyrrhus from Italy, eight at the charge of that party in whose behalf it years after the surrender of Tarentum, and in the was employed.2 four hundred and ninetieth year of Rome. In In observance probably of the last of these this war, the first object of either party was no treaties, and by mutual concert, though with con-more than to secure the possession of Messina, siderable jealousy and distrust of each other, the and to command the passage of the Straits which forces of these nations combined in reducing the separate Italy from Sicily; but their views were garrison which Pyrrhus had left at Tarentum. gradually extended to objects of more importancee Each had their separate designs on the place; to the sovereignty of that island, and the domiand when its fate was determined, from thence-nion of the seas. forward considered the other as their most dan-The contest between them was likely to be exgerous rival for dominion and power. Pyrrhus, tremely unequal. On the one side appeared the even when they were joined in alliance against resources of a great nation, collected from extenhimself; is said to have foreseen their quarrels, sive dominions, a great naval force, standing and to have pointed at the island of Sicily as the armies, and the experience of distant operations. first scene of their contest. On the other, the ferocity or valour of a small The Carthaginians were already in possession state, hitherto exerted only against their neighof Lylibeum, and of other posts on this island, bours of Italy, who, though subdued, were averse and had a design on the whole.

The Romans to subjection, and in no condition to furnish the were in sight of it; and, by their possession of necessary supplies for a distant war; without Rhegium, commanded one side of the Straits. commerce or revenue, without any armybutwhat. The other side was occupied by the Mamertines, was annually formed by detachments from the a race of Italian extraction, who, being placed at people, and without any officers besides the orMessina by the king of Syracuse to defend that dinary magistrates of the city; in short, without station, barbarously. murdered the citizens, and any naval force or experience of naval or distant took possession of their habitations and effects. operations. This horrid action was afterwards imitated by Notwithstanding these unpromising appeara Roman legion posted at Rhegium during the ances on the side of the Romans, the commandlate wars in Italy: these likewise murdered their ing aspect of their first descent upon Sicily pro. hosts, and seized their possessions; but were cured them not only the possession of Messina, punished by the Romans, for this act of cruelty but soon after determined Hiero, the king of and treachery, with the most exemplary rigour. Syracuse, hitherto in alliance with the CarthaThey were conducted in chains to Rome, scourged ginians, to espouse their cause, to supply their and lbeheaded by fifties at a time.

The crime of army with provisions, and afterwards to join the MiYamertines was resented by the Sicilians in them with his own. Being thus reinforced by general with a like indignation; and the authors the natives of Sicily, they were enabled to recal of it were pursued, by Hiero king of Syracuse in part of the force with which they began the war; particular, with a generous and heroic revenge. continued, though at a less expense, to act on the They were, at length, reduced to such distress, offensive; and drove the Carthaginians from that they were resolved to surrender themselves many of their important stations in the island.5 to the first power that could afford them protec-While the arms of the Romans and of Hiero tion. But, being divided in their choice, one were victorious on shore, the Carthaginians conparty made an offer of their submission to the tinued to be masters of the sea, kept possession Carthaginians, the other to the Romans. The of all the harbours in Sicily, overawed the coasts, latter scrupled to protect a crime of which they obstructed the military convoys from Italy, and had so lately punished an example in their own alarmed that country itself with frequent descents. people.3 And, while they hesitated on the pro-It was evident, that, under these disadvantages, posal, the Carthaginians, favoured by the delay the Romans could neither make nor preserve any of their rivals, and by the neighbourhood of their maritime acquisitions; and it was necessary, military stations, got the start of their conmpeti-either to drop the contest in yielding the sea, or tors, and were received into the town of Messina. to endeavour, on that element likewise, to cope This unexpected advantage gained by a power with their rival. Though not altogether, as histoof which they were jealous, and the danger of rians represent them, unacquainted with shipping, suffering a rival to command the passage of the they were certainly inferior to the Carthaginians Straits, removed the scruples of the Romans; car’ in the art of navigation, and altogether unprovided the officer who commanded their forces in tne with ships of force. Fortunately for them, neither contiguous parts of Italy, had orders to assemble the art of sailing, nor that of constructing ships, all the shipping that could be found on tilc coast was yet arrived at such a degree of perfection as from Tarentum to Naples, to pass with his army not to be easily imitated by nations who had any into Sicily, and endeavour to dispossess the Car-experience or practice of the sea. Vessels of the thaginians from the city of Messina. best construction that was then known were fit As soon as this officer appeared in the road with to be navigated only with oars, or in a fair wind a force so much superior to that of his rivals, the and on a smooth sea. They might be built of party in the city, that favoured the admission of green timber; and, in case of a storm, could run the Romans, took arms, and forced the Cartha-ashore under any cover, or upon any beach that ginians to evacuate the place.4 was clear of rocks. Such ships as these the Romans, without hesitation, undertook to provide. 2 Polyb. lib. iii. c. 3. 3 Ibid. lib. i. c. 10. 4 Ibid. lib. i.

ce. 12. 5 Polvb. lib. i.

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38 THE PROGRESS AND ERMINATION [BooK I. Haviang a Carthaginian ga-lley, accidentally strand-hundred gallies; their antagonists, about five ed at Messina, for a model, it is said, that, in sixty hundred. In,she result of these destructive endays from the time that the timber was cut down, counters, the Carthaginians, beginni.g to balance they fitted out and manned for the sea one hun-the inconveniences which attended the continudread gallies of five tier of oars, and twenty of ance of war against the concessions three tier. Vessels of the first of these rates U.

C. 512. that were necessary to obtain peace, carried three hundred rowers, and two hundred came to a resolution to accept of fighting men. the following terms: The manner of applying their oars from so That they should evacuate Sicily, and all the many tiers, and a much grelter number which islands from thence to Africa: they sonmetimcs employed, has justly appeared a That they should not for the future make war great difficulty to the mechanics and antiquarion Hiero king of Syracuse, nor on any of his ans of modern times, and is confessedly not well allies: understood.

That they should release all Roman captives The Romans, while their gallies were build-without any ransom: ing, trained their rowers to the oar on benches And within twenty years pay to the Romans that were erected on the beach, and placed. in the a sum of three thousand Euboic talents.5
form of those of the real galley.l BIeirin sensible Thus the Romans, in the result of’ a war, that the enemy must be still greatly superior in which was the first they undertook beyond the the management of their ships and in the quick-limits of Italy, entered on the possession of all ness of their motions, they endeavoured to de-that the Carthaginians held in the islands for prive them of this advantage, by preparing to which they contended; and, by a continuation grapple, and to bind their vessels together. In of the sanme policy which they had so successfully this condition the men might enrgagre on equal pursued in Italy, by applying to their new acquiterms, fight from their stages or decks as on sositions, instead of’ the alarming denomination of lid ground, and the Roman buckler and sword smtlbject, the softer name of ally, they brought have the same effect as on shore. Hiero, who was sovereign of the greater part of’With an armament so constructed, still infe-Sicily, into a state of dependence on themselves. rior to the enemy, and even unfortunate in its Their nmanners, as well as their fortunes, were first attempts, they learned, by perseverance, to a perfect contrast to those of the enemy they had vanquish the masters of the sea on their own vanquished. Among the Romans, riches were element; and not only protected the coasts of of no account in constituting rank. Men became Italy, and supported their operations in Sicily, eminent by rendering signal services to their but, with a powerful fleet of three hundred and country, not by accumulating wealth. Persons thirty sail, overcame at sea a superior number of of the first distinction subsisted in the capacity the enemy, and carried the war to the gates of of husbandmen by their own labour; and, *with Carthage.2 the fortunes of peasants, rose to the command of On this occasion took place the famous adven-armies, and the first offices of state. One consul. ture of Regulus; who being successfiul in his of the name of Regulus, was found by the officer first operations, gave the lornmans some hopes of who came to announce his election, equipped conquest in Africa: but they were checked at with the sheet or the basket, and sowing the seed once by the defeat of their army, of his corn in the field. Another, better known, U. C. 498.

and the captivity of their general. of the same name, while he commanded in Africa, This event removed the seat of the desired to be recalled, in order to replace the inwar again into Sicily; and the Rolnans, still en-struments of husbandry, which, to the great disdeavouring to mraintain a naval force, suffered so tress of’ his family, and the hazard of’ their wantmany losses, and incurred so many disasters by ing tood(‘ a fugitive slave had carried off’ from his storms, that they were, during a certain period land. The senate refused his request, but orderof the war, disgusted with the service at sea, and ed the farm of their general to be tilled at the seemedl to drop all pretensions to power on this public expense.6 element. The experience of a few years, how-The association of pomp and equipage with ever, wihile they endeavoured to continue their rank and authority, it may be thought, is accioperations by land without any support from the dental, and only serves to distract the attention bea, made them sensible of the necessity they whilhI mankind owe to personal qualities. It were under of restorirln their shipping;; and they nevertheless appears to be in sonie measure undid so with a resolution and vi-our which en-avoidable. Superiority is distinguished, even in abled them once mlore to prevail over the suilerior the rudest nations, by some external mark. skill and experience of their enemy. Duillius had his piper and his torch, in honour In this ruinous contest both parties nmade the of the first naval victory obtained by his country;? utmost efforts, and the rmost unintetrrupted exer-and the Romans acknowledged the external ention of their forces. Taking the forces of both signs of state, although they were still rt-de in sides, in one naval engagement, five hundred the cllhoice of theml. gallies of five tier of oars, with two hundred anlI At this tinie, when the nation emerge. with fifty thousand men, and in another, seven hun-so much lustre beyond the boundaries of Italy dred gallies, with three hundred and fifty thou-the parties which divided the state, and whose sand men, were brought into action;3 and in the animosity sharpened so much the pangs which ~)urse of these strucggles the Rolnans lost, either oy tempests or by the hands of the enemy, seven 4 Polvb. c.

63. 5 Ibid. c. 62, &c. 6 Valer. MaTxim. lib. iv. c. 4. Liv. Epitom. lib.

xviii. I Polyb. lib. i. c. 20, 21 2 Ibid. lib. i. c. 27. Sener,a all Albimiain. c. 12. Auctor de versibus illustribus, 3 Ibid. L;b. i. c. 26. 7

Liv. Epitom. lib. xvii. xviii.

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CHIAP. IV.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 39 preceded the birth of many of its public establish-nine thousand pounds, together with the rents ments, had no longer any object of contest. The to be collected in Sicily, were likely to be great officers of state were taken promiscuously from accessions of wealth to such a state. either class of the people, and the distinction of The spoils of their enemies, for the most part, plebeian and patrician had in a great measure consisted of prisoners who were detained by the lost its effect. A happier species of aristocracy captor as his slaves, or sent to market to be sold. began to arise from the lustre of personal quali-They had made a prize of twenty thousand capties, and the honours of family, which devolved tives in their first descent upon Africa; and the upon those who were descended from citizens number of slaves in Italy was already become so who had borne tile higher offices of state, and great as to endanger the state.l2 were distinguished in their country’s service. The favourite entertainments of the people The diitierent orders of men in the common-were combats of armed slaves, known by the wealth havinrg obtained the institutions for which name of gladiators, derived from the weapons they severally contended, the number of officers with which they most frequently fought. Such was increased, for the better administration of exilibitions, it is said, were first introduced in the aftirs, which were fast accumulating. Thus a interval between the first and second Funic war second prnetor was added to the original establish-by a son of the family of Brutus, to solemniz. ment of this office; and the persons who held it the funeral of his father. Though calculator were destined to act either in a civil or military rather to move pity and cause horror, than to capacity, to hear causes in the city, or to com-give pleasure, yet, like all other scenes which mand armies in the field. They were assisted in excite hopes and fears, and keep the mind in the first of these functions by a new institution, suspense, they were admired by the multitude, that of the centumvirs, or the hundred, who were and became frequent on all solemn occasions or draughted from the tribes, and appointed, during festivals. the year of their nonlination, under the direction In the circumstances or events which imrmed.of the printors, to take cognizance of civil dis-ately followed the peace between Rome and Carputes. The number of tribes being now com-thaae, these nations showed the difibrent tendency pleted to thirty-five, and three of the centumvirs of their institutions and manners. The Romans, being draughted from each, nmade the whole in the very struggles of a seemingly destructive amount to a hundred and five.8 contest, had acquired strength and security, not The city,‘durino the late destructive war, sent only by the reputation of great Victorieo, but still abroad two colonies, one to Castrum Innui, a more by the military spirit and impro-ed discivillage of the Latins, the other to Firmium in pline and skill of their people by sea and by land.

the Picenum, on the opposite side of the penin-Although their subjects in Italy revo!ted, and sula, intended rather to guard and protect the their allies withdrew their support, yet hbth were coast. than to provide for any superabundance of soon reduced, at the first appearance of these the people, whose numbers at this time under-veteran soldiers who had been fornlld in the serwent a considerable diminution;9 the rolls having vice of the preceding war. decreased in the course of five years, from two The Carthaginians, on the contrary, had made hundred and ninety-seven thousand two hundred war above twenty years without becomiing more and twenty-seven, to two hundred and fifty-one warlike; had exhausted their resources, and conthousand two hundred and twenty-two.10 The sumed the bread of their own people in mainrevenue, to which citizens who were accustomed taining foreign mercenaries, who, instead of being to pay with their personal service, had little to an accession of strength, were ready to prey on spare from their effects, and which was at all their weakness, and to become the most t’ormidtimes probably scanty, being often exhausted by able enemies to the state they had served. Their the expenses of the late war, brought the conr-army, composed, as usual, of hirelings from munity under the necessity of acquitting itself Gaul, Spain, and the interior parts of Africa, of its debts, by diminishing the weight, or raising estimated their services in the war which was the current value of its coin. The ass, which then concluded at a higher value than the state was the ordinary measure of valuation, being the was disposed to allow, and attempted to take by libra, or pound of copper stamped, and hitherto force what was refused to their representations containing twelve ounces, was reduced in its and claims. Being assembled in tile neighbourweight to two ounces.11 hood of Carthage to receive the arrears of their The contribution now exacted from Carthage pay, the senate wildly proposed, in consideration amounting to about two hundred and seventy-of the distressed condition of the public revenue, that they should make sonle abatement of the 8 Liv. Epitom. lib. xx. sums that were due to them. But tile state, in9 Livy, in (li’ffrent places, mentions between thirty and stead of obtaining the abatements which were forty Ronman colonies subsisting in Italy in the tile of the tlus proposed, only provoked men with arms in second Punic war. (Liv. lib. xxvii. c. 9 et 38.) Velleiis their hands to enter into altercations, an d to mulPaterculus reckons ab,ut fotbrty planted in Italy after the tipl their claims and pretensios.

The ercerecovery of Rome from its destruction by the Gauls. (Lib. i. c.

xv.) And Sigonius, collecting the names of naries took offence at the delays of paynnent, rose all the colonies mentioned bv any Roman writer as plante d in their demands upon every concession, and in Italy, has made a list of about ninety. But this matter, marched at last to the capital, with all the apwhich so rmuch intecrests this very learned antiquarian and many others, was become, as we have mentioned, a sub-pearances and threats of an open and victorious ject of mtele curiosity, eren in the times of the writers enemy. They issued a proclamation on their from whom our accounts are collected; as all the Italians march, inviting all the provincial subjects of the were by that time admitted on the roll of Roman citizens commonwealth to assert their freedom, and, by by the law of L.

Julias Caesar, and in consequence of the Marsic law, U. C. 663. IC Liv.

Epitom. lib. xix. 11 Plin. Hist. Nat. lib. xxxiii. c. a 12 Zonar. lit. ii.

Orosius, lib. ii. c. 7.

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40 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BooK I. the numbers that flocked to them from every merce with Carthage, to which they had beel. quarter, became a mighty host, to which the city long accustomed, took arms, and endeavoured for had nothing t0 oppose but its walls. To effec-some time to withstand the orders which they tuate the reduction of Carthage, they invested were required to obey. Tunis and Utica, and submitted to all the disci-Soon after the Romans had reconciled these pline of war from the officers whom they them-new acquired subjects to their government, had selves had appointed to command. quelled a revolt in Tuscany, and vanquished some In this crisis, the republic of Carthage, cut off cantons of Liguria, whom it is said they brought from all its resources and ordinary supplies, at-to submit as fast as the access to that country tacked with that very sword on which it relied could be opened, they found themselv-:s at peace for defence, and in a situation extremely deplor-with all the world;3 and, in token able and dangerous, having still some confidence U. C. 519. of this memorable circumstance, in the ability of their senators, and in the mag-shut the gates of’ the temple of Jananimlity of officers tried and experienced in nus; a ceTemony which the continual succession arduous and perilous situations, was not alto-of wars, freon the reign of Numa to the present gether reduced to despair. Althoufgh the people time, had prevented, during a period of four hunhad committed their arms into the hands of dred and thirty years; a ceremony, which, when strangers, the command of armies had been still performed, marked a situation as transient as it reserved to their own citizens; and now, by the was stran.e and uncommon. presence and abilities of a few great men, they Fresh disturbances in some of the possessions were taught to assume a necessary courage, to recently seized by the republic, and a quarrel of put themselves in a military posture, and to some importance that carried her arms for the maintain, during three years, and through a scene first time beyond the Hadriatic, embroiled her of mutual cruelties and retaliations, unheard of anew in a succession of wars and military adin the contests of nations at war, a struggle of ventures. the greatest difficulty. In this struggle they The Illyrians had become of late a considerable prevailed at last by. the total extirpation of this nation, and were a party in the negotiations and vile and outrageous enemy.l quarrels of the Macedonians and the Greeks. During the dependence of this odious revolt, in Having convenient harbours and retreats for which a mercenary army endeavoured to subdue shipping, they carried on a piratical war with the state which employed them, the Romans pre-most of their neighbours, arind, in particular, comserved that character for generosity and magnani-mitted depredations on the traders of Italy, which mity of which they knew so well how to avail it concerned the Romans, as the sovereigns of themselves, without losing any opportunity that this country, to prevent. They accordingly sent offered for the secure advancement of their power. deplties to complain of these practices, to (leThey refrained from giving any countenance mand a reparation of past injuries, and a security even against their rival to such unworthy arita-from any such attempts for the future. The IIgonists. They affected to disdain taking any lvrians at this time were under the government advantage of the present distresses of Carthage, of Teuta, the widow of a king lately deceased, and refused to enter into any correspondence with who held the reins of governmlent as guardian to a part of the rebel mercenaries, who, being sta-her son. This princess, in answer to the comtioned in Sardinia, offered to surrender that island plaints and representations of the Romans, deinto their hands. They prohibited the traders of clared, that in her kingdom no public commission Italy to furnish the rebels with any supply of had ever been granted to make war on the Itaprovisions or stores, and abandoned every vessel lians; bilt she observed, that the seas being open, that presumed to transgress these orders, to the no one could answer for what was transacted mercy of the Carthaginian cruisers which plied there; and that it was not the custom of kings before the harbours of Tunis and Utica. Above to debar their subjects from what they could seize five hundred Roman prisoners, seized by these by their valour. To this barbarous declaration cruisers, were detained in the jails of Carthage. one of the Roman deputies replied, that his At the termination, however, of this war, whep country was ever governed by different mnaxims; the Carthaginians were far from being disposed that they endeavoured to restrain the crimes of to renew any quarrel whatever, the Romans fixed private persons by the authority of the state, and on this as a ground of dispute, complained of should, in the present case, find a way to reform piracies committed against the traders of Italy, the practice of kings in this particular. The under pretence of intercepting supplies to the queen was incensed; and resenting these words rebels; and, by threatening immediate war upon as an insult to herself, gave orders to waylay and this account, obtained from the state itself a sur-assassinate the Roman deputy on his return to render of the island of Sardinia, which they had Rome.4 refused to accept from the rebels, and got an ad-In revenge of this barbarous outra(re, and of dition of two hundred talents to the sum stipu-the former injuries received from that quarter, lated in the late treaty of peace, to make up for the Romans made war on the queen of Illvritheir pretended losses by the supposed unwar-cum, obliged her to make reparation for the inrantable capture of their ships.2
juries she had done to the traders of Italy, to Upon this surrender the Sardinians bore with evacuate all the towns she had occupied on the some discontent the change &” their sovereigns; coast, to restrain her subjects in the use of armed and, on the first prohibition of their usual com-ships, and to forbid them to navigate the Ionian sea with more than two vessels in company. 1 PmAyb. lb. i. c. t7 fine. 2 Polyb. lib i. c. 88.

lib. iii. c. 10. Appian de Bell. 3 Florus, lib. ii. c.? Eutrop. lib. ii. 4

Polyb. lb Punic. pI. ii. c. 8.

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CHAP. V.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 41 The Rornans, being desirous of having their at Corinth, where, in consideraticn of the signal conduct in this matter approved of by the nations service they had perfonned against the Illyrians of that continent, sent a copy of this treaty, to-then reputed the common enemy of civilized nagether with an exposition of the motives which tions, they had an honorary place assigned them had induced them to cross the Adriatic, to be read at the Isthmian games; and in this in the assembly of the Achwan league. They soon U. C. 525. manner made their first appearance after made a like communication at Athens and in the councils of Greece.5 CHAPTER V. Progress of the Romans within the Alps Origin of the second Punic War IMarch of Hanniba. into Pl’x y-Progress-Action on the Tecinus-On the Trebia On the Lake’lThrasimenusBattle?f Cannce-Hannibal not supported from Carthage-Sequel of the W ar?-In Italy-Aind Africa  cijpio’s Operations-Battle of Zama-End of the War. THE city of Rome, and most of the districts famous occasion, above seven hundred thousand of Italy, during the dependence of the last enu-foot and seventy thousand horse.6

From this rerated wars which were waged at a distance numerous return of men in arms, the state was and beyond the seas, began to experience that enabled to make great detachments, which they uninterrupted tranquillity in which the capital and stationed under the consuls and one of the prietors interior divisions of every considerable nation re-separately, for the defence of the commonwealth. main, even during the wars in which the state is The Gauls, having penetrated into Etruria, where engaged.

They had indeed one source of alarm the praetor was stationed, attacked and obliged on the side of Cisalpine Gaul, which they thought him to retire. The consuls, however, being arit necessary to remove, in order to obtain that rived with their several armies in diflbrent direcentire security to which they aspired. The tions to support the praetor, renewed the conflict country of the Senones, from Sena Gallia to the with united force, and put the greater part of the Rubicon, they had already subdued, even before Gaulish invaders to the sword. the arrival of Pyrrhus in Italy; but the richest In the year following, the Romans and most fertile tracts on the Po were still in the U. C. 529. carried the war into the enemly’s counpossession of the Gaulish nations; and it had try; and in about three years more, been proposed, about four years after the conclu-passed the Po, and made themselves masters of sion of the first Punic war, to erect a barrier all the plains on that river quite to the foot of the against the invasion of this people, by occupying Alps. To secure this valuable acquisition they with Roman colonies the country of the Serlones, projected two colonies of six thousand men each, from Sena Gallia to the Rubicon. Although the one at Creinona and the other at Placentia, on mhabitants to be removed to make room for these the opposite sides of the Po; but were disturbed settlements had been subject to the Romans; above in the execution of this project, first, by a revolt forty years, yet their brethren on the Po con-of the natives, who justly considered these setsidered this act of violence as an insult to the tlements as military stations, intended to repress Gaulish name, resolved to avenge it, and invited and keep themselves in subjection; and aftertheir countrymen from beyond the Alps to take wards, by the arrival of a successful invader, who, part in the quarrel. by his conduct and implacable animosity, apIn consequence of their negotiations and con-peared to be the most formidable enenmy that had certs, in about eight years after the Romans were ever attempted to shake the power, or to limit the settled on the Rubicon, a great army of Gauls ap-progress of the Roman state. peared on the Roman frontier. These nations The Republic had now enjoyed, during a period used to make war by impetuous assaults and in-of twenty-one years from the end of the first Puvasions, and either at once subdued and occupied nic war, the fruits riot only of that ascendant she the countries which they overran, or, beingr re-had acquired amongr the nations of Italy, but those pulsed, abandoned them without any farther in-likewise of the high reputation she had gained, tention to persist in the war.

Their tumultuary and of the great military power she had formed operations, however, were subjects of the greatest in the contest with Carthage. The wars that alarm at Rome, anmd generally produced a suspen-filled up the interval of peace with this principal lion of all the ordinary forms of the common-antagonist, were either trivial or of short duration; wealth. On a prospect of the present alarm from and the city itself, though still rude ini the form that quarter, the senate apprehending the neces-of its buildings, and in the manners of its people, sity of great and sudden exertions of all their probably now began to pay a growiing attention strength, ordered a general account to be taken to the arts of peace. Laws are datcd in this peof all the men fit to carry arms, whether on fbot riod which have a reference to manufacture and or on Loseback, that could be assembled for the to trade. Clothiers are directed in the Iab)ric of defence of Italy; and they mustered, on this cloth, and carriers by water are directed in the 5 Polyb. lib. ii. c. 12.

Apfian in Ilylr. a Polyb. iib. ii. c. 22 4, &c. Iiv. Epitom. lib. xxi.

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12 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION BOOK 1. size of their vessels.’ Livius Andronicus and The Romans, in the rreanl while, were occu Nevius introduced some species of pied on the coast of Illyricuml, or amused with U. C. 513. dramatic entertainments, and found a alarms fiom Gaul. They were sensible Jf the favourable reception from the people progress made by their rivals in Sj:ain; but into their farcical productions.2 aginincr that any danger from that quarter was But whatever progress the people were now extremely remote, or while thley had wars at once inclined to make in the useful or pleasurable arts on both sides of the Hadriatic, being u. villing of peace, they were efiiectually interrupted, and to engage at the same time with so rt)many ensobliged to bend the force of their genius, as in formnies, were content with a negotiation and a treaty mer times, to the arts of war, and to the defence in which they stipulated with the Carthaginians of their settlements in Italy. that they should not pass the lberus to the eastThe Carthaginians had been for some time ward, nor molest the city of Saguntum. This employed in Spain, making trial of their strcnith, they considered as a p)roper barrier on that side, and formingcr their armies. In that country Ha-and prof.:h ed for the inhabitants of that place the milcar, an officer of’ distinguished fame in the late concern of allies,. Trustin( to the eflect of this war with tlhe Romans, and in that which ensued treaty, as sufficient to linit the progress of the with the rebel mercenaries, ha.d sought refuge Carthaginians in Spain, they proceeded, in the from that disgust and those mortifications which manner that has been mentioned, to contend with in the late treaty of peace, he felt from the ab-tl.e iauls forthe dominion of Italv, which hitheriect councils of his counltry. And having fbund to, under the fiequent alarmns they received fron a pretence to levy new armies, he made some ac-this pleol)le, was still insecure.5 quisitions of territory, to compensate the losses Ilsdrunbal, after nine years’ service.

being aswhich Carthage had sustained by the surrender sassiliated by a Spanish slave, who cnnmiitted of Sardinia and of Sicily. this despcrate action in revenee ot a. injury Spain appears to have been to the trading na-which had been done to his master, was succeedtions of Greece, Asia, and Africa, what America ed in the command of’ the Carthaorini tn troops has been, though upon a larger scale, to the mo-in Spain by 1tannibal, the son of Ham.ilcar. Jern nations of European open field for new set-‘lhis young man, then of live and twenty years tlements, plantations, and conquests. The na-of agTe, had, when a child,6 caime into Sipain with tives were brave, but impolitic, and ignorant of his flthier, seeledl to inherit his geimus, and prethe arts of’peace, occupied entirely with the care served, probably with increasilg ral.imosity, his of their horses and their armis. These, says a aversion to the Romans. Peing reared. and historian, they valued more than their blood.3 educ stel in camps, and firm liis carliest youth They painted or stained their bodies, affected long qualified to gainl the confidence of soldiers, he on hair with gaudy ornaments of silver and of gold. the death o}f Hasdrubal, by the clhoice of’ the The men were averse to labour, and subsisted troops was raised to the comnmand of that army, chiefly by the industry of their women. Their and afterwards confirmed in it by the senate of mountains abounded in mines of copper and of Carthage. the precious metals; insomuch that, on some parts The Carthaginians had now for some time of the coast, it was reported that tile natives had ceased to fitel the defeats and the sufilerings which vessels and utensils of silver employed in the rmost had induced thein to accept of the late disadvancommon uses.4 A iftltl report!

such as that tageous oonditions of peace, and were sensible which afterwards carried the posterity of this very only of the lasting inconvenliences to which that people, with so much destructive avidity, to visit treaty exposed them. They had long ftilt, from the new world; and is ever likely to tempt the the neighbourhood of thle Reinans, an insurdanngerous visits of strangers, who are rcadly to mountable bar to their progress. i’hey had felt, gratify their avarice and their ambition at the ex-d(uring above seventeen years from the date of pause of nations to whose possessions they have their last treaty of peace, the less of’

their marino reasonalble or just pretension. The Spa-timie settlements, and the decline of their nasiniards were at this tinle divided into many bargation. They hadl felt the load of a heavy conbarons hordes or small principalities, which could tribution, which. though restricted to a particular neither form anly eflectual concert to prevent the sum, had the forml of a tribute, in being exacted intrusion and settlement of foreirrners, nor pos-by annual payments; and they entertained sensessed the necessary docility by which to profit timents of animosity and aversion to the Romans, Dy foreign examnples whether in the fbor of their which nothing but the mnemory of’ recelit sufferpolicy or the invention of axrts. inrs arnd the apprehension of’ danger could have The Carthaginians had made their first visits so long suppressed. to Spain under pretence of supporting the colony Hamilcar, together with a considerable party of Gades, which, like themselves, was sprung of the senate, were supposed to have borne with from Tyre. They mad(e a settlement under the the late humiliatinrg peace only that they might name of New Carthage, in a situation extremely have leisure to provide for a subsequent war.

favourable to the commnunication of Spain with ” hav.e four sons,” this flmoens warrior had Africa, and in the neighbourhood of the richest been heard to say, “lwhom i shall rear like so mines. Hamilcar, after a few successful cam-many lions’ whelps against the Rollmans.” In paigns, in extending the bounds of this settlethis spirit!e set arnlies on fbot to be trained ment, beinr killed in battle, was succeeded by his and accustomed to service in Spain, and had sonl-in-law, Htasdrubal, who continued for some already projected the invasion of Italy from years to pursue the same designs. thence. Whatever may have been the nmilitary services Lex letiiil e Fullonibus. Lex Claudia lib. xvii. c. 21. which the Carthag(inians devised, the execution of 2 Cicer. in Bruto, p. 35. A Gall.

3 Justin, lib. fliv. c. 2. 4 Strabo, lib. iii. 5 Polyb. lib. ii. c. 13. 6

At nine years of age.

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,HAP. V.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 43 them was secured by the coming of Hannibal edly an act of hostility; and this people incurred to the head of their army. He was well formed a censure of remissness, uncommon in their 9)r great enterprise, and professed an hereditary councils, by suffering an ally, and a place of aversion to the Romans. In the first and second such importance, to remain so long in danger, year of his command he continued the operations and by suffering it at last to fall a prey to their which had been begun by his predecessors in enemy, without making any attempt to relieve Spain; but during this time, although he made I it.

It is probable, that the security they began conquests beyond the Iberus, he did not moie-;t to derive from a frontier, far removed from the the city of Saguntum, nor give any umbrage to seat of their councils, and covered on every side the Romans. But, in the third year after his by the sea, or by impervious mountains, rendered appointment, his progress alarmed the Sagun-them more negligent than they had formerly been tines, and induced them to send a deputation to of much slighter alarms. They expected to goRome to impart their fears. vern by the dread of their power, and proposed At the arrival of this deputation from Sagun-to punish, by exemplary vengeance, the insults tum, the Romans had fitted out an armament which they had not taken care to prevent. under the command of the consul L. Emilius The attention of the Romans, during the dePaulus, destined to make war on Demetrius the pendence of this event, had been fixsed on the prince of Pharos, a small island on the coast of settlements they were making at Cremona and llyricum. This armament, if directed to Spain, Placentia, to keep in subjection the Gauls, and might have secured the city of Saguntum against on the naval expedition which they had sent unthe designs of Hannibal; but the Romans still lder the consul Emilius to the coast of Illyvricum. considered any danger from that quarter as remote This officer, about the time that Hannibal had and continued to employ this force in its first des-accomplished his design on Saguntulm, and was tination. They paid so much regard, neverthe-retired for the wtinter to his usual quarters at less, to the representations of the Saguntines, as LNew Carthage, had succeeded in his attack on to send deputies into Spain, with orders to ob-Demetrius prince of Pharos, had driven hiim from serve the posture of affairs, and to inform the his territories, and obliged him to seek for refuge at Carthaginian officer on that station, of the en-the court of Maceslonia, where his intrigues progagements which had been entered into b)y his ved to be of some consequence in the sequel of predecessor, and of the concern which the Rothese transactions. mans must undoubtedly take in the safety of Sa-The people of Rome being amused with tilese guntulm. The return which they had to this events, and with a triumphal procession, which, message gave satficient intimation of an ap-as usual, announced their victory, proceeded in proaching war; and it appears that, before the the affairs of Spain according to the usual forms, Roman commissioners could have made their re-and agreeably to the laws which they had, from port, the siege of Saguntum was actually com-time ilnmemorial, prescribed to themselves in the menced by Hannibal. He had already formed case of injuries received sentto demand satisfichis design for the invasion of Italy, and, that he tion; complained at Carthage of the infiraction might not leave to the Iiomans a place of arms of treaties; and required that Hannibal with his and a powerful ally in the country from which army should be delivered up to their messengers; he was about to depart, determined to occupy or or if this were refused, gave orders to denounce destroy that place. He was impatient to reduce immediate war. The Roman commnissioner, Saguntum before any succours could arrive from who spoke to this effect in the senate of Carthage: Italy, or before any force could be collected having made his demands, held up the lappet of against him, so as to fix the theatre of the war in of his gown, and, said “Here are both p eace and Spain. He pressed the siege, therefore, with war; choose ye.”’-He was answered, “We choose great impetuosity, exposing his person in every that which you like best.”

“Then assault, and exciting, by his own example, with U. C. 525. it is war,” he said; and ifrom this time the pickaxe and spade, the parties at work in both parties prepared for the contest. making his approaches.7

Though abundantly Hannibal had been long devising tle invasion cautious not to expose himself on slight occasions, of Italy, probably without comnmuniating his or from a mere ostentation of courage, yet in design even to the councils of his own country. this siege, which was the foundation of his hopes, The war being now declared, he made his disand the necessary prelude to the farther progress positions for the safety of Africa and Spain; of his enterprise, he declined no fatigues, and (rave intimation to the army under his command, shunned no danger, that led to the attainment of that the Romans had required them to be deliverhis end.

He was nevertheless, by the valour of ed up, as a beast which comnmits a trespass is dethe besieged, which they exerted in hopes of re - anded in reparation for the damage he has lief from Rome, detained about e;ght months be-done.8 If they felt a proper resentment of this fore this place, and deprived at last of great part indi(gnity, he warned them to prepare for an arof its spoils by the desperate resolu-duous march. Ile was in the eight and twenU. C. 534. tion of the citizens, who chose to pe-tieth year of his age when he entered upon the rish, with all their effects, rather execution of this design; an undertaking which, than fall into the enemy’s hands. The booty, together with the conduct of it has raised his rehowever, which he saved from thus wreck, en-putation for enterprise and ability to an equal, if abled him, by his liberalities, to gatn the affec-not to a higher pitch, than that of any leader of tion of his army, and to provide for the, txecution armies whatever. of his design against Italy. The Romans, a few years before, had musThe siege of Saguntum, being an infrkc*ion of tered near eight hundred thousand men, to whom the late treaty with the Romans, was unimloibt-8 Veltt ob noxam sibi dledirunt tularet populus Ito 7 Polyb. lib. iii. 17. manus. Liv. lib. xxi.

c. 30.

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44 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [Booc I. the use of arms was familiar, to whom valour were to be sacrificed in an enterprise xwhich, it was the most admired of the virtues, and who successful, was to make Carthage the mistress of were ready to assemble in any numbers proporthe world; or even if it should miscarry, migh tioned to the service for which they might be rt inflict on her enemy a deeper wound than shI quired: the march from Spain into Italy lay herself was likely to suffer from the loss.

across tremendous mountains, and through the Hannibal collected together for this expedition territory of fierce’and barbarous nations, who ninety thousand foot and twelve thousand horse. might not be inclined tamely to suffer a stranger In his march to the Iberus, he met with no into pass through their country, or lose any oppor-terruption. From thence to the Pyrenees, being tunity to enrich themselves with his spoils. opposed by the natives, he forced his way through From such topics as these, historians have their country; but apprehending some inconmagnified the courage of this celebrated warrior venienee from such an enemy left in his rear, he at the expense of his judgment. It is probable, stationed his brother Hanno, with ten thousand however, that both were equally exerted in this foot and one thousand horse, to observe their memorable service.

In the contest of nations, motions, and to keep them in awe. After he that country which is made the seat of the war, had begun to ascend the Pyrenees, a considerable for the most part labours under great compara-body of his Spanish allies deserted him in the tive disadvantage, is obliged to subsist the army night, and fell back to their own country.

This of its enemy as well as its own, is exposed to example he had reason to believe, would prove devastation, to hurry, confusion, and irresolution contagious; and as the likeliest way to prevent of councils; so much that, in nations powerful its effects, he gave out, that the party which had abroad, invasions often betray great incapacity left him being no longer wanted fobr the purposes and weakness, or at least fix the whole sufferings they served on the march, were returned by his of the war upon those who are invaded. Han-orders to their own country; that he meant to nibal, besides this general consideration, had spare a few more of the troops of the same nation, with great care informed himself of the real state as being unnecessary in the remaining parts of of Italy, and knew, that though the Roman the service; and actually dismissed a considerable masters were formidable, yet much of their sup-body to confirm this opinion. By these separaposed strength consisted of discordant parts; a tions, or by the swords of the enemy, his numbers, number of separate cantons recently united, and in descending the mountains, were reduced fron’ many of thern disaffected to the power by which ninety to fifty thousand foot and nine thousand they were cemented together. Most of the in-horse, with seven and thirty elephants.’ habitants of that country, being the descendants This celebrated march took place of diffirent nations, and distinguished by various U. C. 534. in the year of Rome five hundred languages, still retained much animosity to each and thirty-four, and in the consulate other, and most of all to their new masters. of Publius Cornelius Scipio and Tiberius SemThose-who had longest borne the appellation of pronius Longus. The Romans, as usual on Roman allies, even the colonies themselves, as such occasions, raised two consular arnices, and well as the conquered nations, had occasionally proposed, by immediate armaments directed to revolted, and were likely to prefer sepacate es-Spain and to Africa, to fix the scene of the war tablishments to their present dependance on the in the enemy’s country. Roman state. The Gauls and Ligurians, even Sempronius assembled an army and a fleet in the Etruscans, had been recently at war with the ports of Sicily, and had orders to pass into those supposed masters of Italy, and were ready Africa. Scipio embarked with some legions for to resume the sword in concert with any success-Spain, and, touching on the coast of Gaul, first ful invader. The Gauls on the Po were already learned, that a Carthaginian army was marchina in arms, had razed the fortifications which the by land into Italy. This intelligence determined Rornans had begun to erect at Cremona and him to land his troops at Marseilles, and to send Placentia, and forced the settlers to take refuge out a detachment of horse to observe the country, at Mutina. Every step, therefore, that an in-and to procure farther and more particular inforvader should make within this country, was mation of the enemy. likely to remove a support from the Romans, and Hannibal had arrived on the Rhone at some to add a new one to himself. The Roman distance above its separation into two channels, power, composed of parts so ill cemented, was and about four days’ march from the sea. In likely to dissolve on the slightest touch. Though order to effect the passage of the river, he ingreat when employed at a distance, and wie!ded stantly collected all the boats that could be found by a single hand, yet broken and disjointed by on its extensive navigation. At the same time, the presence of an enemy, it was likely to lose the natives, being unacquainted with strangers its strength; or, by the revolt of one or more of in any other capacity than that of enemies, asits districts, might furnish a force that could be sembled] in great numbers to dispute his farther successfully employed against itself. A few progress in their country. striking examples of success, therefore, for which Finding so powerful a resistance in front, he he trusted to his own conduct, and to the supe-delayed the embarkation of his arnmy on the nority of veterans hardened in the service of Rhone, and sent a detachment up the banks of many years, were likely to let loose the disconthe river to pass it at a difli rent place, and to tents which subsisted in Italy, and to shake the make a diversion on the flank or the rear of the fidelity of’ those allies who composed so great a enemy who opposed him. part of the Roman strength.

Even with a less The division employed on this service, after a favourable pIrospect of success, the risk was but march of twenty-five miles, found the Rhone sesmall, compared to the chance of gain. A single parated into branches by small islands, and at a army was to be staked against a mighty state; and a few men, that could ho “,‘ily replaced, I Polyb. lib. iii. c.

35-42.

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CHAP. V.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 45 convenient place got over on rafts to the oppo-who with a numerous body covered his rear, he site shore; and being thus in the rear, or on the continued his march during ten days, probably on right of the Gaulish army, hastened towards them the Isere; and, about a hundred miles above the in order to give an alarm on that quarter, while place where he had passed the Rhone, began to Hannibal should pass the river in their front. make his way over the summit of the Alps; a On the fifth day after the departure of this par-labour in which he was employed with his army ty, Hannibal, having intelligence that they had during fifteen days.3 succeeded in passing the Rhone, made his dispoThe natives, either fearing him as an enemy, sition to profit by the diversion they were ordered or proposing to plunder his baggage, had occupied to make in his favour. The larger vessels, every post at which they could obstruct his march; which were destined to transport the cavalry, assailed him from the heights, endeavoured to were ranged towards the stream, to break the overwhelm his army in the gorges of the inounforce of the current; and many of the horses were tains, or force them over precipices, which frefastened to the stern of the boats. The smaller quently sunk perpendicular under the narrow canoes were ranged below, and were to carry paths by which they were to pass. over a body of foot. Near to the summits of the ridge, at which he The Gauls, seeing these preparations, left arrived by a continual ascent of many days, he their. camp, and advanced to meet the enemy. had his way to form on the sides of frozen mounThey were drawn up on the banks of the river, tains, and through masses of perennial ice, which, when the Carthaginian detachment arrived on at the approach of winter, were now covered with their rear, and lighted fires as a signal of their recent snow. Many of his men and horses, approach. Hannibal observing the smoke, not-coming from a warm climate, perished by the withstandin, the posture which the enemy had cold; and his army having struggled, during so taken to resist his landing, instantly put off from long a time, with extremes to which it was little the shore: both armies shouted; but the Gauls accustomed, was reduced from fifty thousand foot being thrown into great consternation by the re-and nine thousand horse, the numbers which report and effects of an attack which they little ex-mained to him in descending the Pyrenees, to pected on their rear, without resistance gave way twenty thousand foot and six thousand cavalry, a to the Carthaginians in front, and were speedily force, in all appearance, extremely disproportioned routed.

Hannibal, having thus lodged himself to the service for which they were destined.4 on the eastern banks of the Rhone, in a few days, The Roman consul, in the mean time, had, without any farther interruption or loss, passed that river with his elephants, baggage, and the remainder of his army. 3 This famous route has been a subject of different Soon after the Carthaginian general had sur-opinions, and of some controversy. In a country tha is mounted thi difficulty, intelligence came th raised into vast mountains, round which the way must be mounted this difficulty, intelligence came that a found by narrow valleys, and the channels of rivers, it is Roman army had arrived on the coast, and was impossible to decide any question of this sort from the disembarked at Marseilles. To gain further and map. Polybius visited the ground, in order to satisfy himmore certain information of this enemy, he, nearly self on the tract of this famous route; and, from this cir. about the same time that Scipio had sent a e-cumstance, as well as from his general knowledge of var, about the same time that Scipio had sent a de-is undoubtedly the best authority to whom we -can have tachment on the same design, directed a party of recourse in this question. By his account, Hannibal, after horse to examine the country. These parties four marches from the place at which he had passed the met; and, after a smart engagement, returned to Rltone, came to the confluence of this with another river, 1their several armies with certain ac*s Xf a . Xwhich is evidently the Isere. Front thence, having conthner several armi.s with certain accounts of an tinued his route ten days on the river, and marched about enemy being near. a hundred miles, he began to ascend the summit, and was Scipio advanced with the utmost despatch to employed in that difficult work fifteen days. This account fix the scene of the war in Gaul; and Hannibal may incline us to believe, that Hannibal followed the course of tihe Isere from its confluence with the Rhone to hastened his departure, being equally intent on about Conflans; that, having surmounted the summit, he removing it, if possible, into Italy. The last, in descended into Italy by the channel of another river, or the order to keep clear of the enemy, directed his Vale of Aoste. Such are the passages by which ridges of march at a distance from the sea coast, and took l i every instance, are to be traversed. It is his route y the banks of the Rhone. indeed asserted, or implied in the text of Polybius, that his route by the banks of the Rhone. After four Ilannibal marched ten days on thle Rlone after its confuindays march from the place where he had passed ence with the Arar or Isara; but it is probable, that, in this river, he came to its confluence with another visiting a barbarous country, in which the Romans had river, which was probably the Isere, though by yet no possessions, and with thelanguage of which he was.Polybius himself,’ visited the tract ofr thisn unacquainted, he may have mistaken the Isere for the Polybius himself, who visited the tract of’ this Rhone, and consequently the Rhone for the Arar or Saone march, the place seems to be mistaken for the The Rhone and Isere take their rise from the same ridge, confluence of the Rhone and Saone.2 Here he and run nearly in the same directions. In this account of found two brothers contending for the throne of the course of the supposed Rhone which he visited, he mentions nothing of the Lake of Geneva, which is scarce their father, and gained a useful ally by espousing ly iposisble, if he had seen it. Polyb. lib. iii. c. 47. the cause of the elder. Being, in return for this According to this conjecture, IHannibal having marched service, supplied with arnus, shoes, and other ne-by the vale of Isere, Grenoble, Chamberry, and Mountmecessaries, and attended by the prince himself, lian and descended bythe vale of Aoste, must have passed the summit at or near the lesser abbey of St. Bernard. As mountains are penetrated by the channels of rivers, 2 In the manuscripts of Polybius, the river which falls it is probable that Hannibal, if he were himself to explore into the Rhone at this place was called by a name unknown his passage, would try the course of the first considerable in that country.

The first editors, to correct the mistake, river he found on his right descending from the Alps, changed this unknown name for that of the Arar.

But it which was the Isere; but if, as is extremely probable, he is extremely probable, that they ought to have made it the had well-instructed guides, it is not likely that they world Isara, as the confluence of the Isere and the Rhone cor-lead him so long a circuit as he must have made by the responds much better with the distances and marches men-course and sources of the Rhone, when, in fact, he had tioned by Polybius. Four marches, for instance. from the one equally practicable, and much nearer, by the Isere place at which Hannlibal had passed the Rhone, and four on one side of the Alps, and the Dorea Baltea on the other more from thence to the sea. 4 Polyb. lib. iii. c. 55. Iliv. lib. xxi.

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45’THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [B1ooa 1. in search of his enemy, directed his march to the nies; notwithstanding the expediency of carry Rhone; and in three days after the departure of ingr the war into Africa, as the surest way of Hannibal, tlhli arrived at the place where he had forcing the Carthaginians to withdraw their for. passed that river but was satisfied that any fur-ces froin Italy for the defence of their own country, ther attempts to pursue him in this direction, they, with a degree of pusillanimity uncomrnlon would only carry. himself away from what was to in their councils, ordered the other consul, Sembe the scene of the wal, and from the ground he pronius Longus, to desist from his design upon must occup? for the defence of Italy; he returnedl Africa; they recalled him with his army frolm therefore without loss ot time to his ships; sent Sicily, and directedl him, without delay, to join his brother, Cneius Scipio, with the greater part his colleague on the Trelia, and ii’ possille, to of the army, to pursue the objects of the war in stop the progress of this daingT andl impetuous Spain; and he himself with the remainder, set enemy. sail for Pisa, where he lantded and put himself at The consul Sempronius, therefore, after he had the head of the legions which he found in that met and defeated a Carthaginian fleet on the coast quarter; and which had been appointed to restore of Sicily, and was preparing for a descent on Afthe settlements of Cremona and Placenti. With rica, suddenly changed his course, and having these forces he passed the Po, and was arrived turned the eastern promontories of Sicily and on the Tecinus, when Hannibal camne down Italy, steered for Arinminum, where he landed; into the plain country at some distance below and, having performed this voyage and march in Turin. forty days, joined his colleague, where he lay The Carthaginian general, at his arrival in opposed to Hannibal on the T’rebia. those parts, had moved to his right; and, to gra-By the arrival of a second Roman consul, the tify his new allies the Insubres, inhabitingr what balance of forces was again restored, and the nais now the dutchy of Milan, who were then at tives still remained in suspense between the two war with the Taurini or Piedmontese, he laid parties at war. Instead of a deliverance from siege to the capital of that country, and in three servitude, which many of them expected to ob(lays reduced it by force. From thence he contain from the arrival of foreigners to balance the tinued his march on the left of the Po; and, as force of the Romans, they began to apprehend, the armies advanced, both generals, as if by con-as usual in such cases, a confirmation of their cert, approached with their cavalry, or light troops, bonds, or a mere change of their masters. When mutuuallv to observe each other. They met on the contest should be ended, they wNished to-have the Tecinus, with some degree of surprise on both the favour of the victor, and not to share in t}le sides, and were necessarily engaged in a conflict, fortunes of the vanquished. They had, therewhich served as a trial of their respective forces, fore, waited to see how the scales were likely to and in which the Italian cavalry were defeated incline, and had not repaired to the standard of by the Spanish and African horse. The Roman Hannibal in the manner, it is probable, he exconsul was wounded, and with much difficulty pected; and this, with every other circumstance rescued from the enemy by his son Publius Cor-of the war, forced hhn to rapid and hazardous nelins, afterwards so conspicuous in the history counsels. Being too far from his resources to of this war, but then only a youth of seventeen continue a dilatory war, he hastened to secure years of’ are, entering on his military service.l the necessary possessions on the Po; and by the The Roman detachment, it seems, had an reputation of victory, to determine the wavereasy retreat fiom the place of this encounter to ing inhabitants to declare on his side. For that of their main army, and were not pursued. these reasons he ever pressed on the enemy, and Scipio, disabled by his wound, and probably from sought for occasions to draw them into action. the check he had received sensible of the enemy’s He had been, ever since the encounter on the superiority in the quality of their horse, deter-Tecinus, cautiously avoided by Scipio; who. mined to retire from the plains; repassed the Po, even after he was reinforced by the other conmarched up the Trebia, and to stop the progress sular army, endeavoured to engage his colleague of the Carthaginians, while he waited for in-likewise in the same dilatory measures; but structions or reinforcements from Rome, took Sempronius, imputing this caution to the inmpost on the banks of that river. While he lay in pression which Scipio had taken from his late this position, an alarming effect of his defeat, and defeat, and being confident of his own strength of the disaffection of some Gauls who professed discovered to the Carthaginian general ail inclito be his allies, appeared in the desertion of two nation to meet him, and to decide the campaign thousand horsemen of that nation, who went over by a general action. Sempronius was farther to the enemy. encouraged in this intention by his success in The Roman senate received these accounts some encounters of foraging parties, which hapwith surprise, and with some degree of conster-pened soon after he had arrived on this ground; nation. An enemy was arrived in Italy, and and Hannibal, seeing this disposition of his had obliged the consul, with his legions, to reenemy, took measures to bring on the enga lement tire. The forces which they had lately musterin circumstances the most favourable to hillself. ed were numerous, but consisted in part of doubt-He had a plain in his front, through which ful friends or of declared enemies. They supposed the Trebia ran, and parted the two arnlies. He all their late vanquished subjects on the Po to be wished to bring the Romans to his own side of already in rebellion, or to be mustered against the river, and to fight on the ground where his them in the Carthaginian camp. And, notwith-army was accustomed to form. Here, besides standing the numerous levies that could have the other advantages which he proposed to take, been made in the city, and in the contiguous colo-he had an opportunity to place an ambuscade, from which he could attack the enemy on the flank or the rear, while thev should be engaged J Polyb. lib. x. c. 3. in front. It was the middle of winter, and there

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CHAP. V.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 47 were frequent showers of snow. The enemy’s that calamity. The people, however, (ose in their infantry, if they should fiord the river,‘and after-ardour and animosity, instead of being sunk. As wards remain any time inactive, were likely to awakened from a d(ream of pusillaninmity, in suffer considerably from the effects of wet and which they had hitherto seemed to confinle their cold.

Haalnibal, to lay them under this (lisadvan-views to the defence of Italy, they not only corn tage, sent his cavalry across the fords, with orders meanded fresh levies to replace the army they had to parade on the ground before the enermy’s lines; lost on the Trebla, but they ord( red the consul and, if attacked, to repass the river with every ap-Scipio to his first destination in Spain, and sent pearance of flight. He had, in the mean time, forces to Sardinia, Sicily, Tarenturn, and every concealed a tihousrand chosen men under the other station where they apprehended any defecshrubby banks of a brook, which fell into the tion of their allies, or any impression to be made Trebia beyond the intended field of battle.

He by the enemy.3 had ordered his army to be in readiness, and to The unfortunate Sempronius, being called to prepare themselves with a hearty meal for the the city to hold the election of magistrates, fatigues they were likely to undergo. escaped, or forced his way through the quarters When the Carthlaginian cavalry, passing the of the enemy. Hie was succeeded by Caius river as they had been ordered, presented them-Flaminius and Cn. Servilius; the first, being selves to the Rolnans, it was but break of day, of obscure extraction, was chosen in opposition and before the usual hour of the first meal in the to the nobles, to whom the peop le imputed the Roman camp. The legions were, nevertheless, disasters of the present war. He was ordered hastily fobrmed, and pursued the enemy to where early in the spring to take post at Arretium, that they were seen in disorder to pass the river; and he might guard the passes of the Appenines and there, by the directions of their general, who cover Etruria, while the other consul was stasupposed he had gained an advantage, and with tioned at Ariminum to stop the progress of the the ardour which is usual in the pursuit of vic-enemy, if he attempted to pass by the eastern coast. tory, they passed the fords, and made a display Hannibal, after his first winter in Italy, took of their forces on the opposite bank. Hannibal, the field for an early campaign; and being inexpecting this event, had already formed his dined to counsels the most likely to surprise his troops on the plain, and made a show of only enemies, took his way to Etruria, by a passage in covering the retreat of his cavalry, while he knew which the vales of the Appenines viere nmarshy, that a general action could no longer be avoided. and, from the effects of the season, still covered After it began ill front, the Romans were attacked with water. In a strulggle of many days with the in the rear by the party which had been posted in hardships of this dangerous larchi he lost many ambush for this purpose; and this being added to of his horses and much of his baggacae; and the other disadvantages under which they enhimself, being seized with an inflannmation in one gaged, they were defeated with great slaughter. of his eyes, lost the use of it. Havingi appeared, The legions of the centre, to the amount of however, in a quarter where he was not expected, ten thousand. men, cut their way through the he availed himself of this degree of surprise with enemy’s line, and escaped to Placentia. Of the all his former activity and vigour.

remainder of the army, the greater part either fell The character of Flaminius. who was raised by in the field, perished in attempting to repass the the favour of the people in opposition to the river, or were taken by the enemy. In this action, senate, and who was now disposed to gratify his although few of’ the Africans fell by the sword, constituents by some action of splendour and they suffired considerably by the cold and asper-success, encouraged Hannibal to hope that he ity of the season, to which they were not accus-might derive some advantage from the ignorance tomed; and of the elephants, of which Hannibal and presumption of his enemy. He therefore enhad broucht a considerable number into this deavoured to provoke the new consul, by destroycountry, only one survived the distress of this ing the country in his presence, andl to brave his day.2 resentment, by seeming, on many occasions, to In consequence of this victory, Hannibal expose himself to his attacks. He even ventured secured his quarters on the Po; and by the to penetrate into the country beyond him with an treachery of a native of Brundusium, who cornm-appearance of contempt. In one of these movemanded at Clastidium, got possession of that ments he marched by the banks of the Lake place, after the Romans had fortified and fur-Thrasimenus, over which the mountains rose nished it with considerable magazines for the with a sudden and steep ascent. He trusted that supply of their own army. In his treatment of the Roman consul would follow him, and occuthe prisoners taken at this place, he made a dispied a post from which with advantage to attack tinction between the citizens of Rome and their him, if he should venture to engage amidst the allies: the first he used with severity, the others difficulties of this narrow way. On the day in he dismissed to their several countries, with aswhich his design was ripe for execution, he was surances that he was come to make war on the favoured in concealing his position on the ascent Romans, and not on the injured inhabitants of of the mountains by a fbg which covered the Italy. brows of the hills; and he succeeded in drawing The Roman consul, Sempronius, was among the Roman consul into a snare, in which he those who escaped to Placentia.. He meant, in perished, with the greater part of his army. his despatches to the senate, to have disguised the The loss of the Romans in this action amountamount of his loss; but the difficulty with which ed to fifteen thousand men who fell by the sword, his messenger arrived through a country overrun or who were forced into the lake and drowned. by the enemy, with many other consequences of Of those who escaped by different ways, some his defeat, soon published at Rome the extent of continued their flight for fourscore miles, the dis 2 Polyb. lib. iii. c. 74. 3

Polyb. lib. iii. c. “‘5.

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48 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BooK 1. tance of this field of battle from Rome, and ar-The senate, therefore, to elude the supposed norived in the city with the news of this disastrous cessity of his presence, resolved that not a dictaevent. On the first reports great multitudes astor, but a pro-dictator, should be named; and sembled at the place from which the people were that the people should themselves choose this accustomed to receive a communication of public officer, with all the powers that were usually endespatches from the officers of state; and the trusted to the dictator himself. Fabius was acpretor, who then commanded in the city, being to cordingly elected pro-dictator, and in this capacity reforin them of what had passed, began his ac-named M. Minutius Rufus for his second in count of the action with these words: ” We are command, or general of the horse. vanquished in a great battle; the consul, with While the Romans were thus preparing again great part of his army, is slain.” He was about to collect their forces, Hannibal continued to purto proceed, but could not be heard for the conster-sue his advantage. He might, with an enemy nation, and the cries which arose among the peo-more easily subdued or daunted than the Rople: insomuch, that persons who had been present mans, already have expected great fruit from his in the action confessed, they heard these words victories, at least he might have expectedl offlers with a deeper impression, than any they had re-of concession and overtures of peace: but it is ceived amidst the bloodshed and horrors of the probable that he knew the character of this peofield; and that it was then only they became sen-ple enough, not to flatter himself so early in the sible of the whole extent of their loss. war with these expectations, or to hope that he To increase the general affliction, farther ac-could make any impression by a nearer approach counts were brought, at the same time, that four to the city, or by any attempt on its walls. He thousand horse, which had been sent, upon hear-had already, by his presence, enabled the nations ing that Hannibal had passed the Appenines, by of the northern and western parts of Italy to the consul Servilius, to support his colleage, were shake off the dominion of Rome.

He had the intercepted by the enemy and taken. The senate same measures to pursue with respect to the na. continued their meetings for many days without tions of the south. The capital, he probably interruption; and the people, greatly affected with supposed, might be deprived of the support of its the weight of their mortifications and disappoint-allies, cut offi from its resources, and even dements, committed themselves with proper docility stroyed; but while the state existed could never to the conduct of this respectable body. In con-be brought to yield to an enemy.

sidering the cause of their repeated defeats, it is Under these inlpressions the Carthaginian probable that they imputed them more to the dif-general, leaving Rome at a great distance on his ference of personal qualities in the leaders, than right, repassed the Appenines to the coast of to any difference in the arms, discipline, or cour-Picenum, and from thence directed his march to age of the troops. In respect to the choice of Apulia. Here he proceeded, as he had done on weapons, Hannibal was so much convinced of the side of Etruria and Gaul, to lay waste the the superiority of the Romans, that he availed Roman settlements, and to detach the natives himself of his booty on the Trebia and the Lake from their allegiance to Rome. But while he Thrasimenus, to arm his African veterans in pursued this plan in one extremity of Italy, the their manner.i In respect to discipline and cour-Romans’took measures to recover the possessions age, although mere detachments of the Roman they had lost on the other, or at least to prevent people were likely, in their first campaigns, to the disaffected Gauls from making any considerhave been inferior to veterans, hardened in the able diversion in favour of their enemy. service of many years under Hamlilcar, Hasdru-For this purpose, while Fabius Maximus was bal and Hannibal himself, yet nothing is im-assembling an army to oppose Hannibal in Apuputed by any historian to this point of disparity. lia, the preetor, Lucius Posthumius, was sent with They are not said to have been backward in any a proper force to the Po. Fabius havingi united the attack, to have failed their general in the execu-troops that had served under the consul Servilius, tion of any plan, to have disobeyed his orders, to with four legions newly raised by himself, followhave been seized with any panic, or, in any in-ed the enemy. On his march he issued a proclastance, to have given way to the enemy until, mation, requiring all the inhabitants of open being caught in some snare by the superiority of towns and villages in that quarter of Italy to rethe general, they fought with disadvantage, and tire into places of safety, and the inhabitants oh perished in great numbers on the field. every district to which the enemy approached, to The result of the senate’s deliberations was to set fire to their habitations and granaries, and name a dictator. This measure, except to dis-to destroy whatever they could not remove in pense with some form that hampered the ordinary their flight.2 Though determined not to hazard magistrate, had not been adopted during an inter-a battle, he drew near to the Carthaoinian army, val of five and thirty years. The choice fell upon and continued from the heights to observe and to Quintus Fabius Maximus, who seemed to pos-circumscribe their motions Time alone, he sess the vigilance, caution, and vigour which trusted, would decide the war in his favour, were wanted in this arduous state of affairs. In against an enemy who was far removed from any proceeding to name him, the usual form which, supply or recruit, and in a country that. was daily perhaps, in matters of state, as well as in matters wasting by the effect of his own ldepredations. of religion, should be supposed indispensable, Hannibal, after endeavouring in vain to bring could not be observed. Of the consuls, of whom the Roman dictator to a battle, perceived his de one or the other, according to ancient practice, sign to protract the war; and considering inactior ought to name the dictator, one was dead; the as the principal evil he himself had to fear, fre other, being at a distance, was prevented by the quently exposed his detachments, and even hi! enemy from any communication with the city.

whole army, in dangerous situations. The ad 1 Polyb. lib. iii. c. 115. 2

Liv. lib. xxii. C. 11

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CHAP. V.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 49 vantages he gave by these acts of temerity were thousand two hundred horse; and they intended, sometimes effectually seized by his wary antago-in the approaching election of consuls, to choose nist, but more frequently recovered by his own men, not only of reputed abilities, but of decisive singular conduct and unfailing resources. and resolute counsels. As such they elected C. In this temporary stagnation of Hannibal’s Terentius Varro, Supposed to be of a bold ana fortune, and in the frequent opportunities which dauntless spirit; and, in order to temper his arthe Romans had, though in trifling encounters, dour, joined with him in the command L. Emilius to measure their own strength with that of the Paulus, an officer of approved experience, who enemy, their confidence began to revive. The had formerly obtained a triumph for his victories public resumed the tranquillity of its councils, and in Illyricum, and who was high in the confidence looked round with deliberation to collect its force. of the senate, as well as in that of the people. The people and the army recovered from their In the autumn before the nomination of these late consternation, and took advantage of the officers to command the Roman army, Hannibal breathing-time they had gained, to censure the had surprised the fortress of Canne on the Aufivery conduct to which they owed the returns of dus, a place to which the Roman citizens of that their confidence and the renewal of their hopes. quarter had retired with their effects, and at They forget their former defeats, and began to which they had collected considerable magazines imagine that the enemy kept his footing in Italy and stores.

This, among other circumstances, by the permission, by the timidity, or by the ex-determined the senate to hazard a battle, and to cessive caution of their leader. furnish the new consuls with instructions to this A Mlight advantage over Hannibal, who had eflect. too much expose(d his foraging parties, gained by These officers, it appears, having opened the the general of the horse in the absence of the campaign on the banks of the Aufidus, advanced dictator, confirmed the army and the people in by mutual consent within six miles of the Carthathis opinion, and greatly sunk the reputation of ginian camp, which covered the village of Cannae.

Fabius. As he could not be superseded before Here they differed in their opinions, and, by a the usual term of his office was expired, the se-strange defect in the Roman policy, which, in nate and people, though precluded by law from times of less virtue, must have been altogether proceeding to an actual deposition, came to a reruinous, and even in these times was ill-fitted to solution equally violent and unprecedented, and produce a consistent and well-supported series of which they hoped might induce him to resign his operations, had no rule by which to decide their power. They raised the general of the horse to precedency, and were obliged to take the coman equal command with the dictator, and left mand each a day in his turn. them to adjust their pretensions between them.

Varro, contrary to the opinion of his colleague, Such affronts, under the notions of honour proposed to give battle on the plain, and with this which in modern times are annexed to the mili-intention, as often as the command devolved upon tary character, would have made it impossible for him, still advanced on the enemy. In order that the d(ictator to remain in his station. But in a he night occupy the passage and both sides of the commonwealth, where, to put any personal con-Aufidus, he encamped in two separate divisions sideration in competition with the public, would on its opposite banks, having his larger division have appeared absurd, seeming injuries (lone by on the right of the river, opposed to Hannibal’s the state to the honour of’ a citizen, only furnish-camp. Still taking the opportunity of his turn to ed him with a more splendid occasion to display command the army, he passed with the larger dihis virtue. The Roman dictator continued to vision to a plain, supposed to be orn the left of the serve under this diminution of his rank and com-Aufidus, and there, though the field was too nar-1 mand, and overlooked with magnanimity the in-row to receive the legions in their usual form, he sults with which the people had requited the ser-pressed them together, and gave the enemy, if vice he was rendering to his country. he chose it, an opportunity to engage. To acMinutius being now associated with the dicta-commodate his order to the extent of his ground, tor, in order to be free from the restraints of a he contracted the head and the intervals of his joint command, and from the wary counsels of his manipules or columns, making their depth greatly colleague, desired, as the properest way of adjust-to exceed the front which they turned to the ing their pretensions, to divide the army between enemy.4 them. In this new situation he soon after, by his He placed his cavalry on the flanks, the Roman rashness, exposed himself and his division to be knights on his right towards the river, and the entirely cut off by the enemy. But being rescued horsemen of the allies on the left. by Fabius, he too gave proofs of a magnanimous Hannibal no sooner saw this movement and spirit, confessed the favour he had received, and disposition of the enemy, than he hastened to committing himself, with the whole army, to the meet them on the plain which they had chosen conduct of his colleague, he left this cautious for the field of action. He likewise passed the officer, during the remaining period of’ their joint Aufidus, and, with his left to the river, and his command, to pursue the plan he had formed for front to the south, formed his army upon an the war. equal line with that of the enemy.

At this time, however, the people, and even He placed the Gaulish and Spanish cavalry on the senate, were not willing to wait for the effect his left facing the Romran knights, and the i-uof such seemingly languid and dilatory measures midians on his right facing the allies. as Fabius was inclined to pursue. They resolved The flanks of his infantry, on the right and to augment the army in Italy to eight legions, the left, were composed of the African foot, armwhich, with an equal number of the allies, ed in the Roman manner, with the pilum, the amounted to eighty thousand foot and seven 4 IIoEwv’to ox ofV Ty T5 xZIsees~c IIoav..&arKoceroV TI 3 Plutarch.

in vit. Fab. Max. UTo-ro0U. Vide Polyb G

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be THE PROGRESS ANI) TERMINATION [BOoK I. heavy buckler, and the stab4.ng sword. His of the Roman legions, and at the came time ar. centre, though opposed to the choice of the Ro-attack from his African infantry on both their man legions, consisted of the Gaulish and the I flanks; by these dispositions and joint operations Spanish foot, variously armed and intermixed without any considerable loss to himself, he eftogether. fected an almost incredible slaughter Hitherto no advantage seemed to be taken on U. C. 537. of his enemies. With thi loss of either side. As the armies fronted south and no more than four thousand, and north, even the sun, which rose soon after they these chiefly of the Spanish and Gaulish infanwere iorinel, shone upon the flanks, and was no try, he put fifty thousand of the Romans to the disadvantage, to either. The superiority of num-sword. bers was greatly on the side of the Romans; but The consul, Emilius Paulus, had been woundHannibal rested his hopes of victory on two cir-ed in the shock of the cavalry; but when he saw cumstances; first, on a motion to be made by his the condition in which the infantry were encavalry, if they prevailed on either side of the gaged, he refused to be carried off, and was enemy’s wings; next, on a position he was to slain.l The consuls of the preceding year, with take with his centre, in order to begin the action others of the same rank, were likewise killed, from thence, to bring the Roman legions into Of six thousand horse only seventy troopers some disorder, and expose them, under that dis-escaped with Varro. Of the infantry three thouadvantare, to the attack which he was prepared sand fled from the carnage that took place on the to makle’with his veterans on both their flanks. field of battle, and ten thousand who had been The action accordingly began with a charge posted to guard the camp were taken. of the Gau!ish and Spanish horse, who, beilg The unfortunate consul, with such of the superior to the Roman knights, drove them from stragglers as joined him in his retreat, took post their ground, forced theam into the river, and put at Venusia; and with a noble confidence in his the greater part of them to the sword. By this own integrity, and in the resources of his counevent the flank of the Roman army, which nlight try, put hinself in a posture to resist the enemy, have been joiled to the Aufidus, was entirely till he could have instructions and reinforcements uncovered. from Rome.2 I-I iC - pelrforrmcd this service, the victorious This calamity which had befallen the Romans cavalry hi d orders to wheel at full gallop round in Apulia, was accompanied with the defiat of the rear of their own army, and to join the Nu-the praetor Posthuminius, who, with his army, on midinal horse on their right, who were still en-the other extremity of the country, wlas ult offl’ gageed with the Roman allies. By this unexpect-by the Gauls. A general ferment arose throughed junction, the left wing of the Roman army out all Italy. Many cantons of Grecian extracwas likewise put to flight, and pursued by the tion, having been about sixty year; subject to African horse; at the same time the Spanish Rome, now declared for Carthage.

Others, feelcavalry preparedl to attack the Roman infantry, ing themselves released from the dominion of the wherever they should be ordered, on the flank or Romans, but intending to recover their liberties, the rear. not merely to change their masters, now waited WVhile these important events took place on the for an opportunity to stipulate the conditions on wings, Hannibal amused the Roman legions of which they were to join the victor.

Of this the main body with, a singular movement that number were the cities of Capua, Tarentum, was made by the Gauls and Spaniards, and with Locri, Metapontus, Crotona, and other towns which he proposed to begin the action. These in the south-east of the peninsula. In other came forward, not in a straight line abreast, but cantons, the people being divided and opposed to swellingr out to a curve in the centre, without dis-each other with great animosity, severally called joining their flanks from the African infantry, to their assistance such of the 1parties at war as who remlined firml on thejr ground. they judgecd were most likely to support them By this motion they formed a kind of crescent against their antagonists. Some of the Roman convex to the front. The Roman ilanipules of colonies, even within the districts that were open the right and the left, fearing, by this singular to the enemy’s incursions, still adhered to the disposition, to have no share in the action, hasten-metropolis; but the possessions of the republic ed to bend their line into a corresponding curve; were greatly reduced, and scarcely equalled what and, in proportion as they came to close with the the state had acquired before the expulsion of enemy, charged them with a confident and im-Pyrrhus from Italy, or even before the annexapetuous courage. The Gauls and Spaniards re-tion of Campania. or the conquest of Samnium. sisted this charge no longer than was necessary The allegiance of her subjects and the faith of to awaken the precipitant ardour with which her allies in Sicily were greatly shaken. Hiero, victorious troops often blindly pursue a flying the king of Syracuse, who had some time, under enemy. And the Roman line being bent, and the notion of an alliance, cherished his dependfronting inwards to the centre of its concave, the ance on Rome, being now greatly sunk in the legions pursued where the enemy led them. decline of years, could no longer answer for the Hurrying from the flanks to share in the victory, conduct of his own court, and died soon after this they narrowed their space as they advanced, and event, leaving his successors to change the party the men who were accustomed to have a square of the vanquished for that of the victor. of six feet clear for wielding their arms, being Hitherto the nations of Greece and of Asia now pressed together, so as to prevent entirely had taken no part in the contest of those powerthe use of their swords, found themselves struggling against each other for space, in an inextricable and hopeless confusion. i He has received from the poet the following honourHannibal, who had waited for this event, or-able grave: Anime que magnae prodigum Paulurn superante Pceno. Her. Car lib. i.

Ode 12. dereal a general charge of his cavalry on the rear 2 Liv. lib.

xxiii

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CHAP. V.] OF THE R)OMAN REPUBLIC. 51 ful rivals. But the Romans having already inter-a kind of proc..sion to meet him; and, upon a fered in the afiairs of Greece, and made their noble idea that Ien are not answerable for the aml,ition be felt beyond the Adriatic and the strokes of fortune, nor fbr the effects of superior Ionral Sea, the news of their suppiosed aplproach-address in an enenmy, they overlooked his temering flll was received there with attention: it ity and his misconduct in the action; they atawakened the hcpes of many who had sufifered tended only to the undaunted aspect he preserved from the eflects of their power. Among these after his defeat, returned him thanks for not Delnetrius, the exiled king of Pharos, being still htving despaired of the commonwealth;4 and at tihe court of Macedonia, and nluch in the con-from thence forward continued their preparations fidence of Philip, who had recently mounted the for war, with all the dignity and pride of the throne of that kingdom, urging that it was im-most prosperous fortune. They refused to ranpossible to remain an indillerent spectator in the som the prisoners who had been taken by the contest of such powerful nations, persuaded the enemy at Canne, and treated with sullen conking to preiir the alliance of Carthage to that of tempt, rather than severity, those who by an Romle, and to join with Hannibal in the reduc-early flight had escaped from the field; being tion of the Roman power; observing, that with petitioned to employ them again in the war, the imerit of declaring himself while the event “We have no service,” they said, “for men who was yet in any degree uncertain, the king of could leave their fellow citizens engaged with an Macedonlia would be justly intitled to a proper enemy.” They seemed to rise in the midst of share of’ the advantages to be reaped in the con-their distress, and to gain strength from misforquest. tune. They prepared to attack or to resist at Philip accordingly endeavoured to accommo-once, in all the different quarters to which the date tile dilierences which he had to adjust with war was likely to extend, and took their meathe Grecian States, and sent an officer into Italy sures for the support of it in Spain, in Sardinia to treat with Hannibal, and with the Cartha-and Sicily, as well as in Italy.

They continued ginian deputies who attended the camp. In the their fleets at sea; not only observed and obneg)tiation which followedl it was agreed, that the structed the communications of Carthage with king of Macedonia and the republic of Carthage the seats of the war, but having intercepted part should consider the Romans as common enemies; of the correspondence of Philip with Hannibal, that they should pursue the war in Italy with they sent a powerful squadron to the coast of their forces united. and make no peace but on Epirus; and, by an alliance with the States of ternls mutually agreeable to both. In this treaty Etolia, whom they persuaded to renew their late the interest of’ the prince of Pharos was particu-war with Philip, found that prince sufficient emlarly attended to; and his restoration to the ployment on the frontiers of his own kingdom, kingdom friom which he had been expelled by the effectually prevented his sending any supply to Ronlans, with the recovery of the hostages which Hannibal, and, in the sequel, reduced him to the had bt en exacted from him, were made principal humiliating necessity of making a separate peace.

articles.3 In the ordinary notions which are entertained Hannibal, from the time of his arrival in Italy, of battles and their consequences, the last victorj after having made war for three years in that of Hannibal at Cannw, in the sequel of so many country, had received no supply from Africa, and others that preceded it, ought to have decided the seemed to be left to pursue the career of his fate war; and succeeding ages have blamed this with such resources as he could devise for him-general for not marching directly to the capital, self; but this alliance with the king of Macedo-in order to bring the contest to a speedy terminanla, promised amply to make up for the deficiency tion by the reduction of Rome itself. But his Af his aids from Carthage; and Philip, by an own judgment is of much more weight than that?asy passage into Italy, was likely to furnish him of the persons who censure him. He knew the with every kind of support or encouragement that character of the Romans and his own strength. was necessary to accomplish the end of the war. Though victorious, he was greatly weakened by The Romans were apprised of this formidable his victories, and at a distance from the means of accession to the power of their enemy, as well as a reinforcement or supply. He was unprovided of the general defection of their own allies, and I with engines of attack; and, so far from being in of the revolt of their subjects. Though taxes a condition to venture on the siege of Rome, that were accumulated on the people, and frequent he could not undertake even that of Naples, loans obtained from the commissaries and conwhich, after the battle of Cannae, refused to tractors employed in the public service, their ex-open its gates; and, indeed, soon after this date penses began to be ill supplied. There appeared he received a check from Marcellus in attempting not, however, in their councils, notwithstanding the siege of 1Nola.5 all these circumstances of distress, the smallest The Romans, immediately after their disaster disposition to purchase safety by mean conces-at Cannne, prepared again to act on the offensive, sions. of any sort. When the vanquished consul formed a fresh army of five and twenty thousand returned to the city, in order to attend the nonli-men, which they sent, under the dictator Junius nation of a person who, in this extremity of their Pera, to collect the remains of their late vanfortunes might be charged with the care of the quished forces, and to annoy the enemy wherever commonwealth, the senate, as conscious that he they might find him exposed. had acted at Cannme by their own instructions, Hannibal kept in motion with his army to proand had, upon the same motives that animated tect the cantons that were inclined to declare rn the whole Roman people, disdained, with a supe-his side; but together with the extent and multirior army, to stand in awe of his enemy, or to refuse him battle upon equal ground, went out in 4 In the famous and admired expression, Qui de repub. lica non desperasset. 3 Liv. lib. xxxiii. c. 33. J 5 Liv. lib.

xxiii. c. 14, 15, 16.

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5’ THE PROGRESS AN~ TERMINATION [BooK 1. plication of his new possessions, which obliged I Other victorious generals are proud to display the iln to divide his army in order to occupy and to fruits of their conquests, or bring home the spoils secure them, he became sensible of his weak-of their enemies to enrich their own country, inness; anl, with the accounts sent to Carthage of stead of draining it to support a career of vain his victories. he likewise sent representations of and unprofitable victories.” his losses, and demanded a supply of men, of These invectives concluded with a motion, stores, and of money. He was indeed in his which, on the supposition that the advantages new situation so much in want of these articles, gained by Hannibal were real, was well-founded that, having in the three first years of the war in wisdom and sound policy: that the occasion apparenty raised the reputation of Carthage to should be seized to treat with the Romans, when tile greatest height, and procured to his coun-the State had reason to expect the most advantry more allies anid more territory in Italy than tageous terms. But this counsel either was, or were left in the power of the Romans, together appeared to be, the language of faction; and no with Capua, and other cities, more wealthy than measures were adopted, either to obtain peace, ox Rome itself; and surrounded with lands better effectually to support the war. cultivated, and more full of resources, yet his af-The friends, as well as the enemies of Hannifairs from thenceforward began to decline. bal, contributed to the neglect with which he was Armies are apt to suffer no less from an opinion, treated. In proportion as his friends admired him, that all the ends of their service are obtained, and gloried in his fortune, they acted as if he than they do from defeats, and from despair of alone were able to surmount every difficulty; and success. The soldiers of Hannibal, now elated they accordingly were remiss in supporting him.

with victory, perhaps grown rich with the plun-The republic, under the effects of this wretched der of the countries they had overrun, and of the policy, with all the advantages of her navigation armies they had defeated; and presuming that and of her trade, suffered her navy to decline, the war was at an end, or that they themselves and permitted the Romans to obstruct, or molest, ought to be relieved, or sent to enjoy the rewards all the passages by which she could communicate of so glorious and so hard a service, became re-with her armies in Spain and Italy, or her allies miss in their discipline, or indulged themselves in in Sicily and Greece.4 They voted indeed to Hanall the excesses, of which the means were to be nibal, on the present occasion, a reinforcement of found in their present situation. Being mere four thousand Numidian horse, forty elephants, soldiers of fortune, without a country, or any civil and a sum of money. But this resolution appears ties to unite them together, they were governed to have languished in the execution; and the arby the sole authority of their leader, and by their mament, when ready to sail, was suffered to be confidence in his singular abilities. Although diverted from its purpose, and ordered to Spain there is no instance of their openly mutinying instead of Italy.5 against him in a body, there are many instances Notwithstanding these mortifications and disof their separately and clandestinely deserting his appointments, Hannibal still kept his footing in service. The Spanish and Numidian horse, in Italy for sixteen years; and so long gave sufficient particular, to whom he owed great part of his occupation to the Romans, in recovering, by slow victories, upon some disappointment in their and cautious steps, what he had ravished.

from hopes, or upon a disgust taken at the mere stag-them in three years, and by a few daring examnation of his fortune, went over in troops and ples of ability and valour. WVhen the war had and squadrons to the enemy.i His hopes from the taken this turn, and the Romans, by the growing side of Macedonia were entirely disappointed, the skill and ability of their leaders, as well as by the power of that nation having full employment at unconquerable spirit of their people, began to’prehome.2 He found himself unable, without di-vail, Hannibal, receiving no support directly from viding his forces, to preserve his recent conquests, Africa, endeavoured to procure it from Spain by or to protect the Italians who had declared for the junction of his brother Hasdrubal, to whom him. Some of his possessions, therefore, he aban-he recommended a second passage over the Alps, doned or destroyed; and the natives of Italy, be-in imitation of that which he himself had accomcoinme the victims of his policy, or left to the mer-plished. Every attempt of this sort, however, had cy of the Romans whom they had offended, be-been defeated, during six years; by the vigour arnd came averse to his cause, or telt that they could abilities of the two Scipios, Cnweius and Pubius, not rely on his power to protect them.3 Moved and afterwards by the superior genius of the young by these considerations, he made earnest applica-Publius Scipio, who succeeding the father and the tions at Carthage for reintorcements and supplies, uncle, as will be seen in the sequel, supported,.o enable him to continue the war. But the counwith fresh lustre, the cause of his country. cils of that republic, though abject in misfortune, The two Scipios, after some varieties of fortune, were insolent or remiss in prosperity. Being though, while they acted together, they were genbroken into factions, the projects of one party, erally successful, having, in the seventh year of howetver wise, were frustrated by the opposition this war, separated their forces, were both, within of the other. One faction received the applications the space of forty days, betrayed or deserted by of Hannibal with scorn. “Do victories,” they their allies, and cut off by the superior force of said, “‘reduce armies to the want of reinforce-the enemy. ments and of supplies, even against the very ene-The natives of Spain had, by their want of nmies they had vanquished? And do the acqui-union and military skill, as has been mentioned, sltions of Hannibal require more money and men suffered many foreign establishments to be made to keep them than were required to make them? in their country; they had permitted the Carthaginians, in particular, to possess themselves of a 1 Liv. Jib. xiii.

c. 46. considerable territory; but afterwards, in order tV3‘2 Ibid. lib.

xxvi. c. 28, 29, Lib. xxviii. c. 4. 3 Ibid. Jib. xxvii. c. 1 and 16. 4

Liv. Jib. xxviii. c. 4. 5 Ibid. Jib. xxiii. c. 13 and 32.

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CHAP. V.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 53 remove them from thence, accepted of the protec-ject to surprise the town of New Carthage, tion of the Romans; and, in the sequel. occasion-though at a distance from Tarragona of above ally applied to either of these parties for aid three hundred miles. He rested his hopes of against the other, being, during the greater part success on the security of his enemies, and on the of this war, the unstable friends, or irresolute prospect of being able to accomplish the greater enemies of both. part of his march before his design should be A service of so much danger, so little m pub-suspected, or before any measures could be taken lic view, and at a distance from the principal to prevent him. For this purpose he disclosed scenes of the war, was not sought for as an op-it to Laelius alone; and gave him orders to steer portunity to accumulate fame. The young Scipio, for that place with his fleet, while he himself fired with the memory of his father and of his unmade hasty marches by land. This city was sicle, who had fallen in that service, and, instead of tuated, like Old Carthage, on a peninsula, or neck being deterred by their fate, eager to revenge their of land, surrounded by the sea. Scipio took post fall, courted a command, which every other Roman on the isthmus, fortified himself towards the conis said to have declined. This young man, as tinent, from which he had reason to expect some has been observed, had begun his military ser-attempt would be made to relieve the place, and vices, in the first year of this war, on the Tecinus, secured himself on that side, before he attacked where he had the good fortune to rescue his father. the town. He was afterwards present at thebattle of Canne, In his first attempts on the ramparts he was and was one of the few, who, from that disas-repulsed; but observing, that at low water, the trous field, forced their way to Canusium. Being walls were accessible at a weaker place than that chosen commander by those who escaped to this at which he made his assault; and having enplace, he prevented the effect of a desperate reso-couraged his men by informing them that the lution they had taken to abandon Italy. Many god of the sea had promised to favour them, of the severer forms of the commonwealth having which they thought to be verified by the seasonbeen dispensed with in the present exigences of able ebb which ensued, he there planted his ladthe state, Scipio had been chosen edile, though ders, and forced his way into the town. Here under the standing age, being only turned of he made a great booty in captives, money, and twenty-four, one year younger than Hannibal ships.8 was when he took the command of the army in In this manner Scipio conducted his first exSpain, and four years younger than he was when ploit in Spain; and having carried on the war he marched into Italy. with equal ability and success for five years, he Such particulars relating to men of superior obliged the Carthaginians, after repeated defeats, genius and virtue, are in the highest degree in-to abandon that country. He himself, while teresting to mankind. It is even pleasing to Hasdrubal attempted to join his brother Hanniknow, that this young man was, according to bal in Lucania, and Mago to make a diversion in Livy, tall and graceful in his person, with a his favour in Liguria, returned to Rome. He beautiful countenance and engaging aspect. was yet under thirty years of age, and not legally The Romans had been hitherto preserved in qualified to bear the office of consul. But having all the extremities of’

their fortune by the superian unquestionable title to the highest confidence ority of their national character, and by means of his country, the services which he had already of political establishments, which, although they performed procured a dispensation in his favour. do not inspire men with superior genius, yet raise He was accordingly raised to the consulate; and ordinary citizens to a degree of elevation approach-when the provinces came to be assigned to the ing to heroism; enabling the states they compose officers of state, he moved that Africa should be to subsist in great dangers, and to await the ap-included in the number, and be allotted to hlmpearalnce of superior men. They had not yet self: “There,” he said, “the Carthaginians may opposed to Hannibal an officer of similar talents, receive the deepest wounds, and from thence be or of a like superiority to the ordinary race of the soonest obliged for their own safety to recall mankind. Scipio was the first who gave indu-their forces from Italy.” bitable proofs of his title to this character.6 Up-This motion was unfavourably received by the on his arrival in Spain, with a fleet of thirty gal-greater part of the senate; it seemed to be matter leys, and ten thousand. men, he found the remains of surprise, that, while Rome itself lay between of the vanquished Romans retired within the two hostile armies, that of Hannibal in Brutium, Iberus, where, under the command of T. Fon-and that of Maga in Liguria or Gaul, the conteius and Lucius Marcius, they had scarcely been sul should propose to strip the republic of so great able to withstand the further progress of the ene-a force as would be necessary for the invasion of my.’ There he accordingly landed, and fixed Africa.9 The fatal miscarriage of Reguius on his princilral quarters for the winter-at Tarrago-that ground in a former war, the unhappy effects na. By his information of the posture of the of precipitant counsels in the beginning of’ the enemy, it appeared, that they had placed all their present, were cited against hini, and the desire of mag7azines and stores at New Carthage; and that, so arduous a station was even accounted presumpthinkingf this place sufficiently secured by a gar-tuous in so young a ii ti rison of a thousand men, they had separated their Among the difficulties which Sciplo met with army into three divsioils, and were gone in dif-in obtaining the consent of the senate to the exeferent directions to extend their possessions, or to cution of his plan, is mentioned the disinclination cover the territories they had acquired. Of these of the great Fabius, who, from a prepossession in divisions, none were nearer to their principal sta-favour of that dilatory war, by which he himself tion than ten days’ march. had acquired so much glory; and by which at a Upon these informations, Scipio formed a pro8 Polyb. lib. x. c. 9-15-17. Appian de Bell. Hispan 6 Liv. liv. xxvi.

c. 18, 19, &e. 7 Ibid. c. 19 and 20. 9 Appian de Bell. Punic. p. 4.

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54 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [Book I. Ime when procrastination was necessary, he had surmounted all the difficulties of the Pyrenees and retrieved the fortunes of his country, obstinately of the Alps, had passed the Po and the Rubicon, opposed the adopting of this hazardous project.

and advanced to the Metaurus before he met It hadl been, for the most part, an established with any considerable check. There, at last, he maxim in the counsels of Rome, to carry war, encountered with the Roman consuls, M. Clauwhen in their power, into the enemy’s country. dius Nero and M.

Livius Salinator, and was deThey had been prevented in the present case only feated with the loss of his whole army, amountby the unexpected appearance of Hannibal in ing to fifty thousand men, of whom not one Italy and were likely to return to the execution escaped being taken or slain.2
of their first design as soon as their afthirs at On this occasion, the Romans, who had so home should furnish them with a sufficient re-long left their possessions in the country a prey spite. VWe may, therefore, conceive what they to the enemy, began to enjoy some degree of sefelt of the difficulties of the present war, from this curity, returned to their ruined habitations, and an(l other circumstances; that even after fortune resumed the labours of the field. Hannibal, as had so greatly inclined in their favour, they did overwhelmed with despair or affliction, confessnot yet think themselves in condition to retaliate ed, tnat he could no longer be in doubt of the fate on the enemy; or safe against the desiogns which that awaited his country.3 From this tinme he Hannibal niight form in Italy, if they should contracted his quarters, withdrew his posts from divide their forces, or detach so great a part of Apulia, gave intimation to all his allies in Italy, them as might be necessary to execute the project who had much to fear from the resentment of of a war in Africa.

the Romans, that they should retire under the They concluded, however, at last, with some covert of his army in Brutium. Here he himself hesitation, that Scipio, while the other consul remained on the defensive; and, as if sensible shouid remain opposed to Hannibal in Italy, that his career in Italy was nearly at an end, might have for his province the island of Sicily, erected those curious monuments which are dispose of the forces that were still there, receive cited by Polybius, and on which were recorded the voluntary supplies of men and of money the particulars of his march from Spain to Italy, which he himself might be able to procure; and and the numbers of his army at different periods if he found, upon mature deliberation, a proper of the war.4 opportunity, that he might make a descent upon In the following year, Mago, as we have obAfrica. Agreeably to this resolution, he set out served, being unable to effect any considerable for the province assigned him, having a consider-service in Spain, had orders to make sail tor Italy, able fleet equipped by private contribution, and and once more endeavour to reinforce the army a bod of seven thousand volunteers, who em-of Hannibal. But, having lost some tinme in a harked in high expectation of the service in which fruitless attempt on New Carthage and a report he proposed to employ them.’ in the mean time having spread of Scipio’ s intenWhile Scipio, by his exertions in Spain, was tion to invade Africa, he received a second order rising to this degree of eminence in the councils to land at Genua; and, that he might distract or of his country, the war, both in Sicily and in employ the forces of the Romans at home, endeaItal v. had been attended with many signal events, your to rekindle the war in Liguria and Gaul. and furnished many proofs of distinguishe(l abi-Such was the state of affairs when Scipio prolity ill the course of its operations, highly interest-posed to invade Africa, passed into Sicily, and ing to those who are qualified to receive instruc-employed the whole year of his consulate in tion fron such examples of conduct, and from making preparations. In this interval, however, the experience of great events. But in the sum-having access by sea to the coasts which were ocmary account of the steps by which the Romans cupied by Hannibal in Italy, he forced the town ascended to empire, we can only point out the of Locri, and posted a garrison there, under the tract by which they advanced; and, with a few command of Pleminius, an officer, whose singugeneral observations on the means, hasten to con-lar abuses of power became the subjects of comtemplate the end which they attained. plaint at Rome, and drew some censure on SciThe fortunes of Hannibal, as we have already pio himself, by whom he was employed, and supremarked, had been some time on the decline. posed to be countenanced.

Capua and Tarentum, notwithstanding his ut-Scipio was said, on this occasion, not only to most efforts to preserve them, had been taken by have connived at the outrages committed by Plethe Romans. While the first of these places was minius, whom he had stationed at Locri, but to besieged, he endeavoured to force the enemy’s have been himself, while at Syracuse, abandoned lines: and being repulsed, made a feint, by a to a life of effeminacy and pleasure, unworthy of hasty march towards Rome itself, to draw off the a person entrusted with so important a command.

besiegers. By this movement he obtained a It may appear strange, that this censure shoald sight of that famous city; but again retired with-arise from his having shown a disposition at Syout having gained any advantage from this in-racuse to become acquainted with the learning of tended diversion. His allies, in Sicily, were en-the Greeks. Itis enemies gave out, that he aftirely overwhelmed by the reduction of Syracuse; fected the manners of that people; that he pas.t,_ but that which chiefly affected his cause, by his time among books, and in public places of cutting off all hopes of future supplies or rein-conversation and exercise. Upon these surmises, foree-ents, was the fall of his brother Hasdru-a commission was granted to the prator of Sicily, la:d. This officer had found means to elude the with ten senators, two tribunes of the people, and fo ces of Scipio in Spain; and attempted, by pur-one of the ediles, who had orders to join the suin.g the tract of his brother into Italy, to join him in that country. In this design he actually e Liv. lib. xxvii. c.

49. 3 Agnoscere se foltunam Cartnaginis. Liv lib. xxvii fine. 1 Appian de Bell. Punic. 4 Liv. lib. xxviii. fine

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(CHAP. V.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC.‘55 praetor ill that island. To these instructions this transaction, which pro(ured to the C rthawere given, that if they found Scipio accessary ginians one ally, lost them another; for this highto the disorders committed at Locri, or reprehen-minded woman, who, instead of a dower, consible in his own conduct, they should send him in tracted for armies in defence of her country, had arrest to Rome: but that, if they found him informerly captivated Massinissa, another iNuminocent, he should continue in his command, and dian prince, that, being deprived of his kingdom be suffered to carry the war wherever he thought by Syphax, had received his education, and tormmost expedient for the good of the commonwealth. ed his attachments, at Carthage.6

Massinissa, The members of this formidable court of in-while he had hopes of an alliance with the tamily quest, having lande(l at Locri, in their way to of Hasdrubal, engaged all his partisans in iNuSicily, ordered Pleminius, with thirty of his offi-mnidia in behalf of the Carthaginians; and he cers, in chains to Rome: and from Locri, pro-himself fought their battles in person. Lut, stung ceeding to Syracuse, they reported from thence, with his disappointment, and the prefirence that Scipio was no way accessary to the crimes which was given to his rival, he determined to committed by the troops in garrison at Locri: court the favour of their enenlies; had made adand that within the district of his own imme-vances to Scipio, before his departure from Spain; diate command the allies were fully protected, and, now, hearing of the arrival of the Roman and the troops preserved in such order and dis-fleet, hastened to Hippo, where Lwlius had come cipline,5 as, whenever they should be employed, to an anchor, and made offer of his assistance, gave the most encouraging prospect of victory. with that of his friends in the kingdom of NuSuch was the report in favour of this young midia. man, who appears to have been the first Roman Such was the state of parties in Africa, when statesman or warrior, who showed any consider-this country was about to become the scene of able disposition to become acquainted with the war. The Carthaginians, still in hopes of divertliterature and ingenious arts of the Greeks. In inc the storm, sent earnest instructions to both this particular, his Carthaginian rival is said to their generals to press upon the Romans in Italy, have advanced before him, having long studied and to make every effort to distract or to occupy the language and learning of those nations; and their forces, and to leave them no leisure for the having in his retinue some persons from Greece invasion of Africa. They sent, at the same time, to aid him in the use of their writings. an embassy to the king of Macedonia, to remind Scipio, while he commanded the Roman army him of the engagements into which he hadl enterin Spaih, having already conceived his design upon ed with Hannibal, and to represent the danger Africa, had with this view opened a correspon-to which he and every other prince must be exdence with Syphax, king of Numnidia; and had posed from a people so ambitious as the Romans, actually made a visit in person to this prince, who, if they were suffered to unite, by a conquest, the being at variance with Carthage. was easily pre-resources of Carthage with those of Rome. vailed upon to promise his support to the Romans, Philip), at the earnest entreaty of many Gre. in case they should carry the war into that councian states, who were anxious that the Romang try.

The Roman general, now ready to embark should have no pretext to embroil the affairs of with a considerable army, sent L.Tlius with the Greece, had, in the preceding year, made a sefirst division, probably to examine the coast, to parate peace first with the Etolians, and afterchoose a proper station at which to fix the assem-wards with the Romans themselves;7 and was blinc of his fleet, and to call upon the king of now extremely averse to renew the quarrel. Nuinidia to perform his engagements. The occasion, however, appeared to be of great This division of the fleet, at its first appear-moment; and lie listened so tar to the remonance, was supposed to bring the Roman procon-strances of the Carthaginians, as to furnish them sul, with all his forces, from Sicily; and the Car-with a body of four thousand nmen, and a supply thaginians, whatever reason they might, for some of money. time, have had to expect this event, were in a By such measures as these, hastily taken on great measure unprepared for it. They had the approach of danger, the Carthaginians entheir levies to make at home, and troops to hire deavoured to make amends for the borller remissfrom abroad; their fortifications were out of re-ness of their counsels. Hitherto they appear pair, and their stores and magazines unfurnished. to have considered the war with little concern, Even their fleet was not in a condition to meet and to have left their exertions to the ambition that of the enemy. They now hastened to supply of a single family, by whom the state was engathese defects; and, though undeceived with re-ged in this quarrel.8. They neglected their spect to the numbers and force of the first em-strength at home, in proportion as they believed barkation, they made no doubt that they were the enemy to be at a distance; and were indif’ soon to expect another; accordingly they conferent to national objects, while their private intinued their preparation, and took every measure terests were secure. to secure themselves, or to avert the storm with The harbour of Hippo, about fifty miles wes which they were threatened. from Carthage, and under the Fair Promontory They had recently made their peace with Sy-being seized bv Laelius, furnishled a place of re phax, king of Numidia; and, instead of an ene-ception fbr Scipio’s fleet. This officer accord my in the person of this prince, had obtained’for ingly sailed from Sicily with fifty armed galleys themselves a zealous ally. He had broke off his andt four hundred transports. As he had reaso engagrements with Scipio and the Romans, tempt-to exper:t that the country would be laid wast ed by his passion for Sophonisba, the daughter of before him, great part of this shipping was em Hasdrubal, a principal citizen of Carthage, who ployed in carrying his provisions and stores. Th refused to marry him on any other terms. But 6 Appian de Bell. Hispan. p. 275. Liv. lib xxix. c. 20. 7 Liv.

lib. xxix. c. 13. 8 The sons of Hamilear.

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56 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK 1. numbers of his army are not mentioned. His and assembling their forces, and that they were first object was to make himself master of Utica, joined by a recruit of four thousand men, newly situated about half way between Carthage and arrived from Spain, was for some time laid aside Hippo, the place where he landed.

He accord-These hopes, however, were speedily blasted by illgly, without loss of time, presented himself be-a second defeat which the combined army receivfore it; but soon found himself unable to execute ed before they were fully assembled, and by a rehis purpose. The country, to a considerable dis-volution which ensued in the kingdom of Numitance, was laid waste or deserted by the natives. dia, where Syphax, pursued by Massinissa and and could not subsist his army. The Cartha-Lelius, was vanquished and driven from his ginians had a great force in field, consisting of kingdom, which from thenceforward became the thirty thousand men, under Hasdrubal, the son possession of his rival, and a great accession of of Gisgo, together with fifty thousand foot and strength to the Romans. On this calamity Hasten thousand horse, under Syphax, king of Nu-drubal being threatened by the populace of Carmidia, who now advanced to ttie relief of Utica. thage with vengeance for his repeated miscarScipio, on the junction and approach of these riages, and being aware of the relentless and sannumerous armies, retired from Utica, took pos-guinary spirit of his countrymen, durst not trust session of a ipeninsula on the coast, fortified the himself in their hands; and in a species of exile, isthmus which led to it, and in this station hav-with a body of eight thousand men that adhered ing a safe retreat, both for his fleet and his army, to him, withdrew from their service. continued to be supplied with provisions by sea In this extremity there was no hope but in the from Sardinia, Sicily, and Italy. But being presence of Hannibal; and expresses were acthus reduced to act on the defensive in the pre-cordingly sent both to Mago and himself, to sence of a superior enemy, and not likely, with-hasten their return into Africa, with all the out some powerful reinforcements from Italy, to forces they could bring for the defence of their make any further impression on Africa, he had country.

recourse to a stratagem which, though amounting Hannibal, it is probable, had for some time nearly to a breach of faith, was supposed to be been pIrepared for this measure, having transallowed iii war with an African enemy. ports in readiness to embark his army; yet he is The combined armies of Carthage and NTlmi-said to have received the order with some expresdia lay in two separate encampments, and, it be-sions of rage. “

They have now accomplished,” ing winter, were lodged in huts c_-ered with he saidl (speaking of the opposite faction at Carbrushwood and the leaves of the palm. In these thage,) “what, by withholding from me the ne circumstances the Roman general formed a de-cessary supports in this war, they have long en sign to set fire to their camp, and in the midst of deavotured to efiect. They have wished to destroy the contusion which that alarm might occasion, the family of’ Barcas; and rather than fail in their to attack them in the night. In order to gain a aim, are wiiiing to bury it at last under the ruin; sufficient knowledge of the ground, and of the of their country.“2 vays by which his emissaries must pass in the While the Carthaginians were thus driven to execution of this design, he entered intoa negotia-their last resource, Scipio advanced towards their tion, andi afficted to treat of conditions for termi-city, and invested at once both Tunis and Utica, nating the war. His deputies, under this pretence, which, though at the distance of above thirty being freely admitted into the enemy’s station, miles from each other, may be considered as basbrought him minute information of their position, tions oil the right and the left, which flanked and and of the avenues which led to different parts commanded the country which led to this famous of their camp..

place. His approach gave the citizens a fiesh Scipio being possessed of these informations, alarnl, dndl seeined to bring their danger too near broke off the treaty, advanced with his army in to suffer them to await the arrival of relief from the night, and in many different places at once, Italy. It appeared necessary to stay the arm of set fire to Hasdrubal’s camp. The flames, being the victor by a treaty; and thirty senators were easily caught by the dry materials, spread with accordingly deputed to sue for peace. The deputhe greatest rapidity. The Carthaginianssuppo-ties, in their address to the Roman proconsul, sing that these fires were accidental, and having laid the blame of the war upon Hannibal, supporno apprehension of the presence of an enemy, ted, as they alleged, by a desperate faction who ran withlout arms to extinguish them: and the had adopted his wild designs. They entreated Numidianrs, with still less concerni, left their huts that the Romans would once more be pleased to to gaze on tihe scene, or to lend their assistance. spare a republic which was again brought to the In this state of security and confusion Scipio at-brink of ruin by the precipitant counsels of a few tacked and dispersed them with great slaughter;’ of its members. and being, in consequence of this action, again In answer to this abject request, Scipio nien master of the field, he returned to Utica, and tionedl the terms upon which he supposed that renewed the siege or blockade of that place. the Romans would be willing to treat of a peace.

In such a surprise and defeat as the African A cessation of arms was agreed to, and a negoarmies hlad now received, they were likely to tiation commenced; but it was suddenly inlterhave lost their arms and their baggage, and to rupted and prevented of its final eflect by the have nowhere sufficient numbers together to with-arrival of Hannibal. This general, after lrany stand an enemy; on this supposition, it had been changes of fortune, having taken the necessary already proposed at Carthage to have recourse to precautions to secure his retreat, in case he should their last resort, the recalling of Hannibal from be called off’

for the defence of Carthage; now in Italy. But this motion, upon a report from Has-the seventeenth year of the war, and after he had,Irubal and Syphax, that they were again arming supported himself sixteen years in Italy, by the 1 Polyb. lib. xiv. c. 5. Liv. lib. xxx. c. 6. 2 Liv. lib.

xxx. c. 20.

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CHAP. V.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 57 sole force of his personal character and abilities, would not materially affect the State from whence against the whole weight, institutions, resources, they came, chose to try the effect of a negotiatio. discipline, and national character of and for this purpose desired a personal interview U. C. 551. the Romans, transported his army with Scipio. from thence, landed at Hadrumetum, In compliance with this request, the Ronlan at a distance from any of the quarters occupied general put his army in motion, and the Carthaby the Romans, and drew to his standard all the ginians advancing at the same time, they halted remains of the lately vanquished armies of Car-at the distance of thirty saladia, or about three thage, and all the forces which the republic was miles from each other. The generals, attended yet in a state to supply. by a few horse, met on an eminence between This event produced a change in the counsels their lines. Hannibal began the conference, by of Carthage, and inspired the people with fresh expressing his regret that the Carthaginians presumption. They now slighted the faith should have aimed at any conquests beyond their which they had lately engaged to Scipio, and own coasts in Africa, or the Romans beyond those seized on all the Roman vessels, which, trusting of Italy. “e en he said, “with a contest to the cessation of arms, had taken refuge in their for Sicily; we proceeded to dispute the possesbay. They even insulted the messenger whom sion of Spain, and we have each in our turns the Roman general sent to complain of this out-seen our native land overrun with strangers, and rage; and thus hostilities, after a very short truce, our country in dancer of becoming a prey to its were renewed with redoubled animosity and ran-enemies. It is time that we should distrust our cour on both sides.

fortune, and drop an animosity which has brought The people of Carthage, under dreadful appre-us both to the verge of destruction. This lanhensions of becoming a prey to the Romans, guage indeed may have little weight with you, sent a message to Hannibal, then at Hadfrume-who have been successful in all your attempts, tum, to hasten his march, requesting him to at-and who have not yet experienced any reverse of tack the enemy, and at any hazard to relieve the fortune; but I pray you to profit by the expecity from the dangers and hardships of a siege. rience of others. You now behold in me a perTo this message he made answer, that in affairs son who was once almost master of your country, of state the councils of Carthage must decide; and who am now brought, at last, to the detlence but in the conduct of war, the general who comn-of my own. I encamped within five miles of mands must judge of his opportunity to fight. Rome, and ofiered thle possessions round the The forcing of Hannibal to evacuate Italy was forum to sale. Urge not the chance of war too a victory to Scipio; as this was the first fruit far. I now off’er to surrender, on the part of which he ventured to promise from the invasion Carthage, all her pretensions to Spain, Sardinia, of Africa. With this enemy, however, in his Sicily, arnd every other island that lies between rear) it was not expedient to continue the attack this continent and yours. I wish only fbr peace of Tunis or Utica. He withdrew his army from to my country, that she may enjoy undisturbed both these places, and prepared to contend for her ancient possessions on this coast; and I think the possession of the field. that the terms I offer you are sufficiently advanThe Carthaginian leader, having collected his tageous and honourable to procure it.” forces at Ha(lrunetuin, marched to the west-To this address Scipio replied, “That the ward, intending to occupy the banks of the Ba-Romans hatd not been aggressors in the present grada, and from thence to observe and counteract or 1;.ecediirg wars with Carthage: that they the operations of his enemy. Scipio, intending strove to mlaintain their own rights, and to proto prevent him, or to occupy the advantageous tect their allies; and that, suitably to these ground on the upper Bagrada, took his route to righteous intentions, they had been favoured by the same country; and while both directed their the justice of the gods: that no one knew better march to Sicca, they met on the plains of Zama. than himself the instability of human afiairs, nor Whllen the armies arrived on this ground, nei-should be more on his guard against the chances ther party was in condition to protract the war. of war. The terms,” he said, ” which you now Hannibal, whose interest it would have been to propose might have been\accepted of, had you avoid any hazardous measures, and to tire out his offered thenl while yet in ltaly, and had propcsed, enemy by delays, if he were in possession of his as a prelude to the treaty, to remove fi’om thence; owvi country, or able to protect the capital from but now, that you are driven froil every post, you insult, was in reality obliged to risk the whole of propose to surrender; and are torced, not only to its fortunes, in order to rescue it from the hands evacuate the Roman territory, but are stripped of of the enemy, or to prevent their renewing the part of your own. These concessions are no blockade. longer sufficient; they are no niore than a part Scipio was far advanced in an enemy’s coun-of the conditions already agreed to by your country, which was soon likely to be deserted by its trymen, and which they, on your applearance in natives, and exhausted of every means of sub-Africa, so basely retracted. Besides what you sistence; he was far removed from the sea, the now offer, it was promised on their part, that all principal and only secure source of any lasting Roman captives should be restored without ransupply; surrounded by enemies; a great army som; that all armed ships should be delivered up; under Hannibal in his front; the cities of Utica, that a sum of five thousand talents should be Carthage, and Tunis, with all the armed force paid, and hostages given by Carthage for the perthat defended them, in his rear. formance of all these articles. In such circumstances both partits probably “On the credit of this agreement we granted saw the necessity of immediate action; and the a cessation of arnms, but were shalefully betrayed Carthaginian general, sensible of the unequal by the councils of Carthage. iorow to abate any stake ihe was to play, the safety of his couIltry part of the articles which were then stipulated, against the fortune of a s ngle arm-y whose loss would be to reward a broach of ftith, and to in H

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58 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION -BOoK 1. struct nIations hertafter how to profit by perfidy. engaged with the Roman legions; and, after a You may therefore be assured, that 1 will not so short resistance, were forced back on the second much as transmit to Rome any proposal that does line, who, having orders not to receive them, nor not contain, as preliminaries, every article for-allow them to pass, presented their arms. The merly stipulated, together with such additional fugitives were accordingly massacred on both concessions as may induce the Romans to renew sides, and fell by the swords of their own party, the treaty. On any other terms than these, war-or by those of the enemy. thage must vanquish, or submit at discretion.“l The second line, consisting of the African and From this interview both parties withdrew native troops of Carthage, had a similar fate; with an immediate prospect of action; and on the they perished by the hands of the Romans, or by following day, neither having any hopes of advan-those of their own reserve, who had orders to retage from delay or surprise, came forth into the ceive them on their swords, and turn them back, plain in order of battle. if possible, against the enemy. Hannibal formed his army in three lines with Scipio, after so much blood had been shed, findtheir elephants in front. ing his men out of breath, and spent with hard Scipio drew forth his legions in their usual di-labour, enlbarrassed with heaps of the slain, visions, hut somewhat difierently disposed. scarcely able to keep their footing on (,round beHannibal had above eighty elephants, with come slippery with mud and gore, and in these which he proposed to begin the action. Behind circumstances likely to be instantly attacked by a these he formed the mercenary troops, composed fresh enemy, who had yet borne no part in the of Gauls, Licurians, and Spaniards. In a second contest, he endeavoured, without loss of time, to line he placed the Africans and’natives of Car-put himself in a posture to renew the engagement. thage; and in a third line, about half a quarter of His cavalry, by good fortune, in these hazarda amile behind the first, he placed the veterans who ous circulinstances, were victorious on both the had shared with himself in all the dangers and wi’h:s, and were gone in pursuit of the enemy. honours of the Italian war. He placed his cava!ry He ordered the ground to be cleared; and his in the wings opposite to those of the enemy. colulns, in the original form of the action, havScipio posted Lalius with the Roman cavalry ing been somewhat displaced, he ordered those of on his left, and Massinissa with the Nurmidiani the first line to close to the centre; those of the horse on his right. He placed the manipules, or second and third to divide, ald, gaiining the divisions of the legions, not as usual, mutually flanks, to form in a continued line with the front. covering their intervals, but covering each other In this manner, while the grcund was clearing from front to rear. His intention in this disposi-of the dead, probably by the Velites or irregular tion was to leave continued avenues or lanes, troops, he, with the least possible loss of time, and through which the elephants micht pass without without any interval of confusion, completed his disordering the columns. At the head of each line to receive the enemy. An action ensued, line he placed the Velites, or irregular infantry, which, being to decide the event of this mnemorwith orders to gall the elephants, anll endeavour able war, was likely to remain some tinme in susto force them back upon their own lines; or, if’ pense; when the cavalry of the Roman army, this could not be effected, to fly before them into returning front the pursuit of the horse they had the intervals of the heavy-armed foot, and, by the routed, fell on the flank of the Carthaeinian inways which were left open between the manipules, fantrv, and obliged them to give way. to conduct them into the rear. It being the na-Harnibal had rested his hopes of victory on ture of these animals, even in their wild state, to the disorder that might arise from the attack of be the dupes of their own resentment, and to follow his elephants, and if this should fail, on the steady the hunter by whom they are galled into any valour of’ the veterans, whom he reserved for the snare that is prepared for them;2 the design thus last effort to be imade, when he sutq)ose d that the formed by Scipio to mislead them, accordingly Romans, already exhausted in their con iict with proved successful. As soon as the cavalry began the two several lines whom he sacriliced to their to skirmish on the wings, Hannibal gave the sig-ardour in the beginning of the lattle, nomight be nal for the elephants to charge. They were re-unable to contend with the third, yet fresh for ceived by a shower of missile weapons from the action and inured to victory. He was disapRoman light infantry, and, as usual, carried their pointed in the effect of his elephants, by the preriders in different directions. Some broke into caution which Scipio had taken in olfelillnr his their own line with considerable disorder, others intervals, and in brmlinr continued lanes for illei fled between the arnmies and escaped by the flanks, passage from front to rear; and of the effiict of and many, incited with rage, as Scipio had fore-his reserve, by the return of the enemly’;s horse. seen, pursued the enemy that galled them through while the action was vet undecided.3 Ilaving the intervals of the Roman divisions quite out of taken no measures to secure a retreat, nor to save the action; and in a little time the front of the two any part of his army, he obstinately tought every armies was cleared of these animals, and of all the minute of the day to the last; and when he could Irregulars, who had skirmished between them in delay the victory of his enemy no longer, he the beginning of the battle. quitted the field with a small party of horse, of In the mean time the first and second line of whom many, overwhelmled with hunger and faHannibal’s foot had advanced, to profit by the im-tigue, having fallen by the way, he arrived with a pression which the elephants were likely to make. few, in the course of two days and two nights, at The third line still remained on its ground, and Hadrumetum. Here he enlbarked and proceeded seemrned to stand aloof from the action. by sea to Carthage.

His arrival convinced his In this posture, the first line of the Carthagi-countrymen of the extent of their loss. Seeing niaml army, composed of Gauls and Ligurians, Hannibal without an army, they believed themI Polyb.

lib. xv. c. 6, 7, 8. 2 Vid. Buff Hist. Nat. 3 Polvb lib xv. c. 16.

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tjHAe V.1 OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 59 selves vanquished; and, with minds unprovided serters, or fugitive slaveas, taken or received dur with that spirit which supported the Romans ing any part of the war: when overthrown at Thrasimenus and Cann3, Surrender the whole of her fleet, saving ten were now desirous, by any concessions, to avert gallies of three tier of oars: the supposed necessary consequences of their fate. Deliver up all the elephants she then had in The riotous populace, that had so lately pur-the stalls of the republic, and refrain from tamning sued with vengeance, and threatened to tear or breaking any more of those animals: asunder the supposed authors of peace,4 were now That she should not make war on any nation silent, and ready to embrace any terms that might whatever without consent of the Romans: be prescribed by the enemy.

Hannibal, knowing That she should indemnify Massinlissa for all how little his countrymen were qualified to con-the losses he had sustained in the late war: tend with misfortune, confessed in the Senate, And, to reimburse the Romans, pay a sum of that he was come from deciding, not the event of ten thousand talents,8 at the rate of two hundred a single battle, but the fate of a great war, and talents a year for fifty years: advised them to accept of the victor’s terms.5 That the state should give hostages for the They accordingly determined to sue for peace. performance of these several articles, such as In the mean time the Roman army, in pursuit Scipio should select from the noblest families of of its victory, was returned to the coast; and Carthage, not under fourteen, nor exceeding having received from Italy a large supply of thirty years of agTe: stores and military engines, together with a rein-And that, until this treaty should be ratified, forcement of fifty galleys, was in a condition, not they should supply the Roman forces in Africa olly to resume the siege of Utica and Tunis, but with pay and provisions. likewise to threaten with a storm the capital it-When these conditions were reported in the self; and, for this purpose, began to invest the senate of Carthage, one of the members arose, town and block up the harbour. and, in terms of indignation, attempted to disScipio being himself embarked, and conducting suade the acceptance of them: but Hannibal, the fleet to its station, was met by a Carthaginian with the tone of a master, interrupted and comvessel that hoisted wreaths of olive and other en-manded him silence. This action was resented signs of peace. This vessel had ten commission-by a general cry of displeasure; and Hannibal, in ers on board, who were authorized to declare the excuse of his rashness, informed the senate, that submission of Carthage, and to receive the victor’s he had left Carthage while yet a child of nine commands. years old; that he was now at the age of fortyThe ambition of Scipio might have inclined five; and, after a life spent in camps and military him to urge his victory to the utmost; that he operations, returned for the first time to bear his might carry, instead of a treaty, the spoils of Car-part in political councils; that he hoped they thage to adorn his triumph at Rome. But the would bear with his inexperience in matters of impatience with which the consuls of the present civil form, and regard more the tendency than the and of the preceding year endeavoured to snatch manner of what he had done; that lie was sensi. from his hands the glory of terminating the war, ble the proposed terms of peace were unifavourmay, with other motives, have induced him to re-able, but he knew not how else his country was ceive the submission of the vanquished upon the to be rescued from her present difficulties; he first terms that appeared sufficiently honourable, wished to reserve her for a time inl which she and suited to the object of the commission with could exert her resolution with more advantage. which he had been entrusted. He hoped that the senate would, in the present In allusion to this circumstance, he was heard extremity, accept, without hesitation, and even to say, that Claudius, by his impatience to sup-without consulting the people, conditions which, plant him in this command, had save(l the repub-though hard, were, notwithstanding, less fatal to lic of Carthage.6 But men seldom act from any the commonwealth than any one could have single consideration; and Scipio is, in all proba-hoped for in the night that followed the battle of bility, justly supposed to have had other and Zama.9 nobler motives than this jealousy of a successor. The conditions were accordingly _He is even said to have spared the rival of his U. C.

552. accepted, and deputies were sent to country, in order to maintain the emulation of Rome with concessions, which in courage and of national virtue. This motive some measure stripped the republic of her soveCato, who lhad served under him in the capacity reignty. The ratification of the treaty was reof quaestor, and who was not inclined to flatter, mitte(l to Scipio, and the peace concluded on the did him the honour to assign in a speech to the terms he had prescribed. senate.7 Four thousand Roman captives were instantly Scipio, having appointed the Carthaginian released: five hundred galleys were delivered up commissioners to attend him at Tunis, prescribed and burnt: the first payment of two hundred the following terms: talents was exacted, and, under the execution of That Carthage should continue to hold in Af-this article, many members of the Carthaginian rica all that she had possessed before the war, and senate were in tears. Hannibal was observed to be governed by her own laws and institutions: smile, and being questioned on this insult to the That she should make immediate restitution public distress, made answer, That a smile of of all Roman ships or other effects taken in vio-scorn for those who felt not the loss of their lation of the late truce: country, until it affected their own interest, was Should release or deliver up all captives de-an expression of sorrow for Carthage. 4 Appian de Bell. Punic. p. 31.

8 Near two millions sterling. 5 Polyb. lib. xv. c. 4-17. Liv. lib. xxx. c.

31. 9 Polyb. lib. xv. c. 18. Liv. lib. xxx. c. 37. 6 Appian de Bell.

Punic. p. 36. 7 Ibid.

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60 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [Boox L CHAPTER VI. State of Rome at the Peace with Carthage Wars with the Gauls Tith the MacedoniansBattle of Cynoccaphalce-Peace-Freedom to Greece-Preludes to the Jt{ar with AntiochusFlight of Hannibal to that Prince-Antiochus passes into Europe-Dispositions made by the Romans Flight of Antiochus to Asia -His Defeat at the Mountains of Sipylus-Peace and Settlement of Asia-Course of Rom. Affairs at Home, 4-c. IN the course of the war, which terminated in The cantons, which, in so general a defection of so distinguished a superiority of the Roman over their other allies, had continued faithful to them, the Carthaginian republic, the victors had ex-were fond of the merit they had acquired, and perieJced much greater distress than had, even in were confirmed in their attachment by the habits the last stage of the conflict, fallen to the share of of zeal which they had exerted in so prosperous the vanquished. The greater part of their terri-a cause.

Those, on the contrary, who had retory, during a series of years, lay waste; was volted, or withdrawn their allegiance, were reruined in its habitations, plundered of its slaves duced to a state of submission more entire than and its cattle, and deserted of its people. The they had formerly acknowledged; and the sovecity itself was reduced to a scanty supply of reignty of this whole country being, till now, provisions that threatened immediate famine.l’ precarious and tottering, derived, from the very Among other modes of taxation devised at this storm which had shaken it, stability and force. time, the monopoly of salt was established or re-But, notwithstanding the splendour of such newed; but every public fund that was bonsti-rapid advancement, and of’ the high military and tuted in the ordinary way being insufficient, the political talents which procured it, if by any acstate had recourse to the voluntary contribution cident the career of the Ro-nans had been stopt at of its members, and called for their plate and other the present era, their name, it is probable, would ornaments of silver and gold to defray the ex-never have appeared on the record of polished penses. They debased their silver coin by a great nations, nor they themselves been otherwvise mixture of alloy, and farther reduced the copper known than as a barbarous dynasty, that ell a Ass frolm its late coinage at two ounces to one.2 prey to some more fortunate pretenders to domiThe numbers of the people on the rolls, either by nion and conquest. desertion or by the sword of the enemy, uncomThe Romans, being altogether men of the monly fatal in such a series of.battles, were re-sword, or of the state, made no application to letduced from two hundred and seventy thousand ters or sedentary occupations. Cato is introduced to nearly the half.a by Cicero as saying, That it had been anciently In the musters and levies, no less than twelve the fashion at Romlan feasts to sing heroical balcolonies at once withheld their names, and re-lads in honour of their ancestors: but that this fused their support. Yet, proof against the whole custom had been discontinued in his own timeof these sufitrings, the Romans maintained the and it is probable, from the great charge which conflict with a resolution which seemed to imply, their language underwent in a few years, that that they considered the smallest concession as they had no popular or established conmpocsitions equivalent to ruin. In the farther exertion in writing, or even in vulgar tradition, by which of this unconquerable spirit, when the pressure the uniformity of language has, in other instances, of this war was removed, their fortunes rose to a been longer preserve(l.-They had h itherlto no flood of prosperity and greatness, proportioned to historian, poet, or philosopher; and it w as only the low ebb to which they seemed to have fallen now, that any taste began to appear bor the com in the course of it. positions of such authors. Fabius, Ennius, and They joined, in Sicily, to their former posses-Cato, became the first historians of their country, sions, the city of Syracuse, and the whole king-and raised the first literary monunments of genius doan of Hiero. In Spain, they succeeded to all the that were to remain with posterity.4 possessions, to all the claims and pretensions of’ The inclination which now appeared for the Carthage, and became masters of all that had learning of the Greeks was, by nlany, considered been the subject of dispute in the war. They as a mark of degeneracy, and gave rise to the brought Carthage herself under contribution, and never-ending dispute, which,-in this as in other reduced her almost to the state of a province. nations, took place between tile patrons of ancient On the side of Macedonia and illyricum, in and modern manners. The admirers of ancient their treaty with Philip and his allies, they retimes, being attached to what they receivedl from tained to themselves considerable pledges, not their ancestors, were disposed to reject eery nlew only of security, but of power; and began to be improvement, and seemed willing to stop the considered in the councils of Greece, as the prin-progress of’ ingenuity itself. The gay, and the cipal arbiters of the fortunes of nations. fashionable, on the other hand, liked what was In Italy, where their progress was still of new; were fond of every change, and w-ould ever greater consequence, they became more absolute adopt the latest invention as the model of promasters than they had been before the war.- priety, elegance, and beauty. _To the simplicity of the Roman manners in I Pohlb. Excerpitw Legationes. other respects, and to the ability of the most ac2 Pli. Nat. st. lib.iii.c.iii. complished councils of state, was joined a very 3 These were probably the citizens, fit to carry arms, residing in.the city; for it was not yet the practice to enrol those who did not offer their names at Rome. 4 In the sixth century of Rome

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iCHAP. VI.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 61 gross superstition, which led to many acts of ab-which the presence of Hannibal in Italy might have sllrdity and cruelty. In this particularit appears, given them against the Romans, were unable to that the conceptions of men are altogether uncon-remain at peace, and were unwilling to acknnwnected with their civil and political, as well as ledge the sovereignty of any nation over their military character; and that the rites they adopt, own. Having a Carthaginian exile, of the name even when innocent, and the most admissible ex-of Hamilcar, at their head, they attempted again pressions of worship, do not deserve to be record-to dislodge the colonies of Cremona and I lacentia; ed for any other purpose, than to show how far and on that side, with various events for some they are arbitrary; and how little, in many inyears, furnished occupation to the arms of the restances, they are directed, even among nations public. otherwise the most accomplished, by any rule of Philip, notwithstanding the treaty of peace, utility, humanity, or reason. which, about three years before, he had concluded A little time before the breaking out of the late with the Romans, had lately supplied the Carwar, the Roman senate, upon the report of a pro-thaginians with an aid of four thousand men, and phecy that the Gauls and the Greeks were to a sum of money. Of the men he had sent to the possess the city, ordered a man and a woman of assistance of Carthage, many had been taken at each of those nations to be buried alive in the the battle of Zama, and detained as captives. market-place; supposing, we may imagine, that, Trusting, however, to the authority of his crown, by this act of monstrous injustice and cruelty, he sent, during the dependence of the treaty bethey were to fulfil or elude the prediction.5 They tween the Romans and Carthaginians, a message attended to the numberless prodigies that were to demand the enlargement of those Macedonian annually collected, and to the charms that were captives. To this message the senate replied with suggested to avert the evils which those prodi-disdain, that the king of Macedonia appeared to gies were supposed to presage, no less than they desire a war and should have it. did to the most serious affairs of the commonThe people, nevertheless, wearied and exhaustwealth.6 They frequently seemed to impute ed with the late contest, engaged in this war with their distresses more to the neglect of supersti-uncommon reluctance. The senate, they thought, tious rites, than to the misconduct of their offiwas directed by the ambition of a few members, cers, or to the superiority of their enemies. Fa-who never ceased to seek for new subjects of tribius, who, by perseverance and steadiness, had umph, and for fresh occasion of military honours. the merit of restoring their affairs, was no less But notwithstanding their aversion to enter into celebrated for his diligence in averting the effect a war upon these motives, they were persuaded of prodigies and unhappy presages, than he was to give their consent upon a representation of the for the conduct and ability of a cautious and suc-great progress which was making by the king of cessful commander.7 Even Scipio is said to have Macedonia, and the supposed necessity of carry. been influenced by his dreams, and to have pre-ing the war into his own country, in order to tended to special revelations. check or prevent his designs upon Italy. From such examples as these, we may learn Philip, from being the head of a free confedethe fallacy of partial representations of national racy, in which the Achwans, and many other character, and carefullyto guard against drawinug states of Greece, were united, aspired to become any inference from the defects or accomplishments the despotic sovereign of that country; and, which a people may exhibit of one kind, to estab-either by insinuation or force, had made himself lish those of another. master of most places of consequence round the The peace with Carthage was introduced with _Egean sea, whether in Europe or Asia. Upon some popular acts in favour of those who had the death of Ptolemy Philopater, and the successuffered remarkably in the hardships and dangers sion of an infant son of that prince to the throne of the war. Large quantities of corn that had of Egypt, Philip had entered into a treaty with been seized in the magazines of the enemy, were Antiochus, king of Syria, to divide between them sold in the city at a low price, and a considerable the possessions of the Egyptian monarchy; and distribution of land was made to numbers of the in order to be ready for his more distant operations, people in reward of their long and perilous services. was busy in reducing the places which still held out These precedents, however reasonable in the against him in Greece, and in its neighbourhood. circumstances from which they arose, were the For this purpose he sent an army with orders sources of great abuse; private citizens, in the to take possession of Athens, and was himself sequel, were taught to rely on public gratuities, employed in the siege of Abydos.

The Atheniand were made to hope, that, in the midst of sloth ans sent a message to Rome to sue for protection. and riot, they might subsist without care, and “it is no longer a question,” said the consulSulwithout industry. Soldiers were taught to expect picius, in his harangue to the people, “whether extraordinary rewards forordinary services; and you will have a war with Philip, but whether ambitious leaders were instructed how to transfer you will have that war in Macedonia or in Italy. the affection and the hopes of the legions from If you stay until Philip has taken Athens, as the republic to themselves. Hannibal took Saguntum, you may then see him The treaty with Carthage, while it terminated arrive in Italy, not after a march of five months, the principal war in which the Romans were en-and after the passage of tremendous mountains, gaged, left them at leisure to pursue a variety of but after a voyage of five days from his embarkaquarrels, which still remained on their hands, tion at Corinth.” rather than bestowed entire peace. The Insu-These considerations decided the resolution of bres, and other Gaulish nations on the Po, al-the Roman people for war; and the officers, yet though they had not taken the full advantage remaining in Sicily at the head of the sea and the land forces that had been employed against Car. 5 Plutarch in Vit. Marcell. 6 Vide Liv. passim. thage had orders, without touching on Italy, to 7 Plutarch. in Vit. Fab. Max. make sail foi the coast of Epirus.

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62 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [Boox 1. The consul Sulpicius was des-The Roman legion could act on its front, its U. C. 552. tined to command in that country. flank, or its rear. Each division, or manipule, He found, upon his arrival, that and even the men that composed it, could act Attslus, the king of Pergamus, and the republic apart; and, if they had space enough to ply their of Rhodes, had taken arms to oppose the progress weapons, could scarcely be taken by surprise, or of Philip. In concert with these allies, and in be made to suffer for want of a deteruninate order. conjunction with tile Dardanians and other can-It was serviceable, therefore, upon any grountl tons who jo3ined him on the frontiers of Macedo-and, except on the front of the phalanx, had an nia, the Roman consul was enabled to relieve and undoubted advantage over that body. to protect the Athenians. But the other states In its ordinary form, the legion made its attack of Gtreece, though already averse to the preten-by separate divisions, at considerable intervals; sions of Philip, and impatient of his usurpations; and this mode of attack had a tendency to break even the Etolians, though the most determined and disjoin the front of the phalanx. The diviopponents of this prince, seemed to be undecided sions of the second line were ma(le to face the inon this occasion, and deferred entering into any tervals of the first, in order to take advantage of ena,7einent with the Romans. The reputation any disorder that might arise from the impression of the Macedonian armies was still very high; made on the enemy, whether they repulsed and and it was doubtful, whether these Italian inva-pursued, or gave way to the divisions that attackders, considered as an upstart and a barbarous ed them. power, might be able to protect the states that Such are reasonings which occurred to military declared for them against the.vengeance of so men, at least after the events of the present war. great a king(T. In the mean time the Romans, in whatever deThe two first years of the war elapsed with-gree they comprehended this argument, had suffiout any decisive event. Philip took post on the cient confidence in their own weapons, and in mountains that separate Epirus fromi Thessaly, their loose order, to encounter the long spear and and effectually prevented the Romans from pe-compacted force of their enemy. netrating any farther. But, in the third year, When Flamininus arrived in Epirus, Philip Titus Ouintius Flamininus, yet a young man received him in a rugged pass, where the Aous under thirty years of age, being consul, and des-bursts from the mountains that separate Epirus ti’ed to this command, brought to an immediate from Thessaly. This post was strong, and could isaue a contest which, till then, had been held in be defended even by irregular troops; but the su.,-pense. phalanx, in this place, had none of’ its peculiar The Roman legion, except in its first encoun-advantages; the Romans got round it upon the ters with Pyrrhus, had never measured its force, heights, and obliged the king of or compared its advantages with any troops form-U. C. 555. Macedonia to retire. He fled ed on the Grecian model, and, to those who rea-through Thessaly, and, to incomsoned on the subject, may have appeared greatly mode the enemy in their attempts to pursue him, inferior to the NMacedonian phalanx. One pre-laid waste the country as he passed.

sumption, indeed, had appeared in favour of the The flight of Philip determined the Etolians legion, that both Pyrrhus and Hannibal thought to take part in the war against him; and the proper to adopt its weapons, though there is no Roman general, after the operations of the camaccount of their having imitated the line of battle paign, being to winter in Phocis on the gulf of or form of its manipules. Corinth, found, that the greater part of the The phalanx was calculated to present a strong Achaean states were likewise disposed to join him. and impenetrable front, supported by a depth of He took advantage of this disposition, and got poscolumn, which might be varied occasionally to session of all the towns in the Peloponnesus, exsuit with the ground. The men were armed cept Corinth and Argos, which hitherto hadbeen with spears of twenty-one or twenty-four feet in in alliance with the enemy. length. The five first ranks could level and In the following spring, Philip, having with carry their points to the front of the column. great industry collected and disciplined the forces The remainder rested their spears obliquely on of his kingdom, received Flamininus in Thessaly. the shoulders of those that were before them; The armies met in the neighbourhood of Phere and in this posture, formed a kind of shed to in-but the country, being interspersed with gardens, tercept the missiles of the enemy; and, with their and cut with plantations and hedges, the king pressure, supported, or urged, the front of their declined a battle, and withdrew. Flamininus, own column.

knowing that he had magazines at Scotusa, supIn the shock of the phalanx and legion, it is posed that he was gone towards that place, and computed, that every single man in the front of followed by a route that was separated from that the legion, requiring a square space of six feet in of the king by a ridge of hills. In the first day’s which to ply his weapons, and acting with his march, the Romans and Macedonians were h;id buckler and sword, had ten points of the enemy’s from each other by the heights; on the second spears opposed to him:2 nevertheless, the strength day they were covered by a thick fog, which of the phalanx being entirely collected in front, hindered them from seeing distinctly even th and depending on the closeness of its order; when different parts of their own armies.

attacked on the flank or rear, when broken or The scouts and advanced parties on both sides, taken by surprise, and unformed, it was easily had, about the same time, ascended the heights, routed, and was calculated only for level ground, to gain some observation of their enemy. They and the defence of a station accessible only in one met by surprise, and could not avoid an engagedirection. ment. Each party sent for support to the main body of their respective armies. The Romans 1 Plutarch in Vit. Flamin. p.

407. 2 Polyb. lib. had begun to give way, when a reinforcement xvii. C.

23. arrived, that enabled them. in their turn, to press

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CHAP. VI.].F THE ROMAN REPUBLIC, 63 on the enemy, and to recover the height from in proportion as he approached to the completion which they had been forced. Philip was deter-of his wishes, he became jealous of his su cessor, mined not to hazard his phalanx on that unfa-and desirous to terminate the war before ally other vourable ground, broken and interspersed with should come to snatch out of his hands the trolittle hills; which, on account of their figure, phies he had won. This people appeared, therewere called the Cynocephale.3 He sent, never-fore, on most occasions, willing to spare the vantheless, all his horse and irregular infantry to ex-quished, and went to extremities only by degrees, tricate his advanced party, and to draw them off and urged by the ambition of successive leaders, with honour. Upon their arrival, the advantage who, each in his turn, wished to make some adcame to be on the side of the Macedonians; and dition to the advantages previously gained to his the Roman irregulars were forced from the hills country. At the same time, the state, when furin the utmost disorder. The cry of victory was nished with a fair pretence for red(ucing a province carried bacJk to the camp of the king. His cour-to subjection, made the most effectual arrangetiers exclaimed that now was the time to ur(e a ments to accomplish this purpose. flying enemy, and to complete his advantage. Flamininus, on the present occasion, encourag.. The king hesitated, but could not resist the ed the advances that were made to him by Philip, general voice. lie ordered the phalanx to move; granted a cessation of arms, gave him an opporand he himself at the head of the right wing, tunity to continue his applications for peace at while his left was marching in column, had ar-Rome, and forwarded the messenger whom he rived and ibored on the hill.-On his way to this sent on this business. The senate, on being inground, he was flattered with recent tracts of the formed that the king of Macedonia cast himself victory which had been gained by his troops. entirely on the mercy and justice of the Romans, Flamininus, at the same time, alarmed at the named ten commissioners to be joined defeat of his light infantry, and seeing a kind of U. C. 557. with Flamininus, and to determine, panic likely to spread through the legions, put the in presence of the other parties conwhole army in motion, and advanced to receive cerned in the war, what were to be the terms on his flyi’ng parties. In that point of time the fog which peace should be granted. cleared up, and showed the right of the Macedo-The time was not yet come for the Romans to nian phalanx already formed upon the height. lay hold of any possessions beyond the sea of Flamininus hastily attacked this body, and be-Ionia. They had passed into that country as the ing unable to make any impression, gave up the protectors of Athens, were now satisfie(d with the day, on that quarter, for lost. But, observing title of deliverers of Greece; and, under pretence that the enemy opposite to his right were not yet of setting the republics of that quarter free, decome to their ground, he instantly repaired to that tached them from the Macedonian monarchy; wing, and, with his elephants and light infantry, but, in this manner, made the first step towards supported by the legions, attacked them before the conquest, by weakening their enemy, and by stripphalanx was formed, and put them to flight. ping him of great part of that power wMith which In this state of the action, a tribune of the vic-he had been able to resist them in the late war. torious legion, being advanced in pursuit of the They obliged the king of 5Macedonia to withenemy, as they fled beyond the flank of their own draw his garrisons from every fortress in Greece, phalanx on the right, took that body in the rear; and to leave every Grecian city, whether of Euand, by this fortunate attempt, in so critical a mo-rope or Asia, to the full enjoyment of its own inment, completed the victory in all parts of the field. dependence and separate laws. Thus Philip, if his phalanx had any advantage To secure the effects of this treaty, they obliged over the legion of the Romans, had not, in two him to surrender all his ships of war, except one successive encounters, been able to avail himself galley, on which, it was said, were mounted sixof it; and it may well be supposed, that, in the teen tier of oars, requiring a height above the movements of armies, which often require them water, and dimensions in every part, more fitted to act on varieties of ground, the chances were for ostentation than wieldiness or use. greatly in favour of the more versatile body.4 They made him reduce his ordinary military From this field the king of Macedonia fled with establishment to five hundred men, and forbade a mind already disposed not to urge the fate of him entirely the use of elephants. the war any farther. He retired to the passes of. For themselves, they desired only to have the the mountains that surround the valley of Tempe, Reman captives restored, deserters delivered up, and from thence sent a message to the Roman and a sum of one thousand talents to reimburse general with overtures of peace. the expense of the war.6 It waq a fortunate circumstance in the manners By this treaty the Romans not only weakened and policy of the Romans, that the same motives their enemy, but acquired great accessions of of ambition which urged the rulers of the state to reputation and general confidence. They anwar, likewise, on occasion, inclined the leaders of nounced themselves as protectors of all free naarmies to peace, made them admit from an enemy tions; and in this character took an ascendant, the first offers of submission, and embrace any which, even over the states they had rescued terms on which they could for themselves lay from foreign usurpations, by degrees might riso claim to a triumph. into sovereignty and a formal dominion. The prayer of the republic, in entering on a To give the greater solemnity to the gift of war, included three objects, safety, victory, and liberty which they made to the Grecian states, enlargement of territory.5

Every general endea-they had this act of splendid munificence provoured to obtain these ends for his country; but, claimed at the Isthmus of Corinth, in presence of great multitudes from every part of Greece met 3

The name implies, that these ht…uambled the head to solemnize the ordinary games; and, in return, of a dog. 4 Polvb. lib. xvii. c. 22. 5

Liv. lib. xxx1. c. 5. 6 Liv. lib. xxxiii. c. 51.

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64 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION were extolled by the flatterers of their power, or chllus into Syria, and suspended for some time a the dupes of their policy, as the common restorers war which he was disposed to carry into Egypt. of fi fedotlil to mankind. Under pretence of observing the motions of that The lIornans hastened tihe cornpletion of the prince, the Romans, although they had professed treatly, ly which they disarmed the king of Ma-an intention to evacuate the Greek cities, still cedonia, upon having received information that kept possession of Demetrias, a convenient seaAntiochus, king of Syria, was in motion with a port in Thessaly, and of Chalcis on the straits of mighty force, and, without declaring his inten-Eubcea; and Flamininus. under pretence of retions, made sail towards Europe. This prince straining the violence of Nabis, the tyrant of succeeded to the kingdom of Syria a few years Lacedasmon, and of restoring the tranquillity of before Ptolormy Philopater began to reign in that country,2 still remained with an army in the Egypt, or Philip in Greece; and was nearly of Peloponnesus. the same age with those princes.

In his youth he While the Romans were carrying their forwaged war with the kingdom of Egypt for the tunes with so high a hand in this part of the world, possession of Caelo-Syria, and with the Satraps and defeating armies hitherto deemed invinhible, or governors of his own provinces, who attempted they received a considerable check in Spain. to render themselves independent, and to dismenm-That country had been recently divided into her his kingdom. His success in reuniting all the two provinces; and though now possessed by the members of his own monarchy, put him in pos-Romans, without the competition of any foreign session of a great empire, which reached from the rival, it continued to be held by a very difficult extremities of Armenia and Persia to Sardis and and precarious tenure, that of force, opposed to the seas of Greece. The splendour of his fortunes the impatience and continual revolts of a fierce procured him the title of Antiochus the Great. and numerous people. The crown of Egypt had been, for some time, Spain had already furnished to Italy its princithe principal object of his jealousy and of his pal supplies of silver and gold. At every triumph ambition. He had made an alliance with Philip, obtained in that country, the precious metals were in which the common object of the parties was to brought in considerable quantities to the treasury avail themselves of the minority of Ptolomy: of Rome; but were purchased for the most part but he was not aware, in time, how much the with the blood of her legions, and led her into a king of Macedonia stood in need of his support succession of wars, in which she experienced against the Romans; or how much it was his defeat as well as victory. About the time that interest to preserve that kingdom as a barrier Flamininus had terminated the war in Macedonia, against the encroachments of an ambitious peo-the Proconsul Sempronius, in the nearer province ple, who now began to direct their views to the of Spain, was defeated with the loss of many East He advanced, however, though now too officers of rank. He himself was wounded in late oy the coast of Asia to the Hellespont, with action, and soon after died. a fleet and an army rather destined for observa-Even the Roman possessions in Italy were not tion, than for any decided part in a war which yet fully recovered from the troubles that had was brought to a conclusion about the time of his arisen in the time of the late war with Carthage. arrival in those parts.

The Gaulish nations on the Po still continued in At Lysimachia, the Roman deputies, who a state of hostility. The slaves, of which the were charged with the adjustment and execution numbers had greatly increased in Etruria, and of the late treaty, met with Antiochus, and re-other parts of the country, being mostly captives monstrated against some of his proceedings on the taken from enemies inured to arms and to viocoast of Asia, as affecting the possessions both of lence, interrupted their servitude with frequent Philip and of Ptolomy. They complained of his and dangerous insurrections. Having persons present invasion of Europe with a hostile force. among them, who had been accustomed to com”The Romans,”

they said, “had rescued the mand as well as to obey, they often deserted from Greeks from Philip, not to deliver them over to their masters, formed into regular bodies, and Antiochus.” They demanded a restitution of all encountered the armies of the republic in battle.3 the towns he had taken from Ptolomy, and’en-The ridge of the Appenines beyond the conjoined him to refrain from any attempts on the fines of Etruria and the Roman frontier, still harfreedom of Greece. boured fierce and numerous tribes known by the To these remonstrances and requisitions the name of Ligurians and Gauls, who not only often king of Syria with scorn replied, That he knew and long defended their own mountains and the extent of his rights, and was not to be taught woods, but likewise frequently invaded the terriby the Romans: that they were busy in setting tory of the Romans.

Here, or in Spain, during bounds to the ambition of other states, but set no the recess of other wars, there was a continual bounds to their own; advised them to confine service for the consuls and priators, and a continual their views to the affairs of Italy, and to leave exercise to the legions. The state, nevertheless, those of Asia to the parties concerned. though still occupied p’ this manner with petty During the conferences which were held on enemies and desultory wars, never lost sight of these subjects, each of the parties, without comn-the great objects of its jealousy, from whoum were municating what they heard to the others, received to be apprehended a more regular opposition, report of the death of Ptolomy, the infant king of and better concerted designs against its power. Egypt; and they separated from each other, in-Among these, the Carthaginians were not likely tent on the evils to be apprehended, or the benefits to continue longer at peace than until they reto be reaped, from this event. covered their strength, or had the prospect of This report, in which both parties were soon some powerful support.-Antiochus, possessed after undeceived, I occasioned the return of Antio-of all the resources of Asia, was ready to join with 1 Liv. lib.

xxxiii. c. 41. 2 Liv. lib. xxxiii. c. 43. 3 Ibid lib. xxviii. C. 36

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CHAP. VI.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 65 this or any other state that was inclined to check Greece, Flamininus persuaded the Roman comthe advancement of the Roman power. missioners to evacuate Demetrias, Chalcis, and About a year after the conclusion Corinth, which they were disposed to retain in U. C. 558. of the war with Philip, the Romans the prospect of a war with Antiochus; and havreceived intelligence, that the Car-ing thus concluded the aflairs that were entrustthaginians had entered into a correspondence with ed to him, he returned into Italy, and made his Antiochus; and as their supposed implacable entry at Rome in a triumphal procession, which enemy,:Hannibal, was then in one of the first lasted three days, with a splendid display of spoils, offices of state at Carthage, it was not doubted captives, and treasure.6. that the secret intrigues of those tlarties were hos-All the troubles of Greece, at the departure of tile to Rome. It was determined, therefore, to Flamininus, seemed to be composed; these apsend a Iproper commission into Africa, under pre-pearances, however, were but of short duration. tence of an amicable mediation, in some diflbr-Nabis was impatient under his late concessions; ences that subsisted between Massinissa and the and flattering himself that the Romans would people of Carthage; but with injunctions to the not repass the sea merely to exclude him from the commissioners to penetrate, if possible, the de-possession of a few places of little consequence on signs of the Carthaginians; and, if necessary, to the coast of the Peloponnesus, began to employ demand that Hannibal, the supi)posed author of insinuation, corruption, and open force, in order a dangrerous conspiracy against the peace of both to recover the towns lie had lost. In this design the republics should be delivered up. he was encouraged by the Etolians, who flattered This great man, from the termination of the him with the hopes of support, not only fiom late wavr, had acquitted himself, in the political de-themselves, but likewise from Antiochus, and partmnents, to which he had been appointed, with even from Philip; all of whom had an evident an integrity and ability worthy of his hi gh repu-interest in repjressing the growing power of the tation as a so!lir; but his retbrmations in a cor-italian republic.`Ihe Etolians had expected, rupted state had procured himl enemnies at hone, at the close of the war with Philip, to colme into not less danrgerous than those he had encountered the place of that prince, as the head of all the abroad.4 Upon the arrival of the Roman depu-Grecian confederacies, a.nd to have a prinlcipal ties, he sus;,ected that the commission regarded share in the spoils of his kingdom. They urged himself, and nmade no doult that a faction whose the Roman commissioners to the final sulppression ambitionl he had restrained, and many particular of that monarchy; and, being disappointed in all persons whom he had recently incensed by the their hopes, complained of the Romanls, as bestowreformation of certain abuses in which they were ing upon others the fruits of’ a victory which had interested, would gladly seize that olipportunity to Ieen obiainled chiely by their means, and as hayvril themselves of a powerful enemy, and from ing, unlder the pretence of setting the Greeks at fear or somie other motives, prevail on a corrup)te(

Iliberty, reduced that country into a weak and dispeople to deliver him up to the Romarns. It is jointed state, which mifbht. in ally iuture period said, that ihe had been long prepared for an enler-render it an easy prey to tllemselves. genre of this sort, and, without any embarrass-Flamininus accordingly had, in all his meamerit, a’ppe;ared, upon the arrival of these messen-sures fobr the settlement of Creece, found from gers, in all the functions of his public character; this people a warnm and obstinate resistance. He but at ni:ght withdrew to the coast, and set sail found them endeavouring to forml a powerful confor Asia.5 I-le was received by Antiochus at federacy against the Romans, and fobr this purEphe.us, and treated as a person worthy to direct pose engaged in intrigues x itlh Nabis, Philip, and the councils of a great king; an office too much Antiochus; applying to each of them in terms exposedl to envy for the fiavourites of a court, or suited to the supposed injuries they had severally even fbr the prince himself long to endure. received in the late var, or in the negotiations From this ti ne forward the king of Syria, sup-that followed. posed to be governed by the counsels of Harini-At the conclusion of the peace with Philip, bal, became the principal object of attention and Antiochus thinking hiself it by the ellect of that of jealousy at Rome; aIld though he seemed to treaty aggrieved, in respect to the freedom graint remain ini tranquillity durinrg ar-ut three years ed to somle cantons in bihracO, on wlich lihe deri-:fter the acquisition of this farmiditable counsellor, ved a claimn iro:n his ancestors, sent an e’llbassy yet it was niot doubted that the first violent storm to Rome xvitll renlonstrano es on that subject. was to burst from that quarter.

The Ro:nlns made ansrver, in the capacity which Flamininus had, during the greater part of this they had assumed of the deliverers of Greece, that interval, remained in Greece; hadl been occupied they would oppose every attempt to enslave any in sett.lingthe affairs ofthatcountrv, and in observ-Grecian settlement; and as they had no designs iug the Etolians, who, bein( dissatisfied with the on Asia, they expected that the king of Syria late peace, endeavoured to raise a spirit of discontent would not intermeddle in the concerns of Europe. against the Romans. He made war at the same While they gave this answer to the ambllassador time against Nabis the tyrant of Lacedaemon; and of Antiochus, they resolved under pretence of though he failed in his attempt to force this fa-I treating with the king, to send commissioners, in mous usurper in his own capital, he obliged him I their turn, to observe his motions. to evacuate Argos, and to cede all his possessions The famous Scipio Africanus is mlentioned by on the coast. By these means he removed all the some historians as havinrg been of this conmllission (langers with which any of the states of the and as having had some conversations with HanAchaean league had been threatened, and restored nibal, which are recorded to the honour of both.

CLem to the full possession of their freedom. Livy, however, seems to reject these particulars To leave no ground of jealousy or distrust in as fiabulous, while he admits that the apparent in. 4 Liv. lib. xxxiii. c.

45-49. 5 Ibid. c. 46-49. 6 Liv. lib. xxxiv. c. 52.

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(6 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BooK 1. timacy of Hannibal with the Roman commission-variously affected: a general meeting of the States ers, very much diminished the part which this forbeing called to receive them at Demetrias, they midable counsellor held in the confidence of the were, by some of the parties present at this kllg. meeting, reproached with a design, under preAt this time it became known that Antiochus tence of restoring the Greeks to their liberties, ot was meditating the invasion of Italy as well as separating them from every power that was fit to of Greece; that the first of these objects was to protect them; and they were likewise reproached be committed to Hannibal, who undertook to prewith a design of establishing their own tyranny, vail on the republic of Carthage to take a princi-under pretence of opposing that of every other pal share in the war; and that, for this purpose, state. he had sent a proper person to concert measures This species of blasphemy, uttered against a with his party at Carthage; but the intrigue being power which the majority of those who were prediscovered, the Carthaginians, in order to exculsent affected to revere, raised a great ferment in the pate themselves, sent an account of it to Rome. council; and the persons who had thus ventured Before this intelligence had been received, the to insult the Romans being threatened with vioRoman commissioners were set out for Asia, and, lence, were forcedto withdrawfrom Demetrias, and according to their instructions, passed through to take refuge in Etolia. The remaining deputies Pergamus to consult with Eumenes the sovereign of Greece endeavoured to pacify the Roman comnof that kingdom, who having reason to dread the missioners, or at least eritreated them that they power of Antiochus employed all his credit to en-would not impute to so many different nations, gage the Romans in a war with that prince. what was no more than the frenzy of a few indiThey had an audience of the king of Syria at viduals. Apamea, and a conference afterwards, on the The Etolians had already invited Antiochus to object of their commission, with a principal officer pass into Europe.

The measure was accordingof’ his court at Ephlesus. This minister made no ly under deliberation in the council of this prince. scruple to charge the Romans with the real de-Hannibal warmly recommended the invasion of signs of ambition, which they endeavoured to Italy as the most effectual blow that could be disguise under the pretence of procuring the liber-struck at the Romans. “At home.” he said, ties of Greece. “Your conduct,” he said, “where “their force is still composed of disjointed mateyou are in a condition to act without disguise, is rials, which will break into pieces when assailed a much better evidence of your intention, than by the immediate touch of an eneiiv y; and the any professions you may think proper to make in most efliectual power that can be raised up against Greece or in Asia, where, by assuming a popular them, is that which may be formed from the ruins character, you have so many parties to reconcile of their own empire. But if you allow them to to your interest. Are not the inhabitants of Na-remain in quiet possession of Italy, and to stretch ples and of Rhegium Greeks, as well as those out the arms of that country to a distance, their reof Lampsacus and Smyrna’? You are extremely sources are endless, and their strength irresistible.” desirous to set the Greeks at liberty from the do-He made an offer of himself for this service, deminion of Antiochus and Philip, but have no remanding a hundred galleys, ten thousand foot, and morse in subjecting them to your own.” a thousand horse. With this armament he propoThe deputies of the cities whose interest was sed to present himself on the coast of Africa, and in question were present at these conferences, from what further reinforcements or supplies he an(l each pleaded the cause of his country; but could derive from Carthage, to effect his descent without any other effect than that of convincing upon Italy. the parties concerned, that a war could not long These counsels, however, were given in vain. be avoided. The Romans, alarmed by the intel-Hannibal, as a person likely to reap all the glory licence received from Carthage during the depend-of every service in which he bore any part, was ance of this conference, had already begun to become an object of jealousy to the court of Anprepare for hostilities; and upon the report of tiochus, and to the king himself.

His advice their commissioners from Asia, still continued to being received with more aversion than respect, augment their forces by sea and by land. Under served to determine the king against every mcapretence of repressing the violences committed by sure he proposed. “Such a monarch,”

it was Nabis, they ordered one army into Greece, and said by the courtiers, “could not be under any nestationed a second on the coast of Calabria and cessity to employ foreign aid or direction:-his Apuiia, in order to support the operations of the own force was sufficient to overcome the Rofirst. mans in any part of the world:-the recovery of The Romans had reason to consider the Eto-Greece must be the first object of his arms:-the lians as enemies, and even to distrust the inten-people of that country, whenever his galleys aptions of many of the republics lately restored to peared, would crowd to the shores to receive him: their liberty, who began to surmise, that under -the Etolians were already in arms for this purthe pretence of being relieved from the dominion pose: Nabis was impatient to recover the posof Philip, they were actually reduced to a state sessions of which he had been stripped by the of dependance on Rome. Romans:-Philip must eagerly fly to his standard, To obviate the difficulties which from these and embrace every opportunity to revenge the surmises might arise among the Grecian repub-indignities which had been lately put upon himlies, the Roman senate sent a fresh commission self and his kingdom.“2 into that country, requiring those who were Flattered with these expectations, named in it to act under the direction of Flamini-U. C. 56‘2. Antiochus set sail for Europe with lius, the late deliverer of Greece. These commis-ten thousand foot, some elephants, sioners found the principal cities of that country and a body of horse. He was received at De. Liv lib. xxxv. c. 14 2 Liv. lib. xxxv c 18. et 42.

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CIHAP. VI.] OF THE; ROMAN REPUBLIC. 67 metrias with acclamations of joy; but s.)on after, I charge the farther preparations that were making in the sequel, came to understand that his allies for a war in that country, and-hastened the asin that country had sent for him to bear the bur-sembling of an army and fleet suffrient to disden of the war, and were levising how they concert the measures of the parties that were should reap for themselves the advantages that supposed to be forming against the Romans.

might be made to arise from it. The usual tithes of corn were ordered from The Etolians, at whose instance Antiochus Sardinia, and double tithes from Sicily, to supply had come into Greece, were still divided. One the army in Epirus. Commissaries likewise were party among them contended for peace, and al-sent to Carthage and Numidia, in order to purleged that the presence of the king of Syria was chase supplies from thence. And with such a a fortunate circumstance, as it might give them an sense of its importance did the Romans enter on opportunity to negotiate with greater advantage. this war, that the consul Cornelius issued an Another party contended for immediate war; in-edict, prohibiting all senators, and all those who sisting that force alone could obtain any equitable were entitled to be admitted into the senate, to terms from such a party as that they had to do absent themselves from Rome above one day at a with.

time, and requiring that no more than five senaFlamininus was present in the assembly of tors should on the same day be absent from the Etolia when these debates took place relating to city. the resolution for peace or war with the Romans. The equiqment of the fleet was retarded by a He observed to the party who contended for war, dispute that arose with eight of the maritime that, befbre they proceeded to this extremity, they colonies or seaports, who pretended to a right of ought to have made their representations at exemption from the present service. But their Rome, and to have waited for an answer from plea, upon an appeal to the tribunes, and a rethence. ” We shall make our representations, ference from them to the senate, was overruled. and demand our answer,” said a principal person Antiochus passed the winter at Chalcis in a in the assembly, still thinking of a descent upon manner too common with princes of a mean caItaly, to be effected by Hannibal, ” perhaps where pacity, who put every matter of personal caprice we are least expected, on the banks of the Tiber.“3 on the same footing with the affairs of state. The resolution for war with the Romans was Being enamoured of a Grecian beauty, he emaccordingly taken in this assembly, and Antiochus ployed the attention of his court on feasts and was declared head of the confederacy to be formed processions, devised for her entertainment, and to for mutual support in the conduct of it. This enhance his pleasures. His reputation declined, prince endeavoured to obtain a declaration to the and his forces made no progress either in numsame effect from the Acheans and Bceotians; but bers or discipline. being disappointed in his application to those In the spring he lost some time in forming constates, he left part of his forces at Demetrias, and federacies with petty states, which are ever under he himself having negotiated his admission at the necessity of declaring themselves for the preChalcis on the Straits of Euboea, retire(], as if vailing power, and who change their side with he had come to act upon the defensive, behind the the reverses of fortune. Having traversed the Euripus, and established his court at that place for country from Boeotia to Arcania, negotiating treathe winter. ties with such allies as these, he had passed into Mean time the Romans prepared themselves as Thessaly, and had besieged Larissa, when the for a struggle of great difficulty, and probably of Roman prator began to advance from Epirus.

long dluration.4 They considered the abilities of After the contending parties had thus taken Hannibal, employed to conduct the forces of Asia, the field, and the armies of Rome and of Syria as a sufficient ground of alarm. Their first ob-were about to decide the superiority on the fronect was to guard Italy and their other possessions. tiers of Macedonia, Philip seemed to remain in An army of observation was for this purpose sta-suspense, having yet made no open declaration to tioned at Tarentum. A numerous fleet was orwhich side he inclined. He had felt the arms of dered to protect the coast. The prietors and other the Romans, and had reason to dread those of officers of state, with proper forces under their Antiochus. command, had charge of the differcnt districts of The princes who divided the Macedonian emItaly that were suspected of i.clining to the pire were not only rivals in power, they were in enemy, or of being disaffected to the common-some degree mutual pretenders to the thrones wealth. The instructions given to these officers, which they severally occupied; Philip, probably were, to observe what was passing in the several consideling Antiochus, in this capacity, as the quarters to which they were sent, but to avoid principal object of his jealousy, took his resoluevery occasion of animosity or tumult that might tion to declare for the Romans; and having acopen a way for the admission of an enemy, or cordingly joined the praetor on the confines of show an invader where to direct his attack. Thessaly, their vanguard advanced to observe the Having made these dispositions for their own position and motions of the enemy.

security, they proceeded to form an army which Antiochus, upon the junction of these forces, was to act offensively, and to fix the scene of the thought proper to raise the siege of Larissa.war in their enemy’s country. Bebius, a prutor From this time forward he seemed to have dropof the preceding year, under pretence of opposing ped all his sanguine expectations of conquest in Nabis, who had renewed the war in the Pelopon-Europe, was contented to act on the defensive, nesus, had already passed into Epirus with a and when the Roman consul arrived in Epirus, considem-lble force. Acilius Glabrio, one of the and directed his march towards Thessaly, he consuls of the present year, to whose lot this took post at the Straits of Thermopylae, intendprovin e had fallen, was understood to have in ing to shut up this passage into Greece; but being dislodged from thence, his army was routed, 3 L v. lib. xxxl. c. 33. 4

Appian Syriace, p. 95. the greater part of it perished in the flight: and he

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68 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION ISboK I. himself, with no more than five hundred men, more; that he must submit to such terms as the escaped to Chalcis, his borner retreat in Euboea, Romans were entitled to expect from victory.  from whence he soon after set sail for Asia. But as he continued to assemble his forces, he Upon the flight of Antiochus, the Etolians chose rather to stake his fortune on the decision alone remained in the predicament of open ene-of a battle; and having in vain endeavoured to mies to the Romans. They were yet extremely make himself master of Pergamus, the capital of irresolute and distracted in their councils. After Eumenes, he fell back on Thyatira, and from havring brought the king of Syria into Europe, thence proceeded to take post on the mountains they had not supported him with a sufficient of Sypylus, where he meant to contend for the force; and now, upon his departure, being sensi-empire of Asia. ble of their danger from the Romans, a powerful In the mean time the Scipios advanced to the enemy whom they had greatly provoked, they Hellespont, and without any resistance passed endeavoured to persuade the king to return; re-the Strait. This was the first timrr that any presenting to him how much he was concerned to Roman army set foot on Asia; and being met by furnish that arrogant people with a sufficient oc-the deputies of the king with the overtures of cupation in Greece, to prevent their passing into peace that have been mentioned, sent accounts to Asia. They at the same time made offers of Rome of their arrival, and made a halt for some pacification and of submission to the Romans, days. but were received in a manner which gave them This descent was considered by the Romans no hopes of being able to palliate the offence as an epoch of great renown; and the messenger they had given. The consul advanced into their who brought the accounts of it was received with country, laid siege to Naupactus, and having re-processions and solemn rites. Supplications and duced that place and the whole nation to great prayers were offired up to the gods, that this distress, agreed to a cessation of arms, only while first landing of a Roman army in they sent deputies to Rome to implore fbrgiveness U. C. 562. Asia might be prosperous for the and to make their peace with the senate. Such comnmonwealth. was the posture of affairs when Lucius Cornelius Publius Scipio, the f:mous antagonist of HanScipio, being elected one of the consuls for the nibal, soon after his arrival in Asia, was taken ensuing year, was destined to succeed Acilius ill; or, what may be supposed for his honour, beGlabrio in Etolia; and, with his brother Publius, ing desirous not to rob his brother of any share the victor in the battle of Zama, who was to act in the glory which he perceived was to be easily as second in command, had orders to prosecute won against the present enemy, he afifected indisthe war against the kingdom of Syria. position, and remained at a distance fronm the These leaders being arrived in Greece, and in-camp. Lucius, thus left alone to command the tent on the removal of the war into Asia, wil-Roman army, advanced upon the king, attacked lingly accepted of the submission of all the towns him in the post he had chosen, and in a decisive that had incurred any suspicion during the stay victory, dispersed the splendid forces of Asia, of Antiochus in Europe; and leaving the dift with all their apparatus of armed chariots, horses, ference which remained to be settled with the and elephants, harnessed with gold. Etolians in a state of negotiation, they proceeded The king himself fled with a few attendants, without delay, by the route of Macedonia and passed through Sardis in the night, and conThrace, towards the Hellespont. tinued his flight to Apamea in Pisidia, where he In passing through these countries, they were expected to be out of the reach of his pursuers. conducted and furnished with all the necessary Thyatira, Sardis, and Magnesia soon after supplies of provisions and carriages by Philip. opened their gates to the Romans; and the king The fleets of Asia and Europe, during this himself by a messenger from Apamea, again march of the Roman army, contended for the made haste to own himself vanquished, and to sue command of the seas. That of Europe, which for peace. was joined by the navy of Rhodes, and even by The Romans, to display a moderation which that of the Carthaginians, who, to vindicate they frequently affected in the midst of their victhemselves from any blamle in the present war, tories, renewed the same conditions which they had taken part with their rival, after various en-had prescribed on their arrival in Asia; and a counters, obtained the victory in a decisive battle, cessation of arms being granted, officers from which made them entire masters of the sea, and Antiochus, and from all the other parties conopened all the ports of Asia to the shipping of the cerned in the approaching treaty, repaired to Romans. Rome, in order to receive the final decision of the The king of Syria had fortified Sestos and senate and people, on the future settlement of Abydos on the fHellespont, and Lysimachia on their affairs. the isthmus of Chersonesus, with an apparent Eumenes, the king of Pergamus, on this occaresolution to dispute the march and passage of the sion, attended in person, and, together with the Scipios at aUt these different stations, but on the republic of Rhodes, who had distinguished themtotal defeat of his navy, he either considered selves by their zeal and faithful services in the those places as lost, or, fearing to have his tbforces late war, became the principal gainer in the separately cut off in attempting to defend them, treaty. he withdrew his garrisons from Lysimachia, it was agreed by the senate, that the prelimiSestos, and Abydos; and while he thus opened nary articles already prescribed by the consul the way for his enemies to reach him, gave other should be confirmed: signs of despondency, or of a disposition to sink That, according to these articles, Antiochus under adversity, making overtures of peace, and should resign all his pretensions in Europe, anl offering to yield every point which he had for-contract the boundaries of his kingdom in Asia merly disputed in the war. In reply to these within the mountains of Taurus: offers he was told, That he must do a great deal That he should pay to the Romans, at succes

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CHAP. VI.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 69 sive terms. five thousand talents to reimburse the That if they chose to make these payment!s in expense of the war: gold rather than silver, the proportion should be To Eumenes four hundred talents on the score one of gold to ten of silver; and that they should of a debt that had been due to his father. give hostages for the performance of these several And, for the performance of these conditions, articles.3 should give twenty hostages, such as the Romans WVhile the Etolians were on these terms con.. should name. eluding a peace, or rather obtaining a pardon, the In the farther execution of this treaty, the RoConsul Manlius, who had succeeded the Scipios mans again appeared to be solicitous only for the in Asia, willing, if possible, to bring back into interest of their allies, and required no more than Italy, together with the victorious legions. some indemnification for themselves. They appointed pretence of a triumph for himself, led his army ten commissioners to repair into Asia, and there against the Galatians. These were the, descendto determine the several questions that might arise ants of a barbarous horde, which had, some ages relating to the settlement of that country. In the before, migrated from the north of Europe, visited mean time they published to all parties the fol-Italy and Greece in their way, and stopped on the lowing instructions, as the basis on which the Halys in the Lesser Asia, where they made a commissioners were to proceed: settlement, round which they levied contributions That the preliminaries of the peace with An-quite to the shores of the Euxine, the Meditertiochus already offered should be ratified: ranean, and Egean Seas.

Their forces had lately That all the provinces which he was to evacu-made a part in the army of Antiochus, and they ate, except Caria and Lycia, were to be assigned had not yet acceded to the peace which that prince to Eumnenes: had accepted. By these means they furnished the That these provinces, bounded by the Meander Roman Consul with a pretence for invading their on the east, should be given to the republic of country; and being unable to resist him, submitRhodes: ted at discretion. In thus extinguishing the reThat all the Greek cities which had been mains of every hostile combination, the Romans tributary to Eumenes should continue so, and all took care to satisfy the world that it never was which had been tributary to Antiochus should be safe to take part against them in any confederacy, set free.! and that, while they never abandoned any ally of A settlement was accordingly soon after made their own, they were in condition to compel the in Asia in these terms; and the Romans, while powers, with whom they were at war, frequently they were hastening to universal dominion, ap-to abandon theirs. peared to have no object beyond the prosperity of Thus ended the first expedition of the Romans their allies: they were merciful to the vanquished, into Asia: in the result of which, without seemand formidable only to those who presumed to ing to enlarge their own dominions, they had resist their arms. In the midst of their conquests, greatly reduced the powers both of the Syrian they reserved nothing to themselves besides the and Macedonian monarchies; and by restoring, power of giving away entire kingdoms and pro-whether from inclination or policy, every state to vinces; or, in other words, they reserved nothing its independence, they had balanced a multitude but the power of seizing the whole at a proper of parties against each other, in such a manner, time, and, for the present, the supreme ascendant as that no formidable combination was likely to be over all the conquered provinces that were given tbrmed against themselves; or if any one, or a few away, and over those who received them. parties, should presume to withstand their power, The Etolians were now the only parties in many others were ready to join in the cry of inGreece who pretended to hold their liberties, or gratitude, and to treat any opposition that was thir possessions, by any other tenure than that made to them as an unworthy return to those of a grant from the Romans. who had so generously espoused the cause of During the dependance of the war in Asia, the mankind.Etolians were making continual efforts to recover The pacification of Asia and Greece left the their own losses, and to preserve the city of Am-republic at leisure to manage its ordinary quarrels bracia, then besieged by the Romans; but, upon with nations unsubdued on the opposite frontier. the dleleat of Antiochus, the Ambraciots surren-In the west, hostilities had subsisted without indered at discretion, and the Etolians sued for terruption, during the whole time that the state peace. was intent on its wars in the East; and triumphal Ambracia had been the capital of Pyrrhus, and processions were exhibited by turns from those now furnished the captor with a plentiful spoil of opposite quarters. statues, pictures, and other ornaments to adorn In Spain the commanders were, for the most his triumph. The Etolians, at the intercession of part, annually relieved, and the army annually the Athenians, were allowed to hope for peace on recruited from Italy. The variety of events which the following terms.2 are mentionedl, and the continuance of the war That they should not allow to pass through itself, are sufficient to evince that no decisive vic. their country the troops of any nation at war with tories were obtained, or conquests finally made. the Romans: On the coast of Spain there were many Greek or That they should consider the allies of Rome African settlements established for commerce. Of as their allies. and the enemies of Rome as their these the Romans, either as having supplanted enemies: the Carthaginians, formerly their masters, or as That they should make instant payment of two having subdued the natives, were scill in posseshundred talents in silver, the standard of Athens; sion. But the interior parts of the country were and of three hundred more at separate instal-occupied by many hordes, who appear to have ments within six years: been collected in townships and fortified stations, Polvb.

Excerptae Legationes, c. 35. 2 Ibid. c. 28. 3 Polyb. Excerptal Legationes, c. 28.

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70 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK I ftom which they assembled to orppose the Roman and Asia, was for some years c le principal em. armies in the field, or in whlcl they defended ployment of both the consuls.

Liere, however, the themselves with obstinate vatlul. Though often Romans made a more sensible progress towards defeated, they still renewed the contest. Tiberius an entire conquest than they made in Spain. Sempronius Gracchus, in the year of Rome five They facilitated their access to the country by hundred and seventy-four, about ten years after highways across the mountains; they reduced the the peace with Antiochus, is said to have received numbers of the enemy by the sword’and by the the submission of one hundred and three towns ordinary distresses of war; and, after the experiof that country.l The troubles of Spain were, ence of many pretended submissions and repeated nevertheless, renewed under his successors, and revolts of that people, who seemed to derive the continued to occupy the Roman arms with a ferocity of their spirit, as well as the security of repetition of similar operations, and a like variety their possession, from the rugged and inaccessible of events. nature of their country, it was determined to The war in Liguria was nearly of the same transplant the natives to some of the more accesdescription with that in Spain; continued still to sible parts of Italy, where the lands, being waste occupy a certain part of the Roman force; and, from the effect of former wars, were still unocboth before and after the late expedition to Greece cupied and at the disposal of the republic.2 CHAPTER VII. State of Italy-Character of the Roman Policy-Death, of Scipio and of Hannibal-Indulgence qf the Romnans to the King of Macedonia-Complaints against Philip-Succession qf Perseus, and Origin of the War-Action on the Peneus Overtures of Peace-Progress of the WtarDefeat qf Perseus at Pidna, by Paulus Emilius-His Flight and Captivity-Settlement of Mlacedonia and Illyricum lanners of the Romans. BY the methods above related the Romans have the priesthood, joined to the other honours proceeded to extend their dominion over all the which the different orders of the people enjoyed districts around them, and either brought to their In common, “can cite my father in the rank of own standard, or disarmed, the several nations consul; and my son can cite both his grandfather who had hitherto resisted their power.

While they and me.“4 The plebeians were entitled by law tc were about to accomplish this end, the Trans-claim one of the consul’s seats, and frequently alpine Gauls, still having their views directed to occupied both. the southward of the mountains, made some at-The authority of the senate, the dignity of the tempts at migration into Italy, in one of which equestrian order, and the manners of the people, they settled a party of their people at Aquileia. in general, were guarded, and, in a great measure, The Romans were alarmed, and ordered these preserved, by the integrity and strict exercise of strangers to be dislodged and reconducted across the censorial power. The wisest and the most the Alps. respected of the citizens, from every condition, This circumstance suggested the design of were raised into office; and the assemblies whesecuring the frontier on that side by a colony; ther of the senate, or the people, without envy, and for this purpose a body of Latins was accordand without jealousy, suffered themselves to be ingly sent to Aquileia, a settlement which nearly governed by the counsels of a few able and virtucompleted the Roman establishments within the ous men. It is impossible otherwise to account Alps. The country was now, in a great measure, for that splendour with which the affairs of this occupied by colonies of Roman and Latin ex-republic, from the time of the first Punic war to traction, who, depending on Rome for protection, that of the last wars with Macedonia and Carserved, wherever they were settled, to carry the thaae, though committed to hands that were condeepest impressions of her authority, and to keep tinually changing, were, nevertheless, uniformly the natives in a state of subjection to her govern-and ably conducted. ment. The spirit of the people was in a high decree The domestic policy of the state, during this democratical; and though they suffered themperiod, appears to have been orderly and wise selves to be governed by the silent influence of beyond that of any other time. The distinction personal authority in a few of their citizens, yet between patrician and plebeian was become alto-could not endure any species of uncommon pregether nominal. The descendants of’ those who eminence; even that which arose from the lustre had held the higher offices of state, were, in con-and well-founded pretensions of distinguished sequence of the preferments of their ancestors, merit. considered as noble. Instead of a title of nobility, The great Scipio, with his brother Lucius, on the son named his father and grandfather, who their return from Asia, encountered a prosecuhad been vested with public honours. And as the tion, unworthily supported by a popular clamour; plebeians now found no difficulty in obtaining the which brought them to trial on a formal charge offices of state, they were continually opening the of secreting part of the treasure received from way of their posterity to the rank of nobles. Antiochus. It is likely, from the manner in which “Thus I,” said Decius Mus,3 while he pleaded to Publius Scipio disdained to answer this charge, that he carried his personal spirit too high toi 1 Liv. lib. xl. c. 50. et passim. 2 Liv. lib.

xl. c. 38. 3 Vid. B. i. c. 3. 4 Liv. lib. x. c. 8.

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CHAP. VII.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 71 Jernocratical government, which can allow no limits of his kingdom. This sentence he received private merit to come in competition with thy with indignation and resentment, which were toc rights of the people to sovereignty, and of indi-unguardedly expressed, and which rendered him viduals to equal attention in the state.

At his thenceforward an object of continual attention first citation on the libel which was brought and of jealousy to the Romans. against him, seeming not to hear the person who A second commission was granted to see the accused him, he reminded the people, that this sentence of the first put in execution; and as was the anniversary of that day on which they soon as it became publicly known, that the Rohad gained the victory at Zama; and desired that mans were willing to receive complaints against they would follow him to the temples, in which Philip, and were disposed to protect every person he was to return thanks to the gods for that irm-who incurred his displeasure, ambassadors from portant event. He was followed accordingly by the princes of Asia, and persons of every condithe whole multitude, anil the accuser for that time tion, from all the cities of Greece, and from all the was deserted. At his second citation, he called districts in the neighbourhood of Macedonia, refor the paper of accoants, on which he had en-sorted to Rome with complaints against the king, tered all the sums he had received in Asia; and, some of a private, an(l others of a public nature. while the people expected that he was to satisfy The city was crowded with strangers, and the them by a state of particulars, he tore the scroll in senate was occupied, from morning to night, in their presence; and, taking the privilege of a hearing the representations that were made by Roman citizen, retired, without deigning to give their allies on the subject of the usurpations and any answer, and went as an exile into a country oppressions they had suffered. village of Italy, where he soon after died. Philip, to divert the storm, had sent his younger The same year likewise terminated the life of son, Demetrius, to answer the several charges his antagonist Hannibal. This great man, himwhich were expected to be brought against him; self a sufficient object of jealousy to nations, was, and, in the end, obtained a resolution of the sebyv an article in the late treaty of peace with An-nate to accommodate matters on an amicable foottiochus, to have been delivered up to the Romans; ing. This resolution was grounded on pretence and had, in order to avoid that danger, retired of the favour which the Romans bore to Demeinto Crete. From thence he took refuge with trius, who had long resided as a hostage in their Prusias, king of Bithynia, where the enmity of city. “, The king will please to know,” they said, Rome still pursued him, and where an embassy “that he has done one thing extremely agreeable was sent to demand that lie should be delivered to the Romlans, in trusting his cause to an advocate up. As soon as he knew that this demand( was so well established in their esteem and regard.“5 actually made, and that the avenues to his dwell-This language of the Roman senate respecting ing were secured in order to seize him, he took Dernetrius, together with dangerous suggestions poison, and (lied. from some of his own confidants, probably inspired The Romans hadi been so well satisfied with the young man with thoughts, or rendered him the part which was take-:l by Philip in the late suspected of designs, injurious to the rights of war with Antiochus, that they released his son Perseus, his elder brother. This prince took the Demetrius, then at Rome, a hostage for pay-alarm, and never ceased to excite the suspicions ment of the father’s tribute, of which they like-already formed in the breast of the father, until wise remitted a part. They even connived at his he prevailed in securing his own succession by recoveringsome of hisformer possessions,and made the death of his younger brother.6 no inquiry into the numbers of his troops, in which Philip, having ordered the execution of one son he greatly exceeded the establishment prescribed to gratify the jealousy of the other, lived about by the last treaty. They continued in this dispo-three years after this action, suffering part of the sition during four years after the late peace with punishment that was due to him on that account, the king of Syria; and, in this interval, permitted in the most gloomy apprehensions of danger from the kingdom of Macedonia, by the improvement his surviving son, and died in great solicitude for of its revenue, and the increase of its people, in a the fate of his kingdom. great measure to recover its former strength. Perseus, nevertheless, in ascending the throne These circumstances of prosperity, however, of Macedonia, gave hopes of a better and happier did not fail to excite apprehension in the minds reign than that of his predecessor. He was imof all those who, holding independent possessions mediately acknowledged by the Romans; and.

in that neighbourhood, were exposed to be the during a few years after his accession, appeared first victims of this reviving power; anld rehire-to have no cause of disquietude from this people. sentations, to awaken the attention of the Ro-Although he had adopted the measures of his mans on this subject, were accordingly made at father, and endeavoured by attention to his reveRome, from Eumenes, the king of Pergamus, and nue, his army, and magazines; and by forming from all the petty princes and small communities alliances with some of the warlike Thracian on the frontier of Macedonia. hordes in his neighbourhood, to put his kingdom On receiving these admonitions, the senate, in in a posture of delence, and in condition to assert their usual form, sent to the country from whence its independence; yet he appears to have excited they were alarmed, a select number of their mem-less jealousy in the minds of his neighbours.

The hers to make inquiry into the real state of affairs. progress which he made seems to have escaped Before a tribunal thus constituted, the king of the attention of the Romans; until, at last Macedonia was cited to appear as a private party, awakened by the report of a secret correspondence first at Tempe, to answer the charge of the Tres-which he carried on with the republic of Carthage, salians, and afterwards at Thessalonica, to an-they thought proper to send a deputation into swer that of Eumenes. After a discussion, suf-Macedonia, in order to observe his motions. ficiently humbling to a sovereign, he received sentence, by which he was required to evacuate 5 Polyb. Excerpt. Legat. c. 46. Liv. lib. xxxix. 46,47 all the places he had occupied beyond the ancient. 6 Liv. lib. xl. c. 24.

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72 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BooR a. By the deputies employed in this service, the to its consequences. The Bceotians and Epirots, Romans obtained intelligence, that Perseus had as well as the Illyrians, openly declared for the madte advances to the Ach ans as well as to the king of Macedonia.2 Carthaginians, and to other states; and was likely These circumstances were stated at Rome as lo fornm a powerful party among the Greeks. additional grounds of complaint against the kilig; From this tilme forward the leaders of the Ro-and his endeavours to vindicate the part he had mlan councils seemed to have taken a resolution acted, were considered as attempts to form a hosto remove this subject of jealousy, and to suppress tile confederacy against the republic. the Macedonian monarchy.

They renewed their Additional fleets and armies were accordinglyattention to the state of parties in Greece, and assembled, and directed towards Epirus; and a endeavoured to reconcile all the differences that declaration of war was issued in the form of an might incline any of those republics to oppose act of the Roman people. them in the execution of their design. They The Romans had now, during about twentyencouraged the king of Pergamus, who after-five years, borne a principal part among the nawards appears to ha’,e repented of the part which tions that surrounded the MIediterranean sea. he took in that matter, to state his complaints.

The ascendant they had gained in all their wars They brought him to Rom.e in person, and cited or treaties, had made them common objects of himn before the senate to give a complete detail of fear or respect to all the contiguous powers of the circumstances that were alarming in the policy Europe, Asia, and Africa. The M iacedonians, of Perseus. Eumenes, having been thus brought however, as the latest conquerors of the world, forward as a formal accuser, and being to return still retained a very high reputation for military through Greece, in order to offer his devotions at skill and valour. The events of the late war the temple of Delphi, was assaulted and wounded rather surprised mankind, than convinced them by a party who meant to assassinate him; and of any decided superiority on the part of the Rothis design, with some other acts of violence, be-man arms.

The novelty of a new enemy, th. ing, imputed to Perseus, served as a pretence for nistakes or misconduct of the late king, might the war which followed. have accounted for his ill success. The kingdom The Roman senate had already granted two had now been above twenty years exempted from separate commissions, the one of a deputation to any signal calalnity, had re-established its armies, visit Macedonia, and to observe the motions of and filled its magazines and its coffers. The Perseus; the other of an embassy into Egypt, to military establishment amounted to forty thousand confirm their alliance with Ptolemy. On hearing men; the greater part formed and disciplined upon of the attempt that had been made to assassinate the plan of the phalanx, and supported with nuEumenes, they directed one of the printors, merous troops of irregulars from the warlike canCaius Sicinius, with a proper force, to pass into tons of Thrace. The king himself, in the vigour Epirus; and, in order to Jecure their access into of manhood, sensible that the sterm could nrot be that country, to take possession of Apollonia, and diverted, affected rather to desire tul’n to decline other towns on the coast. But a misunderstanding the contest; and, under all these cirunlstances, then subsisting between the consuls, ard other prin-nations seemingly least interested in the consecipal men of the senate, caused some obstruction quences, were intent on the scene that was about in the farther immediate prosecution of the war. to be opened before them. Perseus however, alarmed by the arrival of a Eumenes, supposed to be incited by invwterate Roman force in his neighbourhood, sent an em-animosity to Perseus, and by recent provocations, bassy to Rome with expostulations on the subject, prepared to fulfil his professions in behalf of the and with offers, by every reasonable concession Romans. that the senate or the people could require, to Ariarathces, the king of Cappadocia, equally avert the storm which threatened him. But the inclined by policy to wish for a counterpoise to Romans, affbeting resentment of the injuries they the i\lacedonian power, but having recently pretended to have received, ordered his amllbassa-formed an alliance by marriage with the ihmily dor, without delay, to depart from Italy; and of Perseus, determined to be neutral in the war.,ave intilnation. that, if for the future he should Ptolemy Philomnater, who then filled the throne nave any thing to offer, he might have recourse of Egypt, was a minor. Antiochus Epiphanes, to the comlmander of the Roman army in Epirus. who had lately succeeded his brother Selucus, in The interview, which’Perseus soon after had the kingdom of Syria, having been some time a with the Roman commissioners, terminated with hostage at Rome, affeicted in his own court the the strongest signs of hostility on both sides.’ mannersofa Roman demagogue; but was chiefly The king, however, having taken minutes of intent on his pretensions to (celesyria, which he what passed at their conference, sent copies to all hoped to make good under favour of the approachthe neighbouring states, in order to exculpate ing conjuncture formed by the minority of Ptolehimself from any guilt in the approaching war; my, and by the avocation of the Roman forces in and as the event afterwards showed how much Greece. it was the interest of every state to support him, The Carthaginians, and the king of Numidia, he being the only power that could give them while they severally preferred their comptlaints any protection against the Romans; so numbers, against each other before the Roman senate, vied already moved by this apprehension, lwo re in-likewise in their protessions of zeal for the Roclined to favour his cause. The Rhodians, then man republic, and in their offers of supply of a forllidable naval power, though restrained by men, horses, provisions, or ships. fear from an open breach with the Romans, yet Gentius, the king of Illyricum, had incurred gave sufficient evidence of this disposition. Eu-the jealousy of the Romans; but remained undemenes, likewise, though a principal instrument in termined what part he should take. fomenting the pre~,ent quarrel, soon became averse Cotys, a Thracian king, declared openly for I Liv. lib. lxii. c. 25. 2 Polyb. Exceptaw Legationes, c.

64-67.

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CHsAI. VII.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 73 Perseus. The people of Greece, in their several spurned the advances of a victorious enemy, wnile republics, were divided among themselves. The they received those of the vanquished with conpopular parties in general, being desirous to ex-descension andt mildness. They accordingly, in change the government of their own aristocracies the present case, treated the concessions of Perfor that of a monarchy, favoured’ the king of Ma-seus with disdain, haughtily answering, that he cedonia. The leading men were either inclined must submit at discretion.4 to the Romans, or wished to balance the rival This reply was received at the court of Perpowers, so as to have, in the protection of the one seus with extreme surprise. But it produced still some security against the usurpations of the other.3 farther concessions; and instead of resentment The Romans had committed an error by send-from the king, a repetition of his message with mng a small force into Epirus, which the kingr of an offer to augment the tribute which had been Macedonia might have cut off before it could be paid by his father.S
properly supported from Italy; but their commis-The remainder of the summer having passed sioners, then in that country, had the address to in the operations of foraging parties, without any amuse the king with a negotiation, and to divert considerable action, the Romans retired for the him, during the first year of the war, from any winter into Boeotia. On this coast the fleet, havattempt on Apollonia, or on any other station ing met with no enevy at sea, had made repeated then in possession of the Roman troops. descents to distress the inhabitants who had deIn the following summer, about seven years clared for the kingr. The consul took possession after the accession of Perseus to the throne of of his quarters, without any resistance, in the Macedonia, the war in that kin(dorn being corn-interior parts of the country; and in this, with mitted tothe Consul Licinius, this general follow-the progress that was made by the army emlowed the army which had been transported to ploved on the side of Illnricum in detaching that the coast of Epirus; and while the Roman fleet, nation from Perseus, consisted the service of the with their allies, assembled in the straits of Eu-first campaign. bcea, the armies on both sides began their opera-Licinius, at the expiration of the usual term, tions. The Macedonians encamped at Sycurium was relieved by his successor in office, A. Hoson the declivity of mount Ossa. The Roman con-tilius TMarcius. This commander, being defeated sul penetrated into Thessaly; and, having passed and baffled in some attempts he made to penethe river Peneus, took post at Scea, twelve miles trate into the kingdom of’Macedonia, appears to from the camp of the enemy. Here he was joined have made a canpaign still less fortunate than Dy Attalus, brother to the king of Pergamus, with that of his predecessor; and the senate, at the four thousand men, and by smaller bodies collected end of the summer, having ordered him home to from different states of Greece. preside at the annual elections, sent a deputation Perseus endeavoured to lay waste the kingdom to visit the army, and to inquire into the cause of Phere, from which the Romans drew the of their miscarriages, and the slowness of their greatest part of their subsistence; and an action progress. ensued, in which the whole cavalry and light The Romans, although they had experienced infantry of both armies being engaged, the Ro-disappointments in the beginning of other wars, mans were defeated; and the consul, no longer particularly in their first encounters with Pyrable to support his foraging parties on that side rhus and with Hannibal; and had reason to exof the Peneus against a superior enemy, decamlp-pect a similai effect in the opening of the present ed in the night, and repassed the river.

war, appear to have been greatly mortified and Although this victory had a tendency to raise surprised at this unpromising aspect of their the hojes of the king, it was by him wisely con-enterprise. They were en(gaged with an enemy sidered as a fit opportunity to renew the overtures renowned for discipline, who had made war a of peace; and, in order to brineg on a negotiation, trade, and the use of arms a profession; while it was resolved, that the condition which, under they themselves, it appears, for a considerable the niisfortune of repeated defeats, had been period after the present war, even during the offered by his father, should be made the prelimli-most rapid progress of their arms,.had no nilitary naries of the present treaty. establishment besides that of their civil and poliIt appeared to the king, and to those with whom tical constitution, no soldiers besides their citihe consulted, that, in the sequel of’ a victory, this zens, and no officers but the ordinary magistrates would appear an act of moderation, not of fear; of the commonwealth. that all neutral powers, who dreaded the conse-If this establishment had its advantages,6 it quences of a decided superiority on either side, may have, appeared, on particular occasions, likewould favour the person who should propose to wise to have had its defects. The citizen may have peace re-established on moderate ternis; and have been too much a master in his civil capacity that the Romans, being induced to terminate the to subject himself fully to the bondage of a solwar under the effects of a defeat, would from dier; and too absolute in his capacity of military thenceforward respect the Macedonian mon-officer to bear with the control of political regulaarchy, and be cautious how they disturbed its tions. As the obligation to serve in the legions tranquillity. was general and without exception, many a citiBut if in this manner the opportunity was per-zen, at least in the case of any distant or unproceived, and wisely laid hold of by the councils of mising service, would endeavour to shun his duty. Perseus, it by no means escaped the Roman And the officer would not always dare to enforce council of war, which was assembled to receive disagreeable duty on those by whom he himself the proposals of the king.

was elected, or on whom he in part depended for The Romans, whether from national spirit or further advancement. policy at all times declined entering on negotia-At the beginning of this war, the legions were tions or treaties in consequence of defeats. T’hey 4 Tn adversis vulture secundwm fortuna~ gerere, mode. _ri animnos in secundis. Liv lib. xlii. c.

62. 3 Liv. lib. xlii. c. 29-30. 5 Polyb. Excerpt. Legat. c. 69. 6 Vid. B.

i. c. 3. K

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74l THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK 1. augmented from five thousand two hundred foot unable to pursue the advantage he had gained and two hundred horse, to six thousand foot and Here, therefore, he staid only to deliver his army three hundred horse;1 and, probably, to raise to Emilius Paulus.

who had been named to sue the authority of the consul more effectually into ceed him. This was the son uf that Paulus, that of a commander-in-chief, he was comnmis-who, being one of the consuls who commanded sioned to name the tribunes, as well as the cen-the Roman army at Cann, threw away his life turions of the army, that were to serve under rather than survive that defeat. The son was his orders: but, upon a complaint that this ex-now turned of sixty;3 and by the length of his tension of the consul’s powers did not, by en-service, and the variety of his experience in forcing the discipline of the army, serve the Liguria and Spain, was well acquainted with purpose for which it was made, the people re-the chances of war. sumed their right of election in the appointment Emilius Paulus, upon his election, in orde. even of inferior officers. The deputies, now sent that he might not be liable to answer for the into Macedonia, by the senate, reported, that the faults of his predecessors, moved, that deputies legions employed in that country were extremely should be sent into Macedonia to review the incomplete, numbers both of the lower officers army, and to make a report of its state before he and urivate men being, by the dangerous indul-entered upon the command. His speech to the gence of’ their leaders, suffered to absent them-people, when about to depart for his province, selves from their colours.2 This abuse we may carries a striking allusion to the petulant freedom apprehend to have been frequent in a service with which, it seenls, unsuccessful commanders that was to be performed by citizens who had were censured, or traduced in the poplular conthe choice of their own commanders. And from versations at Rome, and carries a defiance with s;peculative ideas on the subject, if we were not which he proposed to silence the blame that bound to be governed by experience as the pre-might afterwards be cast on himself. ” Let such ferable tutor, we should be apt to reject, as an im-as think themselves qualified to advise the geneproper mode of forming armies, that establishment ral,” he said, ” now accompany me into Maceby which the Romans conquered the world. donia. They shall have a passage on board my It is.probable, that not only the defect of sub-ship; and, in the field, be welcome to a place in ordination in the beginning of every war, but my tent find at my table; but if they now decline that of skill, likewise, in the use of their peculiar *this offer, let them not afterwards pretend to weapons, made, in the Roman armies, a great judge of what they neither see nor understand. disparity between raw and veteran troops. Nor let them set up their own vpinion against The use of the buckler and sword required great that of a fellowr-citizen, who is serving the pubskill, agility, and muscular strength; all of them lic to the utmost of his ability, and at the hazard the effect of exercise and of continued practice. of his life and of his honours.” The experience of the soldier who survived Emilius, upon hi; arrival in Macedonia, found many actions tended to confirm his courage, be-the king entrenched on the hanks of the Enipeus, cause his escape was in a great measure the with his right and left covered by mountains, on effect of his skill, or of his strength; and upon a which all the passes were secured.-After some return of’ similar dangers, gave him confidence delay, during which he was employed in ohservin himself. ing the enemv’s disposition, or in improving the In battles the strong and the skilful escaped, the liscipline of his own army, he sent a detachment weak and the awkward were likely to perish; and to dispossess the Macedo’nians of one of the staevery action not only exercised the arms of those tions which they occupied on the heights, with that survived, but made a selection of the vigorous orders to the officer who comimannded in this serand skilful to be reserved fir future occasions. vice, that, if lie succeeded in it, he should fall Hence, probably, in the Roman armies, much dlown on tile plain in the rear of’

the enemy; he more than in those of modern Europe, the prac-himself, in the mean time, mlae a fi int to attack tised soldier had a great superiority over the them in front. novice; and citizens, when brought into the field The post on the heights leing forced, Perseus Dy rotation, had much to learn in the course of relinquished his present disposition, and fell back every campaign. towards Pydna on the banks of the Aliacmon.

In the present contest, the checks of the first Here it became necessary for him, either to and the second year of the war, though extremely hazard a battle, or. on account of the nature of mortifying to the Romans, were received without the country behind him, to separate his forces. any signs of irresolution, or change of their lpur-He preferred the first, and niade choice of a pose. In the third year after hostilities complain that was fit to recei{ve the phalalnx, and was menced, the commnand of the army in Macedonia skirted with hills, on which his lirlht troops could devolved on Q. Marcius Philippus, who, being act with advantage. chosen one of the consuls, drew his province as Here too the Roman consul continuedl to press usual by lot. This officer had been employed in upon him, and was inclined to seize the first one of the late deputations that were sent into opportunity of deciding tile war. Both armies, Greece; had shown his ability in the course of as by appointment, preseintedt themselves on the negotiations which preceded the war; and now, plain in order of’ battle, andi Emilius Paulus by his conduct as a general, broke through the seemed eager to engrage; but, as he himself used line by which the king had endeavoured to secure to confess, having never leheltd an appearance the passes of the mountains, and to cover the so formidable as when the NMacedonians levelled frontier of his kingdom. But, when he had theirspears, he thought proper to halt.4 Though penetrated into Macedonia, he found himself at much disconcerted, he endleavoured to preserve the end of the season, and for want of proper sup-his countenance, and would not recede from his plies of provisions on that side of the mountains, 3

Plutarch in Vit. Emril. p. 157. I Liv. lib. xliii. c. 12. 2 Ibid. c. 11. 4

Polyb. Fragment. vol. iii. p. 243.

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CHAP. VII.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 75 glound; and that he might encamp his army This unfortunate prince, with some of his where they nflw stood, ordered the first line to children, delivered themselves up to the prator, remain undel rmns, and ready to attack the and were conducted to the camp of Emilius. enerny, while those who were behind them be-The king threw himself on the ground, and gan to intrench; having in this manner cast up would have embraced the victor’s knees, when a breastwork of considerable strength, he re-the Roman general, with a condescension that is tired behind it, and under that cover completed extolled by ancient historians, gave him his hand, the fortifications of a camp in the usual form. and raised him from the ground, but reproached In this position he waited for an opportunity to him as the aggressor in the late contest with the draw on an engagement, when the enemy should Ronans; and with a lesson of morality, which be less prepared to receive him, or not have time to tore up the wounds of the unfortunate monarch, avail themselves so much of that formidable order bid %the young men who were present look on which constituted the strength of the phalanx. this object as an example of the instability of This occasion soon afterwards seemed to be fortune, and of the vicissitude of human afihirs. offered by a skirmish which happened in the While the war in Macedonia was coming to fields between the two armies. A horse, having this issue, that in Illyricum had a like terminabroke loose from the camp of the Romans, fled tion, and ended about the same time in the captowards that of the Macedonians, was followed tivity of the king. by the soldiers from whom he escaped, and met News of both were received at Rome about by their enemy from the opposite camp.

These the same time, and filled the temples, as usual, parties engaged, and each being joined by numn-with multitudes who crowded to perform the bers from their respective armies, brought on at public rites of thanksgiving that were ordered by last a general action. The ground was favour.. the senate. Soon after which, embassies arrived able to the phalanx; and the Macedonians, from all the kings and states of the then known though hastily formed, still possessed against the world, with addresses of congratulation on so Romans the advantage of their weapons, and of great an event. The senate proceeded to form a their formidable order. They filled up the plain plan for the settlement of Macedonia. in front, and could not be flanked. They had It was resolved to extinguish the monarchy, only to maintain their ground, and had no oc-to divide its territory into four districts, and in casion to discompose their ranks, in time of the each to establish a republican government, adaction, by any change of position. They ac-ministered by councilsand magistrates chosen by cordingly withstood with ease the first shock of the people. This among the Greeks, could bear the Roman legions; but were broken and dis-the interpretation of bestowing absolute liberty. jointed in the sequel by the seemingly irregular Ten commissioners were named to carry this attacks which were made at intervals by the plan into execution in Macedonia, and five were manipules, or the separate divisions of the Roappointed for a similar purpose in Illyricum. man foot. The parts of the phalanx that were Emilius was continued in his command, and the attacked, whether they were pressed in, or came army ordered to remain in Macedonia until the forward to press on their enemy, could not keep settlement of the province should be completed. in ain exact line with the parts that were not at-The commissioners, agreeable to their instructacked. Openings were made, at which the tions, fixed the limits of the several districts, and, Roman soldier, with his buckler and short rsword, probably to perpetuate the separation of them, or could easily enter. Emilius, observing this ad-to prevent any dangerous communication between vantage, directed his attack on those places at their inhabitants, prohibited them to intermarry, which the front of the phalanx was broken; as. I or to hold any commerce in the property of land, the legionary soldier, having got within the point from one division to another. of his antagonist’s spear, pierced to the heart of To some other restrictions, which had more a the column, and in this position made a havoc tendency to weaken or to dismember this once which soon threw the whole into disorder and powerful monarchy, than to confer freedom on general route.5 the people, they joined an act of fitvour, in conTwenty thousand of the Macedonians were siderably diminishing their former burdens, rekilled in the field, five thousand were made pri-ducing their tribute to one half of what they had soners in their flight; and six thousand that shut usually paid to their own kings; and, to facilitate themselves up in the town of Pydna were obliged or to secure the reception of the republican form to surrender at discretion.6 which was devised for them, they ordered all the After this defeat, the king of Macedonia, with ancient nobles, and all the retainers of the late a few attendants, fled to Pella, where, havinm court, as being irreconcileable with the equality taken up his children and the remains of his of citizens under a republic, to depart from the treasure, amounting to ten thousand talents, or kingdom, and to choose places of residence for about two millions of pounds sterling, he conthemselves in Italy. tinued his flight to Amphipolis, and from thence A like plan was fbllowed with respect to Illyrito Samothracia, where he took refuge in the curm, which was divided into three districts; and famous sanctuary (,f that island. the kings both of Macedonia and of this country Emilius pushed on to Amphipolis, receivingthe with many other captives, were conducted to submission’ of all the towns and districts as he Rome to adorn the triumph of their conquerors. passed. The praetor, Octavius, then command-Perseus is said to have lived as a prisoner at ing the Roman fleet, beset the island of Samo-Alba, about four years after he had been exhithracia with his ships; and, without violating the bited in this procession. Alexander, one of his sanctuary, took measures that effectually pre-sons, had an education calculated merely to provented the king’s escape. cure him subsistence, and was afterwards, as a scribe or a clerk, employed in some of the public 5 Plutarcli in Vit. Emil. p. I173. offices at Rome. 6 Liv. lib. xliv. c.

4o 7 Justin. lib. xxxiii. c. 1. While the event of the Macedonian war was

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76 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BooK L yet undecided, and no considerable advantage, labour of his own slaves, and to feed with thei: either of conduct or fortune, appeared on the side from the same dish at their meals.’ When he of the Romans; they still preserved the usual commanded the armies of the republic, the daily arrogance of their manner, and interposed with allowance of his household was no more than the same imperious ascendant in the affairs of three medimni, or about as many bushels of Greece, Asia, and Africa, that they could have wheat for his family, and half a m1ledinmus, or Jone in consequence of the most decisive victory. half a bushel of harley for his horses. In sur It was at this time that, by the celebrated message veying his province he usually travelled on foot, of Popilius Lenas, they put a stop to the con-attended by a single slave who carried his bag quests of Antiochus Epiphanes in Egypt. This gage.2 prince, trusting to the full employment with These particulars are mentioned perhaps as which the Roman forces were engaged, had ven-peculiar to Cato; but such singularities in the tured to invade this kingdom, and was in posses-manners of a person placed so high anmong the sion of every part of it, except the city of Alexan-people, carry some general intimation of’ the dria, He was occupied in the siege of this place fashion of the times. when Popilius arrived and delivered him an order A spirit of equality yet reigned among the of the senate to desist.

The king made answer, members of the commonwealth, which rejected That he would consider of it. “Determine be-the distinctions of fortune, and checked the admifore you pass this line,” said the Roman, tracing ration of private wealth. In all military donaa circle with the rod which he held in his hand. tions the centurion had no more than double the This people, however, had occasion, during the allowance of a private soldier, and no military dependence of the Macedonian war, to observe rank was indelible.

The consul and commanderthat few of their allies were willing to support in-chief of one year served not only in the ranks, them in the extremes to which they seemed to be but even as a tribune or inferior officer in the inclined. The Epirots had actually declared for next; and the same person who had displayed the king of Macedonia. The Rhodians had the genius and ability of the general, still valued offered their rnediation to negotiate a peace, and himself on the courage and address of a legionary threatened hostility against either of the parties soldier. who should refuse to accept of it. Even Eumenes No one was raised above the glory to be reaped was suspected of having entered into a secret con-from the exertion of niere personal courage and cert with Perseus, although the fall of that prince bodily strength. Fersons of the highest condition prevented any open efiects of their treaty. sent or accepted a defiance to fight in single comThe Romans, nevertheless, disguised their re-bat, in presence of the armies to which they besentment of these several provocations, until their longed. Marcus Servilius, a person of consular principal enemy, the king of Macedonia, was rank, in order to enhance the authority with subdued; after they had accomplished this end, which he spoke when he pleaded for the triumph they proceeded against every other party, with a of Paulus Enilius, informed the pceople that he severity which was then supposed to be permitted himself, full three and twenty timles, had fought in the law of nations, and no more than propor-singly with so many champions of the eneny, tioned to their supposed offence. They gave and that in each of these encounters he had slain orders to Emilius, in passing through Epirus, to and stripped his antagonist. A combat of the lay that country under military execution. Se-same kind was afterwards fought by the younger venty towns were accordingly destroyed, and a Scipio, when serving in Spain. hundred and fifty thousand of the people sold for The sumptuary laws of this age were suited slaves. to the idea of citizens who were determined to The senate refused to admit the anlbassadors contribute their utmost to the grandeur of the of Rhodes, who came to congratulate the Roman state; but to forego the means of luxury or perpeople on their victory at Pydna. They stripped sonal distinction.

Romlan ladies were restrained, those islanders of the provinces which had been except in religious plrocessions, from the use of granted to them on the continent by the late carriages any where within the city, or at the distreaty with Antiochus, and ordered them to distance of less than a nmile from its walls; and yet continue some duties levied from ships in passing the space over which they were to preserve their through their sound, which made a considerable communications extended to a circuit of fourteen part of their revenue. miles, and began to be so much crowded with While Eumenes was coming in person to pay buildings or cottages, that, even before the reduchis court to the senate, they resolved to forbid the tion of Macedonia, it was become necessary to concourse of kings to Rome. Their meaning, restrain private persons from encroaching on the though expressed in general terms, was evidently streets, squares, and other spaces reserved for levelled at this prince; and they ordered, that public convenience. In a place of this magniwhen he should arrive at Brundusium, their re-tude, and so stocked with inhabitants, the fenlale solution should be intimated to him, to prevent sex was also forbid the use of variegated or partyhis nearer approach. coloured clothes, or of’

more than half an ounce They in reality, from this time forward, though of gold in the ornament of their persons. This in the style of allies, treated the Grecian republics law being repealed, contrary to the sentirnents of as subjects. Cato, this citizen, when he came, in the capacity Such was the rank which the Romans assumed of censor, to take account of the equilpages, clothes among nations; while their statesmen still re-and jewels of the -women. taxed each of them:ained much of their primeval rusticity, and did tenfold for whatever was found in her wardrobe not consider the distinctions of fortune and equi-exceeding the value of one thousand five hundred.age as the appurtenances of power or of high denarii, or about fifty pounds sterling.3 command. Cato, though a citizen of the highest Catonis p 330 rank, and vested successively with the dignities 2 Ibid. p. 335 and 338. of consul and of censor, used to partake in the 3 Liv. lib. xxxiv. c. 1 -6.

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CHAP. VII.] OF THE ROMAN REPUB,. 77 The attention of the legislature was carried credulous age, gave occaslon to a severe inquisi into the detail of entertainments or feasts. In tion, and proved fatal to many persons at Rome, one act the number of the guests, and in a sub-and throughout Italy. sequent one the expense of their meals, were The extreme superstition, however, of those limited. By the Lex Tribonia, enacted about times, in some of its effects, vied] with genuine twenty years after the reduction of Macedonia, religion; and, by the regard it inspired, more a citizen was allowed, on certain high festivals, especially for the obligation of oaths, became a to expend three hundred ases, or about twenty principle of public order and of public duty, and shillings sterling; on other festivals of less note, in many instances superseded the use of penal or one hundred ases, or about six shillings and compulsory laws. eight pence; but during the remainder of the When the citizen swore that he would obey year, no more than ten ases, or about eight the call of the magistrate to enlist in the legions; pence; and was not allowed to serve up more when the soldier swore that he would not desert than one fowl, and this with a proviso that it his colours, disobey his commander, or fly from should not be crammed or fatted.4 his enemy; when a citizen, at the call of the cenSuperstition made a principal article in the cha-sor, reported on oath the amount of his effects; racter of the people. It subjected them continually the state, in all those instances, with perfect conto be occupied or alarmed with prodigies and fi(lence relied on the good faith of her subjects, ominous appearances, of which they endeavoured and was not deceived. to avert the effects by rites and expiations, as In the period to which these observations refer, strange and irrational as the presa(ges on which that is, in the sixth century of the Roman state, they had grounded their fears. Great part of their the first dawning of literature began to appear. time was accordingly taken up with processions it has been mentioned that a custom prevailed and public shows, and much of their substance, among the primitive Romans, as among other even to the whole annual produce of their herds,5 rude nations, at their feasts to sing or rehearse was occasionally expended in sacrifices, or in the heroic ballads which recorded their own deeds or performance of public vows. The first officers those of their ancestors.l0 This practice had been of state, in their functions of the priesthood, per-sorme time discontinued, and the compositions formed the part of the cook and the butcher; and, themselves were lost. They were succeeded by while the senate was deliberating on questions of pretended monuments of history equally fhllagreat moment, examined the entrails of a victim, cious, the orations which, having been pronounoed in order to know what the gods had determined. at funerals, were, like titles of honour, preserved ” You must desist,” said the Consul Cornelius, in the archives of every noble house, but which enterinog the senate with a countenance pale and were rather calculated to flatter the vanity of marked with astonishment; ” I myself have visit-families, than to record the truth.11 ed the boiler, and the head of the liver is conThe Romans owed the earliest compilations of sumned.“6 their history to Greeks; and in their own first According to the opinions entertained in those attempts to relate their story employed the lan-‘ times, sorcery was a principal expedient employed rguage of that people.l2 Nevius and Ennius, by those who had secret designs on the life of their who were the first that wrote in the Latiil neighbour. It was supposed to make a part in the tongue, composed their relations in verse. Livius statutory crime of poisoning; and the same imagi-Andronicus, and afterwards Plautus and’enation which admitted the charge of sorcery as rence, translated the Greek fable, and exhibited credible, was, in particular instances, when any in the streets of Rome, not the Roman, but Greperson was accused, easily convinced of his guilt; cian manners. The two last are said to have insomuch that some thousands were at times con-been persons of mean condition; the one to have victed together of this imaginary crime.7
subsisted by turning a baker’s mill, the other to The manners of the peotle of Italy were at have been a captive and a slave. Both of them times subject to strange disorders, or the muagis-had probably possessed the Greek tongue as a trate gave credit to wild and improbable reports.

vulgar dialect, which was yet spoken in many The story of the Bacchanals, dated in the year parts of Italy, and from this circumstance, beof Rome five hundred and sixty-six, or about came acquainted with the elegant compositions twenty years before the conquest of Macedonia, of Philemon and Menander.‘l Their comedies may be considered as an instance of one or the were acted in the streets, without any seats or other.S A society, under the name of Bacchanals, benches for the reception of an audience.

But had been instituted, on the suggestion of a Greek a nation so little studious of ordinary convenipretender to divination.9 The desire of being ences, and contented to borrow their literary admitted into this society prevailed throughout models from neighbours, to whom, neing mere Italy, and tht: sect became extremely numerous imitators, they continued for ages inferior, were, As they conmmonly met in the night, they were however, in their political and military character, said at certain hours to extinguish their lights, superior to all other nations whatever, and, at and to indulge themselves in every practice of this date, had extended: doIminion, horror, rape, incest, and murder; crimes under U. C. 586. which originally consisted of a poor which no sect or fraternity could possibly subsist, village on the Tiber, to more empire but which, in being imputed to numbers in this and territory than is now enjoyed by any kingdom or state of Europe. 4 Plin. lib. x. c. 50. 5 The Ver Sacrum was a general sacrifice of all the ii) Cic. de Claris Oratoribus, c. 19. young of their herds for a whole year. 11 Ibid. p. 394. 12 Dion. Hal. lib. i. p. 5. 6

Liv. lib. xli. c. 15. 13 The people of Cumae, about this time, applied for 7 Ibid. lib. xxxix. c 41. 8 Ibid. c. 8. and sequen leave to have their public acts, for the time, expressed 9 Venificiumni. in Latin.

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TIrE HISTORU oP THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. BOOK

II. CHAPTER I. State,:lanners, and Policy of the Times-Repeated Complainzts from Carthage-Hostile Diepo. sition of the Romans-Resolution to remove Carthage from the Coast-Measures taken for this Purpose-Carthage besieged-Taken and destroyed Revolt qf the JMacedonians  Their Kingdom reduced to the Form of a Roman Province-Fate qf the Achvean League-Operations in Spain-Conduct qf Viriathus-State qf Numantia-Blockade of Numantia-Its De-, struction-Revolt of the Slaves in Sicily-Legal Establishments and lManners of the City. THE reduction of Macedonia was in many this date, was found to contain, in bars of gold -espects a remarkable era in the history of Rome. and silver, and in coin, not much more than half 3efore this date Roman citizens had been treated a million sterling:2 a sum which, without a proas subjects, and permitted themselves to be taxed. per and regular supply, must have been soon exThey were required at every census to make a hausted. return of their effects upon oath, and, besides From the conclusion of the war with Perseus, other stated or occasional contributions to the the Romans for twenty years, do not seem to -ublic, paid a certain rate on the whole value of have been engaged with any considerable enemy;.heir property. But upon this event they assumed and their numerous colonies, now dispersed over more entirely the character. of sovereigns; and, Italy, from Aquileia to Rhegium, probably made naving a treasury replenished with the spoils of great advances, during this period, in agriculture, that kingdom, exempted themselves from their commerce, and the other arts of peace. Among former burdens. their public works are mentioned, not only temThe accession of wealth, said to have put them ples and fortifications, particulars in which men.n this condition, is variously reported. Livy attain to magnificence even in rude ages, but quotes Valerius Antias as stating it at millies likewise aqueducts, market-places, pavements, ducenties, or about a million sterling; Velleius highways, and other conveniences, the preludes Paterculus states it at double this sum, and Pliny or attendants of wealth and commerce. at somewhat more.l But the highest of these Cato, in pleading against the repeated election computations scarcely appears adequate to the of the same person into the office of consul, exeffect supposed. It is more dikely that the ordi-claimed against the luxury of the times, and nary income of the treasury, consisting of the alleged, that so many citizens could not support sums CO frequently deposited at the triumphs of their extravagance by any other means than that victorious leaders, the tributes received from Car-of draining the provinces by virtue of their rcthage and Syria, the rents of Campania, the peated appointments to command. “Observe,” tithes of Sicily and Sardinia, with the addition he said, “their villas, how curiously built,-how of the revenue recently constituted in Macedo-richly furnished with ivory and precious wood. nia, put the Romans at last in condition to ex-Their very floors are coloured or stained in the empt themselves from taxation; an effect which Punic fashion.“3 no perishing. capital placed at once in their coffers could be supposed to produce. The Roman 2 Plin. lib.

xxxiii.. 3. In gold 16,810 E. in silver treasury, when examined about ten years after 22,070 l2. and in coin 520,F54,000 H. S. Arbuthnlot on Ancient Coins. 1 Velleius, lib. 1. c. 9. Plin. lib xxxiii. c. 3. 3 Vid. Pompeium Festum. 78

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CHAP. 1,] THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION, &c. f The Romans had formerly made During the present respite from any consider. laws to fix the age at which citiable war, the Romans balanced the kingdoms of zens might be chosen into the different offices of Pergamus, Bithynia, and Cappadocia againsteach state.4 And on the occasion on which Cato made other, in such a manner as to be able. at pleathis speech, they excluded the same person from sure, to oppress any of those powers th it should being repeatedly chosen. They likewise made become refractory or formidable to their interest. those additions to former sumptuary laws which They made the kingdom of Syria devolve on a have been already mentioned. The census, or minor, the son of Antiochus; and, under the enrolment of the people, began to be made with pretence of this minority, sent a commission to more care than formerly: even the Latin allies, take charge of the kingdom. But their commisthough migrating to Rome, were excluded from sioners were, with the connivance of the court, the rolls;i and the people generally mustered assaulted in a riot at Antioch; some of them were from three to four hundred thousand men. killed, and others forced to fly from the country. While the Romans had no war to maintain Demetrius, the son of Seleucus, who ought to with the more regular and formidable rivals of have succeeded to his father in the monarchy of their power, they still employed their legions on Syria, being, at the death of that prince, a hosthe frontier of their provinces in Spain, Dalmatia, tatge at Rome, had been supplanted by his younger Liguria, and on the descents of the Alps.

They brother, the father of that minor prince who was opened, for the first time, an intercourse with the now acknowledged by the Romans.

Transalpine nations, in a treaty of alliance with Upon the insult that had been thus offered to the republic of Marseilles; in consequence of the Roman commission at Antioch, Demetrius which, they protected that mercantile settlement thought it a favourable opportunity to urge his from the attacks of fierce tribes, who infested them claim, and to prevail on the senate to restore him from the maritime extremities of the Allps and to the succession of his father’s crown: but these Appenines. They were in general the umpires crafty usurpers, notwithstanding the offence they in the differences of nations, gave audience in all had received from those who were in possession their complaints, interposed with their forces as of the monarchy, preferred the advantages which well as authority, and disposed of provinces and they had over a minor king, to the precarious kingdoms at their pleasure. They kept a vigi-affection or gratitude of an active spirited prince, lant eye on the conduct and policy of all the dif-educated at Rome, and taught by their own exferent powers with whom they were at any time ample to know his interest; and they accordingly likely to be embroiled, and generally conducted denied his request. their transactions with independent nations as Demetrius, however, made his escape from they adjusted the first settlement of their own Rome, and, by the death of the minor and his acquisitions, by commission and deputations sent tutor, got unrivalled possession of the kingdom of from the senate to decide, with the least possible Syria. To pay his court to the Romans, as one delay, on such matters as might arise in the place of the first acts of his reign, he sent the murderer’o which their deliberations referred.

of their late commissioner, Octavius, in chains,to be The number of commissioners employed in punished at their discretion. But the senate disthese services, for the most )part, was ten. These dained to wreck their public wrongs on a private took irnformations, formed plans, and made their criminal; or, having cause of complaint against reports for the final decision of the senate, and, the nation itself, were not to be satisfied with the by the frequency of these appointments, it ap-punishment of a single person. They suffered pears that the members of the senate, in rotation, the prisoner, as beneath their attention, to depart.

ad an opportunity of becoming acquainted with As patrons of the kingdom of Egypt, they pro that world which they were destined to govern. moted the division of that country between the two The senate itself, though, from its numbers brothers, who were then joined in the sovereignty, and the emulation of its members, likely to em-and rivals for the sole possession of the throne.7 barrass affairs by debate, delay, and the rash pub-During the dependence of these transactions, lication of all its designs, in reality possessed all the senate had repeated complaints from Africa, the advantages of decision, secrecy, and despatch, which ended in a war that proved fatal at last to that could be obtained in the most select executhe ancient rivals of their power. In the conduct tive council. This numerous assembly of Roman of this war, being now less dependent than forstatesmen appeared to have maintained, during a merly on the opinion of the world, they, contrary long period, one series of consistent and uniform to their usual pretensions to national generosity design; and kept their intentions so secret, that and liberality, sacrificed, without reserve, entire their resolutions, for the most part, were known nations to the ambition, or to the meanest jeal only by the execution. The king of Pergamus ousy, of their own republic.8 made a journey to Rome, in order to excite the The province of Emporia, a district lying on Romans to a war with his rival, the king of Ma-the coast, and the richest part of the Carthaginian cedonia. He preferred his complaints in the territory, had been violently seized by Gala king senate, and prevailed on this body to resolve on of Numiidia, and father of Massinissa. It had the war; but no part of the transaction was pub-been again restored by Syphax, when lie suplic till after the king of Macedonia was a prisoner planted the family of Gala on the throne of that at Ronle.6 kingdom; but now again usurped by Massinissa -_ -~ – on recovering the crown by the power of the Ro4 It appears that, lay this law, beingquestors at thir. mans, to whose favour he trusted; and the Carty-one, they might rise to the consulate at forty-three. thaginians, precluded by the late treaty from 5 Putarch, in the life of Flaminimus, mentions a law making war on any ally of the Romans, had reby which the censors were obliged to enrol every free-course to complaints and representations, which man that offered. The Latins complained, that their course to complaints and representations, which towns were depopulated by emigrations to Ronme. Liv. lib. xli. c. 8.

6 Valer. Maxim. lib. ii. c. 2. 7 Polyb. Excerpta Legationes. 8 Ibid No.

142

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80 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BooK If. they made at Rome, both before and after the reserve their effects, and to purchase tranquilllty by duction of Macedonia. The Roman senate had, the!owetS[co’ee nr1: { Iut as the:‘eas-t if i. for five and twenty years, eluded these complaints,: pop oed biR’be-m nelateanoonteiaa tn o *Hpe and, during this time, was in the practice of vatfon o llt atproperty which is vestedmiao sending commissioners into Africa, under pre-orpublicedifices, andan entire suppression of all tence of hearing the parties in this important those local means of subsistence which could notX dispute, but with instructions or dispositions to be easilytransferred, itwas not supposed that their favour Massinissa, and to observe, with a jealous consent could be easilyobtainetd, and it was aceye, the condition and the movements of their cordingly resolved to keep the design a secret, until ancient rival.l efiectual means were prepared for its execution. The Carthaginians, yet possessed of ample re-The consuls, without any declaration of war, sources, and, if wealth or magnificence could conwere instructed to arm, and to pass with their stitute strength, still a powerful nation; being forces into Sicily. As their arrival on that island, weary of repeated applications, to which they which was then in a state of profound peace, evicould obtain no satisfying answer, took their redently implied, a design upon Africa, the people solution to arm, and to assert by force their claim of Utica, that they might have the merit of an to the territory in question. early declaration in favour of the Romans, sent a They were met in the field by the army of deputation to make them a tender of their port Massinissa, commanded by himself, though now and town, as a harbour and place of arms for the about ninety years of age, and were defeated.2 accommodation of their forces. The CarthagiThis unfortunate event disappointed their nians were distracted with opposite counsels. hopes, and exposed them to the resentment of the They laid the blame of the war with Massinissa Romans, who considered the attempt they had on Hasdrubal and his abettors, whom they ormade to do themselves justice, as a contravention dered into exile; but, without coming to any of the late treaty, and a departure from the arti-other resolutions, sent a deputation, with full cles of peace between the two nations. powers to conclude as circumstances might seem The expediency of a war with Carthage had to require, and agree to whatever they should been for some time a subject of debate in the Ro-find most expedient for the commonwealth.

Thesr man senate. Deputies had been sent into Africa, deputies, on their arrival at Rome, finding no dis to procure the information that was necessary to position in the senate totreat with them upon equal determine this question. Among these, Cato, terms, resolved to arrest, by the most implicit subbeing struck with the greatness, wealth, and mission, the sword that was lifted up against their populousness of that republic, and with the country. They accordingly confessed the impruamazing fertility of its territory, when he made dence of their late conduct, and implored forgivehis report in the senate, carried in his lap a par-ness. They quoted the sentence of banishment cel of figs which he had brought from thence. passed upon Hasdrubal and his party, as an evi” These,” he said, “are the produce of a land that dence of their contrition for the hostilities lately is but three days’ sail from Romne. Judge what offered to Massinissa; and they made a formal Italy may have to fear from a country whose surrender of their city and its territory to be disproduce is so much superior to its own. That posed of at the pleasure of the Romans. country is now in arms; the sword is drawn In return to this act of submission, they were against nMassinissa; but when thrust in his side, told, that the Romans approved their behaviour, will penetrate to you.

Your boasted victories have and meant to leave them in possession of their not subdued the Carthaginians, but given them freedom, their laws, their territory, and of all their experience, taught them caution, and instructed effects, whether private or public: but, as a pledge them how to disguise, under the semblance of of their compliance with the measures that might peace, a war which you will find marshalled be necessary to prevent the return of former disagainst you in their (locks and in their arsenals.” putes, they demanded three hundred hostages, This, and every other speech on this subject, the children of senators, and of the first families Cato concluded with his famous saying, ” That in Carthage. This demand being reported in Carthage should be destroyed.“3 the city gave a general alarm; but the authors of Scipio Nasica, another speaker in this debate, these counsels were too far advanced to recede. contended for peace. He represented the forces They tore from the arms of their parents the of Carthage as not sufficient to alarm the Ro-children of the first families in the commonwealth; mans; or, if really greater than there was any and, amidst the cries of affliction and despair, emreason to suppose them, no more than were re-barked those hostages for Sicily. Upon this quisite to exercise the virtues of a people already, island they were delivered over to the Roman for want of proper exertion, begun to suftor some consuls, and were by them sent forward to Rome. abatement in their vigilance, discipline, and valour. The commanders of the Roman armament, In this diversity of opinions, it appeared soon without explaining themselves any further, conafter, that the senate took a mliddle course; retinued their voyage, and, by their appearance on solved not to destroy, but to remove the inhabit-the coast of Africa, gave a fresh alarm at Carants of Carthage to a new situation, at least ten thage.

Deputies from the unfortunate inhabitmiles from the sea.4 ants of that place went to receive them at Utica, The Carthaginians, after their late unfortunate and were told, that they must deliver up all their adventure with Massinissa, were willing to prearms, ships, engines of war, naval and military stores. Even these alarming commafd.s they 1 Polyb. Excerpt.

Legat. c. 118. Liv. lib. xl. c. 17. received as the strokes of fate, which could not be 2 Liv. Epitome, lib. xlviii. Appian. de Bell. Panic, avoided.

” We do not mean,” said one of the i. 38. 3 Deleiia est Ciarthatgo.

deputies, “to dispute your commands; but we 4 Appian in Punicis. Plutarch in Vit. (Catonis. Zouaras, lib. ixc. 26. i. Oros. Jib. iv. c. 22.

Velleius, lib. entreat you to consider, to what a helpless state c 12.

Polyb. Excerptae Legationes, No. 142. you are about to reduce an unfortunate people

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CHAP. lT.. OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 81 who, by this hard condition,, will be rendered man senate had promised to spare and protect the unable to preserve:peae among their own citi republic of Carthage; and that they had fulfilled zens at home, or to defend themseli.“‘gainst the this engagement by leaving the people in possesmeanest invader from abroad. We -hk6:banished sion of their freedom and their laws. That the Hasdrubal inorder to receive you. we:hav.e de-.. sacred places should remain untouched, and that dared him an enemy to his country, that you the shrines of the gods would still be within the might be our friends: but when we are disarmed, reach of their pious visits. That the distance to who can prevent this exile from returning to oc-which it was proposed to remove Carthage from cupy the city of Carthage against you? With the sea was not so great as the distance at which twenty thousand men that follow him, if he comes Rome herself was situated from it; and that the into the direction of our government, he will soon Romans had taken their resolution, that the peooblige us to make way on you.“5 In answer to ple of Carthage should no longer have under this piteous expostulation, the Roman generals their immediate view that element which opened undertook the protection of Carthage, and ordered a way to their ambition, had tempted them first commissaries to receive the several articles that into Sicily, afterwards into Spain, and last of all were to be delivered up, and to see the arsenals into Italy, and to the gates of Rome; and which and the docks destroyed. would never cease to suggest projects dangerous It is reported, that there were delivered up to themselves, and inconsistent with the peace of to these commissaries forty thousand suits of mankind.’ We go, then,” said the deputies of armour, twenty thousand katapultTe, or large Carthage, “to certain death, which we have engines of war, with a plentiful store of darts, merited by having persuaded our fellow-citizens arrows and other missiles. to resign themselves into the hands of the RoSo far the Romans proceeded with caution, mans. But if you mean to have your commands well knowing the veneration which mankind en-obeved, you imust he ready to enforce them; and tertain for the seats and tombs of their ancestors, by this means you may save an unfortunate people with the shrines and consecrated temples of their from exposing themselves, by any act of despair, gods; and dreading the effects of despair, as soon to worse suffirings than they have yet endured.” as the Carthaginians should perceive how much The deputies accordingly, being followed at a they were to be affected in their private and pub-distance by twenty galleys of the Roman fleet, lic property. But now, thinking their object set sail for Carthage. They were received on secure, they proceeded to declare their intentions. the shore by multitudes, who crowded to hear the The consul called the Carthaginian deputies into result of their negotiations; but the silence they his presence, and beginning with an exhortation, preserved, under pretence that it was necessary that they should bear with equanimity what the to make their report first to the senate, spread a necessity of their fortune imposed, intimated, the general dismay. In the senate their message was definitive resolution of the Roman senate, that received with cries of despair, which soon conthe people of Carthage should relinquish their veyed to the people in the streets a knowledge of present situation, and build on any other part of the conditions imposed upon them. And this their territory, not less than eighty stadia, or nation, who, about forty years before, had con-. about ten miles, removed from the sea. The sented to betray their principal citizen into the amazement and sorrow with which these orders hands of their enemy, and who had lately resignwere received, justified the precautions which the ed a1l the honours and pretensions of a free state Romans had taken to secure the execution of now kindled into rage at the thoughts of being them. The deputies threw themselves upon the obliged to forego so great a part of their wealth, ground, and endeavoured, from motives of pity, and to remove their habitations. They burst into or of reason, to obtain a revocation of this cruel the place where the senate was assembled, and and arbitrary decree. They pleaded the merit laid violent hands on all the members who had of their implicit submission, their weakness, their advised or borne any part in the late degrading inability any longer to alarm the jealousy of submissions, or who had contributed to bring the Rome, circumvented, disarmed, bound to their state into its present helpless condition. They duty by hostages the most precious blood of their took vengeance, as is common, with a corrupted commonwealth. They pleaded the faith vwhich I populace, on others, for faults in which they themwas plighted ty the Romans, the hopes of pro-selves had freely concurred; and, as awake to tection they had given, and the reputation they new sentiments of honour, they reviled the spirit had justly acquired, not only for national justice, of their own commonwealth, ever ready to barter but for clemency and generosity to all who sued national character for profit, to purchase safety for mercy. They pleaded the respect which all with shameful concessions, and to remove a prenations owed to the shrines and the consecrated sent danger, by giving up what is the only secutemples of their gods; the deplorable state into rity of nations against any danger, the reputation which numbers of their people must be reduced, of their vigour, and the honour of their arms.

expelled from their habitations and immoveable While the multitude indulged themselves in possessions the principal articles of their property, every species of riot, a few had the precaution to and the hopeless condition of others, who, inured shut the gates, to stretch the chain which protosubsist by theadvantagesof amaritilne situation, tected the entrance of the harbour, and to make a were entirely disqualified to support themselves collection of stones on the battlements, these or their children at a distance from the sea. being the only weapons they had left to repel the The Roman consul replied by repeating the first attacks of the Romans. The remains of express orders of the senate, and bid the Cartha-the senate, too, without reflecting on the desperate ginians remember, that states were composed of state of their affairs, resolved on war. Despair men, not of ramparts and walls. That the Ro-and frenzy succeeded in every breast to dejection and meanness. 5 Polyb. Excerpt.

Legat. c. 142. Assemblies were called to reverse the sentence L

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82 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK II. of balnshment lately pronounced against Hasdru-his favour, and his appointment to the province bal, andl against the troops under his command. of Africa, in preference to his colleague, was deThese exiles were entreated to hasten their return clared without the usual method of casting lots. for the defence of a city bereft of arms, ships, The Carthaginians were now reinstated in militarv and naval stores. The people, in the their consideration, and in their rank among namean time, with an ardour which reason, and the tions, and had negotiations with the neighbourhopes of success during the prosperity of the ing powers of Mauritania and Numidia, }whose republic could not have inspired, endeavoured to aid they solicited with alarming reflections on thbs repli.e the arms and the stores which they had boundless ambition, and’invidious pcli:y cf the so shamefully surrendered. They demolished Romans. They even conveyed assurances of their houses to supply the docks with timber. support to the Achmans, to the pretended Philip, They opened the temples and other public build-an impostor, who, about this time, laid claim to ings to accommodate the workmen; and, without the throne of Macedonia; and they encoura~ged distinction of sex, condition, or age, became with hopes of assistance the subjects of that labourers in the public works, collected materials, kingdom, who were at this time in arms,to re. furnished provisions, or bore a part in any labour cover the independence of their monarchy. that was thought necessary to put the city in a The mere change of the commander, and bet. state of defence. They supplied the founders ter dicipline in the Roman army, however, soon and the armourers with the brass and iron of their altered the state and prospects of the war. The domestic utensils; or, where these metals were first object of Scipio was to cut off the communideficient, brought what they could furnish of sil-cations of the Carthaginians with the country, ver and gold. They joined, with the other ma-and to intercept their supply of provisions and terials which were used in the roperies, their hair, other articles necessary to withstand a siege. to be spun into cordage for the shipping, and Carthage was situated at the bottonm of a spainto braces for their engines of war. cious bay, covered on the west by the promontory The Roman consuls, apprised of what was in of Apollo, on the east by that of Hermes, oi agitation, willing to await the returns of reason, Mercury, at the distance of about fifteen leagues and to let these first ebullitions of frenzy subside, from each other. The city stood on a peninsula for some davs made no attempts on the city. joined to the main land by an isthmus abcmu But, hearing of the approach of Hasdrubal, they three miles in breadth, and covering a hason oi thought it necessary to endeavour, before his harbour, in which their docks and their shi}Tillmng arriva!l, to possess themselves of the gates. Hav-were secured from storms and hostile attacks mgf in vain attempted to scale the walls, they The Byrsa, or citadel, commanded the isthnlus, were obliged to undergo the labours of a regular and presented at this only entrance to the town siege; and, though they made a breach, were by land, a wall thirty feet thick and sixty feet repulsed in attempting to force the city by storm.

high. The whole circumference of the place was Hasdrubal had taken post on the creek which about twenty miles.’ separated the peninsula of Carthage from the The besiegers, by their shipping. had access to continent, maintained his communication by that side of the town on which the walls were water, and supplied the inhabitants with provi-washed by the sea; but were shut out from the sions and arms. The Romans, seeing that they harbour by a chain which was stretched across could not reduce the city while Hasdrubal retain-the entrance. Hasdrubal had taken post on the ed this post, endeavoured to dislodge him, but bason over against the town, and by these means were defeated, and obliged to raise the siege. still preserved the communication of the city with They had already spent two years in this enterthe country. Scipio, to dislodge hint from this prise, changed their commanders twice, but with-post, made a feint at a distant part of the fobrtifiout advancing their fortunes. They began to cations to scale the walls, actually gailed the incur the discredit of having formed against a battlements, and gave an alarm which obliged the neighbouring commonwealth an invidious design Carthaginian general to throw himself into the which they could not accomplish. Enemies in city.

Scipio, satisfied with having obtained his every quarter, in Greece, Macedonia, and Spain, end, took possession of the post which the other were encouraged to declare against them; and had abandoned; and being now master of the even Massinissa, unwilling to see their power isthmus, and the whole continental side of the substituted for that of Carthage, and jealous of harbour, advanced to the walls of the Byrsa. In the avidity with which they endeavoured to be-his camp he covered himself as usual with double come masters in Africa, and to snatch from his lines;‘one facing the fortifications of the enemy, hands a prey in which he thought himself enti-consisting of a curtain twelve feet high, with tied to share, withdrew his forces, and left them towers at proper intervals, of which one in the singly to contend with the difficulties in which centre was high enough to overlook the ramparts, they began to be involved. and to afford a view of the enemy’s works. The But the Romans were animated by those mor-other line secured his rear from surprise on the tifications which are apt to discourage other na-side of the country; and both effectually guarded tions. They imputed the miscarriage of their the’

isthmus, and obstructed all access to the town troops to the misconduct of their generals; and by land. they clamoured for a better choice. Scipio, by The besieged, however, still received some sup. birth the son of Emilius Paulus, and by adoption ply of provisions by sea; their victuallers took the the grandson of Scipio Africanus, having distin-benefit of every wind that blew fresh and right guished himself in Spain and in Africa, and into the harbour, to pass through the enemy’s being then arrived from the army to solicit the fleet, who durst not unmoor to pursue them; and office of edile, was thought worthy of the su-Scipio, to cut off this resource, projected a polh, preme command; but being about ten years under the legal age, the law was suspended in 1 Orosius, lib.

iv. c. 22. Liv. Epitome, lib. h.

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CHAP. I.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 83 from the main land to the point of the peninsula with a resolution to dii with swords in their across the entrance of the harbour. He began hands, and with the greatest effusion of blood to to throw in his materials on a foundation of their enemies. To these Hasdrubal, followed by ninety feet, with an intention to contract the his wife and his children, joined himself; but not mound as it rose to twenty-four feet at the top. having the courage to persist in the same purpose The work, when first observed from Carthage, with these deserters, he left the temple, and acwas considered as a vain undertaking; but when cepted of quarter. His wife, in the mean time, it appeared to advance with a sensible progress, with more ferocity or magnanimity!han -her husgave a serious alarm. hbad, laid violent hands on her children, and, The Carthaginians, to provide against the evils together with the dead bodies, threw herself into which they began to foresee from this obstruction the flame of a burningr ruin. T’he deserters, too, xt the entrance of their harbour, undertook a impatient of the dreadful expectations which they work ilore difficult, and more vast than even that felt, in order to hasten their own fate, set fire to of the besiegers, to cut across the peninsula within the temple in which they had sought a temporary their walls, and to open a new passage to the sea; cover, and perished in the flames. and this they had actually accomplished by the The city continued to burn during seventeen time that the other passaoe was shut. Notwith-days; and all this time the soldiers were allowed standling the late surrender of’ all their shipping to seize whatever they could save from the flames, and store s, they had at the same time, by incredi-or wrest from the hands of the dying inhabitants, ble efforts, assemlbled or constructed a navy of who were still dangerous to those who approached sixty gallies. With this force they were ready to them. Scipio, in beholding this melancholy scene, appear in the bay, while the Romanr ships lay is said to have repeated from Homer two lines unmatlned and unrigged, secure against any dan-containing a prophecy of the fall of Troy. ” To ger from an enemy whom they supposed shut up whom do you now apply this prediction?” said by impenetrable bars; and in these circumstances, Polybius, who happened to be near him; ” To if they had availed themselves of the surprise with my own country,” he said, ” for her too I dread which they might have attacked their enemy, in her turn the reverses of human fate.“2 must have done great execution on the Roman Scipio’s letter to the senate is said to have confleet. But having spent no less than two days in tained no more than these words: ” Carthage is clearinm their new passage after it was known to taken. The army waits for your further orders.” be open, and in preparing for action, they gave The tidings were received at Rome with uncomthe enemy likewise full time to prepare. On the mon demonstrations of joy. The victors, recolthird they engaged, fo ght for the whole day lecting all the passages of their former wars, the without gaining any agvantage; and, in their alarms that had been given by Hannibal, and the retreat at night, suffered greatly from the enemy, irreconcilable antipathy of the two nations, gave who pressed on their rear. orders to raze the fortifications of Carthage, and Wkiile the besiegers endeavoured to obstruct even to destroy the materials of which they were this new communication with the sea, the be-built. sieged made a desperate attempt on their works A commission was granted by the senate to by land. A numerous body of men, devoting their ten of its members to take possession of territories lives for the defence of their country, without any which were thus deprived of their sovereign, to arms, and provided only with matches, crossed model the form of this new province, and to prethe harbour, and, exposing themselves to certain pare it for the reception of a Roman governor. death, set fire to the engines and towers of the And thus Carthage, the only instance in which besiegers; and, while they were surrounded and the human genius ever appeared greatly distinput to the sword, willingly perished in the execu-guished in Africa; the model of magnificence, the tion of their purpose. repository of wealth, and one of the principal In such operations the summer elapsed; and states of the ancient world, was no more. The Scipio, with the loss of his engines, and a renewal Romans, incited by national animosity, and an of all the difficulties which he had formerly to excess of jealousy, formed a design more cruel encounter at sea, contentingr himself with a block-towards their rival than at first view it appeared ade for the winter, discontinued the siege. to be, and in the execution of it became actors in His command being prolonged for another the scene of horror far beyond their original inyear, he resumed his attack in the spring; and tention.

By the milder law and practice of modern finding the place greatly reduced by despair and nations, we are happily exempted from the danfamine, he forced his way by one of the docks, ger of ever seeing such horrid examples repeated, where he observed that the battlements were low at least in any part of the western world. and unguarded. His arrival in the streets did not While the event of this mighty siege was still put him in possession of the town. The inhabitin dependence, the Romans had other wars to ants, during six days, disputed every house and maintain on the side of Macedonia and Greece, every passage, and successively set fire to the where the natural progress of their policy, suited buildings whenever they were obliged to abandon to the measures which they had taken with other them. Above fifty thousand persons of different nations, now ended in the open and avowed sexes, who had taken refuge in the citadel, at last usurpation of a sovereignty which they had long accepted of quarter, and were I d captive from disguised under the specious titles of alliance and thence in two separate divisions, one of twenty-protection. five thousand women, and another of thirty thou-Macedonia being ill fitted to retain the repubsand men. lican form into which it had been cast by the Nine hundred deserters) who had left the Ro-Romans, after some years of distraction, and an man army during the siege, having been refused the quarter which was granted to the others, took 2 For the history of the destruction of Carthage -ee. post in a temple which stood on an eminence, the authors above cited, p. 80.

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84 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK II. attempt at last in favour of a pretended son of senate to hear parties on the spot, and to adjust the late king, lo recover its independence and its their differences. The Achaean council, incensed monarchy, underwent a second conquest. at this insult which was offered to their authority Andriscus, an African of uncertain extraction, without waiting the arrival of the Roman depu. being observed to resemble the royal family of ties, proceeded to enforce their own decrees against Macedonia, had the courage, under the name of the republic of Sparta, marched an army into Philip, to personate a son of that unfortunate Laconia, and defeated, with some slaughter, at the monarch, and to make pretensions to the crown. gates of Lacedemon, the inhabitants of that city With this object in view he went into Syria to who ventured to oppose them. The Roman comsolicit the aid of Demetrius, but was, by this missioners arriving after these hostilities had comprince, taken into custody, and transported in menced, summoned the parties to assemble at chains to Rome. The Romans paid little regard Corinth, and, in name of the senate, gave sento so contemptible an enemy, and even allowed tence, that Lacedemon, Corinth, Argos, Heraclea, him to escape. After this adventure, the same and Orchomenos, not having been original memimpostor appeared a second time in Macedonia, bers of the Achaean confederacy, should now be and, with better fortune than he had in the first disjoined froln it; and that all the cities which attempt, drew to his standard many natives of had been rescued from the dominion of Philip, that country and of Thrace. In his first encounter should be left in full possession of their freedom he even defeated Juventius the Roman protor, and independency. and was acknowledged king; but soon after fell a Multitudes from all the different states of the prey to Metellus, and furnished the Romans with league being on this occasion assembled at Coan obvious pretence for reducing the kingdom of rinth, a great riot ensued.

The Roman deputies Macedonia to the ordinary form of a province. were insulted and obliged to leave the place; and The states of the Acheban league, at the same in this manner commenced a war in which the time, being already on the decline, hastened, by Romans, because they hoped to establish their the temerity and distraction of their own councils, sovereignty in Greece without any convulsion, the career of their fortunes to the same termination. and had full employment for their forces in Africa, The Romans, even while they suffered this Spain, and Macedonia, engaged with great refarlous republic to retain the show of its inde-luctance. They renewed their commission, and pendence, had treated its members in many par-named other deputies to terminate the disputes in ticulars as subjects. At the close of the war with Achaia; but the states of the Achaean league, Perseus, they had cited to appear at Rome, or imputing their conduct in this particular to fear, taken into custody as criminals of state, many and to the ill state of thor affairs in Africa, while citizens of Achaia, who had, in that contest, ap-Carthage was likely to ipel their attack, thought peared to be disaffected to the Roman cause. Of that they had found an opportunity to exclude for these they had detained about a thousand in dif-ever from their councils the overbearing influence ferent prisons of Italy, until, after a period of of this arrogant nation.3 They were encouraged seventeen years, about three hundred of them, with hopes of support from Thebes, Eubcea, and who survived their confinement, were set at other districts of Greece, where the people were liberty, as having already suffered enough; or as averse to the dominion of the Romans; and they being no longer in condition-to give any umbrage therefore assembled an army to assert their comto Rome.’

Polybius being of this number, ac-mon rights, and to enforce their authority over the quired, during his stay in Italy, that knowledge several members of their own confederacy. of Roman affairs which appears so conspicuous Unfortunately for their cause, Metellus had in the remains of his history. WThen at liberty, then prevailed in Macedonia, and was at leisure he attached himself to Scipio, the son of Emrnilius, to turn his forces against them. He accordingly and being well versed in the active scenes which moved towards the Peloponnesus, still giving the had recently passed in his own country, and being Achoeans an option to avert the calanmities of war, entirely occupied with reflections on matters of by submitting to the mandates of the Roman state and of war, no doubt contributed by his insenate. These, he said, were no more, than that structions in preparing this young man for the they should desist from their pretensions on eminent services which he afterwards performed.

Sparta, and the other cantons who applied foi The Romans, while they detained so many the protection of Rome. Greek prisoners in Italy, in a great measure But the Achteans thought it safer to resist, than assumed the administration of aftfirs in Greece, to be disarmed under these stale pretences; they disposed of every distinction, whether of fortune took the field, passed through the isthmus of or power, and confined these advantages to the Corinth, and, being joined by the Thebans, advocates of their own cause, and to the tools of marched to Thermopylem with a view to defend their own ambition.2 They received appeals from this entry into Greece. In this, however, they the judgments of the Achman council, and en-were disappointed, being either prevented from couraged its members, contrary to the express seizing the pass, or driven from thence by Metelconditions of their league, to send separate em-lus. They were afterwards intercepted in their bassies to Rome. The steps which followed are retreat through Phocis, where they lost their but imperfectly marked in the fragments of his-leader Critolaus, with a great part of his army.4
tory which relate to this period. It appears that Diamus, who succeeded him as head of the conthe Spartans, having been forced into the Achaean federacy, assembled a new force, consisting of confederacy, continued refractory in most of its fourteen thousand foot and six thousand horse, councils. By some of their complaints at Rome, took post on the isthmus of Corinth, and sent they obtained a deputation, as usual, from the four thousand men for the defence of Megara, a 1 Pausanlas in Achaicis. 3

Polyb. Excerpt. Legat. c. 144. 2 Polyb. Excerpt. Legat. c. 103. 4 Orosius, lib. v. c. 3. Pausanias in Achaicis.

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CHAP. I.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 85 glace which still made a part in the expiring conemploy, and of which the belief was so favourable federacy of independent Greeks. to the success of their affairs. In a different conMetellus, who after his victory had made him-juncture, in which they were no longer equally;elf master of Thebes, advanced to Megara, dis-obliged to manage the temper of their allies, they lodged the Achaeans from thence, and continued became more impatient of contradiction, and his march to the isthmus. Here he was super-gave way to their resentment on any the slightest seded by Mummius, the consul of the present occasions, or to their ambition without control. year, who, with the new levies from Rome, made Their maxim, to spare the submissive, and to reup an army of twenty-three thousand foot and duce the proud,5 whether founded in sentiment three thousand five hundred horse. The enemy, or cunning, was a principle productive of the exhaving gained an advantage over his advanced tremes of generosity and arrogance observed in guard, were encouraged to hazard a battle under their conduct; it led them by degrees to assume the walls of Corinth, and were defeated. The a superiority in every transaction, and as their greater part fled into the town, but afterwards in power increased, rendered this power proporthe night withdrew from that place. Their general tionably dangerous to other nations. Diaeus fled from the field of battle to Migalopolis, On the third day after the action which hapwhither he had sent his family; having killed his pened in the isthmus of Corinth, the victorious wife, to prevent her falling into the hands of the general entered the city; and considering that tnemv, he himself took poison, and died. the inhabitants had a principal part in the late Such are the imperfect accounts which remain insult offered to the Roman commissioners, deof the last efforts made by the Greeks to preserve termined to strike a general terror into all the a freedom, in the exercise of which they had members of the league by the severitiesto be exeacted so distinguished a part. As they never cuted against this people.

Mummius, though, were surpassed by any race of men in the vigour with the rest of his countrymen of this age, ill with which thev supported their republican esta-qualified to distinguish the elegant workmanship blishments, so they appeared to retain their inge-of the Grecian artists,6 of which great collections nuity and their skill in many arts, after they had had been made at Corinth, ordered all the statues lost the military and political spirit which con-and pictures to be set apart for his triumph; and, stitutes the strength and security of nations; and with this reserve, gave the town, abounding in all in this latter period, which preceded their extincthe accommodations and ornaments of a wealthy tion, as the Acheean league was dissolved on metropolis, to be pillaged by the soldiers. He having incurred the resentment of the Romans, razed the walls, and reduced the city to ashes. so the unhappy remnant of the Spartan republic Thus Corinth perished in the same year with perished in having accepted their protection. The Carthage. The fortifications of Thebes, and of enmity and the friendship of the Romans being some other towns disaffected to the Romans equally fatal, these and every other state or re-were at the same time demolished; and the arpublic of Greece, from this time forward, ceased rangements to be made in the country of Greece to be numbered among nations, having fallen a were committed to deputies from the Roman prey to a power, whose force nothing could equal senate. By their order, the Achsean league was but the ability and the cunning with which it dissolved, and all its conventions annulled. The was exerted.

states which had composed it were deprived of Such, at least, is the comment which we are their sovereignty, subjected to pay a tribute, and tempted, by the conduct of the Romans, on the placed under the government of a person annually preysent occasion, to make on that policy, with sent from Rome with the title of the Prwstor of which about fifty years before this date, Fla-Achaia.7 mininus, to detach the Grecian cities from Philip, The Romans now appeared openly, perhaps proclaimed, with so much ostentation at the isth-for the first time, in the capacity of conquerors. mus of Corinth, general independence, and the The acquisition of revenue in Macedonia, which, free exercise of their own laws to all the republics about twenty years before this date, had first of Greece. That people, when they meant to in-taught them to exempt themselves from taxatio,., gratiate themselves, surpassed every state in gene-excited from thenceforward an insatiable thirst of rosity to their allies, they gained entire confidence, dominion: and their future progress is marked and taught nations, who were otherwise in con-by the detail of wars which they maintained on dition to maintain their own independence, to their frontier, not in defence of the empire, but rely for protection on that very power from which for the enlargement of possessions already too they had most to fear for their liberties; and in great. the end, under some pretence of ingratitude or In Spain, where they still met with resistance, affront, stripped of every right those very states they had acted in all the different periods of their who had most plentifully shared in their bounty. wars, either on the offensive or defensive, accordn tois policy there were some appearances of a ing as the state was, or was not, at leisure fro4 concerted design, which was at one time liberal the pressure of their enemies, or according as tlt and generous beyond example, at another time generals she employed were ambitious or pacific cruel and implacable in the opposite extreme, On the conclusion of the peace with Philip equally calculated to gain or to terrify, in the the Roman territory in Spain had been divided cases to which either species of policy was suited. into two provinces, and furnished the stations of It is, however, probable, that they were led by the two separate commanders annually sent from changing state of their interests, and followed the conjuncture without any previous design. In 5 Parcere subjectis, et debellare superbos. this sort of conduct the passions are wonderfully 6 He delivered them to the masters of ships, with ready to act in support of the judgment; and we his famous threat, that if any of these curiosities were may venture to admit, that the omas some-lost, they should be obliged to replace them. may venture theo admgen it, whh t ~hey rofes sed to 7 Pausanias, lib. vii. c. 16. Polyb. Excerpte de Vir times felt the generosity which they professed to tutibus et Vitiis.

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8G THE PROGRESS AND TETAMNATICN [BOOK II. Rome. On the renewal of the war in Macedo-retained, even down to the days of Caesar, the nia, and during the continuance of it, three pro-faculty of turning the want of order to account vinces were again united under one government. against an enemy so much accustomed to order, But upon the defeat of Perseus, and the reduction as, in a great measure, to rely upon it in most of of Macedonia, they were separated for ever. their operations. With him-an apparent rout From that time the ambition of the Romans and dispersion of his followers was the ordinary seems to have operated in Spain with the same prelude to a violent attack; and he commonloly effect as in other parts on the boundaries of their endeavoured, by pretended flights and disorderly empire. They pressed upon the natives, not movements, to draw the enemy into rash pursuits merely to secure their own territory from inroad or precipitant marches, and seized every advan. and depredation, but to gain new accessions of tage which they gave him with irresistible addominion anl( wealth. They advancemd to the dress and valour. He continued about ten years Taous, endeavoured to penetrate the mountains to baffle all the attempts which the Romans male beyond the sources of that river; and on that side to reduce Lusitania. He had projected a league involved themselves in a continual struggle of and defensive confederacy with the other free namanv years’ duration, with the Lusitanians, Gal-tions of Spain, when he was assassinated, as lie licians, and Celtiberi. lay asleep on the ground, by two of his own folIn these wars, the Roman officers were actu-lowers, supposed to be in concert with the Roman ated by their avarice, as well as by their ambition, general. and wexe glad of occasions to quarrel with an The Romans, upon this event, found the enemy, amongst whom the produce of rich mines western and northern parts of Spain open to of silver and of gold were known to abound, and their inroads. In little more than a year afterwhere plentiful spoils were so likely to reward wards, a Roman army under Brultus passed the their services. Duero,’ and penetrated quite to the coast of GalThe theatre of the war in Spain was not so licia, from which they reported, with more than conspicuous, nor the conductof generals so strictly the embellishments and exaggerations of traobserved, as they were in Africa, Asia, or Greece; veilers, that the sun was seen from this distant and such as were employed in that service, region, when he set in the evening, to sink and therefore, the more to hasten their conquests, extinguish himself with a mighty noise in the ventured upon acts of treachery or breach of Western Ocean. faith with the cantons around them, which the The natives of this country, however, did not senate did not commonly avow; and they also think themselves subdued by being thus overrun. ventured upon acts of extortion and peculation in They retired, with their cattle anld eftects, into their own governments, which gave occasion to places of strength; and, when required to pay the first complaints of this sort that were brought contributions, replied, That their ancestors had to Rome. left them swords to defend their possessions, but The proconsul Lucullus, having accepted of not any gold to redeem them. the surrender of a town, anti being received into Such were the occupations of the Roman’arms it in consequence of a capitulation, nevertheless in the western division of Spain, while they put the inhabitants to the sword and carried off were equally engaged in the eastern province, their effects. Galba, commanding in Lusitania, under Cato the elder, Tiberius Gracchus, and or the western province of Spain, soon afterwards others, who endeavoured to secure what the state circumvented, by a like act of perfidy and cruelty, had already acquired, or to extend its limits.  some of the inhabitants whom he could not other-These generals obtained their several triumplh wise red(uce. These examples probablv retarded, and joined to the Roman possessions on the coast instead of forwarding, the progress of the Roman considerable acquisitions in the inland part of the arms, and confirmed that obstinate valour with country. Their progress, however, on this side which the natives of Spain disputed every post in had been greatly retarded by the obstinate valour defence of their country; and wil which they of the Numantians, and other cantons of the maintained the contest against a succession o’f Celtiberi, who had maintained the contest during Roman generals, proetors, or consuls, who were fifty years, and at last had formed a general conemployed to subdue them. This contest they federacy of all the interior nations of Spain, to be continued or renewed, at short intervals, with conducted by Viriathus, when their measures were various success, from the first expedition of the broken by the death of that formidable leader..Sipios to the last of Augustus. Numantia was the principal strong holdl, or, At the beginning of the last war with Car-as we may conceive it, the capital of a small nathage, the Lusitanians, incensed by the act of tion. Their lodgment, or township, was contreachery which was committed by the Roman tained within a circumference of about three miles, general Galba, reassembled in numerous parties situatied among the mountains of Celtiberia, or under Viriathus, who had himself escaped from Old Castile, and at the confluence of the Durius the massacre on that occasion, and who enter-with another river, both of which having steep tained an implacable resentment to the authors banks, rendered the place, on two of its sides, of of it. This leader, according to the Roman his-very difficult access. It was fortified on the thirsd torians, had been originally a herdsman, after-side with a rampart and ditch. wards a chief of banditti, and last of all the com-The people could muster no more than eight mander of an army which had often defeated the or ten thousand men; but these were greatly dislegions of Rome, and threatened their expulsion tinguished by their valour, reputed superior in from Spain. He seems to have known how to horsemanship to every other,nation of Spain, and employ the impetuous valour of a rude people equal to the Romans in the use of the shield and against troops not less valiant than his own the stabbing sword. They had already gained countrymen, though more depending on disci-)line; arAd to have possessed what the Spaniards 1

Durius.

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VHUAP. 1.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 87 many victories over the Roman armies which had Scipio had been joined on his march to Nubeen employed to reduce them. They had obliged mantia by Jugurtha, the grandson of Massinissa, Pom’?ev, one of the Roman generals, contrary to who, on th eir service, made his first acquaintance the practice of his country, to accept of a treaty, with the Romans, and brought a reinforcement while the advantage of fortune was aoainst himl. of twelve elephants, with a considerable belly of They obliged the consul Mancinus to save his horse, of archers and slingers. At its arrival the army by a capitulation.2 Neither of those trea-army amounted to sixty thousand men. But ties indeed were ratified by the Roman senate. Scipio did not attempt to storm the town; he took To expiate the breach of the last, the consul Man-a number of posts which he successively fortified cinus, who concluded it, together with Tiberius and, by joining them together, completed a double Gracchus, his questor, were orderutl to be deli-line of circumvallation, equal in strength to the vered u,) to the handls of the enenlv., and to suffer walls which were opposed to him. He had his in their own persons for the faillre of elt’

rng e-curtains, his towers, his places of arms correspondments which they could not fulfil. Tiberius ing to those of the place; alnd he established an Gracchus appealed to the pteople, was savecd lv order of service anld a set of signals, in case of their ftvour, and fromn this timlne is supposed(l to alarm by day or by night, which resembled more have received that bias which he fi;llowedl iu the the precautionrs of an army on its defence, than subsequent part of his political conduct.. Man-the operations of a siege. His intention was to cinus acquiesced in the sentence of the senate, reduce the Nunmantians by famine, an operation was prest’nted naked and in letters at the gates of’ of time, during which, from so warlike a nation, Numnanti t, as a sacrifice to the resentment of that he might be exposed to surprise, or to the effects nation, ftr the breach of a treaty which the Ro-of despair. mans letermined not to observe. But the victim The place besieged being at the confluence of was nobly rejected, and the Numantians insisted rivers navigable with small vessels, which deon the conditions they had stipulated, saying, scended with great rapidity on the stream, or that. a public breach of faith could not be expiated which could, with the favour of pro.per winds, by the suffering of a private maln.3 even remount in the sight of the enemy, the peoThese transactions passed about ten years af-ple, for a while, procured some supplies by water. ter the destruction of Carthage. and the Romrnans, Numbers of them swimming with great address, mortified with the length andi ill-success of the and diving at proper places, to avoid being seen war with Nurnantia, had recourse again to the by the besiegers, still passed through the lines. services of Scipio. and preserved a communication with the country, They had formerly dispensed, in his favour, until the rivers also were barred across their chanwith the law that required a certainl age as a nels by timbers, that were armed with swordauatlification for the office of consul; and now, in blades and spikes of iron. orller to employ him a second timle, they were The Nunlantians were still in hopes of sucot:liaedl to suspend another law, which prohibited cour from their allies. Five aged warriors unthere-election of the same person into that office. dertook, each with his son for a second, to pass U.!ponl the arrival of Scipio in Spain, it is said through the lines of the enemy, and to sue for that he found the Roman army, discouraged by relief fron the neighbouring nations. T hey sucrepeated defeats, withdrawn into fortified stations ceeded by night in the first part of their attempt, at a distance from the enemy, detesting the hard-cut down the Roman guard, threw the camp into ships of a military camp, indulging themselves some confusion, and escaped before the occasion in all the vices of a disorderly town, and subject of the alarm was known. But their cause was to panics on the slightest alarm. It is said that become desperate, and too likely to involve in certhe cries, the aspect, the painted visage, and the tain ruin any friend who. embraced it.

Their long hair of the Spaniard were become objects suit, nevertheless, was attended to at Lutia, the of terror.4 head of a small canton, forty miles firom NuAmong the reformations which Scipio made mantia. to restore the vigour of the army, he cleared the The young men of this place took their resocamp of its unnecessary followers, amongst whom lution in favour of the injured 1N’umantians; but are mentioned women, merchants, and fortune-Scipio had notice of their intention tiune enough tellers; he restricted the quantity of baggage, re-to prevent its effect. He hastened to the place, duced the furniture of the kitchen to the spit and and having accomplished this march of forty the pan; and the tables of officers to plain food, miles in eight hours, surprised the inhabitants, roasted or boiled. He prohibited the use of bed-had four hundred young men delivered up to him, steads in camp, and set the example himself of and ordered their right arms to be struck off. sleeping on a straw mat; likewise restrained the By this dreadful act of severity, he secured himinfantrv from the use of horses on the march, self from any danger on that quarter, and ira - and oblirced them to carrv their own baggaage.

pressed the other states of that neighbourhood Though possessed of superior numbers he de-with terror. cdined a battle, and avoided every route on which The Numantians, in the mean tinme, were the enemy were prepared to receive hinm; took pressed with thinine, and having no hopes of readvantage of a superior address in managing his lief, sent a deputation to try the clemency of their resources, and damped the ardour of a fierce peo-enemy. “What was once a l::appy state,” they ple by slow operations; he laid waste the country said, ” content with its own p-ssessions, and searound them, and by degrees obliged them to re-cure in the valour of its citizens, is now reduced tire within their own ramparts, and to consume to great distress, for no other crime than that of what was raised or provided within the circuit of having maintained their froedorn, and of having their walls. defended their wives and their children. 2

Eumropitus, libf. iv. c. 8. “For you,” they continued, addressing them3

Appian de Bell. Hispan. p. 302. 4 Florus. selves to Scipio, ” who yourself are said to possess

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88 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BooK IL so many virtues, it would become you to espouse the view it Wives of the state of the countries now the cause of this injured nation, and procure to under the immediate jurisdiction of Rome. The them terms which they could with honour pre-island of Sicily having been the first acquisition fer to their present distresses. Their expe, a-which the Romans made beyond the limits of tions are moderate, for they have felt the reverses Italy, had been for some time in a state of domesof fortune. It is now in your power to receive tic tranquillity, and undisturbed by any foreign their submission under any tolerable conditions, enemy. Its lands were become the property of or to see them perish in some act of despair, Roman citizens, who here, as on their estates in which may prove fatal to many of their enemies, Italy, cultivated plantations to supply with corn, as well as to themselves.” wine, and oil, the markets and granaries of Romrre. Scipio replied, That he could not grant them The labour was performed by slaves.

These any terms; that they must surrender at discretion. were led in chains to the fields, or confined in Upon the return of this answer they resume(d vaults and fortified workhouses at the several their former obstinacy, and held out until they tasks they were employed to perform. As the had consumed every article of provision within proprietors of land had many reasons to prefer their walls; endeavoured to turn their shields the labour of slaves to that of freemen, who were and other utensils of leather into food, devoured distracted by their political engagements, and the dead bodies, and even preyed on each other. subject to be called upon or pressed into the miiiThe end of this piteous scene is variously retary service, the number of slaves continually inported. By some it is said, that, in the iast stage creased. They were, for the most part, prisoners of despair, the Numantians sallied forth to pur-of war; and some of them being of high rank, chase death by the slaughter of their enemies; unused to submission, and animated with fierce that, in the execution of this purpose, they for passions of indignation and scorn, were ready, some time exposed themselves with the most upon every favourable opportunity, to take arms frantic rage, till the greater part being slain, a few against their masters, and often to shake the state returned into the town, set fire to the houses, and, itself with a storm which was not fobreseeDn until with their wives and children, perished’in the it actually burst. flames.1 About ten years after the destruction of CarBy others it is said, that they agreed to surren-thage, and four years before that of N _,-antia, der on a certain day, but that when this day this injured class of men were incited to revolt in came they begged for another; alleging, that many Sicily by Eunus, a Syrian slave; who, at first of their people, yet bfond of liberty, had deter-under pretence of religion, and by the famre of mined to die, and wished for one day more, that miracles he was supposed to perform, tenll’teI they might the more deliberately execute their many to break from their bondage; traversed the purpose. Such was the aversion to surrender at country, broke open the vaults and prisons in discretion, which the fear of captivity, and that which his fellow-sufferers were confined, and of its ordinary consequences among ancient na-actually assembled an army of seventy thousand tions, had inspired. The few of this high-minded men. With this force, in four successive campeople who survived the eflfects of despair, falling paigns, he made a prosperous war on the Roman ir.to the enemy’s hands, were stripped of their praetors, and often stormed the entrenchments of arms.

Fifty were reserved, as a specimen of the the Roman camp. whole, to adorn the victor’s triumph. The re-This leader, however, being ill-qualified to immainder were sold for slaves, and the walls of prove his victories, and having no concerted plan their strong hold were levelled with the ground.

for the government or subsistence of his followers, The prisoners, even after they had laid down in a country that was gradually ruined by theit their arms and submitted to mercy, retained the own devastations, was at length, by the caution ferocity of their looks, and cast on their victors and superior conduct of Perperna, or Publius such glances of indignation and rage. as still kept Rutilius, gradually circumscribed in his depredathe animosity of enemies awake, and prevented tions, defeated, and obliged to take refuge in Enthe returns of pity. As these particulars strongly na, a fortified place, where about twenty thoumark the defects which still subsisted in the sup-sand of his followers were put to the sword, and posed law of war among ancient nations, the the remainder, as an example, to deterslaves from reader will probably bear with the shock that is the commission of a similar oflence, were nailed given to his feelings of compassion, tbr the sake to the cross, near the most frequented highways, of the picture which it is necessary to give of the and in the most conspicuous parts of the island. manners of the times.

While the Roman armies were thus employed If we judlge of Numantia from the resistance in the provinces, or on the frontier of their extenit made to the Roman arms, it having been one sive conquests, Italy itself had long enjoyed a of their most difficult conquests, we must consi-perfect security, the lands were cultivated, and der it as a state of considerable power. Its reduc-the country stocked with people, whether aliens tion gave immediate respite from war in Spain. or citizens, freemen or slaves.

From about three Scipio and Brutus returned nearly together from hundred thousand,2 which, in this period, were their provinces in that country, and had their the ordinary return of the census, the citizens separate triumphs in the same year. soon after augmented to above four hundred These operations against Numantia, Carthage, thousand;3 and Scipio, under whose inspection Macedonia, and Greece, were accompanied with as censor this return was made, hearing the crier a revolt of’ the slaves in Sicily, and with a num-repeat the prayer which was usual at the closing ber of other wars less considerableein Illyricum, of the rolls, “That the republic might increase Thrace, and Gaul. Of these the revolt of the slaves merits the greater attention, on account of 2 Three hundred and twenty thousand. 3 Four hundred and twenty-eight thousand three I Orosius.

lib, v. c. 7. Florus, lib. ii. c. 18. hundred and forty-two.

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CHAP. I.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 89 in the numbers of its people, and in the extent of’With these establishments, calculated to se. its territory;”

bid him pray that it might be pre-cure the functions of office, the use of the ballot,served, for it was already great enough. It is was introduced, first, in elections, and afterwards probable that, in the view of this sagacious ob-in collecting opinions of judges in the courts of server, the marks of corruption already began to justice:5 a dangerous form of proceeding in conappear in the capital; and a tree, which still constitutions tending to popular license, and where tinued for a century to make such vigorous shoots justice is more likely to suffbr fiom the unawed from its branches, already bore some marks of passions of the lower people, than from any imdecay in its trunk. proper influence of superior rank; and where the The offices of state, and the government of authority of the wise, and the sense of public provinces, to which those who had filled them shame, were so much required, as principal supsucceeded, began to be coveted from avarice, as ports of government. well as from ambition.

Complaints of peculation An occasion for the commission of new crimes and extortion, which were received about this is frequently taken from the precautions which time from Spain and Macedonia, pointed out the are employed against the old. From the facility necessity of restraining such oppressions, and with which criminal accusations now began to be suggested some penal laws, which were often, received, a new species of crime accordingly arose. and in vain, amended and revived. Calumny and vexatious prosecutions commenced An action was instituted in favour of the pro-by disappointed competitors against persons in vinces, against governors, or their attendants, who public trust, became so frequent as to require the should be accused of levying money without the interposition of laws. On this account it was authority of the state, and an ordinary jurisdiction enacted, upon the motion of Memmius, that all was granted to one of the pretors, to hear comn-persons in office, or appointed to command in the plaints on this subject. The penalty at first was no provinces, might decline answering a criminal more than restitution, and a pecuniary fine; it was charge until the expiration of their term, or until gradually extended to degradation, and exile. their return from the service to which they were These reformations are dated in destined;6 and persons of any denomination might.ro. 604. the time of the last war with Car-have an action of calumny against the author of Lex Cutpur’ thage, and are ascribed to the motion a false oi groundless prosecution. Whoever wvas tundis. of Culpurnius Piso, then one of the convicted of this offence was to be branded in the Questisoes tribunes. Before this time all juris-face with the initials of his crime. perpetsue. diction in criminal matters belonged By these establishments the city of Rome, long to the tribunal of the people, and resembling a mere military station, made some was exercised by themselves in their collective progress in completing the system and applicacapacity, or occasionally delegated to a special tion of her laws. Literary productions, in some commission. Few crimes were yet defined by of their forms, particularly in the form of dramatic statute, and ordinary courts of justice for the trial compositions, as hath been already observed, beof them were not yet established. In these cir-gan to be known. The representation of fables cumstances criminals of state had an opportunity was first introduced under pretence of religion, not only to defend themselves after a prosecution and practised as a sacred rite to avert the plague was commnence(l, but likewise to employ intrigue, or some public calamity. This entertainment or exert their credit with the people, to prevent was fondly received by the people, and therefore or evade a trial. frequently presented to them by the ediles, who To supply these defects, a list of statutory had the charge of such matters. Literature, howcrimes now began to be made, and an ordinary ever, in some of its less popular forms, was jurisdiction was established. Besides extortion checked, as a source of corruption. in the provinces, which had been defined by the U. C. 592. In the year of Rome five hundred law of Culpurnius,4 murder, brea(ch of faith, rob-and ninety-two, that is, about eight bery, assault, poisoning, incest, adultery, bribery, years after the reduction of Macedonia, the Rofalse judgment, fraud, perjury, &c. were-succes- man senate, upon a report from M. Pomponius, sively joined to the list; and-an ordinary juris-the praetor, that the city was frequented by phidiction for the trial of such crimes was vested in losophers and rhetoricians, resolved, that this a jury of senators, over whom the praetor, with officer, agreeably to his duty to the republic, should the title of qu esitor, presided. take care to remove all such persons in the manThe number of prators, corresponding to this ner his own judgment should direct;7 and, in and other growing exigencies of the state, was about six years after this date, an embas~sy having now augmented to six; and these officers, tiough come from Athens, composed of scholars and destined, as well as the consuls, to the commnand rhetoricians, who drew the attention of the youth of armies and the government of provinces, began, by the display of their talents, an uncommon during the term of their magistracy, to have full despatch was given to their business, that they occupation in the city. On this account it was night not have any pretence for remaining too not till after the expiration of the year for which long in the city. they had been elected, that they drew lots for a A proposal which was made during th.is peprovince. A like policy was soon after adopted riod, to erect a theatre for the accommodation of in the destination of consuls, and all the other the spectators at their public shows, was rejected officers of state, who, being supposed to have suf-with great indignation, as an attempt to corrupt ficient occupation in Italy and Rome during the the manners of the people. The materials which year of their appointment, were not destined to had been collected for this work were publicly any foreign service till that year was expired.

sold, and an edict, at the same time, was pub4 Parricidium, vis publica, latrocinium, injulria, ve-5 Lex Gabinia Tabellaria. nificiimn, in-estus, adulterium, capte pecuniaecorrupti, 6 Lex Memmia de reis postilandis. Lex Cassia:udicii fais., perj rium. Tabellaria. 7 A. Gedlius, lib. xv. c. 11 M

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90 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [B3OK II. lished, that no one should ever resume this design, to be cured by partial reme. es Thy;v were by,r attempt to place any bench or seat for the ac-the Romans (who knew better h w to accolllnlish commodlation of the spectators at any theatrical the celeb-ated problem of Thenmstocles, in makentertainment in the city, or within a rmile of its ing a smin.’ state a great one, than they knew walls.’ It was thought an act of etemninacy, it how to explain the efiects of’ its greatness) comseems, for the Roman people to be seated;‘and monly imputed to some particular circumstance, it is undoubtedly wise, in matters of small nlo-or accidental event. To the spoils of Tarenturn, snent, however innocent, to forbid what is consi-they said, and of’

Asia,3 to the destruction oif our dered as an evil, and, in remitting established principal rivals, the Carthaginians; totthe mighty severities, to let the opinion of innocence at least show of statues, pictures, and costly furniture, precede the indullgence. which were brou(rht by Mummlius from Corinth The sumlltuary laws already mentioned, re-we owe this admiration of finery, and so prevailing specting entertainments and household expenses, a passion for private as well as for public wealth.

were, under the name of Didius, the person who In this manner they explained the effects of a proposed the renewal of them, revived;2 alld, progress which they themsehlves had made in the with sonme alterations, extend(le( to all the Roman acquisition of so many provinces; in the growing citizens dispersed over Italy. security and riches of a mighty city, from which Sutch was the antidote which the policy of all foreign alarms were far removed; and to wich that age provided, in the capital of a great empire, the wealth of a great empire, either in the fbrm against luxury and the ostentation of wealth; of private fortune or of public treasure, began to distempers incident to prosperity itself; and not I flow with a continued and increasing stream.4 CHAPTER II. Extent of the Roman Empire-Political Character of its Heal Facility with which it contin(ued to advance-Change of Character, Political as well (is Jloral-Character of the People or Commonso-Dangerous Hul;mours likely to break out-Appeaoranr e (f’iberius Gracch us-DHis project to 7evive the Law of Licinius-In tercession of the’r1ibune Oclazius ThEe Repitblic divridedDisputes in, the Cornitia-Deposition of the lribun e Octao ins Comn issiones a ppoin elfor the Division of Lands-T’liberius Graccchus sues to be reelected T’ribune His Death-Im-zmediate Conseq uences Proceedings of Carbo-Em bassy of Scipio-Foreign ffairs  Violence of thd Co nmissioners-Domestic Affairs. IN the manner that has been summarily stated i likely to surpass their strength, did not allow it in the preceding chapters, the Romans completed to be suplposedl that they were governed by fear their political establishment, and made their first in any case whatever. They willingly treated and their greatest advances to empire, without de-with the vanquished, and were ready to grant the partillg from the policy by which they had been most liberal terms when the-concession could not preserved in the infancy of their power. Tlhey e imputed to weakness or fiar. By such free were become sovereigns of Macedonia, Greece, and unforced concession, indeetl, they establ!ished Italy, part of Atrica, Lusitania, and Spain; yet, a reputation for generosity, wohichll contrituted, no even in tlhis pitch. of greatness, made no distinc-less than their valour, to secure the doinniuon tion between tile civil and military departments, they accquired. nor gave to any citizen an exemption fiuom the WVith the same insinuating titles of allies or public service. They did not despise any enemy, protectors, by which they lh(ad, in thle inftnt state neither in the measures they took, nor in the ex-of their policy, brought all the caultons of Latium ertions they made to resist him: and as the iatal to follow their stand(lard; they continued to talie effects which they and all the other nations of the ascendiarnt over nations w;lonil thex could not the ancient world were long accustomed to ex-have otiherw-se sutbdued. But as they were libera, pect from dlefeats, were no less than servitude or in their friendships, so, after repeated pro voecations death, they did not sublnit to any enemy in con-seemed to iustity aodiftierentonlu(-t. thlev were tersequence of any event, nor under the pressure of rible in theirresentments, and took:lmple compenany calamnity whatever. sation for the fivours thev hadl forml!erlv bestowed Other nations were accustomed to rise on vic-By their 1aomous mnaxinl in war, already men. tories, and to sink under defeats; to become intioned, That the submissive were to be sipared, solent or mean with the tide of their fortunes. and the proud to be humlled, it btcaile necessary The Romans alone were moderate in prosperity, for them, in every quarrel, to conquer or to plerish; and arrogant when their enemies expected to and, when these were the alternatines p;roposed force their submission. by them, other nations were entitled to consider Other nations, when in distress, could weigh them as common enellies. N’o state has a right their sullerings against the concessions which to make the submission of mankind a necessary they were required to make; and, among the conldition to its own preservation; nor are mnany evils to which they were exposed, preferred what states qualified to supplort such lpretensions. Some appeared to be the least. T’he Romans alone part of this political character, however, is necesspurned the advances of a victorious enemy; sary to the safety, as well as to the advancement, were not to be moved by suffirings; and, though they cautiously avoided difficulties that were! 3 Asia primrim devicta:uxuriam tnisit in ltaliam -__ _  Plin. lib. xxxiii c. 11. 1 Val. Maxim. lib. ii. c. 4. 2 Lex Didia. 4 Liv. lib. xxxix. c 3 Plin. lib xxxvii. c. 1.

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CHAP. II.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 91 of nations. No free state or republic is safe under ceived with some degree of jealousy by those who any other government or defence than that of its were already in possession of the higher condition, own citizens. No nation is safe that permits any were nevertheless frequent, and extinguished all ally to suffer by having espoused its cause, or appearance of an exclusive pretension to the hothat allows itself to be driven, by defeats or mis-nours of the state in anyorder or class of the people. fortunes, into a surrender of any material part of The knights, or the equestrian order, being its rights.

persons possessed of estates or effects of a certain The measure of the Roman conquests, in the valuation,’ formed between the senate andl the beginning of the seventh century of Rome, though people an intermediate rank, who, in consequence great, was yet far from being full; and the people of their having a capital, and being less engaged had not hitherto relaxed the industry, nor cooled than the senators in affllairs of state, bIecamne in the ardour with which prosperous nations ad-traders, contractors, farmers of the revenue, and vance, but which they frequently remit in the constituted a species of moneyed interest in. the height of their attainments and of their power. city,. and in the provinces. The constitution of the commonwealth still Such, during the latter part of the period of afforded a plentiful nursery of men for both the which the events have been already related, was civil and military departments; and this people the distr;bution of rank in this commonwealth. accordingly continued for some time to advance But circumstances which appear to be fixed in with a quick pace in the career of their conquests. the political state of nations, are often no more They subl]ued mighty kingdoms with as great,.or than a passage in the shifting of scenes, or a transigreater facility, than that with which they had tion from that which a people have been, to what formerly conquered villages and single fields. they are about to become. The nobles began to But the enlargement of their territory, and the avail themselves of the high authority and adsuccess of their arms abroad, became the sources vantages of their station, and to accumulate proof a ruinous corruption at home. The wealth of perty as well as honours. The country began to provinces began to flow into the city, and filled be occupied with their plantations and their slaves. the coffers of private citizens, as well as those of The number of great landed estates, and the the commonwealth. The offices of state ant( the multiplication of slaves, kept pace together. This command of armies were become lucrative as well manner of stocking plantations was necessary or as honourable, and were coveted on the former expedient in the circumstances of the Romnanls: account. In the state itself the governing and the for if the Roman citizen, who possessed so mnuch governed felt separate interests, anti were at vari-consequence in his military and political capacity, ance, from motives of avarice, as well as ambition; had been willing to become a hireling allnd a serand, instead of the parties who formerly strove for vant, yet it was not the interest of masters to distinction, and for the palm of merit in the ser-entrust their afl’irs to persons who were liable to vice of the commonwealth, factions arose, who be pressed into the legions, or who were so often contended for the greatest share of its spoils, and called away to the comitia and assembllies of the who sacrificed the public to their party-attach- people. ments and animosities. Citizens contended for offices in the state as the Two hundred and thirty years had elapsed road to lucrative appointments abroad; and when since the animosities of patrician and plebeian they had obtained this end, and had reigned for a were extinguished by the equal participation of while in some province, they brought back from public honours. This distinction itself was in a their governments a profusion of wealth ill acgreat measure obliterated, and gave way to a new quired, and the habit of arbitrary and uncontrolled one, which, under the denomination of nobles and command. When disappointed in the pursuits of colmmons, or illustrious and obscure, without in-fortune abroad, they became the leaders of danvolving any legal disparity of privileges, gave rise gerous factions at home; or when suddenly posto an aristocracy, which was partly hereditary, sessed of great wealth, they became the agents of founded in the repeated succession to honours in corruption to disseminate idleness, and the love of the same family; and partly personal, founded in ruinous amusements, in the minds of the people. the habits of high station, and in the advantages of The seclusion of the equestrian order front the education, such as never fail to distinguish the con-pursuit of political emolunment or honour, and the ditions of men in every great and prosperous state. opportunities they had, by contracts and by fanrrThese circumstances conferred a power on the ing the revenue, to improve their fortunes in a nobles. which, though less invidious, was not less different way, confirmed them in the habits of real than that which had been possessed by the trade, arid the attention to lucrative considerations. ancient patricians. The exercise of this power The city was gradually crowded with a popuwas lodged with the senate, a body which, though lace, who, tempted with the cheap or gratuitous by the emulation of its members too much dis-distribution of corn, by the frequency of public posed to war, and ambitious of conquest, was pro-shows, by the consequence they enjoyed as rlembably never surpassed in magnanimity, ability, or bers of the popular assemblies, or perhaps lisin steadiness, by any council of state whatever. lodged from the country by the engrossers of land, The people had submitted to the senate, as and the preference which.was given to the lalbour possessed of an authority which was founded in of slaves over that of freemen, flocked roln the the prevailing opinion of their superior worth; colonies and municipal towns to reside at Rome. andt even the most aspiring of the commons al-There they were corrupted by idleness and indilowed themselves to be governed by an order of gence, and the order itself was continually debased men, amongst whom they thenlselves, by proper by the frequent accession of emancipated slaves. efforts and suitable merit, might hope to ascend. The Romans, who were become so jealous of The examples of preferment, and the rise of intheir prerogative as citizens, had no other way of dividuals, from the lowest to the highest ranks of the commonwealth, though for the most part re-1 400,000 Roman money, (X about 3,0001.

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92 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [Booa Il. disposing of a slave, who had obtained his free-citizens in this manner; and the practice of setdorn, than by placing him on the rolls of the peotling new colonies, which had been so useful in pie; and from this quarter accordingly the numbers planting, and securing the conquests which were of the People were chiefly recruited. The emanci-made in Italy, had not yet been extended beyond pated slave. took the name of his master, mecame a thiscountry, nor employed as the means of securclient, and a retainer of his family; and at fune-ing any of the provinces lately acquired. Mere rals and other solemnities, where the pomp was colonization, indeed, would have been an improper distinguished by the number of attendants, made and inadequate measure for this purpose; and in a part of the retinue. This class of men accord-time of the republic never was, in any consideringl v received continual additions, from the vanity able degree, extended beyond sea. The provinces or weakness of those who chose to change their were placed under military government, and were slaves into dependent citizens; and numbers who to be retained in submission byv bodies of regular had been conducted to Rome as captives, or who troops. Roman citizens had little inclination to rehad been purchased in Asia or Greece, at a price move their habitations beyond the limits of Italy; proportioned to the pleasurable arts they possessed, and if they had, wou’d have been unable, in the became an accession to that turbulent populace, mere capacity of civil corporations and pacific setwho, in the quality of Roman citizens, tyrannized tlements, to carry into execution the exactions of in their turn over the masters of the world, and a Government which they themselves, now become wrecked on the conquerors.of so many nations inhabitants and proprietors of land in those prothe evils which they themselves had so freely invinces, would have soon been interested to oppose: flicted on mankind.1 for these reasons, although the Roman territory Citizens of this extraction could not for ages was (reatly extended, the resources of the poorer arrive. at any places of trust, in which they could, citizens were diminished. The former discharge by thev personal defects, injure the common-for many dangerous humours that were found to wealth; but they increased, by their numbers and arise among them, was in some measure shut up, their vices, the weight of that dreg, which, in and these humours began to regorge on the state. great and prosperous cities, ever sinks, by the While the inferior people at Rome sunk in tendency of vice and misconduct, to the lowest their characters, or were debased by the circumcondition. They became a part of that faction stances we have mentioned, the superior ranks, who are ever actuated by envy to their superiors, by their application to affairs of state, by their by mercenary views, or by abject fear; who are education, by the ideas of high birth and familyever feady to espouse the cause of any leader distinction, by the superiority of fortune, began to against the restraints of public order; disposed to rise in their estimation, in their pretensions, and vilify the more respectable ranks of men; and by in their power; and they entertained some de*gree their indifference on the subjects of justice or of contempt for persons, whom the laws still rehonour, to frustrate every principle that may be quired them to admit as their fellow-citizens and employed for the government of mankind, besides equals. fear and compulsion. In this disposition of parties so dangerous in a Although citizens of this description were yet commonwealth, and amidst materials so likely to far from being the majority at Rome, vet it is catch the flame, some sparks were thrown that probable that they were in numbers sufficient to soon kindled up anew all the popular animosities contaminate the whole body of the people; and, which seemed to have been so long extinguished. if enrolled promiscuously in all the tribes, might We have been carried, in the preceding narration, have had great weight in turning the scale of by the series of events, somewhat beyond the date political councils. This effect, however, was hap-of transactions that come now to be related. pily prevented by the wise precaution which the While Scipio was employed in the siege of censors had taken to confine all citizens of mean Numantia, and while the Roman officers in Sicily or slavish extraction to four of the tribes. These were yet unable to reduce the revolted slaves, were called the tribes of the city, and formed but Tiberius Gracchus, horn of a plebeian family, but a small proportion of the whole.2 ennobled by the honours of his father, by his deNotwithstanding this precaution, we must sup-scent on the side of his mother from the first pose them to have been very improper parties in Scipio Africanus, and by his alliance with the the participation of sovereignty, and likely enough second Scipio, who had married his sister, being to disturb the place of assembly with disorders now tribune of the people, and possessed of all the and tumults. accomplishments required in a popular leader, While the state was advancing to the sove-great ardour, resolution, and eloquence, formed a reignty of Italy, and while the territories succes-project in itself extremely alarming, and in its consively acquired were cleared for the reception of sequences dangerous to the peace of the republic. Roman citizens, by the reduction and captivity Like other young men of high pretensions at of the natives, there was an outlet for the redun-Rome, Tiberius Gracchus had begun his military dancy of this growing populace, and its overflow-service at the usual age, had served with reputaings were accordingly dispersed over Italy, from tion under his brother-in-law, Scipio, at the siege Ithegium to Aquile.a, in about seventy colonies. of Carthage, afterwards as questor, under ManBut the country being now completely settled, cinus in Spain, where the credit of his father, and the property of its inhabitants established, it well known in that province, pointed him out to was no longer possible to provide for the indigent the natives as the only person with whom they would negotiate in the treaty that ensued. The 1 Velleius, lib. ii. c. 4. disgrace he incurred in this transaction gave him 2 Liv.

lib. ix. c. 46. When this precaution was taken a distaste to the military service, and to foreign by FabiuY Maximnus, the tribes amounted’) thirty-one. airs. When he was called to account for it, the See the successive additions by which th: tribes were brought up to this number, Liv. lib. vi! i. lib. vii. c. severity he experienced from the senate, and the 15. lib. viii. c. 17. lib. ix. c. 20. 1 protection he obtained from the people, filled his

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CHAP. II.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 93 breast with an animosity to the one, and a pre-impracticable, and even cai;:grous in the present possession in favour of the other.3 state of the republic. The distinctions of poor Actuated by these dispositions, or by an idea and rich are as necessary in states of considerable not uncommon to enthusiastic minds, that the extent, as labour and good government. The unequal distribution, of property, sofavourable to poor are destined to labour, and the rich, by the the rich, is an injury to the poor; he now pro-advantages of education, independence, and lei posed in part to remedy or to mitigate this sup-sure, are qualified for superior stations. The osed evil, by reviving the celebrated law of empire was now greatly extended, and owed its Licinius, by which Roman citizens had been re-safety and the order of its government to a restrained from accumulating estates in land above spectable aristocracy, founded on the possession the value of five hundred jugera,4 or from having of fortune, as well as personal qualities and public more than one hundred of the larger cattle, and honours. The rich were not, without some five hundred of the lesser. violent convulsion, to be stript of estates which In his travels through Italy, he said, he had they themselves had bought, or which they had observed that the property of land was beginning inherited from their ancestors. The poor were to be engrossed by a few of the nobles, and that not qualified at once to be raised to a state of the country was entirely occupied by slaves, to equality with persons inured to a better condition. the exclusion of freemen: that the race of Ro-The project seemed to be as ruinous to governman citizens would soon be extinct,5 if proper ment as it was to the security of property, and settlements were not provided to enable the poor tended to place the members of the commonto support their families, and to educate their wealth, by one rash and precipitate step, in situa.

children; and he alleged, that if estates in land tions in which they were not at all qualified to act. were reduced to the measure prescribed by law, For these reasons, as well as from motives of the surplus left would then be sufficient for this private interest affecting the majority of the nopurpose. bles, the project of Tiberius was strenuously opBeing determined, however, as much as possi-posed by the senate; and from motives of envy ble, to prevent the opposition of the nobles, and interest, or mistaken zeal for justice, as warmly to reconcile the interest of both parties to his supported by the opposite party. At the seve al scheme, he proposed to make some abatements in assemblies of the people which were called to Jlethe rigour of the Licinian law, allowing every liberate on this subject, Tiberius, exalting the familv holding five hundred jugera in right of characters of freemen contrasted with slaves, disthe father, to hold half as much in the right of played the copious and pathetic eloquence in every unemancipated son; and proposed, that which he excelled. All the free inhabitants of every person who should suffer any diminution Italy were Romans, or nearly allied to this people. of his property in consequence of the intended re-He observed how much, being supplanted by the form, -should have compensation made to hin; slaves of the rich, they were dinminished in their and that the sum necessary for this purpose should numbers. He inveighed against the practice of be issued from the treasury. employing slaves, a class of men that bring perIn this manner he set out with an appearance petual danger, without any addition of strength of moderation, acting in concert with some lead-to the public, and who are ever ready to break ing men in the state and members of the senate, forth in desperate insurrections, as they had then such as Appius Claudius, whose daughter he actually done in Sicily, where they still occupied had married, a senator of the family of Crassus, the Roman arms in a tedious and ruinous war.6 who was then at the head of the priesthood, and In declaiming on the mortifications and hardMutius Scmevola, consul. ships of the indigent citizen, he had recourse to To complete the intended reformation, and to the arguments commonly advanced to explode prevent for the future the accumulation of estates the inequalities of mankind. ” EAery wild beast,” in land, the sale or commerce of land was from he said, ” in this happy land has a cover or place thenceforward to be prohibited; and three corn-of retreat. But many valiant and respectable missioners were to be annually named, to ensure citizens, who have exposed their lives, and who the execution and regular observance of this law. have shed their blood in the service of their This project, however plausible, it is probable, country, have not a home to which they may rewas extremely unseasonable, and ill suited to the tire.

They wander with their wives and their state of the commonwealth. The law of Licinius children, stripped of every possession, but that of had passed in the year of Rome three hundred the air and the light. To such men the comand seventy-seven, no more than fourteen years mon military exhortation, to fight for the tombs after the city was restored from its destruction by qf their fathers, and for the altars of their housethe Gauls, and about two hundred and fifty years hold gods, is a mockery and a lie. They have before this date; and though properly suited to a no altars; they have no monuments. They fight small republic, and even necessary to preserve a and they die to augment the estates, and to pamdemocracy, was, in that condition of the people, per the luxury of a few wealthy citizens, who received with difficulty, and was soon trespassed have engrossed all the riches of the commonupon even by the person himself on whose sug-wealth. As citizens of Rome, they are entitled gestion it had been moved and obtained: that it the masters of the world, but possess net a foot was become obsolete, and gone into disuse, ap-of earth on which they may rest.”’ peared from the abuses which were now com-He asked, whether it were not reasonable to plained of, and to which its renewal was proposed apply what was public to public uses? whether as a remedy. It was become in a great measure t freeman were not preferable to a slave, a brave man to a coward, and a fellow-citizen to a stranger7 3 Cicero de Claris Oratoribus, c. 27. 4 Little more than half as many acres. 6 Appian. de Bell. Civ. 5 Plutarch in Tib. Gracch. 7

Plutarch. in Vit. Tib. Gracch.

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94 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK I1. Heexpatiated on the fortune, and stated the future the portions of their children, and mortgaged them prospects of the republic. Much, he said, she as security for the debts they had contracted: that had acquired, and had yet more to acquire; that a law regulating or limiting the farther increase the people, by their decision in the present ques-or accumulation of property might be sufi red; tion, were to determine, whether they were, by but that a law, having a retrospect, and olterating multiplying their numbers, to increase their in violation of the rights, and to the ruin of so strength, and be in a condition to conquer what many families, was altogether unjust, and even yet remained of the world? or, by suftring the impracticable in the execution. resources of the whole people to get into the The poor, on the contrary, pleaded their owr hands of a few, they were to permit their num-indigence and their merits; ur(ged that they were hers to decline, and to become unable, against no longer in a capacity to fill the station of Ro nations envious and jealous of their power, even man citizens or of freemen, nor in a condition’ao to maintain the ground they already had gained? settle families or to rear children, the future hopes tie exhorted the present proprietors of land, of the commonwealth: that no private person whorn the law of division might.affect, not to could plead immemnorial possession of lands which withholl, for the sake of a trifling interest to had been acquired for the public.‘I hey enuthemselves, so great an advantage from their nlerated the wars which they themselves, or their country. He bade them consider whether they ancestors, had maintained in the conquest of those would not, by the secure possession of five hun-lands. They conclude(l, that every citizen was dred jugera, and of half as much to each of their entitled to his share of the public conquests; and children, be sufficiently rewarded for the conthat the argunments which were urged to support cessions now required in behalf of the public; the possessions of the nobles, only tended to shoaw put them in mind that riches were merely com-how presumlptuous and insolent such usurpations, parative; and that, in respect to this advantage, if suffered to renlain, were likely to becomlle. they were still to remain in the first rank of their This mode of reasoning appears plausible; but fellow citizens.1 it is dangerous to adopt by halves even reason Bythese and similar arguments he endeavoured itself: If it were reasonable that every Rcnman to obtain the consent of one party, and to inflame citizen should have an equal share of the conthe zeal of the other. But when he came to pro-quered lands, it was still more reasonable, that pose, that the law should he read, he found that the original p)roprietors, from Mwhom those lands his opponents had availed themselves of their had been unjustly taken, should have them reusual defence; had procured M. Octavius, one stored. If, in this, the maxims of reason anil jusof his own colleagues, to interpose with his nega-tice had been observed, Romne wouldl have still tive, and to forbid any farther proceeding in the been a small community, and might have acted business. Here, according to the forms of the with safety on the principles of equality white. constitution, this matter should have dropped. are suited to a small republic. But the Romans) The tribunes were instituted to defend their own becoming sovereigns of a great and extensive terparty, not to attack their opponents; and to pre-ritorv, must adopt the disparities, and submit to vent not to promote innovations. Every single the subordinations, which mankind universallv tribune had a negative on the whole. But Tibe-have found natural, and even necessary, to their rius, thus suddenly stopped in his career, became government in such situations. the more impetuous and confirmed in his purpose. Multitudes of people from all parts of Italy, Having adjourned the assembly to another day, he some earnestly desirous to have the law enacted, prepared a motion more violent than the former, in others to have it set aside, crowded to Rome to which he erased all the clauses by which he had attend the decision of the question; and Gracchus, endeavoured to soften the hardships likely to fall without dropping his intention, as usual, upon on the rich. He proposed, that, without ex-the negativeof his colleague, only bethought him-,pecting any compensation, they should absolutely self how he might surmount, or remove this obcede the surplus of their possessions, as being obstruction. tained by fraud and injustice. Having hitherto lived in personal intimacy with In this time of suspense, the controversy be-Octavius, he tried to gain him in private; and gan to divide the colonies and free cities of Italy, having failed in this attempt, he entered into ex and was warmly agitated wherever the citizens postulations with him, in presence of the public had extended their property. The rich and the assembly; desired to know, whether he feared to poor took opposite sides. They collected their have his own estate impaired by the effects of the arguments, and theymustered their strength. The law; for if so, he offered to indemnify him fully first had recourse to the topics which are com-in whatever he nmight suffer by the execution of monly employed on the side of prescription, it: and being still unable to shake his colleague, urging that, in some cases, they had possessed who was supported by the countenance of the their estates from time immemorial; and that the senate and the higher ranks of men in the state, lands they possessed were become valuable, only he determined to try the force of his tribunitian in consequence of the industry and labour which powers to compel him, laid the state itself under they themselves had employed to improve them: a general interdict, sealed up the doors of’ the that, in other cases, they had actually bought treasury, suspended the proceedings in the courts their estates: that the public faith, under which of the prwitors, and put a stop to all the functions they were suffered to purchase, was now engaged of office in the city. to protect and secure their possession: that, in All the nobility and superior class of the people reliance on this faith, they had erected, on these went into mourning. Tiberius, in his turn, enlands, the sepulchres of their fathers; they had deavoured to alarm the passions of his party; and pledged them for the dowries of their wives and believing, or pretending to believe, that he himself was in danger of being assassinated, had a num. 1 Appian de Bell. Civ ber of persons with arms to defend his person.

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C’HAP. II.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 95 While the city was in this state of suspense law, and his brother Caius Gracchus, then a youth and confiision, the tribes were again assembled, serving under Publius Scipio at the siege of Nuand Tiberius, in defiance of the negative of his mantia, were named to carry the law into execution. colleague, was proceeding to call the votes, when This act, as It concerned the interest of almost many of the people. alarmed by this intended vio-every inhabitant of Italy, immediately raised a lation of the sacred law, crowded in before the great fernlent in every part of the country. Pertribe that was moving to ballot, and seized the sons holding considerable estates in land were urns. A great tumult was likely to arise. The alarmed for their property. The poor were elated popular p’rty, being most numerous, were crowd-with the hopes of becoming suldenly -rich. If ing around their leader, when two senators, Man-there was a middling class not to be greatly aifectlius and Fulvius, both of consular dignity, fell at ed in their own situation, they still trembled for his feet, embraced his knees, and beseeched him the effects of a contest between such parties. The not to proceed. Overcome with the respect that senate endeavoured to delay the execution of the was due to persons of this rank, and with the law, withheld the usual aids and appointments sense of some impending calamity, he asked, griven to thecommissioners ofthe people in the or” W hat they would have him to do?”

“The case,” dinarv administration of public trusts, and waited they said, “is too arduous for us to decide; refer for a fit opportunity to suppress entirely this hait to the senate, and await their decree.” zardous project. Parties looked on each other Proceedings were accordingly suspended until with a gloomy and suspicious silence. A perscn, the senate had met, and declared a resolution not who had been active in procuring the Agrarian to confirm the law. Gracchus resumed the subject law, having died in this critical juncture, his death with the people, being determined either to remove, was alleged to be the effect of poison admni!

istered or to slight the negative of his colleague. He pro-by the oilpposite party. Numbers of the people, posed, that either the refractory tribune, or him-to countenance a report to this purpose, went into self; should be immediately stripped of his dignity. mourning; even Gracchus, affecting to believe a He de.;ired that Octavius should put the question like design to be forming against hilnself, appearfirst, Whether Tiberius Gracchus should be de-ed, with his children and their mother, as supgraded’ IL’his being declined as irregular and pliants in the streets, and implored the protection vain, he declared his intention to move in the as-of the people. Still more to interest their passions sembly, on the following day, That Octavius in his safety, he published a list of the acts which shoald be divested of the character of tribune. he then had in view, all tending to gratifh the Hitherto all parties had proceeded agreeably to people, or to mortify the senate. Atta!us, kliln of the laws and constitution of the commonwealth; Pergamus, having, about this time, bequeat’hed but this motion, to degrade a tribune, by whatever his dominlions and his treasure to the Roallins, authority, was equally subversive of both. The Gracchus procuredl an act to transfer the admlinperson and dignity of tribunes, in order that they istration of this inheritance from the senate to the might be secure from violence, whether offered by people; and to distribute the money found in the any private person, public magistrate, or even by treasury of Pergamus to the poorer citizens, the the people themselves, were guarded by the most better to enable them to cultivate and to stock the sacred vows. Their persons, therefore, during lands which were now to be given them. He obthe continuance of their office, were sacred; so tained another act to circumscribe the power of long their character was indelible, and, without. the senate, by joining the equestrian order with their own consent, they could not be removed by the senators in the nomination to juries, or in any power whatever. forming the occasional tribunals of justice. The assembly, however, being met in conse-These, with the preceding attempts to abolish quence of this alarming adjournment, Tiberius or to weaken the aristocratical part of the gorenewed his prayer to Octavius to withdraw his vernment, were justly alarming to every person negative; but not prevailing in this request, the who was anxious for the preservation of the state. tribes were directed to proceed. The votes of As the policy of this tribune tended to substitute seventeen were already given to degrade. In taking popular tumults for sober councils and a regular those of the eighteenth, which would have made magistracy, it gave an immediate prospect of ana majority, the tribunes made a pause, while Ti-archy, which threatened to produce some violent berius embraced his colleague, and, with a voice to usurpation. The sacred office which he so much be heard by the multitude of the people, beseeched abused, had served, on occasions, to check the him to spare himself the indignity, and others the caprice of the people, as well as to restrain the regret, of so severe, though necessary, a measure. abuse of the executive power. The late violation Octavius shook: but, observing the senators who it had suffered, was likely to render it entirely were present, recovered his resolution, and bid unfit for the first of these purposes, and to make Tiherius proceed as he thought proper. The the tribune an instrument to execute the momenvotes of the majority were accordingly declared, tary will of the people, or to make the conand Oi.tavius, reduced to a private station, was tinuance of his trust depend upon his willingness dragged from the tribunes’ bench, and exposed to to serve this purpose. Tiberius heard hinmself arthe rare the he populace. Attempts were made on raigned in the forum, and in every public assemhis life, and a faithful slave, that endeavoured to bly, for the violation of the sacred law. ” If any save him, was dangerously wounded; but a num-of your colleagues,” said Titus Annius (whom ber of the more respectable citizensinterposed, and he prosecuted for a speech in the senate,) ” should Tiberius himself wasactivein favouring his escape. interpose in my behalf, would you have him also This obstacle being removed, degraded?” LAz Smrrronia. the act so long depending, for The people in general began to be sensible of making a more equal division the enormity they thenmselves had committed, and oflands, was passed; andthree commissioners, Ti-Tiberius found himself under a necessity of herius Gracchus, Appius Claudius, his fa’.rr-in-pleading for the measure he had taken, after it

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96 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK II. had been carried into executuii.

The person of the division of lands, was likely to terminate his the tribune, he observed, was sacred; because it life. He resolved, if possible, to take shelter in was consecrated by the people, whom the tribunes the tribunate another year, and, to procure this represented; but if the tribune, inconsistent with favour from the people, gave further expectations his character, should injure where he was ap-of’ popular acts; of one to shorten the term of pointed to protect, should weaken a claim he was military service, and of another to grant an apappointed to enforce, and withhold from the peo-peal to the people from the courts ofjustice lately ple that right of decision which he was appointed established. to guard, the tribune, not the people, was to The senate, and every citizen who professed a blame fobr the consequences. regard to the constitution, were alarmed. This ” Other crimes,” he said, ” may be enormous, attempt, they said, to perpetuate the tribunitian yet may not destroy the essence of the tribunitian power in the same person, tends directly to tycharacter. An attempt to demolish the capitol, ranny. The usurper, with the lawless multitude or to burn the fleets of the republic, might excite that supports him, must soon expel from the puba universal and just indignation, without render-lic assemblies every citizen who is inclined to moing the person of the tribune who should be ac-deration; and, together with the property of our cused of them less sacred. But an attempt to take lands, to which they already aspire, make themaway the power by which his own office subsists, selves master of the state. Their leader, it seems, and which is centred in himself only for the bet. like every other tyrant, already thinks that his ter exertion of that power, is a voluntary and safety depends upon the continuance of his power. criminal abdication of the trust. What is the tri-In this feverish state of suspense and anxiety, bune but the officer of the people? Strange! that great efforts were made to determine the elections this officer may, by virtue of authority derived rhe time of choosing the tribunes was now fast from the people, drag even the consul himself to approaching: Roman citizens, dispersed on their prison, and yet that the people themselves cannot lands throughout Italy, were engaged in the har:-‘ depose their own officer, when he is about to an-vest, and could not repair to the city.

On the day nul the authority by which he himself is appointed. of election the assembly was ill attended, espe” Was ever authority more sacred than that of cially by those who were likely to favour l;ibeking? It involved in itself the prerogatives of every rius. He being rejected by the first tribes that magistrate, and was likewise consecrated by hold-moved to the ballot, his friends endeavoured to ing the priesthood of the immortal gods. Yet did amuse the assembly with forms, and to protract not the people banish Tarquin?’ and thus, for the the debates, till observing that the field did not offence of one man, abolish the primitive govern-fill, nor the appearance change for the better, ment, under the auspices of which the founda-they moved to adjourn to the following (lay. tions of this city were laid. In this recess Tiberius put on mourning, went ” What more sacred at Rome than the persons forth to the streets with his children, and, in beof the vestal virgins, who have the custody of the half of hapless infants, that might already be conholy fire? Yet are they not for slight offences sidered as orphans, on the eve of losing their pa.

sometimes buried alive? Impiety to the gods being rent in the cause of freedom, implored the pro. supposed to cancel a title which reverence to the tection of the people; gave out that the party of gods had conferred, must not injuries to the peo-the rich, to hinder his being reelected, had deterple suppress an authority which a regard to the mined to force their way into his house in the people has constituted? night, and to murder him. Numbers were af”That person must fall, who himself removes fected by these dismal representations: a multithe base on which he is supported. A majority tude crowded to his doprs, and watched all night of the tribes creates a tribune; cannot the whole in the streets. depose?

What more sacred than the things which On the arrival of morning and the approach of are dedicated at the shrines of the immortal gods? the assembly, the declining appearance of his afyet these the people may employ or remlove at fairs suggested presages; and the superstition of pleasure. Why not transfer the tribunate, as a the times has furnished history with the omens, consecrated title, from one person to another? by which himself and his friends were greatly May not the whole people, by their sovereign au-dismayed. He, nevertheless, with a crowd of his thority, do what every person in this sacred office partizans, took his way to the capitol, where the is permitted to do, when he resigns or abdicates people had been appointed to assemble. His athis power by a simple expression of his will?” tendants multiplied, and numbers from the assemThese specious arguments tended to introduce bly descended the steps to meet him. Upon his the plea of necessity where there was no founda-entry a shout was raised, and his party appeared tion for it, and to set the sovereign power, in sufficiently strong, if not to prevail in their choice, every species of’ government, loose from the rules perhaps by their violence to deter every citizen of which itself had enacted. Such arguments ac-a different mind from attending the election. cordingly had no effect where the interest of the A chosen body took post round the person of parties did not concur to enforce them. Tiberius Tiberius, with direction to suffelr no stranger to saw his credit on the decline. He was publicly approach him. A signal was agreed upon, in case menaced with impeachment, and had given suf-it were necessary to employ force. Mcan time ficient provocation to make him apprehend that, the senators, on their part, were hastily assembled upon the expiration of his office, some violence in the temple of faith, in anxious deliberations on might be offered to himself.l His person was the measures to be followed. guarded only by the sacred character of the tri-When the first tribe delivered their votes, a bune. The first step he should make in the new confusiomn arose among the people. Nunmbers character he was to assume, as commissioner for from the more distant parts of the assembly began to press forward to the centre. Among 1 Orosius, lib. v. c. 8. others, Fulvius, Flaccus a senator, yet attached tt

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CHAP. II.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 97 Tiberius being too far off to be heard, beckoned against the republic, were denied the honours of with his hand that he would speak with the tri-burial, and thrown into the river.

Some of the bunes. Having made his way through the mul-most active of his partisans that escaped, were titude, he informed Tiberius, that a resolution afterwards cited to appear, and were outlawed or was taken in the senate to resist him by force; condemned. and that a party of senators, with their clients and Thus, in the heats of this unhappy dispute, slaves, was arming against his life. All who were both the senate and the people had been carried near enough to near this information, took the to acts of violence that insulted the laws and conalarm, snatched the staves from the officers that I stitution of their country. This constitution was attended the tribunes, and tucked up their robes by no means too strict and formal to contend as for immediate violence. The alarm spread with such evils; for, besides admitting a general through the assembly, and many called out to latitude of conduct scarcely known under any know the cause, but no distinct account could be other political establishment, it had provided exheard. Tiberius having in vain attempted to pedlients for great and dangerous occasions, which speak, made a sign, by waving his hand round his were sufficient to extricate the commonwealth head, that his life was in dancer. This sign, to-from greater extremities than those to which it gether with the hostile and menacing appearances had been reduced in the course of this unfortuthat gave rise to it, being instantly reported in the nate contest. senate, and interpreted as a hint given to the peo-The people, when restrained from their object ple, that it was necessary he should be crowned, by the negative of one of their tribunes, had only or that he should assume the sovereignty, the sen-to wait for the expiration of his office, when, by a atp immediately resolved, in a form that was usual new election, they might so model the college as on alarming occasions, that the consul should pro-to be secure of its unanimous consent in the parvide for the safety of the state. This resolution ticular measures to which they were then inwas supposed to confer a dictatorial power, and clined. The precipitant violation of the sacred was generally given when immediate execution or law, a precedent which, if followed, must have summary proceedings were deemed to be neces-rendered the tribunes mere instruments of popusary, without even sufficient time for the formali-lar violence, not bars to restrain oppression, filled ties observed in naming a dictator. The consul the minds of the people with remorse and horror, Mucius Scaevola, who had been in concert with and gave to the senate and nobles a dread.ful apTiberius, in drawing up the first frame of his law, prehension of what they were to expect from a but who probably had left him in the extremes party capable of such a profane and violent exto which he afterwards proceeded; on the pre-treme. esnt occasion, however, declined to employ force The policy of Tiberius Gracchus on the other against a tribune of the people, or to disturb the hand, the laws he had obtained, his own re-electribes in the midst of their legal assembly.’ If tion to secure the execution, and the sequel of they shail come,” he said, “to any violent or il-his plan, seemed to threaten the republic with legal determination, I will employ the whole force distraction and anarchy, likely to end in his own of my authority to prevent its effects.” usurpation, or in that of some more artful demaIn this expression of the consul there did not gogue. But even under those gloomy expectaappear to the audience a proper disposition for tions the senate could, by naming a dictator, or the present occasion. The laws were violated: by the commission which they actually gave to a desperate party was prepared for any extremes: the consul, have recourse to a legal preventive, all sober citizens, and even many of the tribunes, and might have repelled the impending evil by had fled from the tumult: the priests of Jupiter measures equally decisive and powerful, though had shut the gates of their temple; the laws, it more legal than those they employed. But the was said, ought to govern; but the laws cannot consul, it seems, was suspected of connivance be pleaded by those who have set them aside, and with the opposite party, had received his own they are no longer of any avail, unless they are re-commission coldly, and could not be entrusted stored by some exertion cf vigour, fit to counteract with the choice of a dictator. the violence that has been offered them. ” The In these extremities, the violent resolution that consul,” said Scipio Nasica, “deserts the repub-was taken by the senate appears to have been lic; let those who wish to preserve it, follow me.” necessary; and probably for the present saved The senators instantly arose, and moving in a the republic; preserved it indeed, not in a sound, body, which increased as they went, by the con-but in a sickly state, and in a fever, which, with course of their clients, then seized the shafts of some intermissions, at every return of similar the fasces, or tore up the benches in their way, disorders, threatened it with the dissolution and and, with their robes wound up, in place of ruin of its whole constitution. shields, on their left arm, broke into the midst of The disorders that arise in free states which the assembly of the people. are beginning to corrupt, generally furnish very Tiberius, surrounded by a numerous multi-difficult questions in the casuistry of politicians. tude, found his party unable to resist the awe Even the struggles of virtuous citizens, because with which they were struck by the presence of they do not prevent, are. sometimes supposed to the senate and nobles. The few who resisted hasten the ruin of their country. The violence were beat to the ground. He himself, while he of the senate, on this occasion, was by many confled, being seized by the robe, slipped it from his sidered with aversion and horror. The subvershoulders and continued to fly; but he stumbled sion of government, that was likely to have foiin the crowd, and while he attempted to recover lowed the policy of Gracchus, because it did not aimself, was slain with repeated blows. His take place, was overlooked; and the restitution nody, as being that of a tyrant, together with of order, effected by the senate, appeared to be a the killed of his party, amounting to about three tyranny established in blood. The senators themhundred, as accomplices in a treasonable design selves were struck with some degree ot’rclnol;e, N

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‘38 THlE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION tBooK 11. an,], what is dangerous in politics, took a middle he said, “to the shout of warlike enemies. and’

course between the extremes. They were cau-cannot be affected by your dastardly cries” Then, tious not to inflame animosities, by any immodoe-alluding to the number of enfranchised slaves rate;se of their late victory, nor by any imme-that were enrolled with the tribes of the city, diate opposition to the execution of the popular upon a second cry of displeasure, he continued, law. They wished to atone for the violences “Peace, ye aliens and step-children of Italy.: lately committed against the person of its author; You are now free, but many of you I have they permitted Fulvius Flaccus and Papirius brought to this place in fetters, and sold at the halCatbo, two of the most daring leaders of the bert for slaves.” Some were abashed by the truth popular faction, to be elected commissioners for and all by the boldness of this contemptucus rethe execution of the Agrarian law, in the room proach, and showed that popular assemblies, of Tiberius and Appius Claudius, of whom the though vested with supreme authority, may be. latter also died about this time; and, in order sometimes insulted, as well as courted, with to stifle animosities and resentments, consented success. that, under pretence of an embassy to Pergamus, The part which Scipio took on this occasion Scipio Nasica should be removed from Rome. was the more remarkable, that he himself was In conselquence of this commission, this illus-to be reckoned among the poorer citizens, and trious citizen, the lineal descendant of one of the might have been a gainer by the rigorous execuScipios who perished in Spain in the time of the tion of the Licinian law. His whole inheritsecond Punic war, himself an ornament to the ance, according to Pliny, amounted to thirty-two republic, died in a species of exile, though under pouinds, or three hundred and twenty ounces of an honourable title. silver, which might be now valued at about two In the midst of such agitations, foreign affairs hundred and eighty pounds sterling. were likely to be much overlooked. They pro-Papirius Carbo spent the year of his tribunate ceeded, however, under the conduct of the officers in fomenting the animosity of the to whom they were entrusted, with the usual Lea Papira people against the senate, and in prosuccess; and the senate, having the reports made Tabellaria moting dangerous innovations. He nearly about the same time, of the pacification of Tertia. obtained a law, by which the votes Lusitania, the destruction of _Numantia, and the of the people, in questions of’ lcgisla reduction and punishment of the slaves in Sicily, lation as well as election,3 and the opinions of the named commissioners to act in conjunction with judges in determining causes, were to be taken the generals connmanding in those several ser-by ballot. vices, in order to settle their provinces. He was less successful in the motion he madi Brutus and Scipio had their several triumphs; for a law to enable the same person to be repeat one with the title of Galaicus, for having reduced edly chosen into the office of tribune. He was the Gallicians; the other, still preferring the title’supported in this motion by Caius Gracchus; of Africanus to that of Numantinus, which was opposed by Scipio, LMelius, and the whole authooffered to him for the sack of Numantia. rity of the senate,4 wno dreaded the perpetuating The arrival of this respectable citizen was in any one person a power, which the sacredness anxiously looked for by all parties, more to know of the character, and the attachment of the popuwhat judgment he might pass on the late opera-lace, rendered almost sovereign and irresistible. tions at Rome, than on account of the trium;nph While the interests of party were exerted in he obtahlied over enemies once formidable to his these several questions at home, the state was com:tr-. He was the near relation of Gracchus, laying the foundation of new quarrels abroad, and n;mi(lht, under pretence of revenging the death and opening a scene of depredation and conquest of’

that demagogue, have put himself at the head in what was then the wealthiest part of the of a formidable party. He was himself personally known world. Soon after the death of Attalus, respected and beloved by numbers of the citizens, king of Pergamus, who had bequeathed his kingwho had carried arms under his command, who dom to the Romans, Aristonicus, his natural were recently arrived in Italy crowned with vic-brother, being the illegitimate son of Eumenes, tory, and who might possibly, under pretence of made pretensions to the throne of Fergamus, and vindicating the rights of the people, employ their was supported by a powerful party among the arms against the republic. But the time of such people. The Romans did not f:il to maintain criminal views on the commonwealth was not yet their right: Crassus, one of the conarrived. Scipio already, upon hearing the fate U. C. 622. suls of the preceding year, had been of Gracchus, had expressed, in some words that sent with an army into Asia for escaped him, his approbation of the senate’s conthat purpose, but in his first encounter with duct “So may every person perish,” he said, Aristonicus, was defeated and taken. He was ” who shall dare to commit such crimes.”’ Soon afterwards killed while a captive in the hands of after his arrival from Spain, Papirius Carbo, the the enemy; having intentionally provoked one tribune, called upon him aloud, in the assembly of his guards to lay violent hands on him, and of the people, to declare what he thought of the thus ended a life which he thought was disdeath of Gracchus. “I must think,” he said, honoured by his preceding defeat. “that if Gracchus meant to overturn the governThe following year, the consul Perpenna being ment of his country, his death was fully merited.” sent on this service, and having, with better forThis declaration the multitude interrupted with tune than Crassus, defeated and taken Aristonimurmurs of aversion and rage. Upon which cus, got possession of the treasure and kingdom Scipio, raising his tone, expressed the contempt of Attalus, but died in his comnman’d at Perg*r under which it seems that the populace of Rome rnus. From this time the Romans took a more had already fallen. “I have been accustomed,“‘2 Velleius Paterculus, lib. ii. c. 4. P u.arch in Vit. Tiberii Gracch’ 3 Cic. de Legibus lib iii. 4 Cic. de Amnicitia.

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HCAIAP. IL.] O1’ THE RO.MAN REPUBLIC. 99 particular concern than fiormeriy in the affairs of the purpose of pur(ine the state of the evils iwith Asia. They employed Scipio Emilianus, with which it was now oppressed. Sp.

Mummius, and L. Metellus, on a commnis-T’he occasion, however, was not sufficient to qion of observation to that country. WVe are told malke the senate persist in their intention to name that the equipage of Scipio upon this occasion a dictator; nor is there any thing material recordconsisted of seven slaves; and this, as a niark or ed as having happened during a feiw of the folcharacteristic of the times, is perhaps more inte-lowing years. Quintus Caeci’ius Metellus Maresting than any thing else we could be told of cedonicus, and Quintus Pomrpeius, were censors; the ellbassy.

The object of the c.onlnission both of plebeian extraction; of which this is appears to have related to Egylpt as well as recorded as the first example. Metellus, at the to Asia,5 thourh there was not any power in census, made a memorable speech, in which he either that seemed to be in condition to alarm the recommnended marriage, the establishment of faRomans. Ptolemy Euergetes hadi succeedledl to mlilies, and the rearing of children. This speech the throne of Evgypt, but was expelled by the being preserved, will recur to our notice again, people of Alexandria.

Antiochus, Iing of Syria, being read by Augustus in the senate, as a lesson had been recently engaged in a very unsuccessful equally applicable to the age in which he lived. war with the Parthians; a1nd it had not yet ap-The people who we.re fit to carry arms, as appeared how far it concerned the Romans to ob-peared at their enrolment, amounted to three serve the king of’ Pontus, or to consider of the hundred and seventeen thousand eight hundred measures to be taken against him for the security and twenty-three. But what is most memorable of their possessions in Asia.

in the transactions of this muster, was the disInI whatever degree the Roman embassy fould grace of Caius Attinius Labeo, who,‘being struck worthy objects of attention in the state of the off the rolls of the senate by Metellus, afterwards Asiatic powers, matters were hastening in Italy became tribune of the people; and, by the diffito a state of gfeat distraction and fermenlt, on ac-culty with which the effect of hlis unjust revenge count of the violence with which the Agrarian camne to be prevented, showed the folly of making law was put in execution by Papirius Carbo, the will of any officer sacred, in order to restrain Fulvius Flaccus, and Caius Gracchus, the corm-the commission of wrongs.

missioners appointed for this purpose. As the Metellus, in returning from the country, about law authorized thlern to call upon all persons pos-noon, while the market-place was thin of’ people, sessed of public lands to evacuate thelm, and sub-found himself suddenly apprehended by this vinmit to a legal division; they, under this pretence, dictive tribune, and ordered to be thlrown ilsimebrought into question all the rights of property diately from the Tarpeian rock. The people throughout Italy, and took firomi one and gave to assembled in crowds, were sensible of the tianother as suited their pleasure; some suflered bune’s breach of the sacred trust reposed in him; the diiminutionl of their estates with silent race; and, accosting Metellus by the nanme of’ father, other’ conplaiined that they were violently re-lalmented his fate; but, unless another tribune moved from lands which they hadl cultivated, to could be found to interpose in his ihvour, there barren and inhospitable situations; even they who was no other power in the commonwealth that were supposed to be favoured, complained of the could, without supposed profanation, interrupt a lots they received. Many were aggrieved, none tribune even in the commission of a crime. Mewere satisfied. tellus struggled to obtain a delay, was overpowMoved by the representations which were made ered and dragged through the streets, while the of these abuses, Scipio, at his return from Asia, violence he suffered made the blood to spring from made an harangue in the senate, by which he his nostrils. A tribune was with difficulty found drew upon himself an invective from Fulvius, in time to save his life; but Attinius having, one of the commissioners. He did not propose with a lighted fire and other forms of consecrato repeal the law, but that the execution of it tion, devoted his estate to sacred uses, it is alleged should be taken out of the hands of’ so pernicious that he never recovered it.7 a faction, and committed to the Consul Semnpro-Such was the weak state to which the governnius Tuditanus, who remained in the administra-ment was reduced by the late popular encroachtion of affhirs in Italy, while his colleague Aqui-ments, that this outrageous abuse of power was lius had gone to Asia to finish the transaction in never punished; and such the moderation of this the conduct of which Perpenna died. great man’s family, that though he himself lived It is mentioned that Scipio, in this speech to fifteen years in high credit after this accident, the senate, complained of insults and threats to saw his family raised to the highest dignities, and his own person, which induced all the members, was carried to his grave by four sons, of whom with a great body of the more respectable citizens, one had been censor, two had triumphed, three to attend him in procession to his own had been consuls, and the fourth, then prmator, iJ. C. 624. house. Next morninsg he was found was candidate for the consulate, which he obtaindead in his bed;6 and, notwithstand-ed in the following year; yet no one of this powing the suspicions of violence transmitted by dif-erful family chose to increase the disturbances of ferent authors, nothing certain appears upon re-the commonwealth, by attempting to revelnge the cord; and no inquest was ever mnade to discover outrage which their father had sufiered.s the truth of these reports. This illustrious citi. Caius Attinius is mentioned as zen, notwithstanding his services, had incurred Lex.qttinia. being the person who obtained the so much the displeasure of the people, that he admission of the tribunes, in right of had not the honours of a public funeral. If he had their office as members of the senate.9 not died at this critical time. the senate, it was supposed, meant to have named him dictator, for 7

Plin. lib. vii. c. 44. Cicero, in pleading to have his house restored to him, though devoted to sacred uses, states the form of consecration in the case of Metellus but denies the effect of it. Pro domo sua, c. 47. 5 Val Max. lib. iv. c. 3 6 Cic. de Amicitia. 8 Plin. lib. vii. c. 44. 9 4.

Gelrius, lib. xiv. c. 8.

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100 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK 11. The Consul Sempronius, though authorized was a person of rank, and moved in the line ot by the senate to restrain the violence of the com-political preferment. missioners who were employed in the Agrarian Historians mention a dreadful eruption of law, declined that hazardous business, and chose Mount Etna, the effect of subterraneous fires, rather to encounter the enemy in the province of which, shaking the foundations of Sicily and Istria, where he made some conquests and ob-the neighbouring islands, gave explosions of tained a triumph. flame, not only from the crater of the mountain, In the same turbulent times lived Pacuvius. but likewise from below the waters of the sea, the tragic poet, and Lucilius, inventor of the sa-and forced sudden and great inundations over tire. The latter, if we suppose him to be the the islands of Lapar6 and the neighbouring same whose name is found in the list of questors, coasts. CHAPTER III. State qof the Italian Allies, and the Views which now began to be conceiced by them-Appearance qf Caius Gracchus-Resolution to purge the Cily qf Aliens-Consulate andfactious Nlotions of Falvius F’laccus-Conspiracy of Pregellea suppressed Caius Gracchus returns to RomeOffers himself Candidaefobr the Tribunate-Address qf Cornelia-Tribunate and Acts of Caius Gracchus-Re-elcction-Proposal to admit the Inhabitants of Italy on the Rolls of Roman Citizens-Popular Acts of Gracchus and Lirius-The Senate begin to prevail-Death of Caius Gracchus and Fulvius. THE eruption of Mount Etna, and the other to which men are exposed, and the exertions of particulars relating to the natural history of Italy, which they are capable, no where appear so conwith the mention of which we concluded our last spicuous, or are so distinctly marked. chapter, were considered as prodigies, and as the In the first ages the political importance of a presages of evils which were yet to afflict the re-Roman citizen appears not to have been felt or public. At this time indeed the state of Italy understood. Conquered enemies were removed seemed to have received the seeds of much trou-to Rome, and their captivity consisted in being ble, and to contain ample materials of civil com-forced to be Romans, to which they submitted hustion. The citizens, for whom no with great reluctance. It is not to be doubted TJ. C. 627.

provision had been made at their re-that every foreigner was welcome to take his turn from military service, or who place as a Roman citizen in the assembly of the thought themselves partially dealt with in the people, that many were admitted into the senate.l colonies, the leaders of tumult and faction in the and some even on the throne.2 It is likely, also, city, were now taught to consider the land-pro- that the first colonies considered themselves as deperty of Italy as their joint inheritance. They tached from the city of Rome, and as forming canwere, in imagination, distributing their lots, and tons apart; for we find them, like the other states selecting their shares. of Italy, occasionally at war with the Romans. In the mean time, the inhabitants of the mu-But when the sovereignty of Italy came to be nicilia, or free towns, and their districts, who, established at Rome, and was there actually exnot being citizens, served the state as allies, had ercised by the collective body of the people, the reason to dread the rapacity of such needy and inhabitants of the colonies, it is probable, laid powerful masters. They themselves likewise claim to their votes in elections, and presented began to repine under the inequality of their themselves to be enrolled in the tribes. They felt condition. They observed, that while they were their consequence and their superiority over the scarcely allowed to retain the possessions of their municipia, or free towns in their neighbourhood, ancestors, Rome, aided by their arms, had gained to whom, as a mark of distinction and an act of that extensive dominion, and obtained that terri-munificence, some remains of independence had tory, about which the poor and the rich were been left. Even in this state, the rolls of the now likely to quarrel among themselves. “The people had been very negligently compiled, or Italian allies,” they said, “must bleed in this preserved.

The kings, the consuls, the censors, contest, no less than they had done in the foreign who were the officers, in different ages of the or more distant wars of the commonwealth.”- state, entrusted with the musters, admitted on the They had been made, by the professions of Ti-rolls such as presented themselves, or such as they barius Gracchus, to entertain hopes that every chose to receive. One consul invited all the free distinction in Italy would soon be removed, that inhabitants of Latium to poll in the assemblies every freeman in the country would be enrolled, of the people; another rejected them, and in time as a citizen of Rome, and be admitted to all the of elections forbid them the city.-But notwithpowers and pretensions implied in that designa-standing this prohibition, aliens that were brought tion. The consideration of this subject, therefobre, to Rome on a foot of captivity, were suffered by could not be long delayed, and the Roman senate, degrees to mix with the citizens.3 The inhabitalready struggling with attacks of their fellow-ants of the free towns, removing to Rome upon any citizens, had an immediate storm to apprehend from the allies. 1 The Claudian family were aliens. The, revolutions of the state had been so fre-2 Tarquinius Priscus was of Greek extraction and quent, and its progress from small beginnings to an alien omTarquimii. at p ns 3 This happened particularly in the case of the Cainm. a great empire had been so rapid, that the changes ipanian

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CaAP. III.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 101 creditable footing, found easy admission on the to form a new, a numerous, and a formidable rolls of some tribe. The towns complained they party in Italy, likely to join in every factious atwere depopulated. The Romans endeavoured tempt which might throw the public into disorder, to shut the gates of their city by repeated scruti-and make way for the promiscuous admission of nies, and the prohibition of surreptitious enrol-aliens on the rolls of the people.

This cause, ments: but in vain. The practice still continued, however, was fraught with so much confusion to and the growing privilege, distinction, and emi-the state, and tended so much to lessen the ponence of a Roman citizen, made that title become itical consequence of those who were already the great object of individuals, and of entire can-citizens, that the argument in favour of the resotons. It had already been bestowed upon districts lution to purge the city of aliens prevailed, and whose inhabitants were not distinguished by any an act to that purpose accordingly was passed4 in singular merit with the Roman state. In this the assembly of the people. respect all the allies were nearly equal; they had It (deserves to be recorded, that amidst the inregularly composed at least one-half in every quiries set on foot in consequence of this edict, or Roman army, and had borne an equal share in about this time, Perpenna, the father of a late all the dangers and troubles of the common-consul,5
was claimed by one of the Italian corpowealth; and, from having valued themselves of rations, an(l found not to have been a citizen of old on their separate titles and national distinc-Rome. His son, whom we have already mentions, they began now to aspire to a share in the tioned, having vanquished and taken Aristonicus, sovereignty of the empire, and wished to sink for the pretended heir of Atta;lus, (lied in his comever their provincial designations under the gene-mand at Pergamus; and he is accordingly said ral title of Romans. to have been a rare example of the caprice of forNot only the great power that was enjoyed in tune, in having been a Roman consul, though the assembly of the people, and the serious privi-not a Roman citizen. This example may conleges that were bestowed by the Porcian law, but firm what.has been observed of the latitude which even the title of citizen in Italy, of legionary sol-officers took in conducting the census. lier in the field, and the permission of wearing The fires of sedition which had sometime preyed the Roman gown, were now ardently coveted as on the commonwealth were likely to break out marks of dignity and honour. The city was fre-with increasing force upon the proquented by persons who hoped separately to be U. C. 628. motion of Fulvius Flaccus to the admitted in the tribes, and by numbers who dignity of first magistrate. This crowded from the neighbouring cantons, on every.f. Plautius factious citizen had blown up the remarkable day of assembly, still flattering them-i2psius, JL. flame with Tiberius Gracchus, and selves, that the expectations which Gracchus had having succeeded him in the comraised on this inlmportant subject might soon be mission for executing the Agrarian fulfilled. law, never failed to carry the torch wherever In this state of affairs, the senate matter of inflammation or general combustion U. C. 6327. authorized Junius Pennus, one of could be found. By his merit with the popular Conslstl;. the tribunes, to move the people for party he had attained his present eminence, and Rmilius Le. an edict to prohibit, on days of elec-was determined to preserve it by pidus, L. su-tion or public assembly, this conLeges Fulvie. continuing his services. He berelaus Ores-course of aliens, and requiring all the gan the functions of his office by tes. c es. country towns to lay claim to their proposing a law to communicate the right of citidenizens, who had left their own corporations zens to the allies or free inhabitants of Italy; a to act the part of citizens at Rome. measure which tended to weaken the power of On this occasion, Caius Gracchus, the brother the senate, and to increase the number of citizens of the late unfortunate tribune, stood forth, and greatly beyond what could be assembled in one made one of the first appearances. in which he collective body. Having failed in this attempt, showed the extent of his talents, as well as the he substituted a proposal in appearance more party he was like y to espouse in the common-moderate, but equally dangerous, that whoever wealth. This young man, being about twenty claimed the right of citizen, in case of being cast years of age when tile troubles raised by his elder by the censors, who were the proper judges, brother had so much disturbed the republic, and milght appeal to the people.6 This would have when they ended so fatally for himself; had re-conferred the power of naturalization on the poputired upon that catastrophe from the public view, lar leaders; and the danger of such a measure and made it uncertain whether the fate of Tibe-called upon the senate to exert its authority and rius imight not deter him, not only from embracilng influence in having this motion also rejected. like dangerous counsels,.but even from enteringr When the consul appeared to be fairly entered at all on the line of political affairs. His retire-on his career, and, by uniting the power of the ment, however, he spent in such studies as were supreme magistracy with that of a commissioner then come into repute, on account of their impor-for dividing the property of lands, was likely to tance, as a preparation for the business of courts break through all the forms wh;ch had hitherto ofju.stice, ofthe senate, and of the popular assern-retarded the execution of the Agrarian law, he blies; and the first appearance he made gave evi-was with difficulty persuaded to assemble the dence of the talents he had acquired for these senate, and, to take his place. The whole body several departments. His parts seemed to be joined in representations against these dangerous quicker, and his spirit more ardent, than that of measures, and in a request that he would withhis eider brother; and the people conceived hopes draw his motions. To these applications he mnalde of lhaving their plretensions revived, and more succ~ssfully cond~ucted, than under their formerin4 Sextus Poinpeius Festus in voce Repubiica. Cicero in Bruto in Otficiis, lib. iii. leader.

Thile cause of the country towns, in 5 Valerius Maxsisus. h b. iii. c.4.

which he now engaged, was specious, and tentded 6 Appian. de Bell. Civ.

lib. i.

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10A’ THE PROGRESS ATNTD TERMINATION [BOOK 11. no reply, but an occasion soon offered, by which pointed at himself, and proceeded from a de.sign the senate was enabled to divert him from his to keep him at a distance from the popular assem. purpose. Ar deputation arrived from Marseilles, blies, he quitted his station in Sardinia, and rethlen in alliance with Rome, to intreat the sup-turned without leave. He was called to account port of the republic against the Salyii, a neigh-by the censors for deserting his duty; but debouring nation, who had invaded lheir territories. fended himself with such ability and force, as The senate gladly embraced this opportunity to greatly raised the expectations which had already find a foreign employment for the consul, decreed been entertained by his party.3 a speedy aid to the city of Marseilles, and apThe law, he said, required him only to carry pointed M. Fulvius Flaccus to that service. Al-arms ten years, he had actually carried thenm though this incident marred or interrupted for twelve years; although he might legally have the present his political designs, yet he was in-quitted his station of questor at the expiration of duced, by the hopes of a triumph, to accept of the one year, yet he had remained in it three 3years. command which now offered, and, by his absence, However willing the censors may have been to to relieve the city for a while from the alarms remove this pest from the commonwealth, they which he had given. Caius Gracchus, too, was were too weak to attempt any censure in this gone in the capacity of proquestor to Sardinia; state of his cause, and in the present humlour and the senate, if they could by any pretences of the people. They endeavoured, in vain, to have kept those unquiet spirits at a distance, had load him with a share in the plot of’ Fregelle; hopes of restoring the former order of the com-he still exculpated himself: and, if he had posmonwealth. sessed every virtue of a citizen, in proportion to In this interval some laws are said to have his resolution, application, eloquence, and even passed respecting the office and conduct of the severity of manners, le might have been a lowercensors. The particulars are not mentioned; but ful support to the state. In a speech to the peothe object probably was, to render the ma(gistrate pie, on his return from Sardinia, lie concluded more circumspect in the admission of those who with the following remarkable words: ”’ he claimed to be numbered as citizens. Such was purse which I carried full to the province, 1 have likely to be the policy of the senate, in the ab-brought empty back.

Others empty the;wine sence of demagogues, who, by proposing to admit casks which they carry from Italy, and bring the allies on the rolls of the people, had awakened them from the provinces replenished with silver dangerous pretensions in every corner of Italy. and gold.“4 It soon appeared how seriously these pretensions in declaring himself a candidate for the office were adopted by the country towns; for the in-of tribune, Caius Gracchus professed his internhabitants already bestirredl themselves, and were tion to propose many popular laws. The senlate berinning to devise how they might extort by,xerted all their influence to disappoint his views; force what they were not likely to obtain with but such were the expectations af the pop)ular coensent of the original denizens of Rome. A party throughout all Italy, that they crowded to suspicion having arisen of such treasonable con-the election in greater numbers than could find certs forming at Fregella, the prTetor Opimius place in the public square. They handed and had a special commission to inquire into tile mat-reached out their ballots at the windows and ovei ter, and to proceed as he should find the occasion the battlements; and Gracchus, though elected, required. Having summoned the chief magis-was, in consequence of the opposition given to trate of the place to appear before him, he received, him, only fourth in the list.5 upon a promise of doing no violence to his per-Cornelia, the mother of the Gracchi, who, ever son, full information of the combinations that had since the death of her son Tiberius, lived in rebeen forming against the government of Ronle.

tirement in Campania, upon hearing of the career So instructed, he assembled such a force as was which her son, Caius, was likely to run, alarmed necessary to support him in asserting the authority at the renewal of a scene which had already ocof the state; and thinking it necessary to give a casioned her so much sorrow, expostulated with striking example in a matter of so dangerous him on the course he was taking; and, in an and infectious a nature, he ordered the place to unaffected and passionate address, spoke that arbe razed to the ground.2 dent zeal for the republic, by which the citizens By this act of severity, the de-of Rome had been long distinguished. U. C. 629. signs of the allies were for a while This high-minded woman, on whom the enC. Cassius suspended, and might have been tire care of her fianily had devolved by the death Loamritus, entirely suppressed, if the factions of her husband, whilst the children were yet in C. Seztius at Rome had not given therm fresh their infancy, or under age, took care, with unCalzinus. encouragement, anld hopes of suc-usual attentioin, to have them educated tor the rankl cess or impunity. This transaction was scarcely they woi:c to hold in the state, and did not fail past, when Caius Gracchus appeared in the city even to excite their ambition. When Tierius, to solicit the office of tribune; and, by his pre-after the disgrace of M1ancinus, appeared to Nwithsence revived the hopes of’ the allies. Having draw from the road of preferments and honours, observed, that the proconsul Aurelius Cotta, un- ” How lone,” she said, “
shall I bc distinlguished der whom he served as proquestor in Sardinia, as the mother-in-law of Scipio, not as the mother instead of being recalled, was continued in his of the Gracchlli?” This latter distinction., howcommand, and furnished with reinforcements and ever, she came to possess; and it has remained supplies of every sort, as for a service of long du-with her name, but from circumstances and events Tation; and suspecting that this mneasure was which this respectable personage by no means ap. I Val. Max. lib. ix. c. 5. 3 Plitarch. in C. Graccho. 2 Liv.

lib. Ix. Velleius Obsequens. Cic. lib. ii. De 4 A. Gellilis, lib. xv. c.

12. Inventione; De Finibus v. Ibid. Rhetorius, lib. iv. 5 Plutarch, Appian, Orosius, Eutrop. Obsequens.

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ClIAP. III.1 OF THE ROUMAN REPUBLIC. 10 peared to desire. In one fragment of her letterls An act to regulate the cc, iions of the military to Caius, which is still preserved, ” You will tell service,ll by which no one was obll(rge to enter me,” she said, “that it is glorious to be reverl(red before seventeen years of age, and by which Roof our enemies. No one thinks so more than I, mlan soldiers were to receive clothingr as -well as if we can be revenged without hurt to the repub-pay;12 p)osilbly the first introduction of’ a unllorn lic; but if not, otten midy our enelmies escape. inito the Romnan ilegions: a circumstance rliich, in Long may they be safe, if the good of the conl-modern times, is thought so essential to the cliamotnwvealth requires their safety.” In another racter of troops, and the appearance of an armly. letter, which appears to be written after his in-I By the celebrated law of Porcius, wiich allowtention of’ suing for tile tribunate was declared, ed eo an appeal to the people, every citizen lial a she accosts hiimi to the following purpose: “I remedly against any opuressive senltenle or protake the gods to witness, that, except tle ipersons ceeding of the executive mliagistrate; but this did who killed my son Tiberius, no one ever gave me not appear to Gracchus a sufficient restraint on so much affliction as you do in this matter. You, the officers of state. He proposel to nae. it froml whol I might have expected some consola-enactedl, that no person, under pain of a csapital tion in my age, and who, surely, of all my chil-punishment, should at all proceed against a cltidren, oughtlt to be most careful not to distress me!

zen without a special commission or warrant fioom I have not Inany years to live. Spare the repubthe people to that ellect. And he proposed tosgive lie so long for mny sake. Shall I never see the this law a retrospect, in order to comprehlendl Pomadness of my fttmily at an end?

WVhen I am pilius Lmenasl3 wrnm, being consul in the year after dead, you will think to honour me with a parent’s the troubles occasioned by I’iberius Gracchius, had, rites: but what honour can my memnory receive under the authority of the senate alone, proceedled firom you, by whom I am abandoned and disho-to try and condemn such as were accessary to that noured while I live? But, may the gods forbid sedition. Lnmnas percelved the storni that was you should persist! ift’ you do, I fear the course gathering against him, and chose to avoid it by a you are taking leads to remorse and distraction voluntary exile. This act was indeed allllost an which wuill end only with your litbe.” 6 entire abolition of governnment, and a bar to the”lhese retlonstrances do not appear to have exercise of such ordinary powers as were neceshad any eflect. Caius, upon his accession to the sary to the peace of the conmmonwealth. A poputribun{ate, proceeded to fulfil the expectations of lar faction could withhold every power, which, in his lparty.‘1he Agrarian law, though still in their apprehension, Ililght l)e elnployed against force, had;( met with continued interruption and thenselves; anld in their most pernicious designs delay in the execution. It was even falling into had no interruption to fear from the dictator nleolect. Caius thought proper, as named by the senate and consuls, nor fioonl the Lez Sr.lpro-thle first act of his nmaistracy, to consul arnmed with the authority o’ the senate for nia arraria. mllove a renewal and conlirmation of the suppression of disorders; a resource to x-lhich it, with express injunctions, that the repulblic had friequertly owed its lreservation. there stlould be an annual listribution of land to As we find no change in the proceedicl g s of the the poorer citizens.7 To this he subjoined, in the state upon this new regulation, it is ir’bahble that first year of his office, a variety of regulations the absurdity of the lawv prevenlted its ellect. tending either to increase his popu-While Gracchus thus proposed to in.ke all the Lezfrumen.- larity, or to distinguish his adnoinis-powers of the state depend ior their existence on taria. tration. Upon his motion, public the occasional willof the people, lie mleant to rengranaries were erected, and a aw der the assemblies of the people themselves more was made, that the corn shoultl be issued from democratical, by stripping the higher classes of thence monthly to the people, two parts in twelve the prerogative, precedence, or influence thley posunder the prime or original cost.8
sessed, in leading the public decisions. The cenThis act gave a check to industry, which is the turies being hitherto called to vote in the order of best guardian of manners in populous cities, or their classes, those oftthe first or highest class, by wherever multitudes of men are crowded together. voting first, set an examplle which was oftenl folCaius likewise obtained a decree, by which the lowed by the whole.A4 By the statute of Gracestates of Attalus.. king of Pergramlus, lately be-chus, the centuries were required, inl every quesqueathed to the Romans, should be let in the tion, to draw lots for the prerogative, and gave manner of’

other lands ulder the inspection of the their votes in the order they had drawn. censors; but the rents, instead of being made Under this active tribune, niuch public busipart of the public revenue, should be allotted for ness, that used to pass through the senate, was the maintenance of the poorer citizens.9 engrossed by tile popular assemblies. Evenl in the Another, by which any person deposed from an form of these assemllblies, all appearance of reoffice of ilagistracy by the people, was to be deenm 
spect to the senate was laid aside. The rostra, or ed for ever disqualified to serve the republic in any platform on which the presiding magistrate stood, cother capacity.iD This act was intended to operate was placed in the miiddle of an area, of which one lgainst Octavius, who, by the intfluence of Ti-part was the market-place, surrounded with stalls berius, had been degraded from the office of tri-and booths tbr nlerchandize, and the courts ofjusbune; and the act took its title fiom the namle of tice; the other part, called the conitium, was the person against whoml it was framed. openl to receive the people in their public assemblies; and oil one side of it, fronting the rostra, or 6 Fraginenta Corn. Nepotis ab Andrea Scotto col-bench of tile magistrates, stood the curia, or sen7ecta, editmi cun scriptis Ciorv. Ne-poIis. ate-house. The people, when any one was speak. 7 Liv. lib. Ix. Velleiis, lib. ii. Hyginus de Lirnitinus. Appian, de Viris lliustribuis. 11 De Imilituin coiiiimoldis. 8 Semisse et tricenti, for a half and a third, &c. _1v. 12

Plutarch. it” “. Gracchlo.-Lex Sempronia d(. Plutarch Appian. ibidl.

bertate civlun. 9 Florus, lib. iii. c. 15. Cicer. in Verrem. 13 Cicer. in Cluentio; pro Rabino; pro doiiio sL 10 Privilegimuml il (ctp viiuni. 14

The first century was called the prcrogativa.

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104 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK II ing, stood partly in the market-place, and partly speech, it appears to have been the opinion of in the comitium. The speakers directed their Gracchus, not that the Romans should sequester voice to the comitium, so as to be heard in the the kingdom of Cappadocia for the heirs of Arisenate. This disposition, Gracchus reversed; and arathes, but that they should seize it for themdirecting his voice to the forum, or market-piace, selves. The question, however, which now arose seemed to displace the senate, and deprive that relating to the succession to this kingdom, laid the body of their office as watchmen an(l guardians foundation of a tedious and bloody war, of which of the punllic order in matters that came before the operations and events will occur in their place. the popular assemblies.’

Gracchus, on the approach of the At the time that the tribune Caius Gracchus U. C. 639. election of consuls, employed aL engagred the minds of his contemporaries, and fiur-C. Fannius, his credit and influence to support nished history chiefly with these effectsof his fic-Cn. Domitius Caius Fannius, in opposition to tious and turbulent spirit, it is observed, that lie,henobarbus. Oplimius, who, by his vigilance and himself executed works ol’general utility; bridges, activitV in suppressing the treasonhighways, and other public accomnmodations able designs of the allies at Fregelle, had incurred through Italy. And that the state having carried the displeasure of the popular party; and Fannius its ar!s, for the first time, over the Alps, happily being accordingly chosen, together with Cu. Doterminated the war with the Salyii, a nation of rmitius Ahenobarbus, Gracchus proceeded to offer Gaul, whose territory became the first province of himself as a candidate to be re-elecd into the Rome in that country. And that Caius Sextius, office of tribune. In this he followed tihe example consul of the precedingf year, was authorized to of his brother Tiberius in a step, which, being place a colony in the neighbourhood of the hot reckoned illegal as well as alarming, was that springs, which, from his name, were called the which hastened his ruin. An attetnpt had been Aqua Sextie, and are still known by a corruption since made by Papirius Carlo to have the legality of the same appellation.2 of such reelections acknowledged; but this From Asia, at the sarne time, it was reported, having tailed, Caius Gracchus, with great adthat Ariarathes, the king of’ Cappadocia, and( ally d(ress, inserted in one of his lpoular edicts, a clause of the Romans, was murdered, at the instigation declaring it competent for the people to reelect a of Mithridates, king of Pontus, whose sister lie tribune, in case ihe should need a continuation of had married; that he had left a son for whom his power in order to fulfil his public engageMithridates aflected to secure the kingdom; but ments. To avail himself of this clause, he now that the widowedl queen having fallen into the declared, that his views in behalf of the people hands of Nicomedes, king of Bithynia, this prince, were far from being accomjplished. Under this in her right, had taken possession of Cappadocia, pretence lie obtained a preference to one of the while Mithridates, in name of his nephew, was new candidates, and greatly strengthened the trihastening to remove him from thence. On this biunitian power by the prospect of its repeated resubject a resolution was declared in the assembly newals, and duration for aln indefinite tinie. of the people at Rome, that both Nicomedes and Upon his reelection, Caius, continuing his adMithridates should be required immediately to ministration upon the same plan of aniniosity tc evacuate Cappadocia, and to withdraw their the senate, obtained a law to deprive that body of troops. This resolution Caius Gracchus opposed the share which his brother had left theim inl the with all his eloquence and his credit, charging his courts ot’justice; and ordaining, that the judges, antagonist aloud with corruption, and a clanides-for the future, should be drauglted fioom the tine correspondence withl the agents, who, on dif-eq uestrian erder alone, a class o mien, wvho, being ferent sides, were now employed at Rolle in so-left out of the senlate, and of course not compreliciting this afltir. “None of us,” he said, “stand hendled ill the laws that prohibited forth in this place for nothing. Even i, who de-Le, Sempro-coImmerce, lhad betakenl tlhenslves, sire you to put money in your own coffers, and to sia Judicia-as has been observed,4 to lucrative consult the interest of the state, mean to be paid, ria. prolessiols, were the l’arillers of the not with money indeed, but with your tavour andt rvellue, the conltractors tbr the army, a good name. They who oppose this resolutioni and, in general, the nlerch lants who conducted the likewise covet, not honours from you, but money whole trade of the republic. Though they might from Nicomedes; and they who support it, expect be considered as neutral in the disputes of the to be paid by Mithridates, not by you.

As for senate and people, and therefore iqJPartial where those who are silent, they, I believe, understand the other orders were biassed, there was no class the marliet best of all. They have heard the story of men more likely to prostitute the character of of the poet, who being vain that he had got a judges for interest or actual hire. This revolution’rreat sum of money for rehearsing a tragedy, was in the courts of justice accordingly mlay have told by another, that it was not wonderful he had contributed greatly to hasten the aapproaching got so much for talking, when I, said the other, corruption of manners, and the disorders of the who it seems knew more than he was wished to government.

declare, have got ten times as much for holding my The next ordinance prepared by tongue. There is nothing that a king will buy Lex de Pro-Gracchus, or ascribed to him, reat so great a thrice, on occasion, as silence‘3 vinciis ordilated to the nomination of officers to Such, at times, was the style in which this po-nandis. govern the provinces; anti, if it had pular orator chose to address his audience. In-been strictly observed, night have dlviduals are won by flattery, the multitude by made some compensation for the tborier.‘I he buffoonery and satire. From the tendency of this power of naming such officers was coImmitted to the senate, and the arrangements were to be an1 M. Varro de Re Rustica, lib.

i. c. 2. Cic. de Ami-nually mnade before the election of consuls. This citia. Plutarch. in vit. Caii Gracmhi.‘2 At Aix, in Provence. 2 A.

Gellius, lib. ii. c. 10. 4 Page 91

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CHAP. III.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 105 continued to be law, but was often overruled by settle the families destined to form those estathe people.5
blishments. Accordingly, Caius Gracchus, and In the same year, the boldest and most dan-Fulvius Flaccus, late consul, and now deeply gerous project that had ever been formed by any engaged in all these factious measures, wereof the popular leaders, that for admitting the destined to take charge of the new colonists, and Italian allies upon the rolls of the Roman peo-to superintend their settlement.7 ple, already attempted by Fulvius Flaccus, was In the mean time, the senate, in again renewed by Caius Gracchus; and, upon U. C. 632. the election of Opinius to the conthe utmost exertion of the vigilance and authority sulship of the following year, carried of the senate, with great difficulty prevented. CO L-Opi an important object to the reputation The rumour of this project having brought Q.Fab. Jmlaz-and interest of their party, and conmultitudles to Rome, the senate thought it neces-imus. ceived hopes of being able, bv the sarv to give the consuls in charge to clear the authority of this magistrate, to com. citV, on the day that this important question was bat the designs of G’racchus more effectually than expected to come on, of all strangers, and not to they had hitherto done. He was accordingly resuffer any aliens to remain within four miles of tained in the administration of affairs in Italy, the walls. During the dependence of this ques-while his colleague, Fabius, was appointed to tion. Gravchus flattered the poorer citizens with command in Gaul. Caius Gracchus, having the the prospect of advantageous settlements, in cer-presumption to offer himself a third time canditain new colonies, of six thousand men each, date for the office of tribune, was rejected, and which he proposed to plant in the districts of Cam-had the mortification to find, that the authority pania andl Tarenturnm, the most cultivated parts of of the senate began to prevail; and, as they had Italy, and in colonies, which he likewise proposed credit enough to procure his exclusion from any to send abroad into some of the richest provinces. share in the magistracy, so they might be able to Such settlements had been formerly made to oc-frustrate or reverse many of the acts he had obcupy and secure recent conquest.; they were now tained in favour of his party. calculated to serve as baits to popular favour, and By the repulse of Gracchus and his associates, as a provision made by the leaders of faction, for the aristocratical party came to have a majority, their own friends and adherents. even in the colleure of tribunes.

(uestions of The senate, attacked by such popular arts, re-legislation were now likelv to be determined in solved to retort on their adversaries; and for this the assembly of the centuries; and this cilcumpurpose instructed Marcus Livius, another of the stance alone, while the senate was able to retain tribunes, to take such measures as should, if pos-it, was equal to an entire revolution of the governsible, supplant Gracchus in the favour of then ment. The centuries, under the leadinm of an people.

Livius, professing to act in concert with active consul, were likely to annul former resothe senate, proposed a number of acts: one to lutions with the same decision and rapidity with conciliate the minds of the allies, by giving them, which they had been passed. Much violence was while the~y served in the army, the same exemp-expected, and the dillbrtent parties, recollecting tion from corporeal punishment which the Ro-what had happened in the case of Tiberius man citizens had enjoyed.

Gracchus, took measures not to be surprised by Another, for the establishment of their antagonists; for the most part came to the LexLivia de twelve different colonies, each of place of assembly in bands, even under arms, Tervro Ciai-three thousand citizens. But what, and endeavoured to possess the advantage of the nam Lati.i possibly, had the greatest effect, be-ground as in the presence of an enemy. N~om imrse.

cause it appeared to exceed in muni-Minucius, one of the tribunes, in consequence ficence all the edicts of Gracchus, of a resolution of the senate, pretending that he was an exemption of all those lands, which should was moved by some unfavourable presages, pros be distributed in terms of the late Semnpronian posed a repeal or amendment of some of the late law, from all quit-rents and public burdens, which popular acts; awd particularly, to change the had hitherto, in general, been laid on all posses-destination of the colony intended for Carthage, sions that were held from the public.6 It was to soume other place. This motion was strenuproposed to name ten commissioners to distribute ously opposed bly Fulvius Flaccus, and by Caius lands thus unincumbered to the people; and Gracchus, who treated the report of presages three colonies are mentioned, Syllaceum, Taren-from Africa as a Imere fiction, and the whole detum, and Neptunia, as having been actually sent sign as proceeding from the inveterate hatred of abroad this year, and probably on these terms. the nobles to the people. Before the assembly About the same time it was de-met, in which this question was to be decided, Lex Rubria. creed, that the city of Carthage might these popular leaders attempted to seize the capibe rebuilt for the reception of a colony tol, but found themselves prevented by the conof six thousand Roman citizens. This decree sul, who had already with an armed force secured bears the name, not of Sempronius or of Livius, that station. but of Rubrius, another tribune of the same year. In the morning after they had received this The senate readily agreed to the settlement of disappointment, the people beintr assembled, and these colonies, as likely to carry off a number of the consul being employed in:fering up the custhe more factious citizens, and to furnish an ol-tomary sacrifices, Gracchus, with his party, came portunity likewise of removing from the city, for to their place in the comitium. One of the atsome time, the popular leaders themselves, under tendants of the consul, who was carrying away pretence of employing them to conduct and to the entrails of the victim, reproached Gracchus, a(s he passed, with sedition, and bid him desist from his machinations against tihe government 5 Floriis, lib. iv. c. 13. Sallust. de Bell. Jugurthl No. forn his machinations against 621. Cicero de Provinciis Consularibus. 6 Plutarch.

Palilus Minutius de Legibus Romranis. 7 Plutarch. Appian. Orosius. 0

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106 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BooK 11. of the commonwealth. On this provocatio l, or!e criminals, not pretend to negotiatt with tLe reof the lpartv of Gracchus struc(k the consul’, ocir-public. as eqrlals; that no party, however numecer with his dagr(rer, and killed himn on thll;),t.

rous, nwas entitled to parley with the people of The cry of murder ran throuyh the Inul;tti,, Rome: and to this ansv-er the inessengter.was and the assenlbly bergan to bretk u. (-rac chus forbid, at his ireril, to trinr any reply. T’rhe party, endeavoured to speak, lut could ntot lie heard for howerer, still hoped to alin time, or to divide the tumult; and all thoughts of business were their enerrmies; and they ventured to emplov young laid aside. The consul illllnediately sumnloned Fulvius alain to repeat their message. He was the senate to mnlet; all having reported what seized by the consul’s orders. Gracchus and Fulhad happened in the comiitium, andl what appe’l r-vius, with their adherents, were declared public ed to him the firat act of hostility in a war, which enemlies; and a reward was offered to tile person the popular fiction had prepiared agrainst the who should kill or secure them.‘TlheIy were state, he receivedl the charge that was usual on instanrtly attacked, and after a little resistance, perilous occasions, to provide, in the nlanner forced]

from their ground. Gracchus fled by the which his own iprudence should dlirect, for tlhe woolen brirdge to the opposite side of the river, safety of the commaonwealth. Thus authorized, and waas there slail, either by his own hlanll, or he comramandedl the senators and the knirhts to by that of a:aithfiul servant, who had undlert.aken arm, and Inmade proper dispositions to secure tire tihe task of saving him in his last extremnrity from principal streets. Being master of the caipitol and frilling into thei power of his enenlies. Iulvius forum, lie adljeurned the assembly of the rperrle was draarred to execution from a bath where he to the usual place on the following dr.y, and cited attem;)ted to conlceal himself: The heads of both the personls accused of the murrder to answer for were carried to the consul, and exchanged for the the crimel whichll as laid to their chargre. prromnised rl ewarl. In cunsluilence of this adjournJment, and the In this friav the party of the senate being reconsul’s instructions, numbers in arlms, rei)aired au’arIv arl e ari aalnd prepared for slaugThter, cut off to the comnitiunm at tlhe hour of assetnlrlv, and the arlherents ofr (Caius Gracchus and Fulvius were ready to execute suclh ordlers as thei Iirriht in Treater nubilrlers than they had done those of receive for the ipulblic safety. Gracchus and ill-Tiicrius;r thire killed about three thlousanld two vius refused to answer the citation alrid the capi-hunlrel illd filfty in the streets, anl(
confined tol beirng secured a(gainst them, they took post, great numnlers, wo were afterwards stralrgled with a nulmerous party in arirs, on the Aventine irl thle prisons.’: he bodies of the slain, as the h li, which was opptosite to the capitol, and firorl law ord;rined, in thle case of treasonl, beilnr denied which they equrally lookedn down on the forurl the fr t;ms of a funeral, were cast ilnto tihe river, and iplace of asselmnbly. Being agrain cited to ap-arndr tlheir estates confiscated.l pear at the tribullnal of the Roman lpeoplle, they 1,ire house of Fulvius was razed to the ground, sent a younrar iman, one of the sons of Fulvius, to the area laiid open for iublic uses; an(t, from capitulate with the consul, and to settle the ter;ls these, heginninrs, it aappreared that the Ronmans, on whr ith they were to surrender themselves. wsvr, in the )ursuit of their foreign conqu.lests, Upon tinis rmlssage they were told, in return, tolit ihad so liberally shed tle btlood of other nations, they mlust answer at the bar of the assembl-, as mighsit become equally lavish of their own. CHAPTER IV. State of Order an.d Tranquillity achich, filloared tlhe Srrpprcssionl of the late T’umnrrlts-Appeaance of Caircs Mar7ius-Foreign [tars-Com2plainrts ra-rainst.Itrgurtlhia-Appearance of tre Cimbri Tar with Jlutartha-Camnpaign ar.d Treaty of Piso Jrtgurtha comnes to lo:n, with a Safe-Conduct-Obliged to retire from thence-Campa ign of Alletellus  Of AariusJugatrtha betrayed by Bocchus His Death, after the Triumph If Mllarius  This General reelected, in order to comnmnand against thle Cinmbri. THEI popular party bhad, in the late tunmults, i i the handls of the aristocracy, without stopping carriedl their violence to such extremes, as dis-the proceedings of government, or substituting a gusted and alarmed every person who had any denocratical usurpation in its place. Even the desire of ndomestic peace; and in their ill-adviser]

jurdicative power, vested in the equestrian order, recourse to arms, but too well justified the mea-pIromnised to llave a salutary el!Nct, by keeping a sures which had been taken against them. By this balance between the differ nt ralnkls and dist’ncexertion of vigour, the benate and ordlinary mations of men in the repuiblic. gistrates, recovered their former authority; affairs The aristocratical party, notwithstanding the returnedr to their usual channel, and the most per-ascelndant they had recently raineld, did not atfect order seemed to arise fromn tile late confu-tempt to rescind any of the retular institutions sions. (luestions of legislation were allowed to of Gracchus; they were contenlteld itlh inflicttake their rise in the senate, and were not car-ing punishmlents on those who rhad been accesried to the people, without the sanction of the sary to the late sedlition, and with re-establishsenate’s authe:ity.

The legislative power was ing such of the nobles as had suffered by the exercised in t.he assembly of the centuries, and violence of the prolpular faction. Popiliius Lenas, the prohlliitory or -lefensive function of the tri- - bunries, or representatives of the people, was such, 1 Appian.

Plutarch. Orosius, lib. v. c. 12. Florus, a3 to l:,revert tlhe abuses of the executive power lib. iii. c. 15. Auctor de Viris lIllustribus, c. 65.

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CHAP. IV.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 107 driven into exile by one of the edicts of Grac-could pass. A party of the nobles, with Aurechus, or by the persecution to which it exposed lius Cotta the consul at their head, not knowing him, was now recalled upon the motion of Cal-with what a resolute spirit they were about to purnius Piso, one of the tribunes.2
contend, being averse to this reformation, prevailed. As the state of parties was in some measure on the senate to withhold its authority, without reversed, Papirius Carbo thought which any regular question on this sulject could U. C. 633. proper to withdraw irom the po-not be put to the people. But IMlarius, in the Publiusi.ian. pular side; and, by the credit of character of tribune, threatened tile consul with u alius nd.

those now in possession of the go-immediate imprisonment, if he did not move to Papirius Carbo. vernment, was promoted to the sta-recall this vote of the senate. The matter bhting tion of consul, and yielded the first reconsidered, Lucius Metellus, who was first on fruits of his conversion by defending the cause of’ the rolls, having given his voice for affirnminnr the his predecessor Opimius, who, at the expiration first decree, was ordered by Marius into custody; of his consulate, was brought to trial for havin-and there tbeing no tribune to intercedte for him, put Roman citizens to death without’the forms must have cone to prison, if the dispute had not of law. Carbo, though himself connecte(l with terminated by the majority agreeing to have the those who sufiered, now pleaded the justice and matter carried to the people, as IMarius pronecessity of the late military executions; and, posed, with the sanction of the senate’s authority. upon this plea, obtained the acquittal of his client. In another of thile acts of Marius, the republic This merit on the part of Carbo, however, did was still more indebted to his wisdom and couralge not so far cancel his former offences as to prevent in withstanding an attempt of one of his colhis being tried and condemned in the following leagues to flatter the indigent citizens at the ex[ear, as an accomplice in the sedition of Gracchus. pense of the public treasury, by repealing the Hie was supposed to have been accessary to the recent regulation of Octavius, and lowering the death of Scipio; and his cause not being warmly terms on which corn was distributed froill the espoused by any party, he fell a sacrifice to the granaries. This was an ordinary expedient of imputation of’ his heinous crime. It is said, that, tribunitian faction. MNarius opposed it as of danupon hearing his sentence, lie killed himself.3 gerous consequence. And his conduct in this Octavius, one of the tribunes of the present matter marked him out as one not to he awed by year, moved an amendmeint of the any party, and a personl who, into whatever party Lex Octavia law obtained by Gracchus, re-lie should be adnlitled, was destined to gJovern. Frunmentaria. spectinl the distribution of corn The times indeed were likely to give inore ilfriom tile public granaries, probably portance to his character as a soldier than a citito ease the treasury in part of that burden; but zen; and in that he was still farther raised above the particulars are unknownii. the mallice of those who were inclined to revile About this timle the celebrated Caius M\larius or undervalue what were called his upstart prebegan to appear in the public assemblies of’ the tensions.5 people. He was a person of obscure birth, and From the time that the Romans filst passed rustic manners, formed a2ildst the occupations of into the rransalpine Gaul, as auxiliaries to the a peasailt,4 and the hardships of a legionary sol-relublic of’

Marseilles, they had kept oil foot in dier, but of a resolute spirit, and insatiable anibi-that neighbourhood a military force; and, by tion. Lie was a n:itive of Arpinum, and without planting colonies at convenient stations, showed any other apparent title than that of being a their intention of maintaining possessions on that denizen of Rome, laid claim to the honours of the side of the Alps. Betultus, or Betu!tich, a prince state. He is remarkable for havilng suffered more of the country, who was supposed able to raise a repulses in his first attempts to be eldcted into force of two hundred thousand men, attempted to office, and fbr having succeeded more frequently expel these intruders, but was defeatcd, first by afterwards, than anyother Roman citizen during the proconsul Fabius, afterwards b1y Douitius the existenlce of the commonwealth. Ahenobarbus, anld furnished these generall with Mariaus, after being disappointed in his first the subjects of their respective triunls hs.‘his canvass for the office of tribune, succeeded in the prince himself became a captive to 1oi’iitius, anld followinlt year. The acts which were passed was carried to Rome, where he was t’led i rounder his tribunate, and which bear his nanme, do cession, distinguished by his painted arnls all(l not carry any violent expressions of party-spirit, his chariot of silver, the equipage in which it was nor eive intimllation of that insatiate ambition with said he usually led his arumy to batthe.6 which he aiterwsardls distressed his country; the It appears that the Romans had first related to the conduct of elc-U. C,. 633. employed elephants in the first. wars Lex.l,iria de tions, and provided some remedy they made in Gaul; for the -ictory Suffragiis. for an evil which was compltined of Donlitius is attributed to the eflect that was of in the mainner of solicitingr votes. produced bIv these aninmals.7 The space between the rails, by which the citi-Quintus Marcus succeeded Domitius in the zens passed to give in their ballots, was so hroad command of the forces which were employed in as to admlnit, not only those who came to vote, ibut Gaul; and continued to gain groun( oil the nathe candidates likewise, with their adlherents and tives, who appeared from diflkrent cantons suefriends, who came to importune and to overawe cessively to resist his arms. Ile planted a colony the peop’e in the very act of delivering their votes. at Narbo, to strenthehei the frolltier of the newlyMarius proposed to put an end to this practice, acquired province onl onc side; and as the Roand to provide for the entire freedom of the people, mans had hitherto always passed by sea into by narrowing the entrance, so that only the voters __ _ __ _ _

__ _ 5 Plutarch. in Aario. 2 Cicero in Bruto. 6 Velleiuis Pater.

Amninianus Marcell. lib. xv. fiie 3 Valerilus Max. lib. iii. c. 7. Cicero in Brato. Padionuisin Verrinaim Sectul(lain. Val. Max.‘ib. - e. 9 4

Juvenal. Sat. viii. Plin. lib. xxxiii. c. 11. 7 Stetollills ill Vita Neromis.

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108 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [Boolc ii, that country, he endeavoured to open a passage their character, and had already marked out th( by the Alps in order to have a communication by line he was to follow in conducting his affair. land with Italy on the other. In the course of with that people. They appeared to he a num these operations the Staeni, an Alpine nation that ber of sovereigns assembled together, able in opposed him, were entirely cut off. council and formidable in the field; but, in comAbout this time the Roman generals obtained parison to the Africans in general, undesiSning their triumphs on different quarters, in the Ba-and simple. With the pride of monarchs they leares and in Dalmatia, as well as in Gaul; and began, he imagined, to feel the indigence of courthe republic did not meet for some years with an tiers, and were to be moved by considerations of enemy able to resist her power, except on the interest rather than force. His commissioners side of Thrace and the Danube, where the pro-were now accordingly furnished with amptlle preconsul Cato was defeated; and where a resistance sents, and with the means of gratifying the prinwas for some years kept up by the natives. cipal persons at Rome in a manner that was But of the forei(n affairs which occupied the suited to their respective ranks and to their inattention of the Romans, the most memorable fluence in the commonwealth. was the contest of pretenders to the crown of In the choice of this plan Jugurtha, like most Numidia, which, by the death of Micipsa, the politicians that refine too much, had formed a son and successor of Massinissa, came to be dis-system with great ingenuity, and spoke of it with posed of about this time. The late king had two a specious wit; lbut had not taken into his acsons, Adherbal and Hiempsal. He had likewise count the whole circumstances of the case in adopted Jugurtha, the natural soin of his brother which he engaged. Rome, he supposed, was a ~Manastabal, whom he had employed at the head city to be sold. IHe forgot that, though many of his armies, thinking it safer to gain him by Romans could be bougrht, no treasure was suffigood offices, than to provoke him by a total excient to buy the republic; that to buy a few, clusion froml favour. He had formed a project, made it necessary for him to buy many more; frequent amolf barbarous and dlespotic sovereigns, that as he raised expectations, the number of exbut always ruinous, to divide his territories; and pectants increased without limit; that the more he hopedt that, while he provided for his own he gave, the more he was still expected to give sons, he should secure to them, from motives of that in a state which was broke into parties, if’ he gratitude, the protection and good offices of Ju-gained one by his gifts, that alone was sufficient gurtha, whom he admitted to an equal share with to rouse the other against him. And accordingly, them in the partition of his kingdom. The conafter lavishing his money to influence tile counsequences of this mistaken arrangemnent soon cils of Rome, he was obliged to have reccurse to appeared in the distractions that followed, and arms at last, and to contend with the forees of the which arose from the ambition of Jugurtha, to republic, after he had exhausted his treasure in make himself master of the whole. For this pur-attempting to corrupt her virtue. pose he ftrmed a secret design against the lives of Although Jugurtha had many partizans at both the brothers, of whom the younger, Hiemp-Rome, such was the injustice of his cause, or the sal, fell into his snare, and was assassinated. suspicion of corruption in those who espoused it, Adherbal, being more cautious, obliged his crafty that they durst not openly avow their wishes. enemy to declare himself openly, took the field They endeavoured to suspend the resolutions against hlli with all the forces he could raise, but which were in agitation against him, and had the was d(efeatel, and obliged to take refuge in the matter referred to ten commlissioners who should Roman province, and from thence thought proper go into Africa, and in presence of the Farties to pass into Italy, in order to lay his complaints settle the differences which subsisted between before the senate and people of Rome. them. There indeed he practised his art oni the Massinissa, the grandfather of this injured Roman commissioners with better success than prince, had given effectual aid to the Romans in lihe had experienced with the senate andl people.

their wars with Carthage; and, upon the final He prevailed upon themn to divide the kingdom, reduction of that republic, was rewarded with a and to favour him in the lot which should ble asconsiderable part of its spoils.

From this time signed to himself: knowing that force must ultiforward the Romans expected(, and the king of mately decide every controversy which should Numnidia paid to them, a deference like that of a arise on the subject, he made choice, not of the vassal or tributary prince to his sovereign lord. richest, but of the most warlike division; and Upon the faith of this connection, Adherbal now indeed had already determined that, as soon as carried his complaints to Rome; and Jugurtha, the Romans left Africa, he should make a1l end knowing how ready the Romans were, in the of the contest by the death of Adherbal; trusting character of arbitrators, to consider themselves as that, by continuing to use the specific which it the sovereigns of other nations, thought proper to was said he had already applied, he might prevail send deputies on his part, to counteract the repre-on the Romans to overlook what they would not, sentations of his rival. on a previous request, have permitted. This crafty adventurer had served under Scipio He accordingly, soon after the departure of the at the siege of Numantia, where he had an op-Roman comrmissioners, marched into the territoportunity of observing the manners and disries of Adherbal, shut him up in the town of cipline of the Romans, and accommodated him-Cirta; and, while the Romans sent him repeated self to both. He was equally distinguished by messages to desist, still continued the blockade, his implicit submission to command, as by his until the mercenaries of Adherbal, tired of the impetuous courage, and by the ability of his con-hardships they were made to endure, advised, duct in every service. He had even then probably and, by their appearing ready to desert, forced directed his views to the succession of Numidia, him to comInlit himself to the mercy of Jugurtha, and saw of what consequence the Romans might by whom he was immediately put to death.

prove in dletciding his fortunes. He had studied By these events, in about seven years from the

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CHAP. IV.] OF THE Rt MAN REPUBLIC. 109 death of Micipsa, Jugurtha had attained to the their battles it was reported that the sides of this object of his highest desires; but the arts which square extended thirty stadia, or between three procured him a crown, likewise rendered his state and four miles. The men of the foremost ranks insecure. He was disappointed in his expecta-were fastened together with chains locked to their tion to pacify the Romans. The money he dealt girdles, which made them impenetrable to every went into the coffers only of a few, but his crimes attack, and gave them the force of a torrent, inll roused the indignation of the whole people. Prac-sweeping obstructions before them.

Such were tised statesmen or politicians are seldom roused the accounts with which the Romans were by mere feelings of indignation on the subject of alarmed on the approach of this tremendous private wrongs. They have, or pretend to have, enemy. reasons of state to suppress the consideration of Although, by the defeat of Carbo, Italy lay individuals. The greater part of the Roman senate open to their devastations, yet they turned away accordingly, whether acting on maxims of policy, to the north and westward, and keeping the Alps or won by the presents of Jugurtha, received the on their left, made their appearance again on the complaints which were lodged against him with frontier of’ the Roman province in Narbonne indifference; but the assembly of the people, Gaul, and from thence passed into Spain, where moved by the cries of perfidy and murder which they continued to alarm Roman settlements, and were raised by the tribunes, received the repre-kept Rome itself in suspense, by the uncertainty sentations of his conduct with indignation and of the tract they might afterwardschoose to pursue. rage. These passions were inflame(l by opposi-Such was the state of afifirs, tion to the nobles, who were supposed to favour U. C. 642. when the popular cry and generous the murderer. Neither the most deliberate states-indignation of the Roman people man nor the most determined partizan of Jugur-Pub. Corne-forced the state into a war with tha durst appear in his cause, nor propose to de-lius, Scipio Jugurtha. The consul Fiso was dine a war with that prince, although it was L. Calpur-appointed to command in Numilikely to be attended with considerable difficulties; nius, Piso, dia. The necessary levies and supand was to be undertaken at a time when a cloud Bestia.

plies for this service were ordered, hung over Italy on the side of Gaul, a quarter and Jugurtha could no longer from which the Romans always expected, and doubt that the force of the Roman republic was often experienced, the most terrible storms. to be employed against him; yet, in hopes to About the time that Adherbal avert the storm, he sent his son with two proper U C. 640. laid his ccumplaints against Jugur-assistants, in the quality of ambassadors to Rome, tha before the senate of Rome, a chiefly trusting to the arts of insinuation he had new enemy had appeared.

The north of Europe, hitherto practised, and to the distribution of preor of Asia, had cast off a swarm, which, migrat-sents and of money. Their arrival being reported ing to the south and to the west, was first descried to the senate, a resolution of this body passed, by the Romans on the frontier of Illyricum, and that unless they brought an offer from Jsigurtha presentlyv drew their attention to that side. The to surrender his person and his kingdon) at dishorde w’as said to consist of three hundred thou-cretion, they should be required in ten da.ys to sand fighting men, conducting their families of’ depart from Italy. women and children, and covering the plains This answer being delivered to the son of Juwith their cattle. The consul Papirius Carbo gurtha, he presently withdrew, and was Ibllowed was ordered to take post in Illyricum, to observe by a Roman army, which was prepared to emthe motions of this tremendous host. He was bark for Africa. The war was conducted at first alarmed with their seeming to point towards the with great vivacity and success: but Jugurtha, district of Aquileia; and putting himself, with by oflfering great public concessions or private too little precaution, in their way, could not with-gratifications, prevailed on the consul to negotiate. stand their numbers, and was overwhelmed as by It was agreed, that, upon receiving a proper a tempest. hostage on the part of the Romans, the king himThis migrating nation the Romans have called self should repair to their camp, in order to conby the name of Cimbri, without determining from elude the treaty. In the articles that were made whence they came. It is said that their cavalry public, the king agreed to surrender himself at amounted to no more than fifteen thousand; that discretion, and to pay a large contribution in it was their practice to despise horses, as well as horses, corn, elephants, and money; but in secret the other spoils of their enemies, which they articles, which were drawn up at the same time, generally destroyed: and from this circumstance the consul engaged that the person of the king it may be argued, that they were not of Scythian should be safe, and.hat the kingdom of Numidia extraction, nor sprung from those mighty plains should be secured to him.

in the northern parts of Asia, where military During these transactions the time of the exforce has from time immemorial consisted of piration of Piso’s command drew near, and he cavalry, where horses were valued above every himself was called into Italy to preside at the apother species of acquisition or property; and that proaching elections. His report of the treaty they must have been bred amongst mountains with Jugurtha was received with suspicion, and and woods, where this animal is not equally use-the cry of corruption resumed by the popular ful. On their helmets, which were crested with party. ” Where is this captive?” said the tribune plumes of feathers, they carried the gaping jaws Memmius; “if he have surrendered himself, he of wild beasts. On their bodies they wore breast-will obey your commands; send for him; quesplates of iron, had shields painted of a conspicu-tion him in respect to what is past. If he refuse ous colour; and carried two missile javelins or to come, we shall know what to think of a treaty darts, and a heavy sword. They collected their which brings impunity to Jugurtha, princely forfighting men, for the most part, into a solid tunes to a few private persons, ruin and infamy square, equally extending every way: in one of to the Roman republic.” Upon this motion tho

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110 THIE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [rTBoo [I. prcator Cassir s Longinus, a person of approved The cry of corruption, which had been raised merit and iunshaken integritv, was hastened into against many of the nobles, on account of their Africa. with positive instructions to bring the supposed correspondence with Jugurtha, gave an kinl of Numidia to Roime. By the safe conduct advantage to the popular party. and theE deterwhich Cassius brought on the part of the repub-mined to improve it, by raisigl prosecutiols te lie, and by his own assurances of protection, Ju-the ruin of persons, either o(dilis to the people, o0 gurtha was prevai!ed on to commit himraelf to the obnoxious to the equestrian order, who then had faith of the Ronans. He laid aside his kinfly the power of judicature in their hands.l Three state anld attendants, set out for Italy, and deter-inquisitors were accordingly named by sj(ciai ntinefd to appear as a suppliant at Rome. Upon comnmission to take co(nizanlce of all complaints his arrival, being called into the public assembly, of corruption that shtolld be brourlilt bclfre them; Memumius proposed to interrogate him on the and this commnission was in,:tantly emlployed to subjest of his sunrposed secret transaction with harass the nobilit-, and to revengre thie blood certain members of the senate; but here Bebius, which had been shled in the late popular tumults. another of the tribunes, interposed his negative; Lucius Calpurniu;, Piso, Bestia, C. Cato, Spuand, notwithstanding that the people exclaimed, rius Albinus, and L. pimilus, all of consular and even menaced, this tribune persisted. And dignity, fell a sac ifice on this occasion to the before this bar to the farther examination of Ju-popular resentmeit. T’re tribune Marmillus, gurtha could be removed, an inci(lent took place, upon whose motion this tribunal had been erected, which occasioned his sudden departure from Italy. wvith his associates, apprehending that, upon the Mlassiva, the son of Gulussa, beingr the grand-expiration of their trust, the heat of the prosecuson and( natural representative of Massinissa, and tions might abat e. moved the peoplle that they the only person besidtes rJumgrtha who remained mlirht be continued in their office; anil, upon of the royal line of ANumidia, had been persuaded finding themselves opposed by the influence of by Albinus. the consul elected for the ensuing the senate and all the ordinary powers of the state, year, to state his pretensions before the Roman they suspended, by virtue of their tribunitian senate, and to lay claim to the crown. Jugurtha, power, the election of consuls, and for a whole year though at Rome, and in the power of those who kept the republic in a state of absolute anarchiy. were likely to resent his crimes, gave a specimen Irt this interval Aulus Allhinus, left by his of the bold and sanguinary counsels to which he brother, the late consul, in the command of the was inclined, employed against this competitor army in Africa, determined to improve the occathe ordinary arts of ilis court, and had him assas-sion by some honourable action. Eie left his sinated. The crime was traced to its author, but quarters in the winter, and marched far into the the safe conduct he had received could not be country, hoping that by force or surprise he might violated; and he was only commanded, without possess himself of the Numidian treasures or delay, to depart from Italy.

On this occasion he magazines. Jugurtha encouraged him in this left Rome with that memorable saving; “Here design, affected fear, retired with precipitation is a city to be sold, if any buyer could be found.’ wherever the Romans presented themselves; and, The consul Albinus soon fol-to increase the presumption of their general, sent U. C. 6413. lowed Juogurtha, to take the com-frequent messages to implore his pity. He at JM. Jli7,ucius mand of the Roman army in Afri-the same time endeavoured to open a corresponRufus & Post-ca; and being( eager to perform dence with the Thracians and other foreigners, hum..Jlbinus. some notable action before the ex-then serving in the Roman canlp. Some of piration of his year, which was fast approachinr, these he corrupted; and when he had drawn the he urged the king of Numlidia, with all the forces Roman army into difficult situations, and prehe’coul(h awemble in the province; but found that pared his plan for execution, he suddenly adhe had to do with an enemy who had the art to vanced in the night to the Roman station; and elude his impetuosity, and from whose apparent the avenues being entrusted, as he expected, to conduct no judgment could be formed of his real the Thracians and Ligurians whom he had cordesigns. This artful warrior often advanced with rupted, and by whom he was sufibred to pass, he a seeming intention to hazard a battle, when he surprised the Romans in their camlp, and drove was most resolved to decline it; or he precipitantly them from thence in great confusion to a neichfled, when he meant to return upon his enemy, bouring height, where they enjoyed, {luring and take advantage of any disorder he might incur night, some respite from the enemy; but without in a too eager pursuit. His offers of submission, any resource for subsistence, or hopes of recoveror his threats, were equally fallacious; and he ing their baggage. used, perhaps in common with other African In the morning Jugurtha desired to confer princes, means to mislead his enemy, which Eu-with the pretor; and representing how much ropeans, ancient as well as modern, have in gene-the Romans, stripped of their provision and equiral condemned. He made solemn capitulations page, were then in his power, Inade a merit of and treaties with a view to break them, and con-offering them quarter, on condition that they sidered breach of faith, like a feint or an ambush, would conclude a treaty of peace, and in ten days as a stratagem licensed in war. The Europeans evacuate his kingdom. have always termed it perfidy to break the faith These terms were accordingly accepted: but of a treaty, the Africans held it stupidity to be the capitulation, when known at Romne, gave occaught in the snare. casion to much indignation and clamour.

It was By the artifices of Jugurtha, accordingly, or by voted by the senate not to be binding, and the the remissness of his antagonist, the war was consul Albinus, in order to repair the loss of the protracted for another year, and the consul, as public, and to restore the credit of his own family, the time of the election drew near. was recalled, made hasty levies, with which he proposed to reas usual, to preside in the choice of his successor. I At his arrival the city was in great agitation. 1

CicerodeCl1ris Oratoribus. Sallust. inBe Jllgurtu

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CHAP. IV.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. Ill new the war in Nunidia, but not having the i snare he had laid for them. WVith the advantag e consent of the tribunes to this measure, he was of the ground and of numbers, he maintailned, obligred to leave his forces behind hiam in Italy, during the greater part of the day, a contlst with and j:ined the army without being able to bring troops who possessed, against his irregulars, a any reinforcn-ment. He f;)u id it in no condition great superiority of order, discipline, andr couto ftce the enemy, and was contented to remain rage; but not having found the [tolnlans, as he in the province till a successor should be named. expected, in any degree off’ their guard, he w-as, Resentment of the disgrace~ in-in the event of that (lay’s action, ol)lire(t to fly U. C. Ci t. curred in. Africa, and fear of inva-with a few horse to a remote part of his kintrdoin. sion frrm the Cinmbri, wh ), having This victory obtained over Ju(nirtia aprpjared Q. C.ecriizis traversed Spain and Gaul, were to be an end of the war. His armly was disvpersed, JiIttll-iiS still on their matrcih, appear to have and he was left with a few horsemnen, who atfg..lTV’umis S calmed for a little time the ani-tended his person, to find a place of’ retreat, and 8&lanus.

Mn)sitv of domestic factions at to choose a station at which to assemiable new RP)Ine. The consular elections force;, if he mevant to continue the war. were su!lYred to proceed, and the choice of the The Numidians were inured to action. The people fi-11 on.uintus Creilius Metellus and NI.

frequent wars of’ that continent, the wild and unJunius Sinus; the first was appointed to the settled state of their own country, made the use cornn and of tile army in Numidia, the second to of horses and of arms faouniliar: iut so void was observe the motions of the Cinbri on the firn-the nationi of mlilitary policy, and its people so tiers of GTaul, and to turn them aside, if possible, inlorant of order, that it was scarcely possible from the territory of Rome. About this time ft)r the kingll to fight two battles with the same those wandering nations had sent a formal ires-army. It’ ictorioius, they withdrew with their sage to the Roinans, desiring to have it under-plunder; if defeated, they supposed all imilitary stood on what lands they might settle,2 or rather, obligations at an end: and in either case, after over what lands they might pass in migration an action, every one fled where he expected to be with their herds. This request being refused by soonest in safety. the senate, they opened a passage by force, over-MiIetellus, after the late engagTement, finding no came in battle the consul Silanus, and, probably enemy in the field, was for soine tinme uncertain without intending to retain any conquest, con-to what part of the kinrdoml Jugurtha had ditinued to move wherever the aspect of the country rected his flight. But ihavingi intelli;ence that tempted their choice. he was in a new situation assemablilng anl army, Metellus proceeded to Africa with a consider-and likely to form one still lmoe nullmero us than able reinforcement; and, havirng spent some time any he had yet brought intl) the lield, tired of in restoring the discilpline of the army which had pursuing an enemy on whoim dhfeats had so little been greatly neglected, and in training his new effects, he turned away to the richer andi( more levies to the duties and hardships of the service, cultivated parts of the lingdoml. Here the plunhe directed his march to the eneiiy’s country, der of the country might better repay his labour, and in his way, had freluent nlessa(ges from Ju-and the enemy, if he ventured to detfend his tergurtha, with professions of submission and of a ritory, might mlore senlsibly Itfel his deiieats. Jupaciic disposition. gurtha perceiving his intention, drew his forces When the Roman army entered on the territo-towards the same quarter, and soon appeared in ry of Numidia, they accordingly found the coun-his rear. try prepared to receive them in a friendly manner; While Metellus was endeavouring to force the the people in tranquillity, the gates of every city city of Zatma, Jugurtha pierced into his camp, left open, and the markets ready to supply them and, though re)ulsed froim thence, took a post, with necessaries. by which he made the situation of the Romarns, These appearances, with the known character between the townt and his own army, so uneasy, of Jugurtha, creating distrust, only excited the as to oblige them to raise the siege. vigilance of Metellus. They even provoked him This the Nuinidian prince thought a proper to retort on the Numidian his own insidious arts. opportunity to gain some credit to his pacific He tampered with Bomilcar, and the other mes-professions. He made an offer accordingly to sengers of Jugurtha to betray their master, and surrender at discretion, and actually delivered up promised them great rewards if they would degreat part of his arms and military stores; but liver him into the hands of the Romans, either this purpose, if ever sincere, he retracted, and living or dead. again had recourse to arms.

Jugurtha, not considering that his known cha-The victory which had been obracter for f:alsehood must have destroyed the cre-U. C. 6t15. tained in Africa, flattered the vanity dit of all his professions, even if he should at any S of the Roman people, and procured time think proper to make thema sincere, andl trust-pzecius Galba to Netellus, in tie quality of proing to the effect of his submissive messages in ren-Qt. Horten,- consul, a continuation of his former dering the enemy secure, made a disposition to situms.Jepes, conmmand. The troops he hadl postprofit by any errors they should commit, and hoped.}larcmus J’u. ed in Vacca being cut off by the into circumvent and destroy them on their march. relius Sceii-habitants, he made hasty marches For this purpose he waited for them.on the de-in the night, surprised the place, scents of a high mountain, over which they were and, without having allowed the authors of that to pass in their way to the Muthul, a river which outrage more than two days to enjoy the fruits c helped to form the situation of which he was to their perfidy, amply revenged the wrong they had avail himself. He accordingly lay concealed by done to the Roman garrison. its banks, until the enemy actually fell into the But the success of Metellus did not hasten the ruin of Jugurtha so fast as his own misconduct, 2 Florus, lib. iii. Liv. lib.

lxv. in the jealous and sanguinary measures which he

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112 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BooK 11 )ok to suppress plots and conspiracies, either real ability he had shown in all the stations he had or supposed to be formed against his life, by per-hitherto filled, procured him some credit; he so sons the most in his confidence. far won upon the people, that he was chosen conBomilcar, still carrying in his mind the offers sol, in opposition to the interest of the nobles, and which had been made by Metellus, and willing to the influence of all the leading men of the to have some merit with the Romans, into whose senate.

His promotion was in a particular man hands he and all the subjects of Jugurtha were ner galling to Metellus, whose reputation he had likely soon to fall, formed a design against his attacked, and to whose station in Africa, by an master, and drew Nabdalsa, a principal officer in express order of the people, in contempt of’ the the Numidian armies, to take part in the plot. arrangement which had been made by the senate, They were discovered in time to prevent the exe-he was now to succeed. cution of their design, but they made Jugurtha Upon the nomination of Marius, from thenceforward consider the camp of his own U. C. 626. the party who had opposed his prearmy as a place of danger to himself, rendered ferment (lid not attempt to withhold him distrustful, timorous, and unquiet; frequently L. Cassius3 the reinforcements which he asked changing his company and his quarters, his C. oIarius for the service in which he was to guar(ls and his bed. Under these apprehensions, command. They even hoped to inby which his mind was considerably disordered crease his difficultlis by suflering him to increase and weakened, he endeavoured, by continual and the establishment of his province. The Ewealthier rapid motions, to make it uncertain where he class of the people alone were yet admitted into should be found; and he experienced at last, that the legions; and being averse to such distant private assassination and breach of faith, although services, were likely to conceive a dislike to the they appear to abridge the toils of ambition, are persons by whom they were forced to enlist. not expedient even in war; that they render hu-Marius in this capacity might lose some part of man life itself, for the advantages of which war is the popular favour which he now enjoyed, and undertaken, no longer eligible or worthy of being become less formidable to his rivals in the state.

preserved. Weary of his anxious state,‘he ven-But this crafty and daring politician, by slighting tured once more to face Metellus in the field, and the laws which excluded the necessitous citizens being again defeated, fled to Thala, where he had from serving in the legions, found in this class of left his children and the most valuable part of the people a numerous and willing supply. They his treasure. This city too, finding Metellus had crowded to his standard, and filled up his army5 followed him, he was obliged to abandon, and, without delay, and even without oflence to those with his children and his remaining effects, fled of a better condition, who were pleased with refrom Numidia, first to the country of the Getuli, lief from this part of their public burdens.

barbarous nations, that lived among the moun-This was a remarkable and dangerous innovatains of Atlas south of Numidia, and whom he tion in the Roman state, and may be mentioned endeavoured to arm in his cause. From thence among the steps which hastened the ruin of the he fled to Bocchus, king of Mauritania, whose commonwealth. From this time forward the daughter he had married; and having persuaded sword began to pass from the hands of those who this prince to consider his quarrel with the Ro-were interested in the preservation of the republic, mans as the common cause of all monarchies, into the hands of others who were willing to make who were likely in succession to become the prey it a prey. The circumstances of the times were of this arrogant and insatiable power, he prevailed such, indeed, as to give warning of the change. on the Mauritanian to assemb)le his army, and to The service of a legionary soldier was become too attempt the relief of Numidia. severe for the less indigent order of citizens, and Jugurtha, in conjunction with his new ally, now opened to the necessitous the prinlcipal road directed his march to Cirta, and Metellus per-to profit as well as honour. Ia’ius, to flacilitate ceiving his intention, took post to cover that place. his levies, was willing to gratify both; and tllllus But while he was endeavouring, by threats or gave beginninlg to the formation of armies whllo persuasions, to detach the king of’ Mauritania were ready to filt fo: or against the laws of from Jugurtha, he received iiiformation from their country, and who, in the sequel, sutbRome that he was superseeved in r the command stituted battles for the bloodless contests which Rome that he was superseded in the command s of the army; and from thenceforward protracted hitherto had arisen from the divisions of party. the war, under pretence of messages and nego-party. war, under pretence of me.sages and neo-Tile new consul, unrivalled in the favour of tiations, and possibly inclined to leave it with all the people, obtained whatever lie required its difficulties entire to his successor. and, being completely provided for the service Marius, having served under Metellus, had to which he was destined, embarked for Africa with great difficulty, and not without some ex-with a great reinforcement, and in a few days pressions of scorn on the part of his general, ob-arrived at Utica. Upon his arrival, the operatained leave to depart for Rome, where he meant tions of the war were resumed, and carried into to stand for the consulship. He accordingly ap-the wealthiest provinces of Nuinidia, where he peared in the capacity of candidate for this honour, encouraged his army with the hopes of spoil.

mand by vaunting, instead of concealing, the ob-The new levies, though composed of persons Pcurity of his ancestors; by inveighing against hitherto excluded from the military service, the whole order of nobility, their dress, their city were formed by the example of the legions manners, their Greek learning, their family already in the feld, and who were now vell apprised of their own superiority to the African images, the stress they laid on the virtue of their apprised of their own superiority to the fica forefathers to compensate the want of it in them-proacs of tllis en dmy, thotht proper to sepproach of this enemy, thought proper to sepaselves; but more especially by arraigning the rate, and took different routes into places of dilatory conduct of Metellus, and by promising a safety in the more difficult and inaccessible speedy issue to the war, if it should be entrusted parts of the country. to himself; a promise, to which the force and This separation was made at the suggestion of

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CHAP. IV.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 113 Jugurtha, who alleged that, upon their appear-trician and noble family, but which had not, for ing to despair, and to discontinue all offensive some generations, borne any of the higher ffices operations, the Roman general would become of state. He himself partook in the learning more secure and more open to surprise. But which then spread into Italy, from a communiMarius, without abating his vigilance, pressed cation with the Greeks, and had passed the early where the enemy gave way, overran the coun-part of his life in town-dissipation or in literary try, and took possession of the towns they had studies, of which the last were considered at this left. To rival the glory which Metellus had time at Rome as a species of corruption almost gained in the reduction of Thala, he ventured on equal to the first. He was yet a novice in war, a like enterprise, in the face of similar difficulties, but having an enterprising genius, soon became by attacking Thapsa, a place surrounded with an object of respect to the soldiers, an(
qf jealousy deserts, and in the midst of a land destitute of to his general, with whom he now laid the founwater, and of every resource for an army. Hadation of a quarrel more fatal to thecommonwealth ving succeeded in this design, he ventured, in than that which had subsisted between the prehis return, to attack another fortress, in which, it sent and precedinog commander in this service. being supposed impregnable, the royal treasures The king of Numidia, stung by the sense of were lodgced.

This strong hold was situated on what he had already lost, and expecting no ada rock, which was every where, except at one vantage from any further delays, determined, in path that was fortified with ramparts and towers, conjunction with Bocchus, to make a vigorous faced’ with steep and inaccessible cliffs. The effort, and to oblige Marius, who was then movgarrison permitted the first approaches of the Ro-ing to his winter quarters, yet to hazard a battle mans with perfect security, and even derision. for the preservation of what he had acquired in After some fruitless attacks, Marius, with some the preceding campaign. The king of Ilauritaimputation of folly in having made the attempt, nia had been inclined to remain neutral, or to was about to desist from the enterprise, when a enter on a separate treaty with the Romans; but Ligurian, who had been used to pick snails on being promised a third part of the kingdom of the cliffs over which this fortress was situated, Nunmidia, in case the Romans were expelled found himself, in search of his prey, and by the from thence, and the war should be brought to a growing facility of the ascent, led to a height happy conclusion, he once more brought forfrom which he began to have hopes of reaching ward his army, and joined Jugurtha. the summit. He accordingly surmounted all the The prosperous state of the Romans, undisdiffilulties in his way; and the garrison being turbed for some time by the opposition of any then intent on the opposite side of the fortress to enemy in the field, inspired them with some dewhich the attack was directed, he returned un-gree of negligence or security, by which they observed. This intelligence he carried to Marius, were exposed to surprise. About an hour before who without delay ord-,ed a detachment of cho-the setting of the sun, their march was interruptsen men, with an unm dual number of trumpets ed by the attack of numerous parties, who, withand instruments of alarm, to follow the direction out any settled order, occupied the fields through of this guide. He himself, to divert the attention which they were to pass, and seemed to intend, by of the besieged, and to be ready, on receiving the assailing them on every side, to begin the night proposed signal from within, to make a vigorous with a scene of confusion, of which they might and decisive assault, advanced to the walls. The afterwards more effectually avail themselves in the Ligurian, with much difficulty, endeavoured to dark. In an action begun under these disadvaneffect his intentions. The soldiers who followed tages, it was supposed,that the Roman army might him were obliged to untie their sandals and their be entirely defeated, and in a country with wnich helmets, to sling their shields and their swords, they were not acquainted, and in circumstances and, at difficult parts of the rock, could not be per-for which they were not at all prepared, being suaded to advance until their guide had repeat-unable to effect a retreat, surrender at discretion. edly passed and repassed in their sight, or had Jugurtha, with his usual intrepidity and confound stumps and points of the stone at which duct, profited by every circumstance which prethey could fasten cords to aid their ascent. The sented itself in his favour. He brought the summit was to be gained at last by the branches troops, of which his army was composed, whether of a tree which, being rooted in a cleft of the rock, Getulians or Numidians, horse or foot, to harass grew up to the edge of the precipice. By the the enemy in their different ways of fighting, and branches of this tree the whole party passed, and, where they could easiest make their attacks. climbing near to its top, landed at last on the Wherever a party was repulsed, he took care to summit. They instantly soundedtheir trumpets replace it; and sometimes affected to remit his and gave a sudden alarm. The besieged, who ardour, or to fly with every appearance of panic, had been drawn to the walls to resist the enemy in order to tempt the Romans to break from their who attacked them in front, were astonished with ranks. Marius, notwithstanding, with great this sound in their rear, and soon after, greatly dexterity and presence of mind, maintained the terrified with the confused flight from behind form of his march; and, before night, got posthem of women, children, and men unarmed, and session of some heights on which he could’ secure being at the same time vigorously attacked at his army. He himself, with the infantry, chose their gates, were no longer able to resist, suffered that which had the steepest ascent, alid ordered the Romans to force their way at this entrance, Sylla, with the cavalry, to take his post on a and in the end to become masters of the fort. smaller eminence below. That his pos tion might Whilst Marius was engaged in the siege of not be known to the enemy, he prohibited the this place he was joined by the questor Sylla, who lighting of fires, and the usual sounding of trumhad been left in Italy to bring up the cavalry, pets at the different watches of the night. The which were not ready to embark at the departure Numidians had halted on the plain where night of the consul. This young man was of a pa-overtook them, and were observed at the break P

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114 THE PROGRESS AND TERMITNATION [B)OK II. of day, repoalng in great security, and without with whom he would treat, and desired he might any seeming apprehension of danger from an be sent to his quarters. The Roman questo’ enemv, who was supposed to be flying, and who, accordingly set out with a small )party. On the on the preceding day, had, with some difficulty, way he was met by Volux, the son of the king esca],ed from their hands. Marius resolved to of Mauritania, with a thousand horse: himl he attac’k them in this situation, and gave orders, considered as of doubtful intention, whether come whichl were communicated through the arirmy, as a friend or an enemy; but comting with pro that at a general sound of the trumpt s, every frssions of friendship from the king his father. man slhoul stand to his arms, and wit l a great and. with orders to escort the Ronmn questor) shout, and beating, on his shield, make an ilpe-they proceeded together. On the second day tuous attack on the enemy. The desinrl, acafter this junction, Volux came in haste to the cordinlv, succeeded. The Numidians, who had quarters of Sylla, and informed him, that the adoften aflfcted to fly, were driven into an actual vanced party had discovered Jugurtha posted on rout. Great numbers fell in the flight, and their route, with a considerable force, and earmanv ensigns and trophies were taken. nestly pressed the Romans to endeavour to make After this victory, Marius with his usual pre-their escape in the night. cautions, and without remitting his vigilance, on Sylla could no longer command his suspicions, a supposition that the enemy was dispersed, di-and, sensible that he had imprudently, without rected his march to the towns on the coast, where hostage or other security, ventured too far on the he intended to fix his quarters for the winter. faith of an African prince, proudly refused to alter Jugurtha, well apprised of his route, proposed his march; desired that the 'I auritanian prince, again to surprise him before he should reach the if he thought proper, should depart; but informend of his journey; and, for this purpose, avoidled ing him at the same time, that the Roman people giving him any premature or unnecessary cause would kIow how to avenge the injury done to of alarm. He prepared to attack the Roman their officers, and would not fiil to punish the -army in the neihbliourhood of Cirta, which was perfidy of the king his ftther. Volux made proto be the end of their labours, and near to which testations of his innocence; and as the Roman he sup;)posed that they would think themselves questor could not be prevailed on to save himself secure from any further attempts of their enemy. by flight, this prince insisted to remain, and to In the execution of this design, he, with the share in his danger. They accordingly kept on greatest ability, conducted his troops to the place their way, passed through the troops of Jugurtha, of action, and there too made every effort of con-who, though disposed to offer violence to the Roduct andl resolution. But the match being un-mans, had yet some measures to observe with the equal, he was obliged to give up the contest; king of Mauritania, whose son was in the comand, with his sword and armour all bathed in pany; and while, contrary to his usual character, blood, and almost alone, is said to have left the he remained undecided, the prey escaped him” field, in which, for the first time, he had taken no and got out of his reach. precautions for reassembling his army, and on Jugurtha sent persons of confidence immediwhich his Numidians were accordingly routed, ately to counteract the negotiations of Sylla at to rally no more! the court of Bocchus; and each of these parties Upon these repeated defeats, Bocchus des-solicited the king of Mauritania to betray the paired of the fortunes of Jugurtha, other. The Numidians endeavoured to persuade U. C. 6!7. and sent a deputation to Marius, re-him, that, with such a hostage as S Illa in his questing a conference with himself, hands, he might still expect some honourable C..ttiliwes or with some of his officers. He terms from the Romans; and Syilla, on the other Scrasl Lus. obtained an interview with Sylla and part, represented, that, as the kingr of Mauritania Serviliuts Manlius; but, upon their arrival, had had offended the Romans, by abetting the crimes QCtico. taken no fixed resolution, and was of Jugurtha, he must now expiate his guilt by still kept in suspense, by the persua-delivering him over to justice. It was the inclision of those of his court who favoured the innation of this prince to favour Jugurtha; but it terest of Jugurtha. Marius, being continued in was his interest, as well as his intention, to gain his cornmaitd, resumed the operations of the war, the Romans. While he was still in suspense, he and was about to attack the only place which yet gave equal encouragement to both parties; and, remained in the hands of the enemy. When without being finally determined what he should the king of Mauritania, alarmed by this circum-do, appointed the Roman questor and the king stance, took his resolution to sue fobr peace, he of Numidia to meet him without any escort, or sent a deputation of five chosen persons, first to number of men in arms, reserving to the last mothe quarters of Marius, and, with this general’s ment the power of determining against the one permission, ordered them to proceed from thence or the other. He had placed a body of his own to Rome.

These depmuties, being admitted into troops in ambush, and, soon after the parties the senate, made olfers of friendship in the name were met, gave a signal, which his men underof their imaster; and were informed, in return, stood to be for seizing Jugurtha. The Numithat he must give proofs of his friendly disposi-dians, who attended their king, were slain; he tmon to the Rolmanrs, before they could believe his himself was put in chains, and delivered up to professions, or listen to any terms of peace. the Roman questor. Sylla with the exultation’d hen this answer was reported to Bocchus, he of a hunter, received this lion in his toils; and, wvs not at a loss to understand that the Rornans though he lived to perform much greater actions, wished him to deliver up the king of Numidia still appears to have valued himself most on the into their hands; and seems to have conceived success of this commission. He boastel so much thte design of purchasing peace, even on these of his prize, that he became from that momer.t, terms. Svlla being already personally known to an object of jealousy to Marius, and was conhbmmn, ha nude choice of this officer as the person sidered as a Derson advancing too fast mn tll

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C11AP. IV.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 11o ame careerof renown.l It was understood among After this victory the lords of the Cilnbri, bev.ie Romans, that the commander-in-chie;, upon ing assembled in council,’

called before them Auany service, in any division or province of the relius Scaurus, formerly a Roman consul, lately empire, enjoyed the triumph for victories gained, second in command to one of the vanquished areven in his absence, by his lieutenants, or by mies, and now aplrisoner.

They questioned him those who served under his command; and Ma-with respect to the forces in Italy, and the route rius probably thought that tSylla took more to to be taken across the Alps: to these questions himself than was due upon this occasion. The he made answer, that it would be in vain for desire of being the person who put the finishing them to invade that country: that the Romans on hand to any service, however accomplished, was their own territory, were invincible. And, in renot peculiar to these officers. It was an effect of turn to these words, it is said, that a barbarian the Roman policy in making the rewards of struck the plrisoner with his dagger to the heart. honour depend so much on events, without re-It is further said of this barbarous couiicil, that gard to the means which were employed to pro-they came to a resolution to spare no prisoners, to duce them. From this circumstance, the citizens destroy the spoils of the slain, to cast all the treaof this republic were as desirous of having the sures of gold and silver into the nearest river, to reputation of successful adventures affixed to their destroy all horses with their saddles and furniture, names, as courtiers in modern Europe are de-and to save no booty whatever; and it must be sirolis to have titles of nobility, or badges of their confessed, that in this their resolutions were sovereign’s favour. guided by a policy well accommodated to the manThe war being thus at an end, Marius ap-ner of life they chose to maintain. Wealthy possespointed a thanksgiving; and, while he was of-sionls frequently disqualify even settled nations for _;.rincr the customary sacrifices, the news arrived the toils of war, but to migrating tribes, they would from Romle that the Ieople had dispensed with be certain impedimenthi and the means of ruin.2 the law in his favour, and again had made choice These accounts of the character of an enemy, of him for consul of the following year. This and of the fate of Roman armies which ventured choice was determined by the great alarm which to encounter them, were received at Rome with the Romans had taken on the approach of the amazement and terror. The citizens changed barbarous nations, who, like a meteor, had, for their dress and assumed the nlilitary habit.

Rusome years, traversed the regions of Europe, and, tilius, the consul, who had remained in the adwith uncertain direction, were said to destroy ministration of affairs in Italy, had instructions wherever they moved.

The Romans had re-from the senate to array every person that was fit peatedly stood in their way, and had provoked a to bear arms. No one who had attained the military resentment, which these barbarians were sup-age was exempted. It is mentioned, that the son of posed, in haste, to wreck upon Italy. They the consul hlimself was turned into the ranks of a were at first heard of under the name only of legion. There was little time to train such levies; Cimbri: but were now known to consist of many and the usual way was thought insufficient. The nations, ulnder the appellations of Ambrones, fencing-masters, employed to train gladiators for Teutorne,‘l’ectosagi, and others; and had gained the public shows, were brought forth, and distriaccessions of force by the junction of the Tigu-buted to instruct the citizens in the use of their rini, and other Gaulish nations, who, either by weapons.3 But the expedient, on which the peochoice or compulsion, were made a part in this pie chiefly relied for deliverance from the dangers nlighty host, whose movements the Romans conwhich threatened them, was the nomination of sidered as chiefly directed against themselves. Marius to command against this terrible enemy. Besides the armies commanded by the consuls This officer, upon hearing of his reelection, set Carbo and Silanus, who had fallen victims to this out for Italy, and, with his legions and their capbarbarous enemy, other considerable tives, entered Rome in triumph; a spectacle, of’ U. C. 6.18.

bodies, under Scaurus and Cassius, which Jugurtha, in chains, with his unfortunate P. Rutilius had perished by their hands; and children, were the principal figures. When the Rufus, Cit. other nfisfortunes, from the same procession was over, the captive king was led to a Jffallius.

quarter, were coming apace. At the dungeon, under orders for his immediate executime that Marius had finished the tion. As he was about to be stripped of his orwar with Jugurtha, Quintus Servius CTepio, naments and robes, the executioner, in haste to having the former year commanded in Gaul, pluck the pendants from his ears, tore away the where he destroyed or pillaged the city of Tolosa, flesh, and thrust him naked into a dungeon and made a great booty, consisting, according to below ground. He descended into this place with Justin, of one hundlred thousand pounds weight a smile, saying, “What a cold bath is here?” of gold, and one million five hundred thousand He pined about six days, and expired. A kind pounds weight of silver, was now, in his turn, to and an able commander, would, in such a situa. meet with this enemy; the consul Mallius or tion, have been an object of respect and of pity, Manilius had orders to join him; and all the if we did not recollect, that he was the murderer troops they could assemble were thought neces-of Adherbal and Hiempsal, the innocent children sary to withstand the barbarians. These generals of his benefactor. And if we did not receive some united their forces on the Rhone, but without a consolation from being told, that his own chilproper disposition to act in concert; they were dren, who were likewise innocent, were exempted accordingly defeated in battle; eighty thousand from the lot of their father, and honourably enRomrnans, amongst whom were the two sons of the tertained in Italy. consul Manilius, were killed in the action; forty Marius, in this triumph, is said to have brought thousand attendants of the army were massacred into the treasury three thousand and seven in cokl blood. Both camps were taken. 2 Orosius, iib. v. c. 16. Eutrop. lib.

v, I Plutarch. In Mario et in Sylla. 3 Valer. Max. lib. ii. c. 3.

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I16 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [Boos 11. pounds, or thirty thousand and seventy ounces of himself. It is probable that he was determined in gold, and fifty-seven thousand seven hundred and this choice, more by desire to gratify the veterans fifty ounces of silver; and in money, two hun-who wished to be discharged, than by the consi, dred and eighty-seven thousand denarii.’ He enderation of any supposed superiority in the distered the senate, contrary to custom, in his trium-cipline to which the new levies had been trained.:2 phal robes, probably to insult the nobles, who Upon the arrival of Marius in his province it used to despise him as a person of obscure ex-appeared, that the alarm taken for the safety of traction, born in a country town, and of a mean Italy was somewhat premature. The barbarians family: but finding that this was considered as an in their battles only meant to maintain the repuact of petulance; and generally condemned, he tation of their valour, or to keep open the tract of withdrew and changed his dress. their migrations. They had found the lands from The kingdom of Nurnidia was dismembered; about the higher parts of the Danube and the part was put into the possession of Bocchus as a Rhine, through Gaul and across the Pyrennees reward for his late services; and part reserved for into Spain, and to the ocean, convenient for their the surviving heirs of Massinissa. purpose, and sufficiently extensive. They had yet As the law respecting the consulate now stood, meditated no war with the Romans, or any other no one could be elected in absence, nation; but did not decline the encounter where U. C. 649. nor reelected into this office, till af-they met with resistance. At present they corn Consuls; C. ter an interval of ten years. Both tinued their migrations to the westward, without.Mari Ls 2do. clauses were dispensed with in fa-any intention to cross the Alps, or to visit the naC. Flanius vour of Marius, under pretence of tions who inhabited within those mountains. Fimbria.

continuing him at the head of the We have nothing recorded in history concernarmy, but as he might still have re-ing the movements of these wandering nations, mained at the head of the army, and have ren-during the two subsequent years, except what is dered the same services to the state in the quality related of their adventure with Fulvius, a Roman of proconsul, his reelection may be ascribed to prsetor, probably in Spain, who, iq return for hoshis own ambition, and to his jealousy of other tilities committed in his province, having made a rising men in the state.

Being considered as head feint to draw the attention of their warriors, surof the popular party, his elevation was an object prised and sacked their camp. Under the appreof zeal to the tribunes, and was intended to mor-hension, however, of their return towards Gaul tify those who affected the distinctions of ancient and Italy, Marius continued to be elected consul, family. Contrary to the usual form, and without and was repeatedly named to the command of the casting lots, he was preferred to his colleague in army that was destined to oppose them. His the appointment to command in Gaul. Having party at Rome had, at this time, besides the exihis choice of all the armies at that time in Italy, gency which justified their choice, many other he took the new levies, lately assembled and disadvantages against their antagonists, and mainciplined by Rutilius, in preference to the veterans, tained the envious quarrel, of the lower people who had served in Africa under Metellus and against the nobility with great animosity and zeal CHAPTER V. Rrview of the Circumstances which revived the popular Party-Farther Account of Laws and,Reitialions under their Administration-State of the Empire-Fourth Consulate of Meariuscontinued -Migrations of the Barbarous Nations-Defeated by Marius at Aquce Sextice-By fMarius and Catulus in Italy. THE senate had, for some time after the sup-state a prey to every foreign power that was in a pression of the troubles which were raised by Ful-condition to mislead its councils, and is not conu vius and the younger Gracchus, retained its au-sistent with that superiority which the Romans thority, and restrained the tribunes of the people then generally possessed in their negotiations, as within ordinary bounds; but by the suspicions well as in their wars. The charge itself savours which arose against them, on the subject of their too much of that envy with which the lower class transactions with Jugrurtha, and by the miscar-of the people at all times interpret the conduct of riages of the war in Numidia, they again lost their their superiors, and which was greatly counadvantage. It is difficult to ascertain the real tenanced by the partizans of Caesar, at the time grominds of these suspicions. Sallust seems to ad-when Sallust wrote, in order to vilify and reduce mit them in their utmost extent, and represents the senate. We cannot, however, oppose mere the whole order of nobility as mercenary traders, conjecture to the positive testimony of Sallust, disposed to sell what the republic entrusted to corroborated by some suspicious circumstances in their honour. That the presents of Jugurtha the transactions of the times. Among these we were sometimes accepted, and produced some may recollect the patronage which Jugurtha met effect, is not to be doubted; but that the aristo-with at Rome, contrary to the professions of the cracy of Rome, during its short reign, was so Romans, in behalf of justice, and the uncommon much corrupted, is scarcely to be credited. Such number of senators degraded at that time, by aua measure of corruption must have rendered the thority of the censors, Q.

Cscilius Metellusand 1 About 10,0001. 2 Frontius de Stragemat. lib. iv. c.

2.

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CJIP. V.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 117 Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus,23 which has been al-X bunes, declared, in consequence of that sentence eadv mentioned in its place. disqualified to hold a place in the senate.9 -Whatever may have been the real occasion of Besides the transactions already mentioned, the the cry then subsisting against the nobles, we have following particulars, overlooked in the hurry of seen that the popular party, availing themselves of recording military operations and events, may it, anti giving it all manner of countenance, found serve still farther to characterize the times. M. means to recover great part of their lost power. Junius Silanus was tried for misconduct against The tribunes, having obtained the establishment the enemy; M. Emilius Scaurus, first on the of a special commission for the trial of all those roll of the senate, was brought to trial for con who had received bribes from Jugurtha, made the tempt of religion; but both acquitted. The people consider their own act in constituting a ardour for these prosecutions, and popular regucourt of inquiry, as sufficient to evince the reality lations, continued until the second consulate (‘ of the crime. The prosecutions which continued Marius, when M. Marcius Philippus, one of the to be carried on for two years, upon this supposi-tribunes, moved to restore the law of Tiberius tion, served more than the subject of any fobrmer Gracchus, respecting the division of estates ii dispute to alienate the minds of men from each land; and in his speech in support of this moother, and from the public.

Questions were tion, affirmed, that there were not two thousand more of a private than of a public nature, and families in Rome possessed of any property in occupied the worst of the hunian passions, envy, land whatever.10 This motion, however, was malice, and revenge. One party learned to che-withdrawn. rish falsehood, subordination, and perjury; the Among the crimes which the populace were other lived in continual fear of having such en-now so eager to punish, fortunately that of pecugines employed against themselves. lation or extortion in the provinces was one.

To The people, ill their zeal to attack the nobility facilitate complaints orn this subject, not only perunder any pretence, made no distinction between sons having an immediate interest in the case, errors and crimes; and, contrary to the noble but all to whom any money or effects injuriously spirit of their. ancestors, treated misfortune, inca-taken might have otherwise come by inheritance, pacity, or treachery, with equal rigour. One triwere entitled to prosecute for this offence; and bune had extended the use of the secret ballot to any alien, who convicted a Roman citizen of this the trial of lesser crimes;4 another, upon this oc-crime, so as to have him struck off the rolls of casion, took away all distinctions, and introduced the people, was himself to be inrolled instead of it in the trial of capital crimes also:5 so that the the citizen displaced.‘l judge, without being accountable, indulged his Domitius, one of the tribunes, attacked the secret malice or partial favour.6 aristocratical constitution even of the priesthood, Lavrs were made to promote the interest, as and endeavoured to transfer the right of electionr well as to gratify the animosity of th6 lower peo-from the order itself to the people; but superstiple. By the Agrarian law of Gracchus, certain tion, which continues to influence the bulk of Iimitd were set to estates in land; but, in order mankind after reason has failed, here stood in his to render the excess of lands, in the hands of any way. The custom was against him; and, in particular person, immediately useful to the peo-such matters, religion and custom pie, it was permnitted, by an amendment made Lex Domitia are the same. The people, thereduring the low state of the aristocratical party, de Sacerdotiis.

fore, it was confessed, could not inthat persons in possession of more than the legal terfire without profanation; but a measure of land, might retain their estates, but certain part of the people might judge of the cansubject to a rent to be collected for the benefit of didates, and instruct the college of priests whom the poorer citizens; and thus it was proposed, they were to choose.12 The same artifice, or verthat without any trouble in taking possession of bal evasion, had been already admitted in the lands, or removing from the city, the favourites form of electing the Pontifex }Maximus, now of the party should be accommodated, and reap chosen by seventeen of the tribes who were drawn the fruits of sedition and idleness unimpaired.7 by lot.L3 It was proposed by the consul During this period, a just alarm was taken on U. C. 1347. Servilius Caepio, that the senate, the subject of private as well as public corruption. Lex Servilia whose members were personally Liberty was conceived to imply a freedom from de Judiciis. so much exposed to prosecutions, every restraint, and to justify licence and conshould have their share likewise in tempt of the laws. The aids which were given composing the juries, a privilege of which, by the to the people to enable them to subsist in profuo edict of Uraccihus, they had been deprived.8 In sion and idleness; the wealth that was passing to whatever degree this proposal was adopted, it Rome in the hands of traders, contractors, and was again expressly repelled upon the motion farmers of the revenue, as well as provincial offiof Servilius Glaucia. And Caepio soon after ex-cers, by whom the profits of a first appointment perienced, in his own person, the animosity of were lavished in public shows, fights of gladiators, the popular faction, being tried for miscarriage in and baiting of wild beasts, to gain the people in his battle with the Cimbri. He was condemned theircanvassfor farther prefernlents; these seveby the judges, and afterwards, in virtue of a re-ral circumstances tended in the highest degree, to gulation obtained by Cassius, one of the tri-corrupt the people, and to render them unworthy of that sovereignty which they actually possessed 3 It is already mentioned, that thirty-two senators in the prevalence of the popular faction. were struck off the rolls by these magistrates. 4 Lex Cassia Tabellaria. S Lex Calia T’abellaria. 9 Asconius Padianus in Corneliana Ciceronis. 6 Cicer. de Legibtus, lib. iii. 10

Cicer. de. Officiis, Jib. ii. 11 Cicero in Balbiana 7 Appian de Bell. Civ.

lib. i 12 Asconius in Corneliana Ciceronis. 8 Valer. Max. lib. - c. 9. 13

Cicero de Lege Agraria.

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118 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATI2ON [BOOK I1. The Severities which were practised in certain after the first consulship of Marius, were born vases, tlhe sumptuary laws which were provided two illustrious citizens, M. Tullius Cicero, and to restrain luxury, were but feeble aids to stp Cneius Fompeius Strabo, afterwards distinrguishsuch a source of disorder.

It is mentioned, as an ed by the appellation of Pompey the Great. And instance of such severity, that somne vestals were we are now to open the scene in which the per questioned at this time for a breach of that sacred sons on whom the fate of the Roman mll;pire was )bligation to chastity, under which they were to depend, made their several entries into life, or held up as a pattern of manners to the Roman into public business, and began to pass through women; thlat three of them were condemned, an infancy or a youth of danger. to an old age or and, together with Roman knights, the supposed extreme trouble, which closed with the sutbverpartners in their crimes, suilered extreme pu-sion of that constitution to which they were born. nishment. A temple was on this occasion erect-Marius having, without any meed to the goddess Venus under a new title, that U. C. 650. morable event, passcd the year of of the Reftrmer;l and prayers iwere to be offered his second consulship on tle lironup in this temple, that it might please the god-Caius j.larius tier of Narbonne G(aul, was by the dless to guard the chastity of’ Ronen wonien.2 3rio, L.‘lre-people, still under the sa;r(i apptreThe term luxury is somewhat ambiguous; it lius Orestes. hension of the Cimbric it;.varion, is put for sensuality or excess in what relates to reelected into the sane allt;c:, and the preservation of animal life; and for the effect destined for his fornler station. l hi Syear likeof vanity, in what relates to the decorations of wise the barbarians turned aside fronl his prorank and fortune. The luxury of the Romans, vince, and left the republic at leisure to contend in the present age, was probably of the former with enemies of less consideration, who apleared kind, and sumptuary laws were provided, not to in a diflfrent quarter. Athenio, a slave in Sicily, restrain vanity, but to govern the appetites for haxing murdered his master, and L.rcktn open mere debauch. About the time that Jugurtha the prisons or yards in which slaves Were cornmwas at Ronme, the sumptuary law of Iannius remonly confined at work, asscnI:l4(d a nunller ceivcd an addition, by which Roman citizens together, and being cloth(ld in a urplie iolie, e with were not only’restricted in their ordinary ex-a crown and a scelptre, aflicted a stIecics of roypense, but the legal quantities and species of food alty, invited all the slaves of the island to assume. were prescribed to them. The whole expense of their freedom under his protection. Be acquired the table was restricted to thirty assess a day, strength sufficient to cope with Servilius C asca, and the meat to be served up, to three or tobur the Roman prator, and actually forced himll in pounds, dried or salted. There was no restric-his camp.

He likewise defcatcd the su.cceding tion in the use of herbs or vegetables of any pr tor, Licinius Luculus;6 and was in the third sort.4 According to A. Gellius, the law pern-it- year of the insurrection, with great difficulty, reted, on certain days, an expense of a hundred duced by the consul Aquilius. T’lis revolt was at asses; on weddinlg days, two hundred.

It is its height in this year of the third consulship of remarkable, that this law continued to have its Marius, and it was quelled in the seccnd year after effect on the tables of’ Rolnan citizens after Ci-it, the rebels being surrounded in their strong cero was a man.5’i’he epicures of this tinie were holds, and obliged to surrender for want of proobiiged to make up, in the cookery of their vege-visions.7 The whole is mentioned now, that it table dliet, what was defective in that species of may not recur hereafter to interrupt matters of food. more moment. About the time of the commencement of the About the same time the Romans had been Nuilidian war, the people, according to the cen-obliged to equip a naval armamecnt under Marcus sus, amounted to fbur hundred andl three thou-Antonius, known by the appellation of the orasand tour hundred and thirty-six citizens, fit to tor, against the Cilician pirates, who had lately carry arms. At this time it was that the censors, infested the seas. All that we know of this serQuintus Cecilius Metellus, and Cn.

Domitius vice is, in general, that it was performed with Ahenobarbus, expelled thirty-two members fromn ability and success.8 the senate. 1rom Ml1acedonia, Calpurnius Fiso reported, While the Romans were intent on the war that the victory he had gained over the 1 hrawhich subsisted in Africa, they were assailed by cians had enabled him to penetrate to the mounenelies in some of the other provinces. In tains of Rhodope and Caucasus. Spain, hostilities, at intervals, were still renewed. Such was the state of the empire when Caius In endeavouring to quell one of the revolts of the Marius returned from his province in Gaul, to natives, the Romllan prwtor was killed; in another preside at the election of consuls.

He was again, encounter, the forces eimployed against them were by the voice of the people, called upon to resume cut off; and a fresh army was transported from his former trust; but he affected, froin modesty, Italy to secure the Roman possessions. to decline the honour. His partizans were prelHostilities were likewise continued on the pared fobr acting this part, and were accordingly, frontier of Macedonia, by the Scordi3ci, Triballi, by their importunities, to force him into an office and other Thracian nations; and the proconsul which he so modestly seemed to decline. Among Rufus, by his victories in this quarter, obtained a these, Apuleius Saturninus, at this time limself triumph. candidate for the office of tribune, charged MaDuring this period, in the consulship of Atti-rius with treachery to his country in proposing to lius Serranus, and Q. Servilius Capio, the year desert the republic in times of so much danger’ and with his reproaches prevailed so far as to 1 Venus Verticordia. render him passive to the will of his fellow-cit 2 Orosius, lib. v. c. 1,5. Jul. Obsequens. Ovid. Fast lib v. 3 About two shillings. 4

Macrobiiis Satur. lib. ii. c. 17. 6 Florus, lib. iii. c. 19. 7 Florus, lib. iv. c. 19. Emist. ad Familiar. lib. vii. ad Gallum. 8 Ibid. lib. iii.

c. 6. Cicero de Orator. lib. i.

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CHAP. V.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 119 zens, who wished to replace him9
again in his upon Sempronia, the sister of Gracchus, to testify former station. what she knew of this pretended relatin; and, In this fourth consulate, the upon her giving evidence against him, reje( ctd his CU. C.

6i51. courage and military skill of Ma-claim.‘1 he populace, ill-disposed to l ctetllus, rius came to be actually exerted in on account of his supposed difierence aith MaCatus Xa’ius this province. The barbarous narius, took this opportunity to insult him in the 4Vo, L. Lutations, after their return from Spain, discharge of his office; attacked his house, and tius Catuals. began to appear in separate bodies, obliged himtotake refugeinthe capitol. Evun there each forminug a numerous and for-the tribune Saturninus would have laid violent midable army. In one division the Cirnbri and hands on his person, if he had not been lrotectcd Tectosages had passed through the whole length by a body of the Roman knights, who had assemof Gaul to tile Rhine, and from thence proceeded bled in arms to defend him. This tumult was by the Danube to Noricumn or Austria, and were suppressed, but not without bloodshed. pointing towards Italy by the valley of Trent. While the popular faction were The Consul Lutatius Catulus was stationed near U. C. 653. indulging in these marks of their the descent of the Alps to observe the motions of dislike to Mletelius, they proceeded this body. Caiuss ltathis )bod~y. CaiuStoa-to bestow the honours which they In another division, the Ambrones and the j../lquilius. intended for Marius, and chose him Teutones hung on the frontier of the Roman for a fifth time consul, ill conjuncprovince in Gaul, between the Garonne and the tion with M. Aquiius. His late splendid sucRhone, and gave out, that they nmeanlt, by the cess against one division of the wandering barbamost ordinary route of the mountains, to join rians justified this choice, and pointed hii out as their allies in Italy. the fittest person to combat the other, which was Upon tile approach of this formidable enemy, still expected from the side of Noricunm to attempt Marius took post on tile Rhone at the confluence the invasion of Italy. Catulus, tile late colleague of that river with the Isere, and lbrtified his camp of larius, commanding the troops that xwere stain the most ellectual manner. The barbarians tioned on the Athesis, to cover the access to Italy reproaching himn with cowardice for having taken frol the valley of Trent, was destined to act inthese precautions, sent, agreeably to their own subordination to the consul, who had given ornotions of war, a formal challenge to meet them ders to hasten the march of his victorious army in battle; and having had for answer from Ma-from the Rhone. rius, That the Romans did not consult their ene-Catulus had taken post above Verona, thrown mies to know when it was proper to fight, they a bridge over the Athesis, and, in order to comwere confirmed in the conrempt which they Inaiud the passage of that river, had tortilied staalre_.,v enltertained of his army, ventured to leave tions on both its banks. VVWlile he was in this them behind, and proceeded in separate divisions posture, anrd before tihe junction of Marius, the towards italy.

Marius followed; and. with rapid enemy arrived in his neighbourhood. The amlazing marches, overtook them as they passed over tile worlis which they perornmed fully scrced to concountry without any precaution; some of thelm firil the report of their nlumbers.‘hey obstructed near to tile Rormaln colony of’ Sextius,t~ and air with mounds of timber and earth the channel of removed from each other. Having found tlell the river, so as to force it to change its course; under such disadvanta(re, and in such confusion and thus, instead of passing the river, they threw as exposed theim to slaughter, with scarcely any it behind them in their march. They continued power of resistance, he put the greater part to to tiloat such quantities of wood on the stream the sword. Thus part of the hordes, who had above the bridge which Catulus had built, that for malny years been so formidable to the Romlans, the passage of the water being stopped, the bridge, were now entirely cut oil:‘Ninety thousand pri-with all the timber which was accunlulated besoners, with Teutobochus, one of their kings, fore it, was entirely carried ofl’i he Roman were taken, andrl two hundred thousand were said armly, on seeing such evidence of the nulmbers to be slain in the field.i and strength of their enemy, were seized with a T’Ie news of this victory arriving at Rome, panic. Many deserted their colours, some fled while it was known that another division of the even to Rome without halting. The proconsul same enemly, not less formidable, was still in tihe thought proper to order a retreat; and thus, by field, it was not to be doubted that the conlland seeming to authorise what hAcould not prevent, he and oiffice of consul would be continued to Alarius.

endeavoured to save in part the credit of his army. Tihe populace, incited by some of’ the itactious tri-The level country on the Po was in this manbuiles, joined, with the other usual marks of their ner laid open to the incursions of the barbarians. attacmilent to his person, that of disrespect and Ti e inhabitants of Italy were greatly alarmed: insolence to those who were supposed to be his and the Roman people passed an act of attainder opponents and rivals. Of these, Metelius Nu-against all those who had abandoned their colours. midicus, whom he had supplanted in the corn-Marius, who continued at Rome while. the lemand of the army against Jugurtha, was the gions advanced on their march froml i;aul, suschief.

This respectable citizen, being nlow in pended the triumph which had been ordered him the office of censor, one Equitius, an impostor of by the senate, went to receive his army at the obscure and slavish extraction, offered himself to foot of’ the Alps, and to hasten its junction with be enrolled as a citizen, under the popular designa-Catulus. tion and name of (Caius Gracchus, the son of Upon the junction of the two armies, those Tiberius.‘The censor, doubting his title, called who nad lately fied recovered their courage, and the generals determined, without loss of time, to hazard a battle. It is said that the barbarians of 9 Plutarch in Mario. 10 Now Aix, in-Provence. 11 Plutarch in Mario. Orosius, lib. v. c.

16..Florus, this d.vision were still ignorant of the disaster lib. iii c.

3. VelLius. Eutropius. which hLad befallen their allies on the other side

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120 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BooK II. of the Alps, and had sent a defiance or a challenge On receiving the news of this victory at Rome to fight; but that being informed of this calamity the city resounded with joy, and the people, ir when they were about to engage, they made their every sacrifice they offered up, addressed themattack with less than their usual ferocity and con-selves to Marius as a god. He had been con lidence. Catulus received them in front. Marius stantlyattended in this war bv Sylla, who, though made a movement to assail them in flank; but as already an object of. his jealousy, still chose te they were hid by the clouds of dust which every neglect the preferments of the city, and to serve where rose from the plain, he missed his way, or in the camp. In the late victory Marius was no could not engage till after the enemy had been more than partner withCatulus. Upon thearrirepulsed by Catulus, and were already put to val of the armies at Rome, he did justice to flight. The rout was extremely bloody; a hun-Catulus in this particular, and admitted him to dred and fifty thousand were said to be slain; partake in his triumph. In this procession there sixty thousand subnmitted to be taken prisoners. were no carriages loaded with gold, silver, or any The remainder of this mighty host, even the precious spoils of any sort; but, instead of them, women and children, perished by their own the shattered armour and broken swords of an hands; and the race of barbarous nations who enemy; the surer marks of an honour justly had, migrated through Europe, perhaps for ages won, and of a more important service performed.

before they encountered with the Romans, now These were transported in loads, and piled up in appear to have been entirely extirpated.’ the capitol. CHAPTER VI. Character and immoderate Ambition of I/arius-Death of INonius-Re-election of the Tribune Saturninus-His Sedition and seizing the Capitol-Death of Saturninus-Reverse in the State qf Parties-Recall qf /Metellus-Violent Death of the Tribune Furius Birth qf Caits Julius Ccesar-Lex Ccecilia Didia Blank in, the Roman History-Sylla offers himself Candidate for the Office of Prcetor-Edict qf the Censors against the Latin Rhetoricians-Bullion in the Roman Treasury-Present qf a Groupe in golden Figures from the King qf MauritaniaActs of Livius Drusus-Rerolt of the Italian Allies-Policy of the Romans in yielding to the Necessity of their Affairs- - he Laws of Plautius. UPON the extinction of the wandering na-prevailed, together with Valerius Flaccus. He tlons which had now for sonle time molested the had warmly espoused the interest of this candiempire, there was no foreign enemy to endanger (late against Metellus, more from animosity to the peace of Italy. The wars in Thrace and in the competitor, whose great authority, placed in Spain had no effect beyond the provinces in opposition to himself, he dreaded, which they subsisted. The insurrection of the U. C. 653. than from any regard or predilecslaves in Sicily, by the good conduct of Aquilius tion for Flaccus. Being chosen, in the consul, to whom that service had been corm-aus r order the more to strengthen himmitted, was near being quelled.O6to, L. Val. mitted, was near being quelled. Ftaccus. self in the exercise of his power, Marius, being now returned to the city, might he entered into concert with the have quitted the paths of ambition with uncom-Tribune Apuleius Saturninus, and, it is probable, mon distinction and honour. An ordinary con-agreed to support this factious demagogue in his aulate, after his having been so often called upon pretensions to remain in office for another year; in times of danger, as the person most likely to a precedent which had taken place only in the save his country, could make no addition to his most factious times of the republic, and which glory.

His being set aside in times of security was in itself more dangerous than any other reand leisure, would even have been the most election whatever.

The person of the tribune honourable and flatering comment that could being sacred, his will was absolute, there was nc nave been made on ms former elections. check to his power besides the fear of being called But immoderate thirst of power, and extreme to account at the expiration of his term; and if animosity to his rivals, not elevation of mind, this fear were removed by the perpetuity of office, were the characteristics of Marius. His ambi-it was a power yet more formidable than that of tion had hitherto passed for an aversion to aristo-the dictator, and to be restrained only by the dieratical usurpations. But his contempt of family visions which might arise among those who were distinctions, the offspring of a vanity which made joined together in the exercise of it. him feel the want of such honours, by clashing The faction that was formed by Marius and with the established subordination of ranks in his the tribune Saturninus, with their adherents, was country, became a source of disaffection to the farther strengthened by the accession of the praetor state itself. He formed views upon the c nsulate Glaucia. This person, while in office, and as he yet a sixth time; and instead of the moderation. sat in judgment, had received an affront from Saor the satiety of honours with which he pretended turninus, in having his chair of state broken to be actuated when he hoped to be pressed into down, for presuming to occupy any part in the office, he employed all his influence, even his attention of the people, while an assembly called money, to procure a reelection; and accordingly by the tribune was met. He nevertheless chose to overlook this insult, in order to be admitted a 1 Plultarch. in Mario &

Syl’a. Orosius, lib. v. c. 16. partner in the consideration which was now enFlorus, lib iii.c.3. Velleius Eutrop. Appian inCeltica. joyed by these popular leaders.

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CHAP. V[.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 1~21 Upon the approach of the tribunitian elections, public granaries, should be remitted, and that the senate and nobles exerted themselves to pre-corn should be distributed gratis. vent the reelection of Saturninus; and nine of Upon the intention to obtain the last of those the new candidates were, without any question, laws being known, Q.. Servilius Cwepio, one of declared to be duly elected in preference to him. the questors, represented, that if such a law The tenth place too was actually filled by the should pass, there would be an end of industry election of NonSlus Sufenas, whom the aristocracy good order, and government; and that the trea. had supported with all its influence. But the sury of Rome would not be sufficient to defray party of Apuleius, enraged at their disappoint-the expense. He exhorted the senate to employ ment, had recourse to violence, forced Nonius, every measure to defeat the motion. And this though already vested with the sacred character body accordingly made a resolution, that whoever of tribune, to take refuge in a work-shop, from attempted to obtain the law in question should be whence he was draggredl by some of the late sol-deemed an enemy to his country. But Apuleius diery attached to Marius, and slain. The assem-was not to be restrained by the terrors of this rebly broke up, and sober persons, though reputed solution. He proceeded to propose the law in of the popular party, retired under the strongest the usual form, and had planted the rails and impressions of affliction and terror. balloting urns for the people to give their votes, Marius had reason to apprehend some violent when Cwpio, with a body of his attendants, had resolution from the senate, and was in no haste the courage to attack the tribune, broke down the to assemble that body. Mean time Glaucia, in steps, and overset the balloting urns; an action the night, with a party armed with daggers, took for which he was afterwards impeached upon an possession of the capitol and place of assemlrbly, accusation of treason, but by which, for the preand, at an early hour in the morning, having sent, he disappointed the designs of the faction.7 gone through the forms of election, announced Apuleius, to extend the power of the popular Apuleius again tribune, in the place that was assemblies, and to remove every impediment from vacated by the murder of Nonius. This furious his own designs, brought forward a number of deemagogue was accordingly reinstated in the sa-new regulations. One to confirm a former statute, cred character, which, though recently violated by which the acts of the tribes were declared to by hinmself, was still revered by the bulk of have the force of laws.

Another, declaringu it to the people. I-le was continually attended by be treason for any person to interrupt a tribune a new set of men who infested the streets, free-in putting a question to the people. A third, men of desperate fortune, whom Mlarius, con-obliting the senate to confirm every act of the trary to the established forms of the constitution, tribes within five days after such act had passed, had admitted into the legions, and who were and requiring every senator, under pain of a fine, grown fierce and insolent, as partners in the vic-and of being struck off the rolls, to take an oath tories of that genera!, and who were made to to abide by these regulations. While these moexpect that, in case the popular party should pre-tions were in debate, some one of the partv who vail, they themselves should have estates in land opposed them, in order to stop the career of this.nd comfortable settlements.

factious tribune, observed, that it thundered; a Under the terror of so many assassins, who circumstance which, upon the ordinary maxims ~onsidered the nobies as enemies to their cause, of the Roman augurs, was sufficient to suspend Marius with his faction were become masters of any business in which the people were engaged, the conmonwealth. The better sort of the people and to break up their assembly. ” If you he not were deterred from frequenting the public assem-silent,” said Apuleius to the person who observed blies, and no one had courage to propose, that that it thundered, “you will also find that it hails.” 4ny inquiry should be made into the death of the The assembly accordingly, without being deterred tribdine Nonius, inl whose person the sacred law by this interposition of the auspices, passed acts was again set at nought.2 to these several purposes. The power of the Apuleius hastened to gratify his senate was entirely suppressed, their part of the Lox seraria. party by proposing popular laws. legislature was reduced to a imere otbrm, and even One to seize in the name of the this they were not at liberty to withhold.

Mapublic, those lands on the Po which had lately rius called them together, and proposed that they been desolated by the migrations of the barbarous should consider what resolution they were to take nations, and to distribute them in lots to the with respect to a change of so much importance, poorer citizens.3 and particularly with respect to the oath which Another, by which it was resolved, that in the was to be exacted fromn the members. The old province of Afirica a hundred jugera a man should warrior is said, on this occasion, to have practised be distributed to the veterans:4 that new settle-an artifice by which he imposed on many of the merts should be made in Greece, Macedonia, and members, and which afterwards furnished him Sicily: and that the money taken from the tem-with a pretence for removing his enemy Metellus ple at Tolosa5 should be employed in the pur-from their councils. He declared himself with chase of lands for a like purpose: that wherever great warmth against taking the oath, and by his these colonies should be planted, Marius should example led other senators to express their sentihave a power to inscribe at each of the settlements. Metellus, in particular, assured the asments, three aliens into the list of’ sembly, that it was his own resolution never to Lex Fru-citizens.6 That the price, hitherto come under such an engagement. mentaria. paid for corn by the people at the While the senators relied on the concurrence of Marius in refusing the oath, the time appointed 2 Appian d Bell. Civil. lib. 1. Plutarch in Mario, fbr a(llninistering it nearly approached; and this lib. Ixix. Valer. Max. lib.

ix. c. 7. Orosius, lib. v c. 57. consul, after the third day was r sent, em Florus, lib. ii i c. i 3 Appian de Bell. Civ. ib. iconsul, after the third day was far spent, assemFlorus, lib. iii c. 16 3 Appian de Bell.

Civ. lib. i. 4 Auct. de Viris llustribus ill Saturnino. 5 Now TlI,alouse.

U Auct. de Vir Illus. in Sat 7 Auct. Rhetoricorumn ad Ilerennium. Q

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122 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BooK II. bled the senate, set forth the dangerous state of ders and murders. It was prol, sed, without the commonwealth; at the same time expressed delav, to seize his person, either living or dead his own fears of the disturbances that might arise hut being put on his guard, bv the a)nnearance of if the senate refused to gratify the people in this a storm so likely to break on his head, he thought matter; and while multitudes were assembled in proper, with the other leaders of his party ana the streets to know the issue of their councils, he their retainers in arms, to seize the ca[pitol, and required that the oath should Ihe administered. He there to secure themselves, and to overawe the nimself took it, to the astonishment of the senate, assembly of the people. It was no longer to be and the jov of the populace assembled by Apuleius, (loubted that the republic was in a state of war.who sounded applause through ev’ery part of the Marills, who had fomented these troubles from streets. Me.tellus alone, of all who were present, aversion to the nobles, now remained indeterrefused to comply, and withstood all the intreaties mined what part he should act. Put the senate of his friends, who represented the danger with being assembled, gave the usual charge to himwhich he was threatened. ” If it were always self and his colleagues to avert the danger with saSe to do right,” he said, “who would erer do which the republic was threatened; and both wrong? Butt good men are distinguished, by these officers, however much thev were disposed choosingl to do right even when it is least for to favour the sedition, being in this manner armed their sqfety to do so.”

with the sword of the commonwealth, were obliged On the following day the tribune Saturninus to emp)loy it in support of the pnublic. peace. The entered the senate, and, not being stopped by the senators, the knights, and all the citizens of rank negative of any of his own colleagues, the onlv repaired in arms to their standard. Antonius, power that could restrain him, dragged IMetellus consul elected for the followinq year, in order to from his’place, and proffered an act of attainder hinder the partizans of the faction fri m resorting and banishment against him, for having refused to the citv, was stationed in the suburbs with an the oath which was enjoined by the people. armed force.’ The capitol was inve.ted in form, Many of the most respectable citizens otfired and appears to have held out some dnayvs; at the their aid to defend this illustrious senator by end of which, in order to olblire. the rebCls to surforce, but he himself declined being the subject ren(ler, the pipes that supplied them -with watel of any civil commotion, and went into exile. were cut off.

This had the intended efi;-ct. They’While the act, which afterwards passed for submitted to such terms as were proposed to them his banishment was preparing, he was heard to and(l Marius, still inclined totreat them with favour say, “If the times should mend, I shall recover had them confined to the hall of the senate til my station; if not, it is a happiness to be absent farther orders, In the mean time a great party from hence.” He fixed his abode at Smyrna, of citizens, who weTe in arms for thie detfence of conducted his retirement with great dignity dur-the republic, impatient of delay, and thinking i’ ing his exile, and probably felt as he ought that dangerous to spare such daring oflhnders, beset an3 censure inflicted by men of a vile and profli-them instantly in their place of confinement, and gate character was an honour. put the whole to the sword.2 in these transactions elapsed the second year It was reported, though afterwards questioned in which Apuleius filled the office of tribune; upon a solemn occasion,3 that Caius Rahirius, a and, being favoured by a supineness of the oppo-senator of distinction, having cut off the head of site party, contracted in a seeming despair of the Apuleius, carried it as a trophv, agreeable to the republic, he prevailed yet a third time in being manners of those times, and had it presented for vested with this formidable power. To court the some days at all the entertainments which were favour of the people, he affected to credit what given on this occasion, and at which he was a uest. was alleg~ed concerning the birth of Equitius; This was the fourth trihunitian7
sedition raised and under the name of Caius Gracchus, son of’ to a dangerous height, and quelled bh the vigour Tiberius, had this impostor associated with him-and resolution of the nobles. Marius, who had self in the office of tribune. The name of Grac-been obliged to act as the instrument of the senate chus, in this station, awakened the memory of on this occasion, saw his projects baffled, and his former hopes and of former resentments. The credit greatly impaired. Plutarch relates, that party had destined Glaucia for the consulate, and he soon after chose to leave the city for some time, appear to have left Marius out of their councils. on pretence of a desire to visit the province of This will perhaps account for the conduct with Asia, where his active spirit formed the project which he concluded his administration in the pre-of new wars, for the conduct of which he was sent year. much better qualified than for the administration At the election which followed, the interest of of affairs in peace. the nobles was exerted for Marcus Antonius and Upon the suppression of this dangerous sediC. Memmius. The first was declared consul, tion, the commonwealth was restored to a state and the second was likely to prevail over Glau-which, compared to the late mixcia; when, in the midst of the crowds that were U. C. 652. ture of civil contention and military assembled to vote, a sudden tumult arose; Mem-execution, may have deserved the mius was beset and murdered; and the people, f.

Antonius, name of public order. One office alarmed at so strange an outrage, were seized A. Posthumius of consul was still vacant; and with a panic, and fled. the election proceeding without In the night, Glaucia, Saturninus, and the questor Saufeius, being known to be met in secret 1

Cicero pro C. Rabirio. conference, all the citizens who yet retained any 2

Plut. in Mario. Appian de-Bell. Civil. lib. i. Oros. regard for the commonwealth, crowded together. lib. v. c. 17. Flor lib. iil. Auct. de Virislllust. Cicero in fear of what so desperate a faction mit at-in Sextiana, in Catal. lib. i. Philip. lib. viii. et pro intfear of what so desperate a faction mit a-Caio Rabirio Caio Rabirio. tempt. All the voices were united against Sa-3 At the trial of Rabirius, when, some years afterturninus, the supposed author of so many disorwards, he was accused of having killed Saturnillus.

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CHAP. VI.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 123 disturbance, Posthumius Albinus was joined to Amidst these triumphs of the aristocratical parAritonius. Most of the other elections had also ty, Sextus Titius, one of the tribunes, still had been favourable to the nobles; and the majority the courage to move a revival of the Agrarian even of the tribunes of the people were inclined law of Gracchus. The proposal was acceptable to respect the senate and the aristocracy, as prin-in the assembly of the people.5 And the edict cipal supports of the government. was accordingly passed; but it was observed, that The first effect of this happy recovery was a while the people were met on this business, two motion to recall Metellus from banishment. In ravens fought in the air above the place of asthis motion two of the tribunes, Q.. Pompeius sembly, and the college of augurs, on pretence Rufus and L. Porcius Cato concurred. But Ma-of this unfavourable omen, annulled the decree.6 rius having opposed it with all his influence, and Titius, the author of it, was soon after condemnPublius Furius, another of the tribunes, having ed for having in his house the statue of Saturinterposed his negative, it could not at that time ninus.7 be carried into execution. Soon after, however, The consul Aquilius returned from Sicily, the same motion being renewed by the tribune and having had an ovation or procession on fool Callidius, and Furius having repeated his nega-for the reduction of the Sicilian slaves, was on the tive, Metellus, son of the exile, in presence of the following year brought to trial for extortion in people, threw himself upon the ground, and em-his province.

He called no exculpatory evidence, bracing the tribune’s knees, beseeched him not nor deigned to court the favour of his judges. to withstand the recallof’ his father. The young But when about to receive swltence, M.

Antoman, from this action, afterwards acquired the nius, who had pleaded his cause, tore open the sirname of Plus; and the tribune, insolently vest of his client, and displayed to the court and spurning him as he lay on the ground, served his the audience the scars which he bore in his breast, cause by that act of ilndignity perhaps more effecand which were the marks of wounds received in tually than he could have done by lending a fa-the service of his country. Upon this spectacle, vourable ear to his request. The people, ever a sudden emotion of pity or respect decided governed by their present passions, were moved against the former conviction of the court, and with tenderness and with indignation. They unfixed the resolution, which a few moments beproceeded, without regard to the negative of Fu-fore they had taken to condemn the accused. rius, under emotions of sympathy for the son, to Among the events which distinguished the conrecal the exiled father. The messenger of the sulate of M. Antonius and A. Posthumius Albirepublic charged with the intimation of this reso-nus, may be reckoned the birth of Caius Julius lution to Metellus, found him at Tralles in Ly-Cesar, for whose ambition the seeds of tribunidia, among the spectators at a public show. When tian disorder now sown were preparing a plenti. the letters were delivered to him, he continued to ful harvest. This birth, it is said, was ushered the end of the entertainment without opening in with many presages and tokens of future them; by this mark of indifterence, treating the greatness. If indeed we were to believe, that favour of a disorderly populace with as much con-nature in this manner gives intimation of impendtempt as he had shown to their censure. ing events, we should not be surprise(l that her Thle senate, now become the supreme power at most ominous signs were employed to mark the Rome, by the distaste which all reasonable men birth of a personage who was destined to change had talecn toi the violence of the opposite party, the whole face of the political world, and to lay were gratified, not nmerely with the test of supe-Rome herself, with all the nations she had conriority they hal gained in the recall of Metellus, quered, under a perpetuated military government. but likewis;e in the downfall of’ some of’ the tri-Antonius and Albinus were succeeded in ofbunes who had been active in the late disorders. fice by Q.. Caecilius Metellus and Publius Furius, now become an object of general U. C. 655.

Titus Didius. The war still condetestation, fell a sacrifice to the law of Apuleius, tinued in Spain, and 1:11 to the which declared it treason to interrupt a tribune in Cteius lot of Di ius. Upon an is arrival putting a question to the people. Being accused T. Didius. in the province, Dolatheila, the by Canullius, one of his colleagues, of violating proprxtor, set out on his return this lawv, he was by the populace, who are ever to Rome, and, for his victories in Spain, obtained carried by the torrent, and prompt for execution, a triumph. Metellus remained in the admlinisprevented from making his defence; andl, thougrh tration of aflairs in Italy. a tribune, put to death. Decianus, another of the The administration of the present year is d(istribunes, iln supporting the charge against Furius, tinguished by all act in which nappened to speak with regret of the death of Lea Cacilia both consuls concurred, anrd which Saturninus, a crime for which he incurred a pro-Didia. is therefore marked in the title secution, andil was banished.4 So strong was the with theirjointnames. The Rotide of popularity now opposite to its late direc-man people had frequently experienced the detect tion, and so iatal even to their own cause fre-of their forms in the manner of enacting laws.

quently are the precedents or rules by which F’actious tribunes had it in their power to carry violent men think to obtain discretionary power motions by surprise, and to pass inl the same law to themrselvts. The murder of Nonius was a a variety of clauses; and, by obliging the people precedent to justify the execution of Apuleius, to pass or reject the whole in one vote, frequently and both were followed by that of Furius.

The obtained, under the favour of some popular law which made it treason to interrupt the pro-clauses, acts of a very dangerous tendency. To teedlings of’ Apuleius, was employed, to prevent prevent this abuse, it was now enacted, upon the any interruption to the operationls of his enemies joint motion of the consuls Cacilius and Didius, against himlself and his fiction. 5 Julius Obsequmens. 6 Cicero de Legibus, lib. ii. 4 Val.

Max. lib. viii. c. 1. 7 Ibid. pro C. Rabirio. Ibid. de Orator. lib. ii. c 28

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124 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION rBoot I1. that every proposed law should be made public liberty, where this blessing was not forfeited by three market days before it could receive the some act of ingratitude or perfidy in their allie, assent of the people: that all its different clauses they did not avail themselves of this legacy, leav should be separately voted: and that it should be ing the subjects of Cyrene to retain fi;r sonle time lawful for the people to pass or reject the whole the independence of their nation with a speciee or any part of it.l of popular government; and in this iorm they This law had a salutary tendency; and, though were allowed to remain as a separate state, until, far from sufficient to prevent a return of the late in a general arrangement made of all the depen evils, it served fobr a time to stop the current of dencies of the empire, they came to be reducea tribunitian violence; but while the source was to the form of a province. open, any mere temporary stagnation could only The following consuls gave its name and its tend to increase the force with which it occa-date to an act of the pcople nearly sionally burst over every impediment of law or U. C. 658. of the same tenour with sonei of fgQod order that was placed in its way. And the L. Liciaius those fornlerly passed for the eximefficacy of measures taken upon the suppres-Crass, s, Q. clusion oft’ aliens.’ he ihalbitants amon of any dangerous sedition to eradicate the JMucius Sca-of Italy still conltinued the practice evil, shows the extreme difficulty with which men ola. Le i of crowding to Ronic, in e xp[;ctaare led, in most cases, to make any great and e Civibus re tion of obtaininlg ill a lbody the thorough reformation.

gendis. prerogative of citizens, or at least It is somewhat singular, that about this time, of intruding themlselves, as nany in the midst of so much animosity of the people of them separately did, into some of ti e tribes, by to the senate and nobles, this superior class of the which persons of this description, f(rom oting at citizens were the patrons of austerity, and con-elections, came themselves by degrees to ble elected tended for sumptuary laws, while the popular into the higher offices of state.

tribunes contended for license. ” What is your limes of faction were extremely favourable to liberty,” said the tribune Duronius to the people this intrusion of strangers. Liiftlrent Itladers con(while he moved for a repeal of the suniptuary Dived at the enrolilent of those who wvere likely law of Fannius), “if you may not consume what to favour their respective parties. And tilhe ficis your own; if you nlust be restrained by rule tious tribunes, in whatever degree they lay have and measure; if you must be stinted in your favoured the general claiml of t; e allies to Le adpleasures? Let us shake off; I pray you, these mitted as Romans, treated the subject as matter musty remains of antiquity, and nake tree to en-of opposition to the senate.‘I lie exl ectld to joy what we and our tathers have gained.“2 raise the storm of popular animosits alnd tun:ult For the petulance of these expressions, this with the more ease, in proportion as the nlmbers tribune was, by the judgment of of the people increased. by the act of Licinius U. C. 656. the censors, on the followillg year, and Mucius, nevertheless, a scrutiny xits set on Cn. C’-nelius expelled from the senate; anld he foot, and all who, without a just tltl(, rentured Lentulus. took his revenge by prosecuting to exercise any privilege of Ron;an citizens, were P. Licinius the censor Antonius for bribery in remitted to their several boroughs.5 canvassing for his office. In this consulate is likewise date d the trial of Cn. Cornelius Lentulus and Publius Licinius Servilius Capio, for his supposed miscoiduct Crassus being raised to the office of’ consul, the about ten years before in his conl-lnalid of the latter was appointed to relieve Didius in Spain, army against the Cimbri. He had exasperated and the other to succeed Metellus in italy.‘l here the popular ftaction, by opposing the act of Sais, during some years, a considerable blank in the turninus fobr the gratuitous distribution of corn, materials from which we collect this history; and his enemies were now enlcouragtcd to raise little more is recorded than the succession of conthis prosecution against him. The leople gave suls with the number of years, and a few particu-sentence of condemnation, and violently drove lars that ill supply the interval in our accounts from the place of assembly two of the tribunes of what passed in the city, or in the series of iml-who ventured to interpose their negative in his portant aflairs abroad. So far as these particu-favour. Authors, according to Valerius liaxilars, however, can be referred to their respective nus, have differed in their accounts of the sequel; dates, it will be proper, while we endeavour to some affirming that Cwpio, being put to death in mark the lapse of timle, to record thenl in the or-prison, his body was dragged through the streets der in which they are supposed to have happened. as that of a traitor, and cast into the ix er; others, In the present year are dated two remarkable that he was, by the favour of Anltistis, one of acts of the senate; one to condenln the tribunes, rescued, or enabled to make his U. C. 656. the use of magic, another to pro-escape.6 hibit human sacrifices: 3 the first C. N1orbanus, who was said to be author of the proceeding, perhaps, from credulity in the au-riot which occasioned the condei;natiom ofi apio, thors of the law, the other implying somle reand the supposed cruel execution of that citizen, mains of a gross and inhuman superstition, was on the fobllowing year brought to trial himwhich was still entertained by the people though self for mal-administration and sedition ill office; rejected by the government.4 but, by his own popularity, and the address of In the followin( consulate the kingdom of the orator Antonius, who pleaded his cause, was Cyrene was bequeathed to the Romans by h:to-acquitted.7 leiny Apion, the late king. But, as this people T’he war in Spain still continued; arind the professed tihemselves to be the general patrons of Romans, having gained considerable victories, sent ten comlllissioniers, to endeavour, in concert 1 Cic. Philip. v. Pto domo sua. Epist. ad Atticum, with Crassus and I)idius, to nake such arranle. lib. ii. _ 2 Val. Max. lib ii. c. 9. 3 Plin. lib. xxx. c. 1 5

Ascon. in Orat. pro Cornelio Majest. reo. 4 DioL. Cassius, lib. xlii. p.

>‘W2. 6 Val. Max. lib. iv. c. 7. 7 Cicero de Orator. lib. ii

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UnAP. V1.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 1-25 nents as might tend to the future peace of those were slain about twenty thousand of the enemy; provinces: but in vain; hostilities were again but he could not prevail on the canton to submit. renewed i:n the following year. Such of the people as were inclined to capitulate, L. Cornelius Sylla, who had deliberating on terms, were beset by their fellowU C. 660. been questor in the year of Rome citizens, and the house in which they were assemC. Val. Flac-six hundred and forty-six, now, bled being set on fire, they perished in the flames.

cus, MJ. Hier-after an interval of about fourteen The war having been likewise rennius. years, and without having been U. C. 661. renewed with the Thracians on the edile, stood candidate for the office C. Claudius frontiers of Macedonia, Qeminius, of prmtor. Whether his neglect of political hon-Pukher, who commanded there in the qualours, during this period, proceeded from idleness, Jl. Perpenna. ity of propretor, was defeated, and or from want of ambition, is uncertain. His the province overrun by the enemy. character will justify either construction, being The praetor Sylla, at the expiration of his ofequally susceptible of dissipation, and of the dis-fice, was sent into Asia with a commission to redain of ordinary distinctions. The people, how-store Ariarathes to the kingdom of Cappadocia, ever, refused to gratify him in his desire of passing which had been seized by Mithridates, and to on to the office of praetor without being edile; as restore Pylamenes to that of Paphlagonia, from they were resolved to be gratified with the mag-which he had been expelled by Nicomedes king nificent shows of wild beasts, which his supposed of Bithynia. The prator having successfully correspondence with the king of Mauritania en-executed both these commissions, continued his abled him to furnish. But to remove this objec-journey to the Euphrates, where he had a contion to his preferment, he gave out, that as praetor ference, and concluded a treaty with an arlbashe was to exhibit the same shows which were sador from Ariarathes king of the Parthians.l0 expected from him as edile: and having, in the From an edict of the censors, Cn.

Domitius following year, persisted in his suit, he was ac-Ahenobarbus and Cn. Licinius Crassus,condemncordingly elected, and fulfilled the expectations ing the schools of Latin rhetoric,“l it appears that of the people; insomuch, that he is said to have the Romans, during this period, still received with let loose in the circus a hundred maned or male reluctance the refinements which were gradually lions, and to have exhibited the method of bait-taking place in the literary as well as in the other ing or fighting them by Mauritanian huntsmen.8 arts. “Whereas information,” said the censors Such was the price which candidates for prefer-in their edict, “has been lodged before us that ment at Rome were obliged to pay for public schools are kept by certain persons, under the title favour. of Latin rhetoricians, to which the youth of this In this variable scene, where so many particucity resort, and at which they pass entire days in lar men excelled in genius and magnanimity, frivolity and sloth; and whereas our ancestors while the state itself was subject to the govern-have determined what their children should learn, ment of a capricious and disorderly multitude, P. and what exercises they ought to frequent: these Rutilius, late questor in Asia, exhibited a spec-innovations on the customs and manners of our tacle sufficient to counterbalance the lions of Syl-forefathers being, in our opinion, offensive and la; and, if it were permitted in any case whatever wrong, we publish these presents, that both masto treat our country with disdain, an instance to ters and scholars, given to these illicit practices, be applauded of the just contempt with which may be duly apprised of our plcasure.“12 Cicero the undeserved resentments of corrupt and ma-being now fourteen years of age, and employed licious men ought to be received.

Having reformin learning that eloquence for which he became ed many abuses of the equestrian tax-gatherers so famous, was probably involved in this censure, in the province which he governed, he was him-as frequenting the schools which, by this formal self brought before the tribunal of an equestrian edict of the magistrate, were condenlned. jury, to be tried for the crime he had restrained In the consulate of Marcus Philippus and in others. In this situation he declined the aid Sext.

Julius Caesar, according to Pliny, there of any friend, told the judges he would make no were in the Roman treasury sixteen huindred and defence; but stated the particulars by which he twenty eight thousand eight hundred and twentyhad offended his prosecutors, left the court to de-nine pondo13 of goldt or between sixty and cide, and, being condemned, retired to Smyrna, seventy or eighty millions sterling. In the same where he ever after lived in great tranquillity, and year a present sent from the king of Mauritania could not be prevailed on, even by Sylla in the had nearly produced a civil war in the commonheight of his power, to return to Rome.9 Great wealth, and greatly inflamed the passions from as the state and republic of Rome was become, which that calamity soon after arose. Bocchus, unmerited disgrace was certainly a just object of in order to remind the Romans of the merit he contempt or indifference. had acquired by delivering Jugurtha into their The proconsuls, Didius and Crassus, were per-hands, had caused this scene to be represented in mitted to triumph for victories obtained in Spain, a groupe of images of gold, containing his own but had not been able to establish the peace of figure, that of Jugurtha, and that of Sylla, to that country. The war which broke out afresh whom the unhappy prince was delivered up. in one of the provinces was committed to Va-Marius, under whose auspices this transaction lerius Flaccus, and the care of the other to Per-had passed, being provoked at having no place in penna, one of the consuls. Flaccus, near the town the representation of it, attempted to pull down of Belgida, obtained a great victory, in which _ 10 Plutarch, in Sylla. Appian. in Mithridatico. Tug tin. lib. xxxiii. Strabo, lib. xii. 8 Plin. lib. viii. c. 16. 11 Cicer. de Orator. lib. iii. c. 24. 9 Val. Max. lib. vi. c. 17. Liv. lib. lxx.

Orosius, 12 A. Gellius, lib. xv. c. 11. fib. v. c. 17. Cic. de Orator. et in Bruto. Pardianus 13 The Roman pondo of ten ounces in Divinationem.

Velleius, lib. ii. 14 Plin. Harduem, lib. xxxiii. c. 3.

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126 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK I. the inages after they’had been erected in the sion, or force, had obtained his purpose; but in place of their destination in the capitol. Sylla this he struck at the personal consideration o0f was equally solicitous to have them remain; and every citizen, and was opposed by the unanimous the contest was likely to end in violence, if mat-voice of’the whole people. ters of’ greater moment had not arisen to occupy This tribune used to boast, that he “ould exthe ardent a.nd vehement spirit of’ these rivals. haust every fund from which any order of’ inen The cxi ctaations of all parties at Rome, and could be gratified, and leave to those who came throu( lout Italy, were now raised by tle projects after him nothing to give, but the air and lthe of Li(t L1usus, an active tribune, who, in order earth.4 The citizens in geneal, however.. were to d is. il; himself, brought forward many sub-become tired of his f:vours, and the people of jects of t(the rneatest concern to the public. He Italy were ill-disposed to requite the merit of a acted at first in concert with the leading men of project which he had not been able to execute. the senate, an(d was supported by them in order Soon after the motion, which he made in favour to obtain some amlendmlllent in the law as it then of the italians, had been rejected, Drusus was stood with respect to the courts of justice. The suddenly taken ill in the public assembly, and equestrianl order had acquired exclusive posses-Papirius Carbo, another of the tribunes, made a sion of the judicature.

T’he sena-short speech on the occasion, which, among a Leg de Judi-tors wished to recover at least a share people prone to superstition, and ready to execute ciis. in that prerogative; and Drusus, in whatever they conceived to be awarded by the order to gratify them, moved for an gods, probably hastened the fate of lis talling colact of which the tendency was, to restore the ju-league: “O Ml’arcus Drusus!” he said, “the dicative power of’ the senate: to prevent opposi-father I call, not this degenerate son; thou who tion from the equestrian order, lie proposed, at usedst to say, The connlronwealth is sacred, whoonce, to enrol three hundred knights into the sen-ever violates it is sure to be punished.‘I lie teate: and that the senators, who appear at this merity of the son has evinced the wisdom of the time to have amounted to no more than three father.” A great shout arose in the assembly, hundred, might not withstand this increase of and Drusus,5 being attended to his own house by their numbers, he left to each tle nomination of a numerous multitude, received in th!e crowd a one of the new members, proposing, that from the secret wound of which he died.6 All his laws six hundred so constituted the lists of judges were soon after repealed, as having passed under should be taken.1 Many of the knights were re-unfavourable auspices. But the ilnlabitants of conciled to this arrangement, by the hopes of be-Italy were not to be appeased unlder their late discoinling senators; but the order, in general, seem to appointment, and discontents were brc-aking out have considered it as a snare laid to deprive them in every part of the country, which greatly alarmof their consequence in the government of their ed the republic. country; and individuals refused to accept of a In this state of public uneasiness, some proseplace in the senate, at the hazard of so great and cutions were raised by the tribunes, calculated to so sudden a change in the condition of their own gratify their own private resentments, and tendorder, and of the constitution of the state.2 ing to excite animosities. UQ. Varius H} brida This tribune likewise proposed obtained a decree of the people, directing, that inLex J.Nanma. an act to debase the silver coin, by quiry should be made by whose fault the allies ria. nixing an eighth of alloy. But the had been made to expect the freedom of ttie city. part of his project which gave the In consequence of an inquest set on foot for this greatest alarm, was that which related to the inpurpose, L. Calphurnius Bestia, late consul, and dligent citizens of Rome, and to the inhabitants M. Aurelius Orator, and other eminent mlen, of Italy in general. were condemned.7 Mummius Achaicus was With a view to gratify the poorer banished to Delos. Emilius Scaurus, who had Lex de Colo-citizens he proposed, that all the new long maintained his dignity as princeps, or first niis. settlements, projected by the law of on the roll of the senate, was cited on this occaCaius Gracchus, should now be car-sion before the people as a person involved in the ried into execution. The consul, Marcus Per-same guilt. Quintus Varius, the tribune, who penna, having ventured to oppose this proposal, he accused him, being a native of Spain, Scaurus was, by order of the tribune, taken into custody; was acquitted upon the following short defence: and so rougfhl treated in the execution of this “(A. Varius, from the banks of the Sucro, in order, that, while he struggled to disengage him-Spain, says, That M. Emilius Scaurus, first in self, the blood was made to spring from his nostrils. the roll of the senate, has encouraged your sub”It is no more than the pickle of the turtle-fish;“3 jects to revolt; Varius maintains the charge; said the tribunle, a species of delicacy, in which, Scaurus denies it; there is no other evidence in it setemn, amlong other luxuries of the table, this this matter; choose whom you will believe.“s consul was supposed frequentlytoindulge himself. The year following, Varius himself was tried, For the allies of Italy, Livius and condemned agreeably to his own act; and Lax de Civi. Drusus proposed to obtain the fa-while the prosecutions suspended all other civil tate Sociis vourite object on which they had affairs, and even the measures required for the dada. been so long intent, the privileges safety of the public, the inhabitants of Italy and powers of Roman citizens. In were forming dangerous combinations, and were all his other proposals, he had the concurrence of ready to break out in actual rebellion. They were some party in the commonwealth, and by persua-4 Florus, lib. iii. c. 17. 5

Cicero in Bruto, p. (3. 6 Velleius, lib. ii. c. 13, 14. Appian. Florus, lib 1 Appian. die Bell. Civ. lib. i. Auct. de Viris Illus-iii c. 17.

tribus, c. 66. Cicero pro Clientio. 7 Appian. Val. Max. lib. viii. c. 6.

Cicero in Bruto 2 Ibid. 8 Cicero pro M Scauro filio. Auct de Viris Illus3

E tiurdis maria. Auct. de VirisIllustribus, in L. tribus, c. 72.

Quintilian, lib. v. c. 12 Val. Max Drus. Val. Max. lib. ix. c. 5. Florus.

lib. iii. c.

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CIH,P. VI.] OF 1 HE ROMAN REPUBLIC. I27 exasperated with having their suit not only re-Perpenna, Messala, and Caius Marius. of whom fused, but in having the abettors of it at Rome the last had already so often been consul. Cwsar consildered as crimlinals. They sent deputies to had, in the army which he commanded, Lentulus, meet at Corfinium, and to deliberate on -a plan of Didius, Crassus, and Marcellus. They weire opoperations. Their deputies were to form a sen-posed by T. Afranius, P. Ventidius, M’iarcus ate, and to choose two executive officers, under Egnatius, Q. Pompedius, C. Papius, Al. Iamthe denominl-ition cti consuls. ponius, C. Judacilius, Hircus, Assiniur.-, and VeThe Romrtns took their first suspicion of a de-tius Cato, at the head of the allies. The forces sign in agitation among their-allies, from ob-were similar in discipline and in arms. The Roservi;ln t:oat they were exchanginc hostlg(es manl s were likely to be inferior nii numberills and in among t”e nriselves. The proconsul Servilius, resources, but had the advantagre in reputation, who commanded in the Picenum, having intelli-authority, and in the fame of their leaders, inured gence to this purpose from Asculumn, repaired to command in the highest stations. But so well thither, ill order, by his presence, to prevent any had the allies taken their measures, arnd with so commotion; but his coming, in reality, hastened much animosity did they support a quarrel, which the revolt. His remonstrances and his threats they had been meditating for some years, that made the inhabitatnts sensible that their designs the Romans appeared at first unequal to the conwere known, and that the execution of them test, and were surprised and overcome in many could no longrer in safety be delayed They ac-encounters. cordinvly took arms, and put to’qhe sword the The detail of these operations is imperfectly proconsul Servilius, with his lieutenant, and all recorded; and does not furnish the materials of a the Roman citizens who happened to be in the relation either interesting or instructive. We place. The alarm immediately spreal through-must therefore content ourselves with a list of out all the towns that were concerned in the plot; actions and events, and with the general result.

and, as upon a signal agreed, the Marsi, Peligni, One of the consuls, Lucius Caesar, in the first Vestini, Mi\larcini, Picentes, Ferentane, Hirpini, encounter of the war, was defeated by Vetius Pompeiani, Venusini, Apuli, Lucani, and Sam-Cato near Esernia, and had two thousand men nites, took arms, and sent a joint deputation to killed in the field. The town of Esernia was Rome to demand a participation in the privileges immediately invested, and some Ronran officers of Roman citizens; of which they had, by their of distinction were obliged to make their escape services, contributed so largely to increase the in the disguise of slaves. Two RIolllman cohorts value. were cut off at Venafrum, and that colony fell In answer to this demand they were told by into the hands of the eneml. The other co isul, the senate, that they must discontinue their as-Rutiiius, was likewise debuiCated bv the lMarsi semblies, and renounce their pretensions; other-and fell in the field, withl eight thousand nlen of wise, that they must not presume to send any Ilis army. His colleague was called to the city other message to Rome. to preside at the election of a successo;r; but beWar being thus declared, both ing necessarily detained with the army, the office U. C. 663. parties prepared for the contest.

continued vacant for the remainder of the camL. Julius Ca. The allies mustered a hundred paign, while the army acted under the direction ear, P.

Ruti-thousand men, in different bodiesi of the late consuls, Marius and Crepio. lius Lupus. and under different leadlers. The The corpse of Rutilius, and of other persons R:,rnans found themselves in an of rank, being brought to public funeral at Rome, instant brought back to the condition in which so alarmed and sunk the minds of the people, that they had been about three hundred years before; the senate decreed, that, for the future, the dead reduced to a few miles of territory round their should be buried where they fell. walls, an Lbeset with enemies more united, and In the mean time, Lucius Cwesar, obtained a more numerous than ever had assailed them at victory in the country of the Samnites; and the once on the’same ground. But their city was senate, in order to restore the confidence of the likewise enlarged, their numbers increased, and people, as if this victory had suppressed the revolt, every individual excellently formed to serve the resolved, that the sagum, or military dress, should state, as a warrior and a citizen. All of them as-be laid aside.“l sumed, upon this occasion, the sagum, or mili-‘he usual time of the consular elections being tary dress; and being joined by such of the come, Cu. Pompeius Strabo and Porcius Cato Latins as remained in their allegiance, and by were named. such of their colonies, from diflirent parts of Pompey gained a complete victory over the Italy as continued to be faithful, together with Marsi; and notwithstanding an obsome mercenaries from Gaul and Numidia, they U. C. 06‘4. stinate defence, reduced the city of assembled a force equal to that of the allies.

Asculum, where hostilities at first The consuls were placed at the head of the Ca. P’mp. had commenced, and where the Rotwo principal armies; Lucius Julius Caesar, in Porcius Cato. mans had suffered the greatest outthe country of the Samnites,9 and Rutilius, in rage. The principal inhabitants of that of the Marsi.10 They had under their com-the place were put to death, the remainder were mand the most celebrated and experienced officers sold for slaves. The other consul, Catol was of the republic; but little more is preserved to fur-killed in the attack upon the entrenchmlents of nish out the history of this war than the names the Marsi; and although Marius and Sylla, in of the Romanl commanders, and those of the per-different quarters, had turned the fortune of the sons opposed to them. Rutilius was attended by war against the allies, yet the event still conPompeius Strabo, the father of him who after-tinued to be extremely doubtful. wards bore the title of Pompey the Great; Cwepio, The Umbrians, Etruscans, and inhabitants of 9 Now part of the kingdom of Naples. 11 Liv. lib. lxxiv. Appian. Orosius, lib. v. c. 18 10 Contiguous part of the ecclesiastical stat Florus. lib. iii. c. 18. Velleius.

Eutropius.

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128’rt..E PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [Booa II other districts of Italy, who had hitherto hesitated order to know who were entitled to be added ta In the choice of their party, took courage from the list of Roman citizens; and this difficulty was the perseverance and success of their neighbours, farther increased in consequence of a law deviseL and openly joined the revolt. The more distant about this time by Papirius Carbho, in which it parts of the empire were soon likely to seize the was enacted, thatnot only the natives and ancient contagion: they were already, by the obstruction denizens of Italy, but all who should, fotb the futhey met with in carrying supplies of provisions ture, obtain the freedom of any Italian borough or revenue, severed from the capital, and the alle-if they had a residence in Italy, and had given i: giance they owed as conquered provinces, when-their claim to the proator sixty days, should, by ever they saw their opportunity to withdraw it, that act, become citizens:l so that the prerogative was likely to vanish like a dreamor ideal existence. of the Roman people continued to be in the gift Mithridates, the king of Pontus, did not ne-of every separate corporation as well as in that of glect the occasion that was offered to him; he the state itself. put all his forces in motion, expelled Nicomedes The number of the aliens admitted on the rolls, from Bithynia, and Ariobarzanes from Cappa-at this muster, is not recorded; but it was prodocia, and made himself master of the greater bably equal to that of the ancient citizens, and part of the Lesser Asia. might have instantly formed a very powerful and In this extremity it appeared necessary to dangerous faction in the state, if efibctual incacomply with the demands of the allies; but the sures had not been taker to guard against the senate had the address to make this concession effect of their influence. For this purpose, they seem to be an act of munificence and generosity, were not mixed promiscuously with the mass not of weakness or fear. of the people, but confined to eight particular The Latins, who had continued in their alle-tribes;2 by this means they could only influence giance, were, in consideration of their fidelity, eight votes in thirty-five;3 and the ancient citiadmitted to all the privileges of Roman citizens. zens were still possessed of a reat majority. But The Ulnbri and Tuscans, who either had not yet this artifice did not long escape the attention of declared, or whohad been least forward in the war, those who were aggrieved by it, and become the were next comprehended; and the other inhabit-subject of a new dispute. ants of Italy, observing, that they were likely to While the Romans were meditating, or actu. obtain by favour what they endeavoured to ex-ally making this important change int the state tort by force, grew remiss in the war, or withdrew of the commonwealth, they found leisure for matfrom the league, that they might appear to be for-ters of less moment, in which they endeavoured ward in the general return to peace. to provide for the peace of the city, and the ad The Marsi, Samnites, and Lucanians, who ministration of justice. had oeen the principal authors of the revolt, or Plautius, one of the tribunes, obwho had acted with most animosity in the con-Lez Plotia tained a new law for the selection of duct of it, continued for some time to be excluded de Judieiis. judges, by which it was enacted, That from the privilege of Romans. But the civil war, each tribe should annually elect fifwhich soon after broke out among the citizens teen citizens, without any distinction of rank; themselves, terminated either in the extirpation and that, from the whole so named, the judges in of those aliens, and in the settlement of Roman all trials that occurred within the year should be colonies in their stead, or gave them an opportu-taken.4 This law appeared to be equitable, as it nity, unmder favour of the party they espoused, gave, with great propriety, to all the different of gaining admittance to the privilege to which classes of men in the state, an equal right to be they aspired: so that, in a few years, all the in-named of the juries; and to every party conhabitants of Italy, from the Rubicon to the straits cerned, an equal chance of being tried by his of Messina, were become citizens of Rome; and peers. a constitution of state, which had been already The same tribune likewie obtainovercharged by the numbers that partook of its Lex Plotia ed a law for the preservation of the sovereignty, was now altogether overwhelmed; de Vi. public peace, by which it was deor if this change alone were not sufficient to de-dared capital to be seen in public strov it, was not likely longr to remain without with a weapon, or instrument of death; to ocsome notable and fatal revolution. Assemblies cupy any place of strength in the city; to of the people, already sufficiently tumultuary, offer violence to the house of any person, or to being now considered as the collective body of all disturb any company; to interrupt any meeting the Italians, were become altogether impractic-of the senate, assembly of the people, or court of able, or could be no more than partial tumults justice. To these clauses Catulus subjoined anraised in the streets of Rome, or the contiguous other, in which he comprehended persons surfields, for particular purposes: insomuch that rounding the senate with an armed force, or when we read of the authority of the senate be-offering violence to any magistrate.5 ing set aside by an order of the people, we may venture to conceive all government suspended at the instance of that party, who had then the 1 Cicero pro Archia Poeta. 2 Velleius Paterculus, lib. ii. c. 20. populace of Rome at their call. 3 Historians mention this particular, as if eight new Licinijus Crassus and L. Julius Caesar were tribes were added to the former thirty-five; but the chosen censors, in order to make up the new rolls continual allusion of Roman writers to the number of the people. This, it is likely, was found to be thirty-five, will not allow us to suppose amy aug mentation. Cicero de Lege Agraria, 2da, c. 8. a difficult and tedious work. It became necessary 4 Pedianos in Cornelianan Cicer onis. to scrutinize the rolls of every separate borough, in’ 5 Cicero pro Cielio, et Aruspicum Responso

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ChAP. VII.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIG. 129 CHAPTER VII. Triumph qf Pompetus Strrlbo-Progress of Sylla -W’ar with the King of Pontus-Rise of that Kingdom-Appointment qf Sylla to Command Policy qf the Tribune Sulpicius-?/lla’s Commission recalled in Favour qf Marius His March from Campania to Rome Expels Marinus and his Faction. from the City His Operations in Greece-Siege qf A thens-B-attle of Chleronea-Of Orchomenos-Transactions at Rome-Policy qf Cinna-M-arius recalledCinna flies, and is deprived-Recovers the Possession of Rome-Treaty of Sylla with i3ithridates-He passes into Italy-Is opposed by numerous Armies-Various Events of the Wlaar in Italy-Sylla prevails-Ilis Proscription, or Massacre-Named Dictator-His Policy Resignation-and Death. THE social war, though far from being suc-however, was the principal object of attention; eessful, concluded with a triumphal procession; and this province, together with the army then and the senate, though actually obliged to yield lying in Campania, fell to the lot of Sylla. the point for which they contended, thought pro-The monarchv of Pontus had risen upon the per, under pretence of advantages gained on some ruins of the Macedonian establishments in Asia; particular occasions, to erect a trophy. They and, upon their entire suppression, was become singled out Pompeius Strabo for the pageant in one of the most considerable kingdoms of the this ceremony; either because he had reduced East. Asculum, where the rebellion first broke out, or Mithridates had inherited from his ancestors a because a victory obtained by him had immedi-great extent of territory, reaching in length, acatcly precedted the peace. But the most remarkable cording to the representation of his own ambascircumstance in this procession was, its being, in sador in Appian twenty thousand stadia, above show, a triumph of the old citizens over the new, two thousand miles. He himself had joined to it but in reality a triumph of the latter. Ventidius the kingdom of Colchis, and other provinces on Bassus, being a prisoner in the war, and led as the coasts of the Euxine sea. His national such in the present triumph, came in the form troops amounted to three hundred thousand foot, of a captive to share in the prerogatives of a and forty thousand horse, besides auxiliaries from Roman; he was, in the sequel, promoted to all Thrace, and from that part of Scythia wlhich lies the honours of the state; and himself; in the ca-on the Meotis and the Tanais, countries over pacity of a victorious general, led a procession of which he had acquired an ascendant approachthe same kind with that in which he made his inr to a sovereignty. He hal pretensions likefirst entry at Rome as a captive.6 wise on the kingdolns of Bithvnia and CappaSylla, by his conduct and his successes wher-docia, which he had hitherto relilquishe ed from ever he had borne a separate command in this respect to the Romans; or of which he had dewar, gave proof of that superior genius by which ferred the ellect until he should be prepared to he now began to be distinguishled. By his mag-cope with this formidable power.

All his pretennanimity on all occasions, by his great courage in sions, indeed, like those of other monarchs, were danger, by his imperious exactions from the enelikely to extend with his force, and to receive no my, and by his lavish profusion to his own troops, limitation but from the defect of his power. And he obtained in a very high degree, the confidence such were his resources, and his personal characsnd attachment of his soldiers; and yet in this, ter, that, if lie had encountered on the side of Euit is probable, he acted from temper, and not from rope with an enemy less able than the Romans design, or with any view to what followed. Witlh were to withstand his progress, it is probable that so careless and so bold a hand did this man in his hands the empire of Pontus might have already hold the reins of military discipline, that vied with that of the greatest conquerors. Albinus, an officer of high rank, and-next in About the time that the social war liroke out commrand to himself, being killed by the soldiers in Italy, Cassius Longinus, Marcus Aquilius, in a mutiny, he treated this outrage as a trifle, and C. Oppius were, in different characters, stasayinlg, when the matter was reported to him, tioned in the province of Asia, and took under That the troops would atone for it when they their protection every power in that country met with the enemy.7
that was likely to oppose the progress of’ MithWith the merits he had recently ridates. U. (.. 665. displayed in this war, he repaired Nicomedes, who had been recently restored to to the city, laid clainm to the con-the crown of Bithynia, made hostile incursions L. Corn. u.mp sulate, and was accordingly chosen under the encouragement of these Roman geneRufus, Coals. in conjunction with C(uintus Pom-rals, even into the kingdom of Pontus. Mithripeius Rufus. dates, having made fruitless complaints to them It was thought necessary still to keep a proper on this subject; and thinking that the distracted force under arms in Italy, until the public tran-state of Italy furnished him with a favourable quillity should be fully established. The army, opportunity to slight their resentment, lihe sent which had acted under Cneius Pompeius Strabo, his son Ariarathes into Cappadocia with a force consul of the preceding year, was destined for to expel Ariobarzanes, though an ally of the Rothis service; andt Quintus Rufus was appointed mans, and to possess that kingdom. He took the to the command of it. field himself, and sent powerful armies, undter his The war with Mithridates, king of Pontus, generals, against Nicomedes, and against tile Romans, who had assembled all the force of their 6 val. lib. vi. c. 9. Gellius, lib. xv. c. 4. Piin.

ii. province and of their allies, to the amount of a 7. c. 43. Oiio Cassius, 43. fine. 7 Plutaich in Sylla. hundred and twenty thousand men, in different 4

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130 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BO(K 11 Dodies, to defend their own frontier, or to annoy and refined by degrees on the measures which their enemy. they successively took against the senate; and’Mithri(lates fell separately upon the several when the tribune Sulpicius began to act, he divisions of his enemies’ forces; and having de-made his arrangements equal to a system ef fiatel Nicomedes, and afterwards Marcus, obliged formal war. This tribune, according to Piuthe TRoni’an officers, with their ally, to retire; Cas-tarch, had three thousand gladiators in his pay, sius to Apamea, AM/arcus towards Rhodes, and and in despite of the law of Planutius, had ever at Nicomelt es lo Pereamus. His fleet, likewise, his back a numerous company of retainers, armco(p_ ;,:-.* of three hu.ndred gallies, opened the ed with daogers and other offensive weapons; passage of the Hellespont, took all the ships these he called his anti-senate; and retained to which the Rornans had stationed in those straits; support him in an attempt, which he was at no and he himlself soon after in person traversed pains to disguise, anainst the authority of the Phryvgia and the Lesser Asia, to the sea of Cili-senate itself. le mloved the people to recall from cia andi Greece. In all the cities of the Lesser exile all those wvho had fled from the city on ocAsia, wvhere the pcop)l now openly declared their casion of the forllmer disorders, and to aramit. the detestation of the Roman dominion, he was re-new citizens and entranc.lised slaves to 1he enrollceived vwith open (rates. He got possession of ed promiscuously in all the tribes without regard the person of Olppius, by means of the inhabi-to the late wise limitatien of the senate’s decree, tants of Laodicea, where this general had taken by which they were restricted to four. By the refuge with a body of mercenaries.

The merce-change which he now proposed, the citizens of naries wete allowed to disband; but Oppius him-least consideration migiht come to have a majority, self was conducted as a prisoner to the head-or a Treat sway in the public deliberations. The quartels of Mithrida tes, and, in mockery of his tribunes would become masters in every quesstate as a Roman governor, was 1lmade to pass tion, and fill up the rolls tf the people in the through the cities in his way, with his fasces or manner that most ulited their interest. ensirgns of maristracy carried before him. This plresumpltuous man himself undertook to Marcus Aquilius likewise fell into the hands procure the freedom of the city for every person of the enemy, and was treated with similar scorn; that applied to hliln, and( bodtld receivedl preiiiumns and( withl a barbarity which nothing but the most in the streets for this,rostitutionl of the privicriminal abuse of the power he latel’ possessed leges and powers of his 1t’llow-citizens. could have deserved or provokeed. Bel,\g carried The more resiectable citizens, and the nlagisround the cities of Asia on an ass, he wa.-I obliged trates, in vain withstood these albuses. N1They were at every place to declare, that his own avarice overpowered by force, and frequentlyd ilivcl firoml was the cause of the war; and he was at last put the place of assembly. In this extremlity they to death by the pouring of melted gold into his had recourse to superstition, and by multiplying throat. holy-days, endeavoured to stop or to disconcert While Mithridlates thus overwhelmed his ene-their antagonists. But Sulpicius, with his party, mies, and was endeavouring to complete his con-laid violent hands on the consuls, in order to quest of Asia by the reduction of Rhodes, he force them to recall these appointments. Young orderedl his general Archelaus to penetrate by Pompey, the son of the present consul, and sonthe way of Thrace and Macedonia into Greece. in-law to Sylla, was killed in the fray. Sylla Suchl was the alarming state of the war when himself, who had withdrawn from the tumult, tihe Romnans, having scarcely appeased the trou-feeling that he was in the power of his enemies, bles in italy, appointed L.

Cornelius Sylla with and being impatient to get into a situation in six legions that lay in Campania, to embark for which he could more effectually resist them Greece, in order, if possible, to stemn a torrent chose for the present to comply with their dewhich no ordinary bars were likely to withstand. mands.l But before Sylla or his colleague could depart In the midst of these violences, the city being for their plrovinces, disorders arose in the city, under an actual usurpation of tyranny, Sylla rewhich, without waiting the approach of forcign paired to the army in Campania, with a resoluenemies, brought armies to battle in the streets, tion to pursue the object of his command in Asia,.and covered the pavements of Rome with the and to leave the tribunitian storms at Rome to slain. spend their force. But soon after his departure, Publius Sulpicius, tribune of the people, with it appeared, that Marius was no stranger to the a singular boldness and profligacy, ventured to councils of Sulpicius; and that he hoped, by tamper with the dangerous humours which were means of this tribune, to gratify an ambition but ill suppressed in the event of the late trou-which outlived the vigour of his faculties and the bles; arnd, as if the state had no experience of civil strength of his body. His first oblject was to wars andl domestic tumults, lighted the torch mortify his rival Sylla, in revoking, by a decree anew, and kindled the former aninosity of the of the people, the appointment of the senate, and popular and senatorian parties. The severe mea-to supersede him in the command of the army sures hitherto taken by the senate and magis-against Mithridates. A decree to this purpose rates against the authors of sedition had, in some was accordingly with ease obtained by SuiPicius, nistances, been effectual to snatch the republic in one of those partial conventions, which took out of the hands of lawless men, and to suspend upon them to represent the people of Italy in the for a while the ruin of the commonwealth; but streets of Rome; and Marius, now appointed he examples so given, instead ot leterring others general of the army in Campania, sent the profrom a repetition of the same crimes, appear only per officers to intimate his appointment to Sylla, to have admonished the factious leaders to take and to receive from him, in behalf of his succes proper precautions, and to make the necessary sor, the charge of the army, and the delivery of preparations before they embarked in designs __ against the state. They accordingly improved 1 Plutarch in Mario, p.

526. edit. Londin. toi

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CHAP. V[I.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 131 the stores. Sylla had the address to make the antagonists into a state of security, he sent a (letroops apprehend that this change was equally tachment (lc se uan the heels of the deputies, with prejudicial to thle as to himself; that Marius orders to,ei,;e the nearest gate; and he hinliseif; had his favourite legions, whom he woulid natu-with tie whcle army, speedily followed to support rally enmplovy; and that the same act of violence, them. by which he had supplanted the general, would The grate was accordingly seized. The people, bring other officers and other men to reap the in tunlult, end,avoured to recover it; Marius sefruits of this lucrative service in Asia. This per-cured the capitol, ant( summoned every man, suasion_ as well as the attachmrent which thsil wheth!.r froeemn.- or slaves, to repair to his stanarmy already bore to their general, produced its dard.

His party, as they assembled. were drawn eficct.2 up ill the streets.

Sylla, in the mean1 time, at The officers, who intimated the appointtment the head of his army, rushed through the gate, of Marius, on declarin(r their conlmission, found which his van(uard still maintained against the that violence could take plate in the camp as multitudes bly whom they were pressed. He well as in the city. Their orders were received was greatly annoyed from the battlemnents and with scorn. A tumult arose amoncr tile soldiers; windlows as lie passedt, anld might have been reand citizens vested with a public character, for-pulsed by the forces whicil Marius had assembled, mally commissioned to intimate an order of the iit’

he had not commatlded the city to be set on Roman people, and delivering their commands to fire, in order to profit by the confusion into which this purpose, were slain in the camp. In return the ipeople were likely to be thrown in avoiding to this outrage some relations andi friends of Sylla or extinguishing the flames. By this expedient were murdered in the city, and such retaliations he drove Marius from all the stations he had ocwere not likely soon to end on either side.3 cupied, forced him to abandonthe city, and obliged Faction is frequently blind, and does not see his adherents to separate. the use that may be madle of its own violent pre-WThile the army was distributed in different reldents against itself.

Although Sylla is said to quarters of a city, deformed with recent marks have hesitated, yet he was not a person likely to of bloodlshed and fire, their general assembled the shrink from the contest, in which his own ene-senate, and desired themi to deliberate on the mies, and those of the state, had etlngaged him. present state of affairs. Among the measures he Stung with race, andl probably thinking that sugg;ested on this occasion, was a law by which force would be justified in snatching the republlic Marius, with his son, and twelve of his faction, out of such violent hands, he proposed to the who had secreted themselves, were declared enearmy that they should march to Rome. The mies of their country. This sentence wasaccomprt-oposal was received with joy; antd the army, panied with a pubhic injunction to seize or kill without any of the scruples, or any degree of that them wherever they could tbe foulnd. The reasons hesitation which is ascribe(d to their commander upon which this act of attaintler was granlted in adopting this measure, followedl where he were, that they had violated the laws of the rethought proper to leatd them.

public, and sedluced the slaves to desert from their On this new and dangerous appearance of masters, and to take arms against the state.4
things, not only Marins and Sulpicius, with the While the officers of justice were dispersetl ill persons most obnoxious on account of the in-execution of this decree, and many others were sults offered to Sylla and other respectable citi-busy in search of their private enemies, thus laid zens, were seized with consternation; but even at their mercy, the tribune Sulpicius, having fled the senate anti the nobles were justly alarmed. to the marshes on the coast near Laurentum, was A faction, it is true, had assurnedl the authority draggred from thence and slain. His head. sceof the Roman people, to violate the laws, and to vered from the body, as that of a traitor, who had overawe the state; but armies, it was thought, surpassed every leader of faction in the outrages are dangerous tools in political contests; anedno done to the laws and the government of his good intention on the part of their leaders, no country, was exposed on one of the rostra; magnanimity or moderation in the execution of an example afterwards frequently imitated, and their intentions, can compensate the ruinous ten-which, though it could not make any addition dency of a precedent which brings force to be to the evil of the times, became an additional exemployed as an ordinary resource in political pression of the animosity and rancour of parties divisions. Even the present state of the republic against each other.5 did not appear so desperate as to justify such a’Marius, upon his expulsion from Rome, retired measure. to his own villa at Salonium; and, being unproThe senate accordingly sent a deputation to vided for a longer flight, sent his son to the farm Sylla, with entreaties, and with commands, that of one Mutius, a friend in the neighbourhood, to he would not advance to the city. This deputa-procure what might be necessary for a voyage by tion was received by him within a few miles of sea. The young man was discovered at this the gates. He heard the remonstrance that was place, and narrowly escaped in a waggron loaded made to him with patience, and seemed to be with straw, which, the better to deceive his purmoved. tIe gave orders, in the hearing of the suers, was ordered to take the road to Rome. The deputies, that the armies should halt; sent the father fled to Ostia, and there embarked on hoard proper officers to mark out a camp, and suffered a vessel which was provided for him by N umethe commissioners to return to their employers, rius, who had been one of his partizans in the full of the persuasion that he was to comply with their request. But a,; soon as he thought this in-4 Appian.

de Bell. Civil. lib. i. p. 387. The names telligrence had reached the city, and had lulled his mentioned in this act of attainder or outlawry, were Sulpicius, Marius, father and son, P. Cethegius, Junius - Brutus, Cneius and Pub. Granii, Albinovanus, Marcus 2 Appian. ce Bell. Civ. lii.

1. Suetonius. 3 Plutarch. in Mario, edit -‘in. p. 5-26. 5 Velleius Paterculus, lib. ii. c 19.

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132 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [Boox II. ate troubles. Having put to sea, he was forced assembly of the tribes;4 and Sylla, before he left Dy stress of weather to Circeii, there landed in the city, thought proper to despatch the election want of every necessary, and made himself of consuls for the following year, but did not emknown to some herdsmen, of whom he implored ploy the power, which he now possessed, to make relief. Being informed of the partles that were the choice fall on persons who were both of the abroad in pursuit of him, he concealed himself senatorian party.

Together with Octavius, who for the night in a neighhouring wood. Next day had the authority of the senate at heart, he sufas he was within a few miles of the town of fered Cinna, though of the opposite faction, to be Minturn a, he was alarmed at the sight of some chosen, and only exacted a promise from himnf t horsemen, ran with all the speed he could make to disturb the public peace, nor, in his absence, to the shore, and, with much difficulty, got on to attempt any thing derogatory of his own board of a boat which was passing. The per-honour.5 sons with whom he thus took refuge resisted the Having in this manner restored the common threats and importunities of the pursuers to have wealth, Sylla set out with his army for their deshim delivered up to them, or thrown into the tination in Greece. Quintus Rufus, the other sea; but having rowed him to a supposed place consul’ of the preceding year, at the same time of safety, at the mouth of the Liris, they put him repaired to his province in the country of the on shore, and left him to his fate. Here he first Marsi, where, as has been mentioned, he was to took refuge in a cottage, afterwards under a hol-succeed Cn. Strabo in the command of some low bank of the river, and, last of all, on hearing legions; but being less agreeable to these troops the tread of the horsemen, who still pursued him, than his predecessor, the soldiers mutinied upon he plunged himself to the chin in the marsh; his arrival, and put him to death. Cn. Strabo, but, though concealed by the reeds and the depth though suspected of having connived with them of the water,‘he was discovered and dragged from in this horrid transaction, was permitted to profit thence all covered with mud. He was carried to by it in keeping his station. So quick was Minturnae, and doomed by the magistrates of the the succession of crimes which distressed the place to suffer the execution of the sentence republic, that one disorder escaped with impuwhich had been denounced against himself and nity, under the more atrocious effects of another his partizans at Rome. He was, however, by which followed it. some connivance, allowed to escape from hence, Arhen Sylla was about to depart again put to sea, and, at the island XZ:naria, U. C. G66. from the city, Virgilius, one of the joined some associates of his flight. Being after-tribunes, moved an impeachment wards obliged to land in Sicily for a supply of L. C orn tn against hlim for the illegal steps he water, and being known, he narrowly escaped vius, Cons. had lately taken. But the state ~f with the loss of some of the crew that navigated the war with Mithridates was urhis vessel. From thence he arrived on the coast gent, and Sylla took the benefit of the law of of Africa; but, being forbid the province by the IMlemmius, by which persons named to command Prator Sextilius, continued to shift his abode had a privilege to decline answering any charge amnilg the islands or places of retirement on the which should le brought against them, when gocoast.’ ing on the service to which they were appointed. Marius was in his seventieth year when he The king of Pontus, notwithstanding he had madie this attempt to overturn the Roman repub-been disappointed in his attempt upon Rhodes, lic by means of popular tumults, and when he was become master of the Lesser Asia, had fixed strove to obtain the command of an army in the his residence at Pergamus, and employed his offibusiest and most arduous service which the Ro-cers, with numerous fleets andt armies, to carry on nanl empire had then to offer. Being forced, by the war in different quarters, making rapid achis miscarriage in this attempt, into the state of quisitions at once on the side of the Scythian an outlaw, he still amused the world with adven-and Thracian Bosphorus in Macedonia and in tures and escapes, which historians record with Greece. His general, Archelaus, had reduced the embellishments of a picturesque and even most of the Greek islands, and was hastening to romantic description. A Gaulish or German make himself master of the Grecian continent. soldier, who was employed at Minturnm to plut Delos had revolted, and thrown off the yoke of him to death, overawed by his aspect, recoiled Athens, at the time that it fell into the hands from the task; and the people of the place, as if of this general. The king proposed to make use moved by the miracle, concurred in aiding his of it as a decoy to bring the Athenians themlescape.2 The presence of such an exile on the selves under his power.

For this purpose he preground where Carthage had stood, was supposed tended a desire to restore the island, with the to increase the majesty, and the melancholy of treasure he had seized there, to its former wa;sthe scene. “Go,” he said to the lictor who ters; and sent Aristion, a native of Athens, but brought him the orders of the pritor to depart, now an officer in his own service, with an escort ” tell him that you have seen Marius sitting on of two thousand men, to deliver this treasure into the ruins of Carthage.“3 their hands. Aristion, being, under this pretence, The senate, thus restored to its authority, and, received into the Piraus, continued to hold this by the suppression of the late sedition, masters place, with the city of Athens itself, for Mithriof the city, took the proper measures to prevent, dates, and, by means of the forces he assembled for the future, such violations of order introduced in Attica, soon after overran Bceotia, Achaia, and for popular government. They resolved that no Laconia. question of legislation should be agitated in the To these powerful encroachments oil the Roman territory, and to the personal injuries done 1 Plutarch. in Mario, edit. Lond. p. 534. 2

Velleius Pater. lib. ii. c. 19. 4 Appian. de Bell. Civ. lib. 1. 3

Plutarch. in Mario. 5 L. Florus, lib. iii. c. 21. Appian. de Bell. Civ lib, 1

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CHAP. VII.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 1Z3 to such of their generals as had fallen into his made a vigorous effort, stormed and forced the hands, Mithridates had joined a barbarous out-walls with great slaughter.

Anstlon, who had rage, that roused, in the highest degree, the re-retired into the Acropolis, was soon afterwards sentment of the Roman people. He had sent taken and slain. orders to all his commanders in every town and Archelaus, likewise greatly distressed in the station in Asia, on a (lay fixed, to begin a massa-Piraus, found means to escape by water, and cre of the Roman citizens that were ally where hastened to join the army that was forming on the settled in that country, and to publish a reward side of Thessaly; leaving the post he abandoned for the slaves of any Roman who should succeed to fall into the hands of’ Sylla, wno razed its forin destroying their master. This order was exe-tifications to the ground.

cuted with marks of insult, in which the instru-The army of Mithridates advanced into Beo.. ments of cruelty are often apt to exceed their in-tia. Every part of it was sumptuously provided structions. It is particularly mentioned, that at with all that was necessary for subsistence or Ephesus, Pergamus, and other cities of Asia, en-parade.

There was a numerous cavalry richly tire families, taking refuge in the temples, and caparisoned; an infantry of every description, embracing the altars, infants with their parents, variously armed, some to use missile weapons, and without distinction of sex or age, were drag-others to engage in close fight; a large train of ged from thence and murdered. The number of armed chariots, which, heing winged with scythes, persons that perished in this massacre, if ever threatened to sweep the plains. The whole army knovn, is no where mentioned.6 amounted to about a hundred and twenty thouThe resentment which was natural on this oc-sand men. But their master, with all his ability, casion, together with the real danger that threat-it appears, relied, in the manner of barbarous naened the eempire, fully justified the contempt with tions, more on their numbers than he did on their which Sylla treated the impeachment of Virgilius, order, or on the conduct of their officers. Sylla and the celerity with which he left the city of was to oppose them with thirty thousand men.

Rome. Having transported to Dyrachium an On this inferior enemy Archelaus continually army of six legions. he took the route of Thes-pressed with ll his forces, and endeavoured to saly and _Etolia; and having raised in these bring on a general action, which Sylla cautiously countries contributions for the pay and subsist-avoided; waiting for an opportunity that nligh ence of his army, he received the submission of deprive the enemy of the advantage they had in the Boeotians, who had lately been obliged to de-the superiority of their numbers. T’he armies be. clare for Mithridates, and advanced to Athels, ing both in Boeotia, Archelaus inadvertently took where Aristion in the city, and Archelaus in the post near Cheronea, on the ascent of a steep hill Piraeus, were prepared to make a vigorous resist-that was formed into terraces by ledges of rocks, ance. Mithridates, who was master of the sea, and which terminated at last in a peak or na:row collected together, all the troops which he had sitmmit. On the face of this hill he had crowded distributed in the islands, and ordered a great his infantry, his cavalry, and his chariots, and reinforcement from Asia to form an army on the trusted that, although the ground was unfavourside of Boeotia for the relief of Athens. able to such an army, it was still inaccessible, and Sylla, to prevent the enemy, hastened the siege could not be reached by an enemy. of this place. He first made an attempt to force WVhile Archelaus believed himself secure in his way into the Piraus by scaling the walls; this position, Sylla continued to) observe him from but beineg repulsed, had recourse to the ordinary the post he had fortified at a little distance; and means of attack. He erected towers, and raised was told by some natives of the country, that the them to the height of the battlements, got upon hill which the enemy had occupied might be asthe same level with the besieged, and plied his cended in their rear, and that any part of his missiles from thence. He shook the walls with army might be safely conducted to the summit. battering engines, or undermined them with Upon this information he made a disposition to galleries, and made places of arms for his men, engage, placed his main body against the enemy near to where he expected to open a breach. in front, and, that he nighllt throw them into conBut the defence of the place was vigorous and fusion by a double attack, sent a powerful deobstinate, and so well conducted, that he was tachmnent, with proper guides, to seize on the obliged, after many fruitless effbrts, to turn the heights above their encampment. siege into a blockade, and to await the effects The unexpected appearance of Sylla’s detachof:itmine, by which the city began already to be ment in the rear produced the alarm that was inpressed. tended. Their impetuous descent from the hill It was in a little time brought to the last ex-drove in confusion all who camle in their way tremnity. Those who were confined within the from thence to the camp. The rear fell down on walls hadl consumed all the herbage, and killed the front. A great uproar and tumult arose in all the animals that were to be ibund in the every part. And in this critical moment Sylla place; they were reduced to feed on the imple-began his attack, and broke into the midst of ments of leather, or other materials that could be enemies who were altogether unprepared to returned into sustenance, and came at last to prey ceive him. They were crowded in a narrow upon the carcases of the dead. The garrison space, and mixed without any distinctionl of sewas greatly diminished in numbers; and of those parate bodies of officers or men; and, under the who remained, the greater part was dispirited and disadvantag e of their ground, could neither resist weak: but Aristion, expecting for himself no nor retire. In the centre, numbers being trod quarter from the Roman general, still showed no under foot by those who crowded arounc them, desire to capitulate; when Sylla, knowing the perished by violence or suffbcation; or, while weak state to which the besieged were reduced, they endeavoured to open a way to escape, were slain by each other’s swords. Of a hundred and 6 Appian. de Bell.

Mithrid. p. 585, 586. twenty thousand men, scarcely ten thousand

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134 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK II. could be assembled at Chalcis in Eubcea, the falling into his hands. In these circumstances a place to which Archelaus directed his flight. Of treaty was equally seasonable for both. the Romans, at the end of the action, only fifteen Sylla had been absent from Rome about two men were missing, and of these two returned on years, during which time, having no supplies from the following dlay.’

thence, he had supported the war by the contriArchelaus, even after this rout of his army, butions which he had raised in Greece, XEtolia, being still master at sea, drew supplies from Asia and Thessaly, and with the money he had coined anil from the neighbouring islands; and, being from the plate and treasure of the Grecian tem secure in his retreat in Euloea, made frequent ples.2 The republic, in the mean time, had been descents on the neirghbouring coasts. While in the possession of his enemies, and the authoSv-lla endeavoured to cover the lands of Boeotia rity of the senate was, in a great measure, supandt Attica from these incursions, Mithridates pressed. Soon after he left the city, Cinna. not made great efforts to replace his army in that withstanding his engagements to Sylla, revivee country; and in a little time had transported the project of keeping the more respectable citithither eighty thousand fresh troops under Do-zens in subjection, under pretence of a govern. rilaus, to whom Archelaus joined himself with ment placed in the hands of the people. those he had saved from the late disaster. The The designation of the popular party was the new army of Mithridates, consisting chiefly of same with that which had distinguished the folcavalry, was greatly favoured by the nature of the lowers of Tiberius and Caius Gracchus; but the ground in Boeotia, which was flat and abounding object was changed, and the nominal popular t:cin forage. Sylla, though inclined to keep the tion itself was difierently composed. Fornmerly this heights on which he was least exposed to the faction consisted of the populace of Rome and of enemy’s cavalry, was obliged, in order to cover the poorer citizens, opposed to the noble and the the country from which he drew his subsistence rich. The objects for which they at that time and forage, to descend to the plains in the neigh-contended, were the distribution of corn, new bourhood of Orchomenos. There he took post settlements, or the division of lands. At present among the marshes, and endeavoured to fortitf the parties consisted of the inlhabitants of’ the himself with deep ditches against the enemy’s country towns lately admitted, or still claiming to horse.

While his works were yet unfinished, be admitted, on the rolls of the people on one being attacked by the Asiatic cavalry, not only sidle, and of the senate and ancient citizens on the the labourers, but the troops that were placed other. The object to which the former aspired, under arms to cover the workmen, were seized was a full and equal participation in all the powwith a panic, and fled. Sylla, having for some ers that belonged to the Ronlan people.‘i hey time in vain endeavoured to rally them, laid hold were far from being satisfied with the manner of of an ensign, and rushed in despair on the their enrolment into a few particular tribes, and enemy. ” To me,” he said, “it is glorious to fall laid claim to be admitted without distinction in this place: but for you, if you are asked among the ancient citizens, and to have considewhere you deserted your leader, you may say, at ration and power proportioned to their nunmbers. Orchomenos.” Numbers who heard this re-In this they were supported by Cinna, who made proach returned to the charge with their general; a motion in their favour in the assembly of the and wherever they presented themiselves, stopped people, and at the same time proposed torecall tie career of the enemy, and put them to flight. Marius and the other exiles of that party from The Rornan army at length recovered itself’ in their banishment. The consul Octavius, with the every part of the field; and Sylla remlounting his mnajority of the senate and ancient citizens, ophorse, took the full advantage of the change of posed these propositions; but Cinna was likely to his fortune, pursued the enemy to their c(anip, and have a powerful support in the new people that forced then to abandon it with great slaughter. flocked to him front the country towns, and in After the loss of this second army, Mithridates the friends of the exiles. On the day of assembly, appears to have despaired of his aftairs in Greece; multitudes of the new citizens took possession of’ he suffiered Sylla to enter into quiet possession of the place of mleeting, and were observed to be his winter quarters in Thessaly, and authorised armed with daggers or short swords. Octavius Archelaus to treat of peace.

was attended at his house by a numerous assemBoth parties were equally inclined to a treaty; lily of the ancient citizens, who were arnled in the king of Pontus urged by his losses, and the I the same manner, and waited to take such meaRoman proconsul by the state of aflihirs in Italy. surcs as the necessity of the case might require. Sylla, though commanding in Greece by autho-Being told that the tribunes who had forbidden rity from the Roman senate, had been degraded, the question were violently attacked, and likely and declared a public enemy by a resolution of to be forced from the assembly, they came forth the people at Rome. An officer had been sent into the streets, and drove their antagonists, with from Italy to supersede him; and a Roman army, some bloodshed, through the gates of the city. independent of his orders, was actually employed Cinna endeavoured to nmake head against his in the province. Mitl-lridates, too, while he had colleague, and invited the slaves, under a promlise sustained such losses in Greece, was pressed by of liberty, to his standard. But iillnding it iniposthe other Roman army in Asia, under the comsible within the city, that was occupied by his opmand of Finibria, who, with intentions equally ponents, to withstand their force, he withdrew to hostile to Sylla as to Mithridates, advanced with the country townis, and solicited supplies from a rapid pace, reduced several towns on the coast, thence. He passed through Tibur and Iraeleste and had lately made himself master of Pergamus, to Nola, and openly implored the inhabitants to where the king himself had narrowly escaped aid him against their common enenmies. On this occasion lie was attended by Sertorius, and by 1 For this fact Plitarc.h quotes the Memoirs of’ylla. 2 Plutarch. in Sylla et Lucullo.

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CHAP. VII.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 135 some other senators who had embarked in the in the execution of hese orders enabled Cinna same ruinous faction. Their solicitations at any and Marius to prevent him in gaining.

the allies. other time might perhaps have been fruitless; but The inhabitants of Italy at this timne had-it in now, to the misfortune of the republic, a number their option to accept the privileges they claimecm of armies were still kept on foot in Italy, to finish from either party; and, having chosen to join the remains of the social war. Cn. Strabo com-themselves with the popular faction, they threw manded one army in Umbria, Metellus another their weight into that scale. on the confines of Lucania and Samnium, and Metellus, however, advanced into Latium; Appius Claudius a third in Campania. These and, being joined by the consul Octavius, took armies consisted chiefly of indigent citizens, be-post on the Alban hill.

Here they found that comle soldiers of fortune, were very much at the their troops, being inclined to favour their enedisposal of their leaders, in whose name they had mies, dleserted apace. Metellus, being reduced been levied, to whom they had sworn the military to a few attendants, despaired of the cause, and oath, and on whom they depended for the settle-withdrew into Africa. Octavius returned to his ments and rewards which they were taught to station in the city. expect at the end of their services. They were The army lately commanded by Pompeius inclined to take part in the cause of any faction Strabo, was now deprived of its general; he havthat was likely, by the expulsion and forfeiture ing been killed by lichtning in his camp. And of one part of the city, to make way for preferthe senate was not inclined to repose any confiments and fortunes to the other. dence in his men. He himself had some time Cinla distrusted Pompey and Metellus; but hesitated between the parties; and the troops, hoping for a better reception from Appius Clau-at his death, were prepared to choose the side dius, he repaired to the camp of this general, and which was most likely to favour their interest. had the address to gain the troops who were un-With so uncertain a prospect of support, the der his command. senate thought it safer to enter into a treaty with Mean time the senate, without Cinna and Marius than to remain exposed to the. Ort(avius and entering into any particular discus-necessity of being obliged to admit them by force,.Mertla. sion of the guilt which Cinna had They offered to reinstate Cinna.in the. office of incurred in the late tumult at Rome, consul, and to restore Marius, with the other found that, by havina deserted his station, he had exiles, to their condition of Roman citizenss; only actually divested himself of his office as consul, stipulating that they would spare the blood of and thev obtained the election of L. Cornelius their opponents, or proceed against them accordMerula in his place. in( to the laws of the commonwealth. While Marius, being informed that one of the armies this treaty was in dependance, Marius, affecting in Italy, with a Roman consul at its head, was the modesty of a person whom the law, accordprepared to support him, made haste from his ing to his late sentence of banishment, had disexile in Africa: he landed in Tuscany, was qualifed to take any part among citizens, observjoined by numbers, and had an offer of being ed a sulien and obstinate silence. Even when the vested with the ensigns of proconsul.

But intend-treaty was concludedl, and the gates were laid ing to mnove indignation or pity, he declined every open to himself and his followers, he refused t. 4privilege of a Roman citizen, until the sentence enter until the attainder under which he lay of attainder or banishment, which had been pro-should be taken off; and until lie was replaced in nounced against him, should be reversed. In the his condition as a Roman. The people were acmannler practised by suppliants, with a mean cordingly assembled to repeal their tbormer decree. habit and ghastly figure, to which he was re-But Marius, proposing to take his enemies by duced by the distress of his exile, he presented surprise, did not wait for the completion of the himself to the people; but with a countenance, ceremony.

While the ballots were collectillg, says his historian, which; being naturally stern, he entered the city with a band of armed men, now rather seemed terrible than piteous.’ He whom he employed in taking vengeance on all implored the protection of the country towns, in those who had concurred in the late measures whose cause he too pretended to have suffered, against him. The gates, by his orders, were seand. whose interests were now embarked on the cured, but most of the senators escaped. Sylla’s same bottom with his own. He had many par-house was demolished, many who were reputed tizans among those who had composed the legions his frien(s were slain, others assisted his wife which formerly served under his orders. He had and his children in’ making their escape.

Among reputation and authority, and soon assembled a the signals by which Marius directed the execuconsiderahble force, with which, in concert with tion of particular persons, it was understood that Cinna, with Sertorius and Carbo, he advanced if he did not return a salute which was offered towards Rome. himl this was to be considered as a warrant for They invested the city in three separate di-immediate death. In compliance with these invisions. Ciinla and Carbo lay before it, Serto-structions, some citizens of note were laid dead at rius took post on the river above, and Marius be-his feet. Anrd as the meanlest retainers of’ his low it.

The last, to prevent supplies from the partly had their resentments as well as himselgf sea, made himself master of the port of Ostia; and took this opportunity to indulge their pasthe first had sent a detachment to Arminium, to sions, the city resembled a place that was taken prevent ally relief from the side of Gaul. by storm, arind every quarter resounded with the Inl this extremity the senate applied to Metel-cries of robbery, mlurders, and rapes. This horlus, requesting that he would make any accorn-rid scele continued without intermission five days modationl with the Italian allies, and hasten to and five nights. the relief of the city.

The delays which he made The following are the names of a few of the principal senators who suffired: the consul Oc3 Plutarch. in Mario. tavius was murdered in his robes of office, and in

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136 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK II. presence of his lictors; two senators of the name den;” which being applied to himself, seemed te of C’asar, Caius and Lucius; two of the name announce his approaching dissolution. He took of Crassus, the father and the son, who, attempt-to the excessive use of wine, contacted a pleurisy, ing to escape, but likely to be taken, fell by their and died on the seventh day of his illness, in the own hands; Attilius Serranus, Publius Lentu-seventeenth day of his last or seventh consulate, lus, C. Numitorius, M. Bmbius, whose bodies, and in the seventieth year of his age; leaving the fastened on a hook, were dragged by a rope tools he had employed in subverting the govern.

through the streets; Marcus Antonius, one of ment of his country, to pay the forfeit of hi2 the first Roman senators, who had betaken him-crimes.

self entirely or chiefly to civil arts, and is known Livy, it appears,2
had made it a question, therefore bv the name of the Orator; this sena-whether Marius had been most usefill to his tor bein ( discovered in a place of concealment, country as a soldier, or pernicious as a citizen. It was killed by assassins sent for the purpose. has happened unfortunately for his fame, that he The heads of the others were exposed on the closed the scene of life with examples of the latter rostral; that of Antonius was placed on the table kind. In what degree he retained his genius or of Marius, who bore him, it seems, a peculiar abilities cannot be known. His insatiable thirst degree of animosity and rancour. Catulus, once of power, like avarice in the case of other persons, the colleague of Marius in the consulate, partner seemed to grow with age. His hatred of the noin his last and most decisive victory over the bles, contracted in the obscurity of his early life, Cimbri, and without question one of the most remained with him after he himself hIad laid the respectable senators of the age, was included in amplest foundations of nobility in his own fhanily. the warrant for general execution. Marius beingr And he died in an attempt to extinguish all just solicited in his favour, made answer, He must die. or regular government in the blood of those who And this victim, choosing to avoid by a voluntary only were qualified or disposed to sustain it. death the insults likely to be offered to him by Upon the death of Marius, the government his enemies, having shut himself up, with a bra-still continued to be usurped by Cinna. Many sier of burning coals, in a close chamber which of the senators, and other citizens, obnoxious to was recently plastered, perished by sutlocation. the prevailing party, took refuge with Svlla. Merula, the Flamen Dialis, whose name, withThis general himself was declared a public eneout his own knowledge, had been inscribed con-my; his effects were seized; his children, with sul in place of that of Cinna, now likewise, willing their mother, having narrowly escaped the purto maintain the dignity of his station, opened his suit of his enemies, fled to the father in Greece. arteries at the shrine of’ Jupiter, whose priest le Upon this occasion Sylla did not change his was, sprinkled the statue of the god with his conduct in the war, nor make any concessions tc blood; on feeling the approach of death, he tore the enemies of the state. He talked familiarly from his head the apex or crest of the order, every day of his intention to punish his enemies which, by the maxims of religion, he always car-at Rome, and to avenge the blood of his friends, ried while alive, but with which on his head it but not till he had forced Mlithridates to make would have been impious and ominous to die, and reparation fot the wrongs he had done to the Rotook-those who were present to witness of the mans and to their allies in Asia. exactness with which he performed this duty. Alarmed by these threats, Cinna took measures Cinna himself became weary of the murders to strengthen his party; assumed, upon the death which were committed to gratify the avarice of of Marius, Valerius Flaccus as his colleague in mean and needy adventurers, or the rancour the office of consul; and, having assigned him the even of fugitive slaves against the masters they comman(l in Asia, with two additional legions, had deserted; he wished to terminate so horrid trusted that with this force he might obtain posa scene, but it seems could not stop it otherwise session of the province. than by the death of those who were employed But Flaccus, upon his arrival in Thessaly, in it. He caused great numbers of them accord-was deserted by part of’ the army, which went ingly to be surrounded arid put to the sword. over to Sylla; and passing through M\acedonia in He proposed, in concert with Marius, to give his route to Asia with the remainder, a dispute some ibrm or title to their government, by assum-arose between himself and his lieutenant Fimbria, ing the consulate: and although there is no doubt which ended in the murder of the consul Flacthat they could have easily obtained the sanction cus, and in the succession of Fimbria to the comof an ordinary election, yet they chose to usurp mand. So little deference or respect (lid citizens the ensigns and powers of consul without any pay, in the disorder of those unhappy times, even such pretence.l Marius, while he took the title to the government they professed to serve. of consul, continued to act like a chief of banditti, Fimbria, with the troops he had seduced to his connived at the disorders that were committed by standard, after he had assassinated their general, his niilitary retainers, and continued still to su-made a rapid progress in Asia, and hastened, as perintend the execution of the orders which he has been observed, the resolution to which Mithhad given on his first entry into the city, to put ridates was come, of applying for peace. To this his opponents to death. crafty prince, urged by the necessity of his own In the mridst of these crimes, however, the affairs, the conjuncture appeared to be ifvourable, name of Sylla, and the fame of his victories in when so much distraction took place in the counGreece, gave continual presage of a just retribu-cils of Rome. He had experienced the abilities tion. IDtarius was agitated with nocturnal fears, of Sylla; he knew his eager desire to be gone for and gave signs of a distracted mind. Some one, he imagined, in the words of a poet, continually 2 Livy, Epitome, lib.

viii. Appian. de Bell. Civil sounded in his ears, “Horrid is the dying lion’s lib. i. Plularch. in Mario. Florus, lib. iii. c. 21 Velleius Pater.

lib. ii. c. 19. &c. Dio Cass. in Frag 1 Livy, Epitome, lib. viii. mmPutis.

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CH tI’. VII.] ON THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 137 Italy, and to be revenged of his enemies; and he of Pontus, after some expostulations, agreed to expected to gain him by proffering assistance in all the conditions already mentioned. In this he the war he was about to wage with the opposite probably acted from policy, as well as from the party at Rome. necessity he felt in the present state of his affairs. Upon a message from Archelaus, Sylla readily He still hoped, in consequence of this treaty, tc agreed to an interview in the island of Delos; and turn the arms of Sylla against the Rohmans, and here being told, in the name of Mithridates, that trusted that the peace he obtained for himself in he should have money, troops, and shipping to Asia was to be the beginning of a war in Italy, make a descent on Italy, provided he would enter more likely to distress his enemies than anv efforts into a confederacy with the king of Pontus, and he himself could make against them. With this make war on the Romans, by whom he was now reasonable prospect he retired into his own kingproscribed, Sylla, in his turn, proposed to Arche-dom of Pontus; and there, strengthening himlaus to desert Mithridates, to deliver up the fleet self by alliances and the acquisition of territory and the army which was under his command, on the northern coasts of the Euxine, he preparand to rely for protection and reward on the faith ed to take advantage of future emergencies, and of the Romans. They will speedily seat you, he to profit by the state of confusion into which the said, on the throne of Pontus. Archelaus having affairs of the Romans were hastening. rejected this proposal with horror, “And you,” Sylla, having brouglht the Mithridatic war to says Sylla, ” the slave, or (if you prefer that title) an issue so honourable for himself, and having the friend of a barbarous tyrant, will not betray every where gratified his army with the spoils of your trust, and yet to me have the presumption their enenlies, being possessed of a considerable to propose an act of perfidy. The fields of Che-sum of money and a numerous fleet, and being ronea and Orchomenos should have made you secure of the attachment of the soldiers, who had better acquainted with the character of the Ro-experienced his liberality, and rested their hopes mans.” of fortune on the success of his future enterprizEs, Upon this reply Archelaus saw the necessity prepared to take vengeance on his enemies, and of purchasing the treaty he was instructed to those of the republic in Italy. YHe proceeded, make, and accordingly made the following con-however, with great deliberation and caution; ces.ions: and, as if’ the state at it ome were in perfect tran-‘rhat the fleet of Pontus, consisting of seventy quillity, staid to reduce the army of Fimbria, to regalleys, should be delivered up to the Romans. settle the Roman province, and to effect the restoThat the garrisons should be withdrawn from ration of the allies, Niconiedes and Ariobarzanes, all places which had been seized in the course of to their several kingdoms of Cappadocia and this war. Bithynia. That the Roman province in Asia, together Fimbria being required by Svlla to resign a with Paphlagonia, Bithynia, and Cappadocia command which he had illegaily usurped, reshould be evacuated, and the frontier of Pontus, torted the charge of usurpation, and treated Sylla for the future, be the boundary of Mithridates’s himself’ as an outlaw: but upon the approach of territory.

this general, being deserted by his army, he fled That the Romans should receive two thousand to Pergamus, and there put an end to his life by talents,3 to reimburse their expense in the war. the hands of a slave, of whom he exacted this serThat prisoners should be restored, and all device. To punish the province of Asia for its serters delivered up.

defection to Mithridates, Sylla obliged the inhabWhile these articles were sent to Mithridates itants to pay down a sum equal to five years’ for his ratification, Svlla in no degree relaxed the ordinary tax. He sent Curio to replace on their measures he had taken to secure and facilitate thrones the kings of Cappadocia and Bithynia, the passage of his army into Asia.

He sent Lu-who had persevered in their alliance with Rome, cullus4 round the maritime powers of the East and sent an account of these particulars to the to assemble a fleet; and, after having made some senate, without taking any notice of the edict by incursions into Thrace, to gratify his army with which he himself had been stripped of his comthe spoil of nations who had often plundered the mand, and declared an eneml.5 Befobre he set Roman province, he continued his route to the sail, however, for Italy, he thought proper to Hellespont, and was met in his way by the mes-transmit to Rome a memorial, setting forth his sengers of Mithridates, who informed him that services and his wrongs, as well as the injury their master agreed to all the articles proposed, done to many senators who liad taken refuge in except to that which related to the cession of his camp, and concluding with menaces of justice Paphlagonia; and at the same time made a merit against his’own enemies and those of the reof the preference he had given to Sylla in this public, but assuring the citizens in general of treaty; as he might have obtained more faLvour-protection and security. This paper being read able terms from Fimbria. ” That is a traitor,” in the senate, struck many of the members with said Sylla, “whom I shall speedily punish for his dreadful apprehenlsions; expedients were procrimes. As for your master, I shall know, upon posed to reconcile the parties, and to avert the my arrival in Asia, whether he chooses to have evils which the republic must sutltr fiom their peace or war.” repeated contentions. A message was sent to Being arrived at the Hellespont, he was join-pacify Sylla, and earnest intreaties were Imade to ed by Lucullus with a fleet which enabled him Cinna, that he would suspend his levies nlltil ain to pass that strait. Here he was met by another answer could be obtained from the othtr. But message from Mithridates, desiring a personal Cinna, in contempt of these pacific intentions, interview; which was accordingly held in the U C 66. took measures to prosecute the war; presence of both armies, and at which the king divided the fasces with CG.

Papirius 3 About 386,0001. 4 Vide Plutarch. ir Lucullo. 5 Appian. de Bell Mithridat. Plutarcll. in Syll S

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138 THE PROGRESS AND TER1\ INATION [Book II.. Carbo, whom without any form of gions, with six thousand Italian norse, and conl L. 2orneius4 election, he assumed for his colleague siderable levies from Macedonla and Greece.

Cinn a 4to. Cn Papir’ius in consulate; and in the partition of amounting in all to about sixty thousand men Carbo. provinces, retained for himself the With this force he landed in Italy, in the face of administration in Italy, while he as-many different armies, each of them equal or su signed to Carbo the command in the neighbour-perior in number to his own. The ot-posite partJ ing Gaul. These titular magistrates, with all the’ were supposed to ha,”- on foot at diflerent sta adherents of their faction, applied in great haste tions, above two hundreu thousand men. to the raising of men, and securing the fidelity of L. Cornelius Scipio and C.

Junius Norbanus, the towns within the several divisions which they who were its leaders, being in pos had received in charge. U. C. 6170. session of the capitol and of tht Carbo exacted hostages for their good beha-place of election, were named fbo viour from all the towns in his district; but as Lio, C. Jan. consuls. Norbanus, in the name of he had not authority from the senate for this JVorbanus. the republic, commanded a great measure, he found himself unable to give it eflect. army in Apulia; Scipio, anothel To Castricius, the chief magistrate of Placentia, a on the confines of Campania. Sertorius, young person of great age, who refused to comply, he Mlarius, with Carbo, in the quality of proconsul, said, “Have not I your life in my power?” “.And and others (as Plutarch quotes from the menmoirs have not I,” said the other, “already lived long of Sylla,) to the number of fifteen commanders, enough?“1 haId each their armies, amounting in all to four Cinna, however, having mustered a consider-hundred and fifty cohorts;2 of these difflrent boable force, intended to make head against Sylla (lies none attempi)ted to dispute the landinlg of in Thessaly, through which he was expected to Sylla, nor for some days to interrupt his march. pass in his way to Italy, and determined to trans-Ile accordingly continued to advance as in a port his army thither. But the troops being friendly country, atdl in the midst of profoiund averse to embark, he himself, endeavouring to peace. Thc inhabitants of Italy, considering force them, was killed in a mlutiny. A general the Roman nobility, in whose cause Sylla disorder and anarchy infected the whole party. appear.ed, as averse to the claim they had made The election of a successor to Cinna was twice of being l)romdliscuously enrolled in thle tribes interrupted by supposed unfavourable presages, of Rome, were likely to oppose himn and to faand Carbo remained sole consul. vour the faction which had for some time preAt this time an answer arrived from Svlla to vailed in the state. To allay their animosity, os the proposals made by the senate towards a re-to prevent their taking an active part against conciliation of parties; in which he declared, liinl, Sylla summoned the leading men of the “That he never could return into friendship country towns as lie passed, and gave them as. with persons guilty of so many and such enor-surances that he would confirm the grants which mous crimes. If the Roman people, however, had been made to thelm, if they did not iorfeit were pleased to grant an indemnity, he shouli these and every other title to favour, by abetting not interpose, but would venture to affirm, that the faction which had subverted the government. such of the citizens as chose, in the present disorOn his march he was joined by Mietollus tFius, ders, to take refuge in his camp, would find who, as has been observed, after a firuitless atthemselves safer than in that of his enemy’s.” tempt, in conjunction with the consul Octavius, He had enmbarked his arnmy at Ephesus, and in to cover Romle from the attack of Marius and three days reached the Pirnus, the port of Athens. Cinna, had withdrawn to Africa; and being Here he was taken ill of’ the gout, and was a(i-orced fromn thence by Fabius, returned into Italy. vised to use the hot baths at Adipsus; at which Beinrl in Liguria, where le still retained the he accordingly passed some time,withll great ap-character of proconsul, hle enideavoured to keep pearance of’ ease, amusing himself with bulloons some forces on foot, and to sustain the hopes of and ordinary conmpany, as if lie had no aflair of his party, when so great a change was inade in any consequence in contemplation. Hlis fleet, in. their favour by the arrival of the arnly from the mean time, consistinig of twelve hundred Greece.

ships, coasted round tihe Peloponnesus, and took Sylla was likewise, about the same time, joined on board the army which had marched by Thes-by Cncius Fompecius, son to the late consul saly to Dyracehium. Being apprehensive that Pomlpeius Strabo, who, though too young for any somle part of the legions, upon landing in Italy, p)ublic character, had assembled a considerable anl with so near a prospect of returning to their body of men to make hilself of consequence in lonmes, lnight desert, or, trusting to their conse-the present contest. Being now only about ninequence in a civil war, might become disorderly teen years of age, he was remrarked for engaging andl distress the inhabitants, he exacted a special manners, and a manly aspect, which’ i lprccured oath, by which every man bound himself, upon hini a general favour and an uncomlilon degree his arrival in Italy, to abide by his colours, and of’respect.3

This distinction being unsought for, to observe the strictest order in his march through was possibly considered by hinm as his biltl-right, the country. The troops, wishing to remove all and gave him an early impression of tlat supethe remains of a distrust which had suggested this riority to his fellow-citizens hich hc conlillued precaution, made a voluntary ofiler of a contribu-to assume through the;whole ot lhis liime.

i e had tian towards the support of the war; and Sylla, served in those legions with lwhaic h C inna inltendwithout accepting the favour, set sail with the ed to have carried the war against Slha inlto Asia additional confidence which this proof of attach-or Greece; but, being averse to tile party, he ment in the army inspired. withdrew when the army was about to embark, He had, according to Appian, five Roman le-and disappearing suddenlly, was suposed to have I Val. Max. lib. vi. c. 2. 2 About 5225,0CO
men. 3. Plutarch. in Mario

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CHAP. VII.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 139 been murdered by the ornter of Cinna, a suspicion, procured an edict of the people, by which Mewhich, among other circumstances, incited the tellus, and the others who had joined Sylla, were ioldiers to that mutiny in which the general was declared enemies to their country. About the killed. Sylla appears himself to have been won same time a fire broke out in the capitol, and the by the promising aspect of this young man, and buildings were burned to the ground. Various received him with distinguishing marks of regard.

suspicions were entertained of the cause; hbut as Numbers of the senate and nobles, who had no party had any interest in this event, it was hitherto remained exposed at Rome to the insults probably accidental, and served only to agitate of their enemies, now repaired to the camp of the minds of the people, prone to superstition, Sylla. The consul Norbanus, being joined by and apt to find alarming presages in every unyoung Marius, lay at Canusium. Sylla, while common event. he was preparing to attack them, sent an officer The remainder of the season was spent by with overtures of peace; these they rejected with both parties in collecting their forces from every marks of contempt. This circumstance had an quarter of Italy, and the term of the consuls in effect which Sylla perhaps foresaw and intended. office being nearly expired, Carbo procured his It roused the indignation of his army, and, in the own nomination to succeed them, action which followed, had some effect in obtain-U. C. 671.

and inscribed the name of Marius, ing a victory in which six thousand4 of the enemy C. Mrius, scarcely twenty years of age, as were killed, with the loss of only seventy men to COn. Pap. Car-his colleague. This young man himself. bo. is by some said to have been the Norbanus, after this defeat, retreated to Capua; nephew, by others the adopted and, being covered by the walls of that place, son, of the late celebrated C. Marius, whose waited the arrival of Scipio, who intended to join naine had so long been terrible to the enemies, him with the army under his commanad. Sylla and at length not less so to the friends, of Rome. marched to Teanumn to prevent their junction; At this time the senate consented to have the and, on the approach of Scipio, proposed to ne-plate and ornaments of the temples coined for gotiate. The leaders, with a few attendants, the pay of the supposed consular armies. They met between the two armies, and were nearly were, however, notwithstanding this act of obagreed upon termis of peace; but Scipio delayed sequiousness, believed to incline to the opposite his final consent until he should consult with party, and not to be trusted in case the city were Norbanus at Capua. Sertorius was accordingly attacked. The members being assembled together despatched to infiormn NorLbanus of what had by orders of the prwtors, Dainasippus and Brutus, passed, and hostilities were to lbe suspended until the most suspected, were taken aside and put to his return; but this messenger, probably averse d(eath; of this number, Gluintus lMucius Scavola, to the treaty, broke the truce, by seizing a post at Pontifex Maximus, flying to the temple in which Suessa which had been occupied by Sylla; and he was accustomed to discharge his sacred office, the negotiation had no other effect than that of was killed in the porch. giving the troops of both armies, as well as their The military operations of the followving spring leaders, an opportunity of conferring together; a began with an obstinate fight between two coincircumsttnoce which, in civil wars, is always dan-siderable armies commanded by NIetellus and gerous to one or other of the parties. In this case Carinas. The latter being defeated with great the p)oularity of Sylla prevailed; and the sol-loss, Carbo hastened to the scene of action, in diers of his armyv boasting ofi the wealth which order to cover the remains of the vanquished army. they had acquired under their generalf infected IIn the mean time Sylla, being encanmped at his enemries, and seduced them to desert their Setia, and having intelligence that the young Maleader. Scipio was left almost alone in his camp; rius was (advancing against him, put his army in but Sylla, receiving the troops who desertedl to motion to meet him, forced him back to Sacrihim, made no attempt to seize their general, suf-portum, near. Prnneste, where an action soon affered him to escape, and, with the accession of ter ensued, in which M\Iarius was defiated. strength he had acquired by the junction of this The routed army halting fled in disorder to arnmy, continued his march towards Romle. Nor-Prwneste, the first who arrived vwere received into banus at the same time evacuated Capua, and, by the place; but as it was apprehended the enemy forced tniarches in a different route, endeavoured migTlt likewise enter in the tu.-ult, the gates to prevent him. were shut, and many, being excluded, were About this time, Sertorius, who, before the slaughtered under the rarimparts. Marius himself war broke out, had, in the distribution of pro-escaped, by a rope which was let down fiom the vinces, been appointed proprintor of Spain, de-battlements to hoist him over the walls. spairing of affairs in Italy, in which probably he In consequence of’ t.hiis victory Sylla invested was not sufficiently consulted, repaired to his Prreneste; and as great numllbers were thus sudprovince, and determined to try what the genius denly cooped up in a town, which was not preof a Roman leader could effect at the head of the pared to subsist theml, lie had an inmmediate proswarlike natives of that country. pect of seeing them reducedl to the necessity The chiefs of the Marian party, who remained of surrendering at discretion. Conmmittingr the in Italy, imade efforts to collect all the forces they charge of the blockade to Lucretius t)i!elia, he could at Romle. Carbo, upon hearing that the himself, with part of the army, proceeded to army of Sciolin was seduced to desert their gene-Rome.

Metellus, in a second action, had delegated ral, said, “W Ve have to do with a lion and a fox, the army of Carbo, aeid Pompey thl st of Mlarius of which the fox is probably the more dangerous near Sena; and tile party of Sylla bilng victorienemy of the two.” ous in every part of ItalS, the city was prepared Norbanus, soon after his arrival in the city, to receive him as soon as lie appeared at the gates. The partizans of the opplosite faction witllhdtv 4 Plutarch. in Syll. edit. Lcndin. p 83 and left him master of the capital.

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140 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BooK II. Sylla having posted his army in the field of and by his order exposed in the market-place. Mars, he himself entered the city, and calling an “That boy,” he said, “should have learnt to assembly of the people, delivered an harangue, in row before he attempted to steer!” which he imputed the disorder of the times to the Sylla being now master of the republic, all meni injustice and cruelty of a few factious men, who were in anxious expectation of the sequel; not had overturned the government, and sacrificed was it long before they had a specimen of the the best blood of the republic to their ambition and measures he was likely to pursue. About six or to their personal resentments. He exhorted all eight thousand of those who were supposed to be well-disposed men to be of good courage, and as-the vilest instruments of the late usurpations and sured them that they should soon see the repub-murders, being taken prisoners in the war, or lic restored. In the mean time, he gratified his surprised in the city, were, by his direction, shut army with the spoils of the opposite party, de-up in the circus, and instantly put to death. claringr the effects of all those to be forfeitedl who While this horrid scene was acting, he had ashad been accessary to the crimes lately committed sembled the senate, at a little distance, in the against the state. After this first specimen of temple of Bellona; and as most of the members his policy in the city, leaving a sufficient force to then present had either favoured, or at least execute his orders, he hastened to Clusium, tamely submitted to the late usurpation, he made where Carbo, being joined by a considerable rein-them a speech on the state of the republic, in forcement from Spain, was preparing to recover which he reproached many of them as accessary the metropolis, or to relieve his colleague Marius, to the late disorders, and admonished them, for who was reduced to great distress in Prmneste. the future, to respect the legal government and The events which followed the arrival and constitution of their country. In the midst of operations of Sylla in Tuscany were various, but these admonitions, the cries of those who were for the most part unfavourable to Carbo, whose slaughtered in the circus, reaching their ears, the force, by desertions and the sword, was declining assembly was greatly alarmed, and many of the apace. The issue of the war seemed to depend members started from their seats. Sylla, with a on the fate of Preneste, and the whole force of countenance stern, but undisturbed, checked the party was therefore directed to the relief of them as for an instance of levity. “Be comthat place. The Lucanians and Samnites, who posed,” he said, “and attend to the business for had espoused the cause of Marius, and who, by which you are called. WVhat you hear are no his favour, had obtained the freedom of Rome, more than the cries of a few wretches, who are apprehending immediate ruin to themselves, in suffering the punishment due to their crimes.” the suppression of a party by whom they had From this interruption he resumed his subject, been protected, determined to make one great ef-and continued speaking till the massacre of these fort for the relief of Marius. unhappy victims was completed. They were joined in Latium by a large detachIn an harangue which he afterwards delivered ment sent by Carbo, under Carinas and Marcius, to the people, he spoke of his own services to theand made an attempt to force the lines of the be-republic, and of the misdemeanour of others, in siegers at Prieneste, and to open the blockade of terms that struck all who heard him with terror. that place. But having failed in this design, “The republic,” he said, (if his opinion were they turned, with desperation, on the city of followed,) “should be purged; but whether it Rome, which was but slightly guarded by a small’ were so or no, the injuries done to himself and detachment which had been left for that purpose. his friends should be punished.” He accordingly Sylla being informed of their intention, with ordered military execution against every person hasty marches advanced to the city, and found who had been accessary to the late massacres and the enemy already in possession of the suburbs, usurpations; and while the sword was yet reekandl preparing to force the gates. ing in his hands, passed great part of his time, as It was about four in the afternoon when he ar-usual, in mirth and dissipation with nmen of hurived, after a long march. Some of his officers mourous and singular characters. He deigned proposed, that the troops, being fatigued, should not even to inquire into the abuses that were have a little time to repose themselves; and that, committed in the execution of his general plan. for this purpose, they should remain on the ram-Tha persons who were employed in it, frequently parts until the following day. Sylla, however, indulged their own private resentment and their proposing, by his unexpected presence, and by avarice in the choice of victims. Among these, coining to action at an unusual hour, to surprise Catiline, then a young man, had joined the victhe enemy, gave orders for an immediate attack. torious party; and he plunged, with a singular The event for some time was doubtful; the wing impetuosity, into the midst of a storm which now that was led by himself gave way, or was forced overwhelmed a part of the city. He is said, from its ground; but the other wing under Cras-among other persons to whom he bore an aver sus had a better fortune, put the enemy to flight, sion, or whose effects he intended to seize, to and drove them to AntemnTe. have murdered his own brother, with stmanrge The action, though thus various in the differ-circumstances of cruelty and horror. ent parts of it, became, in the event, completely While these dreadful murders, mixed with decisive.

Eighty thousand of the Marian party many examples of a just execution, were perpewere killed in their flight, and eight thousand trated, a young man, C. Metellus, had the coutaken. Carbo, in despair of the cause, fled into rage to address himself to Sylia in the senate, and Sicily. The troops that were blocked up in desired he would make known the extent of his PraEneste, having no longer any hopes of relief, design, and how far these executions were to be surrendered themselves. and the whole party was carried? ” Te intercede not,” he said, ” for the dispersed or cut off.

Marius attempted to escape condemned; we only intreat that you would reby the galleries of a mine, ant’being prevented, lieve out of this dreadful state of uncertainty all killet himnself. His head was carried to Svlla, those whom in reality you mean to spTare.”

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CHAP. VII.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 141 Sylla, without being offended at this freedom, hopes that the shedding of blood could be stopped published a list of those he had doomed to de-while he was suffered to etain his power. His struction, offering a reward of two talents for the daring spirit, his address, his cunning, and his head of each, and denouncing severe penalties ascendant over the minds of men, rendered the against every person who should harbour or con-prospect of a deliverance, if not desperate, exceal them. Hence arose the practice of publish-tremely remote. The republic seenled to be ex ing lists of the persons to be massacred, which, tinguished for ever; and if the rage of blood, after under the odious name of proscription, was afterthe first heat of the massacre, appeared to abate, wards imitated with such fatal effects in the sub-it was stayed only for want of victims, not from sequent convulsions of the state. any principle of moderation, or sentiment of The present proscription, although it promised clemency. sonle security to all who were not’comprehended Such was the aspect of affairs, and the grounds in the fatal list, opened a scene, in some respects, of terror conceived even by those who were inmore dreadful than that which had been formerly nocent of the late disorders; but to those who had acted in this massacre. The hands of servants reason to fear the resentment of the victor, the were hired against their masters, and even those prospect was altogether desperate. iNorbanus, of children against their parents. The merce-having fled to Rhodes, received at that place an nary of every denomination were encouraged, by account of the proscriptions, and, to avoid being a great premium, to commit what before only the delivered up, killed himself.

Carbo, being in Siministers of public justice thought themselves cily, endeavoured to make his escape from thence, entitled to perform; and there followed a scene, but was apprehended by Pompey, and killed. All in which human nature had full scope to exert the ordinary offices of state were vacated by all the evil of which it is susceptible, treachery, the desertion or death of those who had filled or ingratitude, distrust, malice, and revenge; and usurped them. would have retained no claim to our esteem or Sylla had hitherto acted as master, without any commiseration, if its character had not been re-other title than that of the sword; and it was deemed by contrary instances of fidelity, generosi-now thought necessary to supply the defect. He ty, and courage, displayed by those who, to preserve retired from the city, that the senate might astheir friends and benefactors, or even to preserve semble with the more appearance of freedom. strangers, who took refuge under their protecTo name an interrex was the usual expedient tion, hazarded all the dangers with which the for restoring the constitution, and proceeding to proscribed themselves were threatened. elections in a legal form after the usual time had In consequence of these measures, about five elapsed, or when by any accident the ordinary thousand persons of consideration were put to succession to office had failed. Valerius Flaccus death, among whom were reckoned forty senators, was named. To him Sylla gave intimation, that, and sixteen hundred of the equestrian order. to resettle the commonwealth, a dictator, for an From these beginnings the Romans had rea-indefinite term, should be appointed, and made son to apprehend a tyranny, more sanguinary offer of his own services for this purpose. These perhaps than any that ever afflicted mankind. intimations were received as conmandls. Flac” If in the field you slay all who are found in cus, having assembled the people, moved for an arms against you,” said Catulus,i “and in the act to vest Sylla with the title of dictator, which city you slay even the unarmed; over whom do gave him a discretionary power over the persons, you propose to reign?” fortunes, and lives of all the citizens.’

These reproaches were by Sylla received as No example of this kind had taken place for a jests; and the freedom and ease of his manners, hundred and twenty years preceding this date. as well as the professions he made of regard to In the former part of this period, the jealousy of the commonwealth, were imputed to insensibility, the aristocracy, and, in the latter part of it, the and to a barbarous dissimulation, which rendered negative of the tribunes, had always prevented a his character more odious, and the prospect of his measure from which they severally apprehended future intentions more terrifying. some danger to themselves.

It was now revived In comparing the present with the late usurpain the person of Sylla with unusual solemnity, tions, men recollected, that Marius, from his and ratified by an act of the people, in which they infancy, had been of a severe and inexorable yielded up at once all their own claims to the temper; that his resentments were sanguinary, sovereignty, and submitted to monarchy for an and even his frowns were deadly; but that his indefinite time. Sylla having named Valerius cruelties were the effect of real passions, and had Flaccus for his lieutenant or commander of the the apology of not being perpetrated in cold horse, returned to the city, presenting a sight that blood; that every person on whom he looked with was then unusual, a single person, preceded by indifference was safe; and that even when he four-and-twenty lictors, armed with the axe and usurped the government of the state, as soon as the rods; and it was not doubted that these ensigns his personal resentments were gratified, the sword of magistracy were to be employed, not for pain his hand became an innocent pageant, and the rade, but for serious execution, and were speedily mere ensign or badge of his power.

But that to be stained with the blood of many citizens, Sylia directed a massacre in the midst of cornpo-whom the sword had spared The dictator, being sure and ease: that as a private man he had been attended likewise by a numerous military guard, affable and pleasant, even noted for humanity and in order that the city, in all matters in which it candour;2
that the change of his temper having was not necessary for himself to interpose, might commenced with his exaltation, there were no still enjoy the benefit of the usual forns, he directed the people to assemble, and to fill up the 1 Probably the son of him who perished in the ty-ordinary lists of office. ranny of Marius. Lucretius Ofiella, the officer who had com2 Plitarch. in Svl;a. manded in the reduction of Praeneste, presuming

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142 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINNATION [BooK 1I.. on his favour with the dictator, and on his con-I received his freedom, these new citizens became sequence with the army, offered himself for the an accession to the family of the Cornelii, and in consulate. Being commanded by Sylla to desist, every tumult were likely to be the sule partizans he still continued his canvass, and was, by order of Sylla, and the abettors of his power. They of the dictator, put to death, while he solicited had received a freedom which was connected votes in the streets. A tumult immediately arose; with the permanency of his government, and the centurion, who executed this order against foresaw, that, if the leaders of the opposite party, Offella, was seized, and, attended by a great con in whose houses they had served, should be reco1ITse of people, was cIarried before the dictator stored, thev themselves must return into the monSvlla heard the complaint Nwith great composure., dition of slaves; and they accordingly becaime an told the multitude who crowded around him, that additional security to the government which their Offella had been slain by his orders, and that the patron was about to establish. centurion must therefore he released. He then So far Sylla seemed to intend the security of dismissed them, with this homely but menacing his own person, and the stability of his governapologue. ” A countryman at his plough, feel-ment; but in all his subsequent institutions, he ino himself troubled with vermin, once and again had a view to restore the aristocracy in its legismade a halt to pick therh off’ his jacket; lbut be-lative and judicative capacity, to provide a proing molested a third time, he threw the jacket, per supply of officers for conducting the accumuwith all its contents, into the fire. Beware,” he lated affairs of the commonwealth, to furnish said, “of the fire; provoke me not a third time.”’ hands for every department, and to guard against Such was the tone of a government, which, fromn the grovwing tlepravity of the. times, by extendthis example, was likely to be fatal to many who ing and securing the execution of the laws.

He had concurred in the estiablishment of it, as well beran with filling up the rolls of the senate which as to those of the opposite party. had been greatly reduced by the war, and by the Svlla, soon after his elevation to sancuinarv policy of the parties who had prevailU. C. 672.

the station of dictator, proceeded( to ed in their turns. He augmented the number lls make his arrangements and to new-of this body to five hundred; taking the new eTulals model the colrmonwealth. The ar-members from the equestrian order, but leaving DCa. Corn. mv2 appeared to have the first or the choice of thenm to the people. Dolabella. preferable claim to his attention. He The legislative power of the seaccordinrly proposed to reward them Lez de Ju-nate, and the judicative power of its by a gift of all the lands which had been forfeited diciis. members were restored. The law by the adherents of the opposite party. Spoletum, that was provided for the last of Interamna, Prxeneste, Fluentia, Nola, Sulmo, these purposes consisted of different clauses. By Volaterra, together with the countries of Sam-the first clause it was enacted, that none but sennium and Lucania, were depopulated to make ators, or those who were entitled to give their way for the legions who had served under him-opinion in the senate,3 should be put upon any self in the reduction of his enemies. In these jury or list of the judges.4 By the second, that, new inhabitants of Italy, whose prosperity de-of the judges so selected, the parties should not pended on his safety, he had a guard to his person, be allowed to challenge or reject above three. andl a sure support to his power. By changing By a third clause it was provided, that judgtheir condition from that of soldiers to land-ment, in trials at law, should be given either by holders and peasants, he dispelled, at the same ballot, or openly, at the option of the defendant; time, that dangerous cloud of military power, and by a separate regulation, that the nomination which he himself or his antagonists had raised of officers to command in the provinces, with the over the commonwealth, and provided for the title of proconsul, should be committed to the permanency of any reformations he was to intro-senate.

duce into the civil establishment. The troops, During the late tribunitian usurpation, the from soldiers of fortune, became proprietors of whole legislative and executive power had, under land, and interested in the preservation of peace. pretence of vesting those prerogatives in the asIn this manner, whatever may have been his in-sembly of the tribes, been seized by the tribunes. tention in this arbitrary act of power, so cruel to But Sylla restored the ancient form of assemblinvg the innocent sufferers, if there were any such, the people by centuries, and reduced the tribunes the measure had an immediate tendency to ter-to their defensive privilege of interposing by a minate the public confusion. Its future conse-negative against any act of oppression; and he quences, in pointing out to new armies, and to deprived them of their pretended right to propose their ambitious leaders, a way to supplant their laws, or to harangue the people. He moreover fellow-citizens in their property, and to practise added, that none but senators could be elected into usurpations more permanent than that of Sylla, the office of tribune; and, to the end that no were probably not then foreseen. person of a factious ambition might choose this The next act of the dictator appears more enstation, he procured it to be enacted, that no cne tirely calculated for the security of his own person. who had borne the office of tribune could afterA body of ten thousand men, lately the property wards be promoted into any other rank of the of persons involved in the ruin of the vanquished magistracy. party, having their freedom and the right of citi-With respect to the offices of state, this new zens conferred on them, were enrolled promis-founder of the commonwealth revived the obsocuously in all the tribes; and as the enfranchised lete law which prohibited the reelection of any slave took the name of the person from whom he person into the consulate, till after an interval of 1 Appian. in Bell. Civil.

lib. i. Plutarch. in Sylla. 3 All the officers of state, even before they were pu 2 It appears tht. Livy reckoned forty-seven legions, upon the rolls, \vere entitled to speak in the sena~’ Epitome, lib. lxx i x. 4

Tacit. Annal. lib. xi. Cic. pro Cliento

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CHAP. VII.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 143 ten years; and enacted, that none could be elect-U. C. 673. Metellus. The latter was destined ed consul till after he had been questor, edile, at the expiration of his office, to and prator. He augmented the number Coucil. oMe-commanTd against Sertorius in Spain. tors from six to eight; that of questors to twenty; tell. Pius. Sylla himself still retained the dicand, to guard against the disorders which had tatorial power, and was employed recently afflicted the republic, declared it to be in promulgating some of the acts of which “the treason for any Roman officer, without the au-chief have been mentioned. thoritv of the senate anti people, to go beyond the Pompev having, in the preceding year, by the lmlts of his province, whether with or without death of Carbo, and the dispersion of h1is lartv an annrmy, to make war, or to invade any foreign finished the remains of the civil war in Slcily, nation whatever. was now ordered by the senate to transport his He repealed the law of Domitius relating to army into Africa. T’here Domitius, a leader of the election of priests, and restored to the college the opposite faction, had erected his standard, the entire choice of their own members. assembled some remains of the vanquished party, He made several additions to the criminal law, and received all the fugitives who crowded for by statutes against subornation, forgery, wilful refuge to his camp. Pompey accordingly departfire, poisoning, rap)e, assault, extortion, and for-ed from Sicily, leaving the command of that island ciblv entering the house of a citizen; and a statute to Memrmius, and embarked his arny, consisting making it penal to be found with deadly weapons of six legions, in two divisions; one landed at of any sort. To all these he added a sumptuary Utica, the other in the bay of Carthage. Having law, of which the tenor is not precisely known; come to an encagement with Domitius, who had but it appears to have regulated the expense at been joined by Jarbas, an African prince, he obordinarvS meals and at funerals, and to have like-tained a complete victory over their united forces, wise settled the price of provisions. and afterwards penetrated, without any resisThese laws were promulgated at certain intertance, into the kingdom of Numidia, which, vals, anti intermixed with the measures which though dependant on the Romans, had not yet were taken to restore the peace of the empire. been reduced to the form of a province. In order to finish the remains of the civil war, The war being ended in this quarter, Svlla Pompey had been sent into Sicily and Africa, thought proper to supersede Pompey in the proand C. Annius Luscus into Spain. In this province, and ordered him to disband his army, revince, Serteorius had taken arms for the Marian serving only one legion, with which he was to faction; but being attacked by the forces of Sylla, wait for his successor. The troopts were greatly anti ill supported at first by the Spaniard, he incensed at this order; and, thinking thenmselves fled into Africa. From thence, hearing that the equally entitled to settlements with the legions Lusitanians were disposed to take arms against who were lately provided for in Italy, refused to the reigning party at Rome, he repassed the sea, lay down their arms. They earnestly. intreated put himself at their head, and in this situation their general to embark for Rome, where they was able, for some years, to find occupation for promised to make him master of the government. the arms of the republic, and for its most experi-This young man, with a moderation which he enced generals. continued to support in the height of his ambiSoon after the departure of Sylla from Asia, tion, withstood the temptation, and declared to Murena, whom he had left to command in that the army, that, if they persisted in their purpose, province, found a pretence to renew the war he must certainly die by his own hands; that he with Mithridates; aind, having ventured to pass would not do violence to the government of his the Halys, was defeated by that prince, and af-country, nor be the object or pretence of a civil terwards arraigned as having infringed the late war. If in reality, he had encouraged this nmutreaty of peace. Sylla listened to this accusation, tiny, it was only that he might have the honour disapproved the conduct of Murena, anti sent of reclaiming the soldiers, and of rejecting their first A. Gabinius, and afterwards Minucius Ther-offer. The ambition of this singular person, as mus, to supersede him in the province. will appear from many passages of his life, led Mean time Sylla himself exhibited a splendid him to aim at consideration more than power. triumph on account of his victories in Asia and While Pompey was endeavouting to bring the Greece. The procession lasted two days. On troops to their duty, a report was carried to the first, he deposited in the treasury fifteen Rome, that he had actually revolted, and was thousand pondo of gold,6 and a hundred and fif-preparing, with his army, to make a descent upon teen thousand pondo of silver;7 on the second Italy. “t11 appears to be my fate,” said Sylla, day thirteen thousand pondo of gold,8 and seven “in my old age, to fight with boys;” and he thousand pondo of silver.9 There was nothing was about to recall the veterans to his standard, that had any reference to his victory in the civil when the truth was discovered, and the part war, except a numerous train of senators, and which Pompey had acted was properly represent. other citizens of distinction, who, having resorted ed. The merit of this young man on that occa to his camp for protection, had been restored by sion was the greater, that he himself’ was unwillhim to their estates, and their dignities; and now ing to disband the army before they should return followed his chariot, calling him father, and the into Italy to attend a triumph, which he hoped to deliverer of his country. obtain; and that the resolution he took to comUpon the return of the elections, Sylla was ply with his orders, proceeded from respect to the again chosen consul, together with Q. Caecilius senate, and the authority of the state.

Sylla, won by the behaviour of Pompey on 5 Gelliuis, lib. ii c. 24. this occasion, was inclined to dispense with his 6 Reckoning the pondo at ten ounces, and 41. an former commands, and, accordingly, moved the ounce, this will wak s about 600,0001. 7 About 287,5001 8 About 520,0001.

assembly of the people, that the legions serving in 9 About 140,0001 vlin.

lib. xxxiii. initio. Africa might return into Italy.

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144 THE PROGRESS,KND TERMINATION [Bo oK I1, This motion was opposed by C.

Herennius, afterwards retired to his villa near Cumse, where tribune of the people, who ventured to employ he exercised himself in hunting.’ the prerogative of his office, however impaired, This resignation throws a new light on the against the power of the dictator. But Sylla per-character of Sylla, and leads to a favourable consisted; obtained a law to authorize Pompey to struction of some of the most exceptionable parts enter with his army into Italy; and when he of his conduct. When, with the help of the drew near the city, went forth with a numerous comment it affords, we look back to the estabody of the senate to receive him. On this occa-blishments he made while in power, they appear sion, it is said, that, by calling him the Great not to be the acts of a determined usurper, Lut Pompey, Sylla fixed a designation upon hi, to be fitted for a republican government, and for which, in thie Roman way of distinguishing per-the restoration of that order which the vioience sons by nicknames, whether of contempt or re-and corruption of the times had suspended. spect, continued to furnish him with a title for That he was actuated by a violent resentment life. The titles were wretched when armies of personal wrongs, cannot be questioned; but it stated themselves in the commonwealth as the is likewise evident, that he felt on proper occapartizans of their leader, and when the leader, by sions for the honour and preservation of his counnot betraying his country, was supposed to per-try, in the noblest sense of these words. in his forin a great action. first attack of the city, with a military force, his Polmpey, upon this occasion, laid claim to a actions showed, that he meant to rescue tile retriumph. Syila at first opposed it as being conpublic from the usurpations of Marius, not to trary to the rule and order of the connlonwealth, usurp the government himself. When he rewhich reserved this honour for persons who had turned into Italy from the Mlithridatic war, the attained to tile rank of consul or pra-tor; but he state of parties already engaged in hostilities, arind afterwards complied, being struck, it is said, with the violence done to the republic by those who a mutinous saying of this aspiring young mlan, pretended to govern it, will abundantly justify his bidding him recollect, that there were more per-lhavinlg had recourse to arms. For the illassacre sons disposed to worship the rising than the which followed, it may be shocking to sutppose setting sun. that the evils of human life can require such a In ttle triumph which Pompey accordingly ob-remedy; but the case was singu ar, exi;osed to tained, lie meant to have entered the city on a disorders which required violent remedies, beyond carriage drawn by elephants; but these animals what is known in the history of Ilmankind, a could not pass abreast through the gates. His populous city, the capital of a large country, donation to the troops falling stort of their expec-whose inhabitants still pretended to act in a coltation, and they having murniured and even lective body, of whom every member would be threatened to mutiny, he said, the fear of losing a imaster, none would be a subject, become the his triutilph should not affect him; that he would joint sovereigns of many provinces, ready to spurn instantly disband the legions, rather, than coin-at all the institutions which were provided for the ply with their unreasonable demands. This purposes of government over themselves, and at check, given to the presumption of the army by all the principles of’justice and order which were an officer so young And so aspiring, gave a gene-required to regulate their government of others ral satisfaction. P. Servilius, a senator of’ ad-Where the gangrene spread in such a body, it vanced agfe, said, upon this occasion, ” That the was likely to require the aumputation-knite. Men young man had at last deserved his triumph and rushed into c.illles in numerous bodies, or were his title.” led inl powerful factions to any species of evil Pomrnpey, by his vanity in demanding a triumph which suited their demagogues. Whatever rilay contrary to the established order of tile common-have been Sylla’s choice among the instrumllents wealth, had impaired the lustre of his former ac-of reformation and cure, it is likely thallt the tions; by this last act of magnanimity, in re-sword alone was that on which lie could rely; straining the insolence of the troops, lie forfeited and he used it like a person anxious to etlijet its the affections of the army; and in both these cir-purpose, not to recommrllenid his art to those on cumstances together, gave a complete specimen whonl it was to be practised. and irmage of his whole life. With too much In his capacity of a political reformer, he had respect for the republic to employ violent means to work on the dregs of a corrupted republic; and for its ruin, hie was possessed by a vanity and a although the effect fell short of what is ascribed jealousy of his own personal consideration, wihich, to fabulous legislators and founders of states, yet in detail, perpetually led him to undermine its to none ever were ascribed more tokens of Inmag foundations.

nanimity and greatness of mind. He was supeUpon the return of the elections, rior to the reputation even of’ his own splendid U. C. 6741.

Sylla was again destined for one of actions; and, from simplicity or disdainl, nixed the consuls; but he declined this perhaps with superstition, not from atiected moppius Clau-s piece of flattery, and directed the desty, attributed his success to the effects of his dius.

choice to fall on P. Servilius and good fortune and to the favour of the gods. Appius Claudius. Soon after these While he bestowed on Pompey the title of magistrates entered on the discharge of their Great, he himself was content with tlhat of lFor trust; the dictator appeared, as usual, in the tunate. He was a man of letters, and passed the forum, attended by twenty-four lictors; but, in-early part of his life in a mixture of dissipation stead of proceeding to any exercise of his power, and study.

He wrote his own memloirs, or a made a formal resignation of it, dismissed his journal of his life, often quoted by Plutarch, and retinue, and having declared to the people, that, continued it to within a few days of his deathl. A if any one had any matter of charge against him, work possibly of little elegance, and even taintod, he was ready to answer it, continued to walk in the streets in the character of a private man, alid 1 Appian.

Bell Civ. lib. i.

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CHAP. VII.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 145 as we are told, with superstition; but more curi-ascribed the existence of the commonwealth itself ous surely than many volumes corrected by the to the exertions of his great ability and courage: labours of retired study. numbers who, although they were offended with WVhen tired of his youthful amusements, he the severe exercise of his power, yet admired the sued for the honours of the state; but with so magnanimity of his resignation. little appearance of any jealous or impatient am-When he was no longer an object of flattery, bition, that, if he had not been impelled by pro-his corpse was carried in procession through vocations into the violent course he pursued, it is Italy at the public expense. The fasces, and probable that he would have been contented with every other ensign of honour, were restored to the usual career of a prosperous senator; would the dead. Above two thousand golden cro wns have disdained to encroach on the rights of his were fabricated in haste, by order of the towns fellow-citizens, as much as he resented the en-and provinces he had protected, or of the private croachments that were made on his own, and persons he had preserved, to testify their veneranever would have been heard of but on the rolls tion for his memory. Roman matrons, whom it of the consuls, and in the record of his triumphs. might be expected his cruelties would have affectBut fortune destined him for a part still more ed with horror, lost every other sentiment in that conspicuous, and in which, it may be thought, of admiration, crowded to his funeral, and heapalthough none ever less studied the unnecessary ed the pile with perfumes.3 His obsequies were appearances of humanity or a scrupulous mo-perfornled in the Campus Martius. The tomb rality, none ever nmore essentially served the per-was marked by his own directions with the folsons with whom he was connected.

lowing characteristical inscription: “Here lies With respect to such a personage, circum-Sylla, who never was outdone in good offices by stances of a trivial nature become subjects of at-his friend, nor in acts of hostility by his enemv.“4 tention. His hair and eyes, it is said, were of a His merit or demerit in the principal transactions light colour, his compnlexion fair, and his counte-of his life may be variously estimated.

His havnance blotched. H-Ie was, ly the most probable ing slain so many citizens in cold blood, and withaccounts, bour years old at the time of the sedition out any form of law, if we imagine them to have of Tiberius Gracchus, and seventeen at the death been innocent, or if we conceive the republic to o~ f Caius Gracllhus; so that he might have per-have been in a state to allow them a trial, must ceived at this date the effect of tribunitian sedi-be considered as monstrous or criminal in the tions, and taken the impressions from which he highest degree: but if none of these suppositions acted against them. He served the office of were just, if they were guilty of the greatest questor under Marius in Africa at thirty-one; crimes, and were themselves the authors of thlit was consul for the first time at forty-nine or lawless state to which their country was reduced, fifty;2 was dictator at fifty-six; resigned when his having saved the republic from the hands of turned of fifty-eight; and (died, yet under sixty, such ruffians, and purged it of the vilest dreg that in the year which tollowed that of his resignation. ever threatened to poison a free state, may be There remained in the city, at his deatll, a considered as meritorious. To satisfy himself, nia;lerous body of new citizens who bore his who was neither solicitous of praise nor dreaded name: in the country a still “n)re numerous body censure, the strong impulse of his own mind, of veteran officers and soldiers, who held estates guided by indignation and the sense of necessity, by his gifts: numbers throughout the empire, was probably sufficient. who owed their safety to his protection, and who 3 Appian.de Bell. Civ. lib. i. Plutarch. in Sylle. 2

Vel. Pater. lib. iL c. 17. 4 Plutar.ch.in Sylla, fine. T

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THE HII STORY OF THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION O)F TIIE ROMAN REPUBLIC.

300K III, CHAPTER I. tc.tle of the Commonwealth and Numbers of the Peoplc-Characters of Perscns who beganl fo appear 7in the Times of Sylla-Faction qf Lepidus-Sertorius harbours the Mlarian Party i; Spainr-Is. attacked by MlIetellus and Pompey-His Death, and final Suppression of the Paty  First Appcarance qf C. Julits C esar-Tribunes begin to trespass on the Laws of Sylla Progress qf the Empire Preparations of Mithridates-1TWar with the Romans-Irruption into Bilhynia Siege of Cyzicus-Raised-Flight qf 2lMithridates-Lucullus carries the JTar into Ponies Rout and Dispersion of the Army of MHithridates-Hisfiight into Armenia-Conduct of Lucullus in the Province of Asia. THE public was so much occupied with the on the scene of public affairs, those persons whose zontest of Sylla and his antagonists, that little conduct was now to determine the fhte of the reelse is rek;orded of the period in which it took public. Pompey had already distinguished himplace. Writers have not given us any distinct self, and was a person of real consequence. He, account of thle condition of the city, or of the had been educated in the camp of his father, and, number of citizens. As the state was divided into by accident, at a very early age; and before he two principal factions, the office of censor was be-had attained to any of the ordinary civil or pollcome too important for either party to entrust it tical preferments, commanded an armnny. Cicero. with their opponents, or even in neutral hands. being of the same ave, began to be distinguished The leaders of every faction, in their turn, made at the bar. He pleaded, in the second consulate up the rolls of the people, and disposed, at their of Sylla, the cause of Roscius Amerinus, in which pleasure, of the equestrian and senatorian dig-he was led to censure the actions of Chrysoronus nities.

and other favourites of the dictator, and, by his At a survey of the city, which is mentioned by freedom in that instance, gained much honour to Livy,l precedling the admission of the Italians on himself. the rolls of the people, the number of citizens was Caesar, now connected with the family of Cinna, three hundred and ninety-four thousand three whose daughter he had married, and being nearly hundred and thirty-six. At another survey, which related to the elder Marius, who had married his followed soon after that event, they amounted, aunt, narrowly escaped the sword of the prevailaccording to Eusebius, to four hundred and sixty-ing party. Being commanded to separate from three thousand:2 and it seems that the whole his wife, he retained her in defiance of this order, accession of citizens from the country made no and for his contumacy was put in the list of the more than sixty-eight thousand six hundred and proscribed. He was saved, however, by the insixty-four. The great slaughter of Romans and tercession of some common friends, whose reItalians, in which it is said that three hundred quest in his favour Sylla granted, with that thousand men were killed, preceding the last of memorable saying, “Beware of him: there is these musters, and the difficulty of making com-many a Marius in the person of that young plete and accurate lists when the citizens were so man.” A circumstance which marked at once much dispersed, will account for the seemingly the penetration of Sylla, and the early appearEmall increase of their numbers. ances of an extraordinary character in Caesar.

In this period were born, and began to enter MarcusPorcius, afterwardsnamed Cato of! tic a, was about three years younger than Cesar, and( 1 Liv. lib. lxiii. 2 Euseb. in Chronico. being early an orphan, was educated in the house 146

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CHAP. I.]‘OF THE R(OMANlN REPUBLIC. 14X of an uncle, Livius Drusus. ~While yet a child,.!} j. m. Lepi-ported by the remains of the populistenlingt to the conversation of the times, he dus, Q. Lut. lar faction, stood for the consulate, learned that the claim of the Italian allies, then tUSs’

and was chosen, together with Q. In agritation, was dangerous to the Roman cornm-Lutatius Catulus, the son of him who, with Mainonl.vealth.

Pompedius Silo, who managed the rius, triumphed for their joint victory over the claim for the Italians, amusing himself with the I Cimbri, and who afterwards perished by the oryoungz Cato, presse. him with caresses to inter-ders of that usurper. cede with his uncle in their behalf; and, finding Pompey had openly declared for Lepidus, and that he was not to be won by flattery, likewise was told upon that occasion by Sylla, that he was tried in vain to intimidate him by threatening to stirring the embers of a fire which would in the throw him fronl the window. “If this were a end consume the republic. After the death of man,” he said, “I believe we should obtain no Sylla it appeared, from a mark of disapprobation such favour.” In the height of Sylla’s military well known to the Romans, that of not being executions, when his portico was crowded with mentioned in his will, that Pompey had lost his personrs, who brought the heads of the proscribed esteem. This prudent young man, however, in to be exchanged for the reward that was offered opposition to Lepidus and others, who wished to for them, Cato being carried by his tutor to pay insult the memory of Sylla, was among the first his court, asked, if ” no one hated this man enough in recommending and performing the honours to kill him?” “Yes, but they fear him still more that were paid to his remains. than thev hate him.” Then give me a sword,” Lelidus, upon his accession to the consulate, said the boy, “and I will kill him.” Such were moved for a recall of the proscribed exiles, a restithe early indications of characters which after-tuti(.; of the forfeited lands, and a repeal of all wards became so conspicuous in the common-the ordinances of the late dictator. T’rhis motion wealth. was formally opposed by Catulus; and there en-‘With the unprecedented degradation of the trisued between the two consuls a debate which bune Octavius, and the subsequent murder of divided the city.

But the party of the senate preTiberius Gracchus, began among the parties at vailed to have the motion rejected. Rome, a scene of injuries and retaliations, with In the allotment of provinces the Transalpine intervals of anarchy and violent usurpation, which Gaul had fallen to Lepidus; and, upon his momust have speedily ended in the ruin of the comtion being rejected in the assembll of the people, monwealth, if the sword had not passed at last although it had been for some time the practice into hands that employed it for the restoration of for consuls to remain at Rome during-their conpublic order, as well as for the avenging of pri-tinuance in office, lie prepared to leave the city, rate wrongs. in order to take possession of his province. This It is indeed probable, that none of the parties resolution, as it implied great impatience to be at in these horrid scenes had a deliberate intention the head of an arniv gave some jealousy to the to subvert the government, but all of them treated senate, who dreaded the designs of a consul desithe forms of the commonwealth with too little re-rous to join military power with his civil authospect: and to obtain some revenge of the wrongs rity. They recollected the progress of sedition whichthey themselves apprehended or endured, wlhich began with the Gracchi and Apuleius did not scruple in their turn to violate the laws raising popular tumults, and ended with Marius of their country. But to those who wished to and Sylla leading consular armies in the city, preserve the conlmonwealth, the experience of and fighting their battles in the streets. And in fifty years was now sufficient to show, that at-this point the decisive spirit of Syvla, although it tempts to reotore the laws by illegal methmods, and may have snatched the commonwrealth from the to terminate animosities by retorted injuries and flames by which it begall to be consumed, yet provocations, were extremely vain. Tilhe excess showed the way to its ruin in the means which of’ the evil had a tendency to exhaust its source, he-employed to preserve it.3 The senators were and parties began to nauseate the draught of willing that Lepidus should depart from the city; which they had been made so plentifully to but they had the precaution to exact from him an drink. There were, nevertheless, some dregs in oath, that he should not disturb the public peace. the bottom of the cup, and the supplies of faction This oath, to avoid the appearance of any parwhich were brought by the rising generation, ticular distrust in him, they likewise exacted from were of a mixture more dangerous than those of his collea(rue.4 the former age. The example of Sylla, who Lepidus, notwithlstandingl his oath, being armade himself lord of the comnmonwelalth by means rived in his province, nlade preparations for war; of a military force, and the security with which and, thinking that his oath was binding only lie held his usurpation during pleasure, had a while he remained in office, determined to remain more powerful effect in exciting the thirst of do-in Gaul at the head of his forces until the term minion, than the political uses which he made was expired. The senate, in order to remove himi of his power, or his magnanimity in resigning it, from the army, appointed him to preside at the had to restrain or to correct the effects of that election of his successor. But he neglected the dangerous precedent. Adventurers accordingly summons which was sent to him for this purpose, arose, who, without provocation, and equally in-and the year of the present consuls was by this different to the interests of party as they were to means suffered to elapse, before any election was those of the republic, proceeded, with a cool and made. deliberate purpose, to gratify their own ambition The ordinary succession being thus interrupted, and avarice, in the subversion of the government the senate named Appius Claudius, as interrex, of their country. to hold the elections, and at the same time deWhile Sylla was yet alive, AEmi-prived Lepidus of his command in Gaul.

Upon J. C 675 lius Lepidus, a man of profligate ambition, but of mean capacity, sup. I 3 Appian. de Bell. Civ. lib. i. 4 Ibid.

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118 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION IBOOK II1L this information he hastened to Italy with the boured at home, would render them unable to troops he had already assembled., and greatly resist his forces in Asia, and give him an opporalarmed the republic. The senate gave to Ap-tunity to remove the only obstruction that repius Claudius, and to Catulus, in the quality of mnained to his own conquests. He avoided, in proconsul, the usual charge to watch over the the time of a negotiation, and without the pretext satfty of the state. These officers accordingly, of a new provocation, to break out into open without delay, collected a military force, while hostilities; but he encouraged his son-in-law TiLepidus advanced through Etruria, and publish-granes, king of Armenia, to make war on the ed a manifesto, in which he invited all the friends Roman allies in his neighbourhood, and thereby of liberty to join him, and made a formal demand laid the foundation of a quarrel which he might of being re-invested with the consular power. In either adopt or decline at pleasure. This prince opposition to this treasonable act of Lepidus, the accordingly, being then building a city, under the senate republished the law of Plautius, by which name Qf Tigranocerta, for which he wanted inthe praetors were required, in the ordinary course habitants, made an incursion into the kingdom of of justice, to take cognizance of all attempts to Cappadocia, carried off from thence three hundred levy war against the state, and joined to it an ad-thousand of the people to replenish his new setditional clause or resolution of their own, obliging tlement. those ma;gistrates to receive accusations of trea-Soon after this infraction of the peace, Mithson on holy-days, as well as on ordinary days ridates, in order to have the co-operation of some of business. of the parties into which the Roman state was Mean time Lepidus advanced to the gates of divided, entered into a treaty with Sertorius, and Rome, seized the Janiculum and one of the wished, in concert with this general, to execute brid.(es that led to the city. He was met by Ca-the project of a march, by a route afterwards tulus in the Campus Martius, repulsed and rout-practised by the barbarians who invaded the Roed. All his party dispersed; he himlself fled to man empire. From the shores of the Euxine it Sardinia, and soon after died. His son, a young appeared easy to pass over land to the Adiatic, man, with part of the army, retired to Alba, ald and once more to repeat the operations of Pyrrhlus was there soon after taken, and suffered for a and of Hannibal, by making war on the Romains treason in which he was engaged by his father. in their own country.

Marcus Brutus, the father of him who, in the Sertorius, who had erected the standard of the continuation of these troubles, afterwards fell at republic in Spain, gasve refuge to the Roman cxPhilippi, having joined with Lepidus in this rash iles from every quarter, and was now at the head and profligate attempt against the republic, was of a formidable power, composed of Italians as obliged at Mantua to surrender himself to Pom-well as natives of that country. By his birth and pey, and, by his orders, was put to death. But abilities he had pretensions to the highest preferthe most considerable part of the army of Lepi-ments of the state, and had been early distindus penetrated, under the conduct of Perpenna, guished as a soldier, qualified either to plan or to into Spain, and joined Sertorius, who was now execute. He was attached to Marius in the become the refuge of one party in its distress, as time of the Cimbric war, and became a party Sylla had formerly been of the other. In this with this leader in his quarrel with Sylla. His province accordingly, while peace began to be animosity to the latter was increased by the murestored in Italy, a source of new troubles was tual opposition of their interests in the pursuit of opening for the state. The prevailing party in civil preferments. At the beginning of the civil the city was willing to grant an indemnity, and to war, Sertorius took an active part, but showed suffer all prosecution, on account of the late of-more respect to the constitution of his country, fences, to drop; the extreme to which Sylla had and more mercy to those who were opposed to carried the severity of his executions, disposing him; than either of his associates Marius or Cinthe minds of men to the opposite course of in-na. When his party were in possession of the dulgence and mercy. government, he was appointed to command in Before the arrival of Lepidus with his army in Spain, and after the ruin of their affairs in Italy, Italy, Mithridates had sent to obtain from the withdrew into that province. He was received sellate a ratification of the treaty he had con-as a Roman governor; but, soon after the other eluded with Sylla: but upon a complaint from party prevailed in Italy, was attacked on their Ariobarzanes, that the king of Pontus had not part by Caius Annius, who came with a proper himself performed his part of that treaty by the force to dislodge him. He had established posts complete restitution of Cappadocia, he was di-on the Pyrenees for the security of his province; rected to give full satisfaction on this point before but the officer to whom they were entrusted behis negotiation at Rome could proceed. He ac-ing assassinated, and the stations deserted, the cortingly complied; but by the time his ambas-enemy had free access on that side. Not in consador brought the report, the Romans were so dition to maintain himself any longer in Spain,. much occupied by the war they had to maintain he embarked with what forces he had at Caragainst Lepidus and his adherents, that they had thagena, and continued for some years, with a no leisure for foreign afiairs. This intelligence small squadron of Cilician galleys, to subsist by encouraged Mithridates to think of renewing the the spoils of Africa alnd the contiguous coasts. war. Sensible that he could not rely on a per-In this state of his fortunes he formed a project manent peace with the Roman republic, he had to visit the Fortunate Islands, and if a settlement already provided an army, not so considerable in could be effected there, to bid farewell for ever to respect to numbers as that which he formerly the Roman world; to its factions, its divisions, had, but more formidable by the order and dis-and its troubles. But while he was about to set cipline he had endeavoured to introduce on the sail in search of this famous retreat in the ocean, model of the legion. He flattered himself that he received an invitation from the unsubdued the distraction under which the Romans now la-natives of Lusitania to become their leader. At

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CHAP. I.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 149 heir head his abilities soon made him conspicu-torius, upon his approach, took post on an emious. He affected to consider the Lusitanians as nence. Pompey prepared to attack him, and the the senate and people of Rome, treating the besieged had hopes of immediate relief. But Serestablishment of Sylla in Italy as a mere usurpa-torius had made his disposition in such a manner, tion. He himself took the ensigns of a Roman that Pompey could not advance without exposing officer of state, selected three hundred of his fol-his own rear to a party that was placed to attack lowers, to whom he gave the title of senate, and him. “I will teach this pupil of’ Sylla,” he said, in all his transactions with foreign nations, as- ” to look behind as well as before him;” and Pomsumed the name and style of the Roman repub-pey, seeing his danger, chose to withdraw, leaving lic. In treating with Mithridates he refused to the town of Laura to fall into the enemy’s hands, cede the province of Asia, or to purchase the while he himself continued a spectator of the alliance of that prince by any concessions in-siege, and of the destruction of the place. After jurious to the Roman empire, of which he af-this unsuccessful beginning of the war, he was fected to consider himself and his senate as the obliged to retire into Gaul for the winter.2 legal head. The following year, Cn. OctaWhile Sertorius was acting this farce, the re-U. C. 677. vius and C. Scribonius Curio beport of his formidable power, the late accession Cn. Octavius ing consuls, Pompey still remained he had gained by the junction of some of th c.

Scriboius in his command; and, having reMarian forces under the command of Perpenna, Curio. passed the Pyrenees, directed his and his supposed preparations to make a descent march to join Metellus. Sertorius upon Italy, gave an alarm at Rome. Metellus lay on the Sucro,3 and wished to engage him behad been some time employed against him in fore the junction; and Pompey, on his part, beSpain; but being scarcely able to keep the field, ing desirous to reap the glory of a separate victory, his opposition tended only to augment the repu-an action ensued, in which the wing on which tation of his antagonist. The conPompey fought was defeated by Sertorius; but U. C. 676. suls lately elected were judged unthe other wing had the victory over Perpenna. D. Junius equal to this war, and the thoughts As Sertorius was about to renew the action on Brltus, of’

all men were turned on Pom-the,fobllowing day, he was prevented by the ar-.lIanL. Ernili-pey, who, though yet in no public rival of Metellus.

“If the old woman had not anus Livia-character, nor arrived at the legal interposed,” he said, “I should have whipt the age of state preferments, had the boy, and sent him back to his schools at Rome.” address on this, as on many other occasions, to This war continued about two years longer make himself be pointed at as the only person with various success, but without any memorable who could effectually serve the republic. He was event, until it ended by the death of Sertorius, accordilngly, with the title of proconsul, joined to who, at the instigation of Perpenna, was betrayed Metellus in the conduct of the war in Spain.1 It and assassinated by a few of his own attendants. no doubt facilitated the career of this young man’s Perpenna, having removed Sertorius by this base pretensions, that few men of distinguished abili-action, put himself at the head of the army, and ties were now in view to sustain the fortunes of endeavoured to keep them united, at least until the republic. Such men, of whatever party, had he should be able to purchase his peace at Rome. always, in their turns, been the first victims of He was, however, deserted by numbers of’ his the late violent massacres; and the party of Sylla, own people, and at last surprised by Pompey, and whic’ll was now the republic, when considered as slain. He had made offers to disclose the secrets a nursery of eminent men, had some disadvanof the party, and to produce the correspondence tage, perhaps in the superiority of its leader, who which many of the principal citizens at Rome was Hlimself equal to all its affairs, and taught held with Sertorius, inviting him to return into others to confide and obey, not to act for them-Italy, and promising to join him with a formidable selves. Pompey was not of an age to have suf-power. The letters were secured by Pompey, fered from this influence. He camne into the party and, without being opened, were burned. So in its busiest time, and had been entrusted with masterly an act of prudence, in a person who separate commands. He had already obtained was yet considered as a young manl, has been for himself part of that artificial consideration deservedly admired. It served to extinguish all which, thou-gh it cannot be supported without the remains of the Marian faction, and reconciled abilities. often exceeds the degree of merit on men, otherwise disaffected, to a situation in which it is founded; and this consideration to the which they were assured of impunity and conend of his life he continued to augment with cealinent. much attention and many concerted intrigues. While Pompey was thus gathering laurels in He hi d a genius for war,nind was now about to the field, C. Julius Ceesar, being about seven years improve it in the contest with Sertorius, an ex-younger, that is, twenty-three years of age, was cellent master, whose lessons were rough but in-returned from Asia; and to make some trial of structive. his parts, laid an accusation against Dolabella, Pompey, having ma(le the levies destined for late proconsul of Macedonia, for oppression and this service, passed the Alps by a new route, and extortion in his province. Cotta and Hortensius, was the first Roman general who made his way appearing for the defendant, procured his acquitinto S;:ain throurgh Gaul and the Pyrenees. Soon tal. Cicero says, that he himself was then reafter mIis arrival, a le(ion that covered the fora-turned from a journey he had made into Asia, gers of his army was intercepted and cut off’ by and was present at this trial. The following year the enemy.

Sertoril was engaged in the sieve Caesar left Rome, with intention to pass some time of Laura. Pompey adlvanced to relieve it. Ser-under a celebrated master of rhetoric at Rhodes. 1 Clauldius, in making this motion, alluding to the 2 Plutarch. in Pompeio et Sertorio. Appian. Liv insignificaince of bloth consuls, saitl, that Pomnpey Obseqmllles.

Fronitinus Stratageum. lib. ii. c. 5. should be sent pro cons:llibus. 3

T’Ie Xucar, which fall.s ivl the Bay of Vaientia

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150 THE PROGRESS AND TERMIINATION j[Boox III In his way he was taken by pirates, and detained must by this time have eaten you up.“3 The about forty days, until he found means to procure sequel is imperfectly known; but the dispute ap from’Metelius a suml of fifty talents,l which was pears to have been carried to a great height, and paid for his ransom. He had frequently told the to have ended in a tumult, in which the tribune pirates, while yet in their hands, that he would Licinius was killed.

punish their insolence; and he now told them to Upon a review of Sylla’s acts intended to re expect the performance of his promise. Upon store the authoritv of the senate, it lnay be quesheing set on shore, he assembled and armed some tioned, whether that clause in the law relating to vessels on the coast, pursued and took his cap-the tribunes, by which all persons having accepttors. Leavin r his prisoners where he landed, he ed of this office were ex-luded from any further hastened to Junius Silanus, the proconsul of preferment in the state, may not have.had an ill Bithyni:a, and applied for an order to have theni effect, and required correction. It rendered the executed; but being refused by this officer, he tribunate an object only to the meanest of the made his way back with still greater despatch, senators, whlo, u)on their acceptance ofit, c.easing and, before any instructions could arrive to the I to have any pretensions to the higher offices of contrary, had the pirates nailed to the cross. state, were, by this means, deprived of any interSuch lawless banditti had long infested the seas est in the government, and exasperated against ot Asia and of Greece, and furnished at times no the higher dinities of the commonwealth. Auinconsiderable employment to the arms of the re-relius (Cotta, one of the consuls that public. Servilius Vatia, who afterwards bore the U. C. 678. succeeded Cn. Octavius and( Curio, title of Isauricus, had lately been empnloyed against L O moved perhaps by this considerthem, and after clearinn theseas, endeavoured like-C qtmrelius ation, proposed to have that clause wise to destroy or secure their ports and strongr-Cotta. repealed, an(t was warmly supportholds on shore. Thev, nevertheless, recovered this ed by the tribune Opimius, who, blow, and continued to appear at intervals in new contrary to the prohibition lately enacted, vyenswarmns, and to the great interruption of commerce tured to haran(rue the people; and(i for thlis ofllence, by sea, and of allthe commumnications in the empire. at the expiration of his office, was tried land conUnder the refi)rmations of Sylla, which, by dis-demned.4 armning the tritunitian power, in a great neasure By the defects which the people began to apshut up the source of formenr disorders, the re-prehend in tthtir present institutions, or by the public was now restored to somne degree of tran-part which their demaogues began to take quil ity, and resumed its attention to the ordinary against the aristocracy, the Romaan state, after objects of peace. The bridge on the T1iber, which a very short respite, beran to relapse into its forhad b)een erected of wood, was taken down and mer troubles, and was acrain to exhibit thel curious rebuilt with stone; bearin(r the name of ioEmi-spectacle of a nation divided against itself; broken lius, one of t-ew questors under whose inspection and distracted in its councils, which nevertlheless the filiric had becen reared; and as a iumblic work prevailed in all its operations abroad, alnd (gained of still greater consequence, it is mentioned, that continual accessions of empire, under the effect a treatise on agricultlre, the production of vlaro of convulsions which shook the commonwealth a Carthaginian, andl in the lanuagre of’ Carthage, itself to its base; and, what is still less to be parwas, by the express orders of the senate, now-alleled in the history of mankind, was to exhibit translated into Latin. At the reduction of Car-the spectacle of a nation, which proceeded in its thage, the Romans were yet governe(d by hus-iffairs abroad with a success that may be imputed bandinen, and, amidst the literary spoils of that in a great measure to its divisions at homle.

city, this book alone, consisting of tnwenty-eigTIt War, in the detail of its operations, if not even rolls or volumes, was supposed to merit l;ublic in the formation of its plans, is more likely to attention, and was secured for the state. A succeed under single rien thlan under numerous nunmber of persons, skilled in the Punic lantguage, councils. The Roman constitution, though far together with Silanus, who hadl the principal from an arrangement proper to preserve domestic charge of the work, were employed in translat-peace and tranquillity, was an excellent nursery incr it.2 of’statesnen and warriors. To persons brought The calm.

however, which the republic en-up in this school, all foreign affairs were comjoyed under the ascendant of the aristocracy, was initted with little responsibility and less control. not altogether undisturbed. In the consulate of Thlie ru’ins passion, even of the least virtuous Cn. Octavius and C. Scribonius Curio, the tri-citizens, during somle ages, was the ambition of bune Licinius made an attempt to recover the beinrm considerable, and of rising to the highest former powers of the office. He ventured, in (lirnities of the state at home. They enjoyed presence of both the consuls, to haranrue the the condition of monarchs in the provinces; bu people, and exhortedm them to reassule t’leir an-they valuedl this condition only as it furnlished cient rights. As a circumstance which serves to themn with the occasion of triumphs, and contrimark the petulant boldness of these men, it is ibuted to their importance at Rome. They Nvere mentioned that the consul Octavius, on this occa-factious an(l turbulenlt in their competition for sion, being ill, was muffled up, and covered with power and honours in the cap’-tkal; but, in order a dressing which brought flies in great numbers the better to support that very contest, were faith. about him. His colleague Curio, havinrg made ful and inflexible in maintaining all the pretena vehement speech, at the close of it, the tribune slons of the state abroad. Thus Sylla, though called out to Octavius, “You never can repay deprived of his commnand tly an act of the opposite your colleague’s service of this day; if he had not party at Rome, and with many of his friendls, been near you, while he made this speech, and beat who escaped fronl the bloody hands of their per. the air so much with his gesticulations, the flies 3 Cicero de Claris Oratoribus. 1 Near to 10,0001. 2 Plin. lib. xviii. c. 3. 4 Cicero, 3tio, in Verrem, et Paedianus, ibid

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CHAP. 1.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. _51 secultors, condemned and outlawed, still main-Mithridates, king( of Pontus, wlho appears to talned the part of a Roman officer of state, and have revived ill his own breast the anihcsities of prescribed to Mithridates, as might have been Pyrrhus and of Hannibal against the Romans, expected from him in the most undisturbed exer-had never ceased, since the date of his last morcise of his trust.

Sertorius, in the same manner, tif'ing treaty with Sylla, to devise the nllans of acting for the opposite faction, in some measure renewing the war. Having attenmlpted in vain preserved a similar dignity of character, and to engage Sylla in a league with himnself against refused to make concessions unworthy of the the Romans, he made a similar attempt on SerRoman republic. Contrary to the fate of other torius in Spain.

Aflecting to consider this fuinations., where the state is weak, while the con-gitive, with his little senate, as heads of the duct of Individuals is regular; here the state was republic, he plressed for a cession of the Roman in vigour, while the conduct of individuals was provincme in Asia in his own favour, and in rein the highest degree irregular and wild. tlrn offered to assist the followers of Sertoriu, The reputation, as well as the arms of the with all his forces in the recovery of Italy. In Romans, procured thenl accessions of territory this negotiation, however, lie found, as has been without labour, and without expense. Kingdoms already remarked, that whoever assumed the were bequeathed to them by will; as that of Per-character of a Roman officer of state, su)ported ganlus, formerly, by the will of Attalus; that of it with a like inflexible dignity. Sertorius reCyrene by the will of Ptolemy Al,ion; and that fused to disslmenmber the enmpire, but accepted of of Bithynia, about this tile, by the will of INico-the proffered aid from Mithridates, lnd agreed to medes. To the same efle t, princes and states, s(enld him Roman officers to assist in. the formawhere they did not make any formal cession of tion and discipline of his army. their sovereignty, did somewhat equivalent, by The king of Pontus, now bent on correcting submitting their rights to diiscussioi) at Rome, the error which is colmmon in extensive and barand by soliciting grants from the Ronmans of barous monarchies, of relying enmtirely on nunmwhich the world now seemaed to acknowledg(e bers, instead of discipline and military skl’l, prothe validity, by having recourse to theml as the posed to form a mnore regular army than that basis of tenures by which they held their posses-which lie had assembled in tIhe fbrnler w-ar; and, sions. in this manner, the soIns of the last An-however little successful in his endlearurs, imeant tioclhus, king of Syria, stated tilemselves as sub-to rival hlis enemy in every particular of’ their jects or dependents of the Romlan people, having discipline, in the use of their weapons, and in the passed two years at Rome, waiting decisions of fbrm of their lbofion. WVith troops Ieglnling to the senate, and soliciting a grant of the kingdomn matke these reformiations, and anroupntitmg to one of Eg)ypt, on which they formned sole pretensions.

hundred and twenty thousand fhot, a;ld sixteen In Asia, by these nmeans, the Ronan empire thousand horse, he dleclared war onil the Romans, advanced on the ruin of those who h iad formlerly anl(, without resistance, took posscssion of Capolpposed its progress. The Macedonian line, iin padocia, and Fhry(ia, beyond the boeunds they the ulonlarchy of Syria, was now brol e off o had set to his kilrtdoni. As he nas to act both extinct. The kingdoml itself, consisting of many by sea and by land, he beg an with customary provinces, began to be disnmemblllered, o the die-oblations to Ntptune and to iMars. To the first feat of Antiochus at Sipylus, by the de!ection of lie mlade an offering of a splendid carriage, drawn provincial governors and tributary princes, who, by white horses, which he precipitated and sunk no longer awed by the power of their former in the sea; to the other he made a sacrifice, master, entered into a correspondence with’the which, as described by the historian,6 filled the Romnans, and were by them acknowledged as ilmagination more than any of the rites usually sovereigns. In this manner the states of Arme-practised by ancient nations. The king, with nia, long subject to the Persians, and afterwards his army,’ ascended the highest mlountain on their to the Macedonians, now became the seat of a route, foirmed on its sunlnmit a great pile of wood, new nionarchy under Tigranes. And, to com-of which he himself laid the first materials, and plete this revolution, the natives of Syrit, weary ordered the fabiric to be raised in a pyramlidical of the degeneracy and weakness of thlir own form to a great height. The top was loaded with court, of’ the irregularity of the succession to the oilerings of honey, milk, oil, wine, and perfumes. throne of their own kingdom; weary of the fre-As soon as it was finished, the armiy around it quent competitions which involved them in blood, began the solemnity with a feast, at the end. of invited Tigrances to wield a sceptre which the which the pile was set on fire, and in proportion descendants of Seleucus were no longer in con-as tile heat increased, the army externded their dition to hold. This prince, accordingly, ex-circle, and camein down from the mounltain. The tended his king(domr to both sides of the Euphrates, flanmes continued to ascend for mlanly days, and and held Syria itself as one of its divisions.5 were seen, it is said, at the distance of a thousand In these circumstances, the Romans were left stadia, or above a hundred miles.7 ulldisturbed to re-establish their pIrovinlce in the After this solemnity was over, 2Mithridates enLesser Asia: and under the auspices of Servilius, deavoured to animate and to unite in a common who, from his principal acquisitionl in those parts, zeal for his cause the different nations that were had the name lsauricus, were extending their collected from remote parts of the emlirce, to fbrmn limits on the side of Cilicia, arid were hastening his army. For this purpose he enumerated the to the sovereignty of that coast, when their prosuccesses by which he had raised his kingdom to gress was suddenly checked by the re-appearance its prescnt pitch of greatness, and represented of an enemy, who had already given them much the numerous vices of the enemy with whom he trouble in that quarter. was now to engage, their divisions at home ana 5

Strabo. lib. xi. fine 6 Appian. 7 Ibid. de Bell. Mithridat.

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152 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BooK 1II. their oppression abroad, their avarice, and insati-and, being well provided with bartering engines, able lust of’ dominion. and the other necessaries of a siege, he had hopes The Romans were some time undetermined of being soon able to reduce it by storm. The whom they should employ against this formidable inhabitants, nevertheless, prepared for their deenemy. Pompey, being still in Spain, saw with fence, in expectation of being speedily relieved by regret this service likely to fall to the share of the Romans. another; and he had his partizans at Rome who Such was the state of affairs when Lucullus arwould have gladly put off the nomination of any rived in Asia; and having joined his new levies general to this command, until he himself could to the legions which had served under Fimbria, arrive with his army to receive it. He accordand to the other troops already in the province, ingly about this time wrote a letter to the senate, he assembled an army of about thirty thousand conmplainilg, in petulant terms, of their neglect, men, with which he advanced to re-establish and of the straits to which the troops under his Cotta in his province, and to relieve the town of command were reduced for wanlt of pay and pro-Cvzicus. The king of Pontus, being elated by visions, and threatening, if not speedily supplied, his successes, and by the superiority of his numto march into Italy. The consul Lucullus, ap-bers, gave no attention to the motions of Luculprehiendine the consequence of Pompey’s pre-lus, suffered him to get possession of the heights sence in Ialy, at the head of an army, anld wish-in his rear, and to cut off his principal supplies ing not to furnish him with any )prtence for of provisions and forage. Trusting, however, leaving his present province, had the army in that his magazines would not be exhausted beSpain completely supplied, and, at the same time, fore he should have forced the town of Cyzicus took proper measures to support his own preten-to surrender, he continued the siege. But his sions to the command in Asia. From his rank engines not being well served, and the defence as the consul in office, he had a natural claim to bein(l obstinate, his army began to be distressed this station; and from his knowledre of the coun-for want of provisions, and it became necessary try and of the warl with this very enemn, in to lessen his consumption. For this purpose he which he had already borne some part under’S l-secretly move(d away part of his cavalry. These la,2 was entitled to plead his qualifications and were intercepted( by the Romans on their march, his merits. and cut off or dispersed; and the king being reWVhen the provinces came tobe distributed, the (luced with the remnainder of his army to the difficulties which presented themselves in Asia greatest distress, embarked on board one of his were thought to require the presence of both the (allies, ordered the army to force their way to consuls. The kingdom of Bithynia, which had Lampsacus, while he himself endeavoured to been lately bequeathed to the Ronmans, as in escape with his fleet. The army being attacked danger of being invaded before they could obtain by Lucullus, the greater part of them perished in a formal possession of this inheritance; at the passingr the Asopus and the Grannicus. The same time that the enemy, by whom they were king himself, having put into Nicomedia, and threatened, was not likely to limit his operations from thence continued his voyage through the to the attack of that country. Of the consuls, Bosphorus to the Euxine, was overtaken on that Cotta was appointed to seize on the kingdom of sea by a storm, and lost the greatest part of his Bithynia, and Lucullus to lead the army against fleet. His own galley being sunk, he himself Mithridates wherever else he should carry the narrowly escaped in a barge. war. Cotta set out immediately for his province. The whole force with which thlie king of PonLucullus, being detained in making the necessary tus had invaded Bithvnia, beiln thus dispelled levies, fol!owed some timne afterwards; but before like a cloud, Lucullus employed seolne timle inl rehis arrival in Asia, the king of Polltus had already ducing the towns into which any of the troops of invaded Bithynia, defeated the forces of Cotta, Mithridates had been receivedr; and lhaving efand obliged him to take refuge in Chalcedonia.

fectuall ldestroyed the remain is of the vullquished The king of Pontus, being superior both by sea army, took his route by Bith llnia and Galatia and by land, overran the country in the nei(h-towards Pontus. At his entrance into this kingbourhood of this place; and, having broke the dom was situated the town of Amysus, a conchain which shut up the mouth of the harbour, siderable fortress on the coast of the Euxine, into he entered and burnt some Romnan gallies, which which the king had thrown a sutficilut force to were stationed there. Not thinking it advisablle retard his progress. Mithridates, under favour to attack the town of Chalcedonia, he turned his of the time he gained by the deflnce of this place, forces against Cyzicus, a port on the Propontis, assembled a new army at Cabira, near the fironblocked up the place both by sea and by land; tier of Armenia. Here lie mustered about forty thousand foot, and a considerable body of horse, I Vide Ciceronis in Luscullo, c. I & 2. and was soliciting the Scythians, Armenians, 2 Plutarch. in Lucull. initio.

edit. Lond. 4to. vol. iii. and all the nations of that continent to his aid. P. 137. Lucullus, in order to prevent, if possible, any furCicero is often quoted to prove that Lucullus, at this Lucullus, in order to prevent i possible, any furtime. was a mere novice in war, and owed the knowledee bv which he came to be distinguished, to specu-siege of Amysus to Murena, and advanced with lation and study, not to experience. It is observed by his army into the plains of Cabira. (On this lord Bolingbroke, that Cicero had an interest in hav-ground the Roman horse received repeated checks inc it believed, that great officers might be formed in from those of the enemy, and we-re kept in conthis manner; and it is probable, that he affected to consider the part which was assigned to Lucullus by tinual alarm, until their general, having time to Sylla, as miere civil employment. He is mentione(l as observe the country, avoided the plains, on which having charge of the coinage with which Sylla paid the king of Pontus, by means of his cavalry, was his army, ani of the fleet with which lie transported b ea h c ra them into Asia: but it is not to be suiposel, that superior. Thouh very much straite thesse were tihe only operations confided by Sylla to a for provisions, Lucullus kept his position onl til teutenanst of so much ability. hlcioghts until the enemy lhmould be forced to a

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CiiAP. I.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 153 general action. The skirmishes which happened jealousy of the king was gratified, and the futur. between the foraging parties drew considerable triumph of the Roman general deprived of its numbers from the respective armies to engage; principal ornaments.

and the troops of Mithridates, having been routed Lucullus, after his late victory, having no enein one of these partial encounters, the king took my in the field to oppo!se him, passed through the a resolution to decamp in the night, and ren:ve country, and entered without molestatiol into to a greater distance from the Romans. As soon many of the towns in the kingdom of Pontus. as it was dark, the equipage and the attendants He found many palaces enriched with treasure, of the leading men in the calnp, to whom he had and adorned with barbarous magnificence; and, communicated this resolution, began to withdraw; as might be expected under such a violent and and the army, greatly alarmed with that appear-distrustful government, every where palaces of’conance, was seized with a panic, and could not be finement crowded with prisoners of state, whom restrained from flight. Horse and foot, and the jealousy of the king had securedl, and whom bodies of every description, crowded in disorder his supercilious neglect had suflered to remain in into the avenues of the camp, and were trod un-custody even after his jealousy was allayed. der foot, or in great numbers perished by each Mithridates, from hIis late defeat, fled into Arother’s hands. Mithridates himself, endeavour-menia, and claimred the protection of Tigranes, ing to stop and to undeceive -them, wa, carried who, being marrie(l to his daughter, had already off by the multitude. favoured him in his dlesions against the Romans. The noise of this tumult being hea},.o a great This powerful prince, now become sovereign distance, and the occasion being knt -‘n in the of Syria as well as Armrenia, still continued his Roman camp, Lucullus advanced with his army residence in the last of these kingdoms at Tiagrato take advantage of the confusion,‘in which the nocerta, a city he hinmself built, filled with inhaenemy were fallen, and by a vigorous attack put bitants, and distinguished by his own name. On many to the sword, and hastened their dispersion. the arrival of Mithridates to sue for his protection, The king was, by one of his servants, with Tigranes (leclined to see him, but ordered him a difficultv mounted on horseback, and must have princely reception in one of the palaces. been taken, if the pursuing party had not been Lucullus continued his pursuit of this flying amused in seizing some plunder, which he had enemy only to the frolltier of Armenia, and ordered on purpose to be left in their way. A from thence, sending PIublius Clodius, who was mule, loaded with some part of the royal trea-his brother-inl-lawv, to the court of Tigrranes, with sure, turned the attention of the pursuers, while instructions to require that Mlithridates should be he himself made his escape. delivered up as lawful prey, he himself fell back In his flight he appeared to be most affected into the kinrdoml of Pontus, and soon after rewith the fate of his women. The greatest num-duced Amysus, together with Sinope, and other ber of them were left at the palace of Pharnacea, places of’ strength, which were held by the troops a place that must soon fall into the hands of the of the king. enemy. He therefore despatched a faithful eunuch The inhabitants of these places had been oriwith orders to put them to death, leaving the choice ginally colonies from Greece, and having been of the manner to themselves. A few are particu-subdued by the Persians, were, on the arrival of larly mentioned. Of two, who were his own sis-Alexander the Great, fiom respect to their origin, ters, Roxana and Statira, one died uttering exe-restored to their freedom. In imitation of’ this crations against her brother’s cruelty, the other example, and agreeably to the profession which extolling, in that extremity of his own fortune, the Romans ever mIa(de of protecting the liberties the generous care he took of their honour. Mo-of Greece, Lucullus once nmore declared those nim6, a Greek of Miletus, celebrated for her cities to be iree. Having now sufficient leisure beauty, whom the king had long wooed in vain to attend to the general state of’ the Roman prowith proffers of great riches, and whom he won vinces in Asia, he fobund, that the collectors of at last only by the participation of his crown, and the revenue, under pretext of levying the tax the earnest of the nuptial rites, had ever lamented imposed by Sylla, had been guilty of the greatest her fortune, which, instead of a royal husband oppressions. That the inhabitants, in order to and a palace, had given her a prison, and a bar-pay this tax, borrowed nmonev of the Ronlan offibarous keeper. Being now told, that she must cers anid merchants at exorlitant interest; and, die, and that the manner of her death was left when the debts becanme equal to their whole to her own choice, she unbound the royal fillet effects, were then distrain ed for paynlenlt, under from her hair, and, using it as a bandage, endea-pa.in of imll)risoml ent andl even tortures: that voured to strangle herself. It broke in the at-private persons were reduced to the necessity of tempt: “Bauble,” she said, “it is not fit even for exposing their children to sale, and corporations this!” then stretching out her neck to the eunuch, of’ selling the pictures, imrages, and other ornabid him fulfil his master’s purpose. Berenice of ments oft’ their temples, in order to satisl’ these Chios, another Grecian beauty, hadl likewise been inhumane creditors. Willing to restrain, or corhonoured with the nuptial crown; and, having rect these albuses, the proconsul ordlered, that been attended in her state of melancholy elevation where the interest exacted was equal to the eapiby her mother, who, on this occasion, likewise tal, the debt should be cancelled; and in other resolved to partake of her daughter’s fate; they cases, fixed it at a moderate rate. These acts of chose to die by poison. The mother intreated beneficence or justice to the provilces were, by that she might have the first draught; and died the farmers of the revenue, represented as acts before her daughter. The remainder of the dose of oppression and cruelty to themselves. and not being sufficient for the queen, she put herself were, among their connexions, and the sharers likewise into the hands of the executioner, and of their spoils at Rome, stated against Lucullus wa. strangled. By these deaths, the barbarous as subjects of comnplint and reproach. U

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154 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION L[Bo;K 111 CHAPTER II. escape and Revolt of the Gladiators at Capua-Spartacus-Action and Defeat of Lentulus thL

Roman Consul-And of Cassius the Prwteo oqf Gaul Appointmn en~ t of if.

Crassus f.or this Ser vice-Destruction of the Gladiators  riumph of Mletellus and Pomnpey-Consulsh ip (f Pompey and Crassus-Tribunes restored to their former Powers-Consulate qf ilefiecltis and Hortensius-W- ar in Crete-Renewal of the’War in Pontus and Armenia Defp’at of Tigranes-INegotiation with the King of Parth.ia3/-Mutiny of the Roman Army-Colmplaints of Piracies committed in the Roman Seas-Commission proposed to Pompey-Ilis Conduct ag’ainst the Pirates-His Commission extended to Pontus-Operations against Mitl/ridatcsDefeat and 1JFlight of that Prince-Operations of Pompey in Sjyria-Siege and Reduction of Jerusalem-Death of Mithridates. SOON after the war, of which we have thus cause they were Inore deeply affected, and( more stated the event, had commenced in Asia, Italy violently moved. was thrown into great confusion by the acciden-Spartacus, a Thracian captive, who, on actal escape of a few gladiators from count of his strenath and activity, had been U. C.

680. the place of their confinement at destinsed for this barbarous profession, with about M.I Teren Capua. These were slaves trained seventy or ei(rhty of’ his companions, escaped Varro. C. up to furnish their masters with a firon their place of confinement, and:trming Cass. Varus.

spectacle, which, though cruel alld themselves with such weapons as accident prebarbarous, drew numerous crowds sente(l to thell, retired to solme faistilss on the of beholders. It was at first introduced asa spe-asienlt of Mourit Vesuvius, and froil thence cies of human sacrifice at funerals, and the vic-I-harassed the cullntrv with robberies atd nllrders. tims were now kept by the wealthy in great “i’.ve 1re to lillht,”’ s;di(l tlle acier of tlisd despenuml)ers for the entertainment of tilhe people, arid ratt bandi, “let us bilslt anYainst our oi0)rc’ssors, even ftr private amnusesnent. The lhandsonlest, aLnd iii blt;iilt of our own litertises, im0t to make the most active, and the boldest of the slaves aild sport for this n;t(ulait tnd ciruel race of nien.” captives were selected for this pur pose. They Multitudtes of’

sltvcs from every quarte.r’locked were sworn to dlecliine no combat, and to shun no to) his stanldlard.‘lile prcet’et of s {*‘uL armed hardship, to which they were exposed by their the inlillitants of his district ag(ainst tlheil, but masters; they were of dlifereit denominations, was (l fiated.

and accustomied to fight inl different ways; ibut Thiis teeble and unsuccessful attemlnpt to quell those from wvliom the whole received their desi(r-the insurrection, furnislhedsl the rebels wvitlh arms, nation, einaloyed the sword and buckler, or tai-anIr raisxed tlheir reputation and their courage. get; and they commonly fought naked, that tIl l’i heir leader, by his generosity in rejecting his place and lnature of the wounds they received own share of any booty he made, by lis conduct miglit tile more plainly appear. and his valour, acquired the authority of a legal Even in this iprostitution of valour, refinements commlander; and, having named C(rixus and of honour were introduced. Thiere were certain Oenomaus, two other glttdiators, for his subordigraces of attitude which the gladiator was not nate oflicers, he formued the multitudes that repermitted to quit, even to avoid a wouand. There sorted to himn into re(ular bodies, emisloyed a was a Inann:er which he studied to preserve in certain numbler to filbricate arms. aind to procure his fall, in his bleed(ing posture, anlld even in his the necessary accolnlmodations of a camtl, till at death. Hle was applauded, or hissed, accordin(r length he collected aln armlly of sevenlty thousand as he succeeded or failed in any of these par-menl with which lie colmmainded the otsuntry to a ticulars.

When, after a tedious struggle le hwas great extent. He had already successivelv despent with labour and with the loss of blood, he f(ated the prntors Clodius, Varinus, a11d Cossistill endeavoured to preserve the dignity of his nius, who had been sent against him with concharacter, dropped or resumed the sword at his siderable forces, so that it becamle necessary to master’s pleasure, and looked round to the spec-order proper levies, and to give to the conlsuls the tators fo)r marks of their saztisfaction and applause.i charge of repressing this formnidable enemiy.

Persons of every age, condition, and sex, at-Spjrtacus had too inuch prudence to think tensded at these exhibitions; and when the pair hilnself fit to contend with the firce of the Romian who were engaged began to strain and to bleeid, state, which lie perceive d nlust soon bte assemblee the spectators, bein(r divided in their inclinations, against him. l He contenlted hlilmseli; therefbre, endeavoured to excite, by their cries and accia-with a more rational schemlle of conducting ihis mations, the party they fiavoured; and when the army by the ridge of the Aplpenines, till ihe slould contest was enlded, called to the victor to strike, gain the Alps frolm whllenee his fbllowers, wheor to spare, according as the vanquished was supther -Gauls, G(ernaias, or’Thrlacians, iighit sepaposed to have forfeited or to have deserved his rate, each into the country of which lie was a life.2 With these exhibitions, shich must create native, or from which lie had been origrinally so much disgust and horror in the recital, the brought. Roinans were Inore intoxicated than any popu-While he began Isis progress by lace in modern Europe now are with the baiting U. C.

6S81. the nlountains, in ordter to execute of bulls, or the running of horses, probably be-this project, the consuls, Gellius and L. a.le. Pop-Lentulus, had already taken the.. ~ licoa. Csr. I Cicer. Tilscllanarmn, lib ii. c. 17. corn. Lent field against hin. 1 hey at first 2 Cicero pro Sexto,. 27. Tuscul. Qln est. Sparta-Clodianus. surprised and cut off a considlerable cus, lib. ii. c. 17 body under Crixus, who had f:allen

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:,nAP. 11.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 155 &dwvn from the heights in order to pillage the by despair what they 1 sI in courage, he put them country. But Lentulus afterwards pressing hard in mind that they fougnt not upon equal terms upon Spartacus, who led the main body of the with their enemies; that they must either conrebels, brought on an action. in which the consu-quer or be treated as fugitive slaves: and, to lar army was defeated with considerable loss. enforce his admonitions, he ordered one of his Cassius, too, the prator of Cisalpine Gaul, having captives to he nailed to the cross in sight of both advanced upon him with an army of ten thousand armies. ” This,” he said to his own people, “is men, was repulsed with great slaughter. an example of what you are to suffer if you fall -In consequence of these advantages, Spartacus, into the enemy’s hands.”

-nmight no doubt have effected his retreat to the Whilst CraSsus was busy completing his line Alps; but his army being elated with victory, Spartacus prepared to force it; and, having proand considering themselves as masters of Italy, vided faggoots and other materials for this Ipulpose, were unwillino to abandon their conquest. He filled up) the ditch at a convenient place, and himself formed a new project of marching to passed it in the night with the whole body of his Rome; and for this purpose destroyed all his use-followers. He directed his march to Apulia, but less barggage and cattle, put his captives to death, was pursued, and greatly harassed in his flight. and refused to receive any more of the slaves, Accounts being received at once in the camp who were still in multitudes resorting to his of Crassus and in that of Spartacus, that fresh stand(ard. He probably expected to pass the troops were landed at Brundusiuni fiol M1aceRonall armies without a battle, and to force the doni:n, and that Ponmpey was arrived in Italy, and city of Roile itself by an unexpected assault. In on his march to join Crassus, both armisi were this he was disappointed by the consuls, with equally disposed to hazard a battle; the gladiawhom he was obliged to fight in the Picerum; tors, that they might not be attacked at once by and, though victorious in the action, he lost hopes so many enemies as were collecting against tiem; of surprising the city. But still thinking himself and the Romans under Crassus, that I-‘Inpev in condition to keep his ground in Italy, he only might not snatch out of their hands the glory of altered his route, and directed his march towards terminating the war. Under the iniluence of Lucania. these diflferent motives, both leaders d(rew forth The Romans, greatly embarrassed, and thrown their armies; and when they were ready to ennto somle diegree of consternation, by the unex-gage, Spartacus, with the valour rather of a glaoected coiitinutance of an insurrection which had diator than of a general, alighting from his horse, given thenLl inclll trouble, exposed] their armies and saying aloud, in the learing of his foillwers, to much dainger, with little Iprospect of’ honour; “if I conquer to day, I shall be better nmo.unted; not beinr courted, as usual.

for the command, if not, I shall not have occasion for a horse;” he;hey imp)osed it oni Marcus Crassus, then in the plunged his sword into the body of the animal. rank ot priator, andl sulpposed to be a person of With this earnest of a resolution to colqner or consequence, more on account of his wealth than to die, he advanced towards the enemy; dintcttinge of his abilities; thoughl in this service, after the division in which lie himself co mainided to others h1 d filed, he laid the foundation of a more muake their attack where he understood the Rofavoura!hl judgmnent. They at the same time man general was posted. He intended to decide sent orders to i’omliey, who had finished the war the action by forcing the Romans in that quarter; in Soain, to lhas:ten into Italy with his army; and but, after much bloodshed, being manglie( with to the proconsul of Macedonia, to embark with wounds, and still almost alone in the midst of what forcos could be spared from his province. his enemies, he still continued to fight sill he Mwas Crassus assembled no less than six legions, killed; and the victory of course declared for his with which he’joined the army which had been enemy. About a thousand of the Romans were already so unsuccessful against the revolt. Of slain; of the vanquished the greatest slaughter, the troops who had misbehaved he is saisd to have as usual in ancient battles, took place after the executed, Iperhlaps only decimated, four thousand, flight began. The dead were not numbered; as an exalmple to the new levies, and as a warn-about six thousand were takeq, and, in ti1e neaning of the severities they were to expect for any ner of executing the sentence of death on slives, failure in the remaining part of the service.

they were nailed] to the cross in rows, tal;t linedl Upon his arrival in Lucania he cut off ten the way from Capua to Rome. Suchll as escal ed thousand of the rebels who were stationed at a front the field of battle, beinrlT about five tl!ousand!, distance from tile Imain body of their army, and fell into the hands of Pompey, and fuirnished a ne endeavo ured to shut up Spartacus in the pen)- pretence to his flatterers for ascribing to hlil the insula of Brutium, or head of land which ex-honour of terinating the war. tends to the Straits of Messina. The gladiators The mean quality of the energy, however, in desired to pass into Sicily, where their fe’llowthe present case, precluded even Crassus ircni sufifrers, the slaves of that island, were not yet the honour of a triumph; he could have only an entirely subdued, and where great numbers at all ovation or nlilitary procession on foot. But intimes were prepared to revolt; but they were stead of the mnyrtle wreath, usual on such occaprevented by the want of shipping. Crassus at sions, he had credit enough with the senate to the same tihie undertook a work of great labour, obtain the laurel crown.1 that of intrenching the land from sea to sea with Pompey too arrived at the same time with new a ditch fifteen feet wide, and as many deep, ex-and uncommon pretensions, requiring a dispentending, according to Plutarch, three hundred sation from the law and established fobrms of the stadia, or above thirty miles. Spartacus endea-conmmonwealth. The war he’had conducted in voured to interrupt the execution of this under-Spain being of the nature of a civil war against taking; but being repulsed ill every attack, his fol-Roman citizens or sub.jects, with a Romian general lowers began to despond, andl entertained thoushts of surrendering themselves In order to suipply 1 A. Gellius, lib. v.

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15G THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION Bo9K IIIT. at their head, did not give a regular claim to a for two years successively laboured to remlove the triumph: Pompey himself was yet under the bars which had, by the constitution of Sli;la, eel legal age, and had not passed through any of the opposed to the tribunitian power. They hat previous steps of questor, edile, and prTator; yet been strenuously resisted by Lucullus and others, on the present occasion he not only insisted oil a who held the office of consul, during the detriumph, but put in his claim likewise to an ima-pendence of the questions which had arisen on mediate nomination to the office of consul. Itht subject By the favour of Pomlpey and It now became extremely evident, that the es-Crassus, lhoive er, the tribunes obtained a restitablished honours of the state, conferred in the tution of the privileges which their predece ssors, usual way, were not adequate to the pretensions in former tin.es of the republic, had so often of this young man: that he must have new and abused; and, together with the security of their singular appointments. or those already known sacred and inviolable character, andll tlilr egabestowed oil him in some new and singular mantive in all the proceedings of the state, thlv were ner. His enemies observed, that he avoided again permitted to propose laws, and to haIanigue every occasion of fair competition; that he took the people; a dangerous i-measure, by which a rank of importance which he (lid not submit to Pompey at once rendered fruitless that ofrllunahave examined; and that he ever aspired to stand lion which was the only apology fbr the blood so alone, or in the first place of public consideration lavishly shed, not only by Sylla, but likewiseh by and dignity. His partizans, on the contrary, himself. Caius Julius Cresar, at the saute timle, stated tile extraordinary honours which had been having the rank of legionary tribune collctrred done to him, as the foundation of still farther dis-upon him by the choice of the people, pwas extinctions.l In enumerating his services upon his tremely active in procuring those popular acts; return from Spain, they reckoned up, according a policy in which he was more consistent with to Pliny, eight hundred and seventy-one towns, himself than Pomnpey, and only pursued the from the Pyrennees to the extremities of that course of the party with which he emibarked in country, which he had reduced; observed that he his youth.2 had surpassed the glory of all the officers who Under this consulate, and probably with the had gone befotre him in that service; and, in con-encouragement of Pompey, the law of’ Svila, resequence of these representations, though still in specting the judlicatures was, upon the mnltion of a private station, he was admnitted to a triumph, the prator, Aurelius Cotta, likewise repealed;, or partook with Metellus in this honour. and it was permitted to the prmttors to drau it Pompey had hitherto, in all the late disputes, the judges in equal nuimbers iroin taken part with the aristocracy; but not without Lex i.urelia the senate, the knights, and a certain suspicion of aiming too high for republican go-Judiciaria. class of the people,3 whose d(t:scripvernmlent of any sort. While he supported the tion is not clearly ascertained. This senate. he aflected a degree of pre-eminence was, perhaps, a just correction of Sy-lla’s partiality above those who composed it, and was not con-to the nobles; and if it had not been accoiltent with equality, even among the first nobles panied by the former act, which restored tile triof his country.‘He acquiesced, nevertheless, in bunitian power, might have merited applause. the mere show of importance, without assuming In the mean timne, corruption advanced amlong a power which might have engaged him in con-all orders of men with a hasty pace; in the lower tests, and exposed his pretensions to too near an ranks, contempt of government; amisolsr the inspection. Upon his approach at the head of’an higher, covetousness and prodigaity, witli an arartmy fiom Spain, the senate was greatly alarmed; dour for lucrative provinces, and the opportunlities but he gave the most unfeigned assurances of his of extortion and flagrant abuse. As tile oilices intention to disband his army as soon as they of state at Romle began to be coveted wvith’ a xiexw should have attended his triumph. The senate to the appointments abroad, with whliCi they accordingly gave way to this irregular preten-were followed, Pompey, in order to dis)play his sion, and afterwards to the pretension, still more own disinterestedness, with an oblique reproof to dangerous, which without any of the previous the nobility who aspired to magistracy witll such *conditions wrich the law required, mercenary views, took a formal oath in entering U. C. 683. he made to the consulate. Crassus, on his consulate, that he would not, at tile exMl. L in.i. who had been prator in the pre-piration of his office, accept of any government Crassus Ca. ceding year, now stood for the same ir the provinces; aind by this exal.iple of genleroPosml. Magr-office, entered into a concert with sity in himself; and by the censure it implllied of -‘IMS. Pomlpey, and, notwithstandinlg their oth.ers, obtained great credit with the people, and mutual jealousy of each other, they furnished his emissaries, who were ever busy in joined their interests, and were elected together. sounding his praise, withi a pretence ftr enUnder the administration of these officers somle hanging his merit. it may, however, fronm his clsa important laws are said to have passed, although racter anid policy in other instances, be suspected, most of the particulars have escaped the notice of that lie remained at Romle with intenlton to historians. It appears that Posmipey now begans watch opportunities of raisinr his own colsidleraT to pay his court to the people; and, though he tion, and of obtsailling, by the strengthl of’ his protessed to support the authority of the senate, party, any extraordlilnary trust or conllmmissio n of wishedl to have it in his power, on occasion, to which the occasion should arise. take the sense of what was called the assembly Ponmpey, in the admlinlistration of his consulof the people against thelll, or in other words, ate, had procured the revival of the censors’ to counteract them by menlls of’ the popula: tu-functions. These had been intermitted about mults wrhich bore this namle. sixteenl years, during grreat part of which timile The tribunes tuil’ctius andt Palicanus, had tile republic had beenl ill a1 state of civil war; ailld 1Vid. Cic. pro. Leg Manilia. 2 Sueton. in C. Jul. CaEsar ib. i.i 3 Tri[lni Erurii.

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CHAP. II.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 157 the prevailing parties, in their turns, mutually and seventy thousand and three hundred pounds had recourse to acts of banishment, confiscations, sterling.5 and military executions against each other. In Pompey at the expiration of his year in the such times, even after the sword was sheathed, consulship, in observance of the oath he had the power of censor, in the first heat of party-re- taken, remained at Rome in a private station; sentment, could not be safely intrusted with any but, agreeably to the character he formerly bore, of the citizens; and the attempts which were now maintained the reserve and stateliness of a person made to revive it, though in appearance success-raised above the condition of a citizen, or even ful, could not give it a permanent footing in the above that of the first senators of consular rank. commonwealth. The public was arrived at a Other candidates for consideration and public state in which men complain of evils, but cannot honours endeavoured, by their talents and eloendure their remedies.

quence, to make themselves necessary to those L. Gellius Poplicola and Cn.

Cornelius Len-who had affairs to solicit with the public, or even utlus, being intrusted, in the capacity of censors, to make themselves feared.

They laboured to to make up the rolls of the people, mustered distinguish themselves as able advocates or forfour hundred and fifty thousand citizens. They midable accusers at the bar, and to strengthen purged the senate with great severity, having ex-their interest by procuring the support of those pungred sixty-four from the rolls, and among those to whom their talents either were or might beC. Antonius, afterwards consul, assigning as their come of importance. Pompey, on the contrary, reason, that he, having the commnand on the coasts stating himself as an exception to common rules, of Asia and Greece, had pillaged the allies, and avoided the courts of justice and other places of mortgaged and squandered his own estate. But ordinary resort, did not commit his talents to the what most distinguished this censorship was public judgment, nor present his person to the an incident, for the sake of which, it is likely, public view; took the respect that was paid to the solemnity of the census had been now revived. him as a right; seldom went abrcad, and never It was customary on those occasions for the without a numerous train of attendants. Hie knights to pass in review, each leading his horse was formed for the state of a prince, and migh before the censors. They were questioned re-have stolen into that high station even at Rome, specting their age, their services, and the persons if men, born to equality, could have suffered an under whose colmmand they had served; and if elevation which was not supported by adequate they had already served the ten years prescribed abilities; or had been willing, when troubled with by law, they received an exemption from future faction, to forego their own importance, in order services, and were vested with the privileges to obtain peace and the comforts of a moderate which were annexed to this circumstance. At government. The pretensions of Pompey, howthis part of the ceremony the people were sur-ever, were extremely disagreeable to the senate, prised to see their consul, Pompey the Great, de-and not otherwise acceptable to the people,‘than scending into the market-place, leading his horse as they tended to mortity the pride of that order in quality of a simple knight, but dressed in his of men. consular robes, and preceded by the lictors.

Be-The consulate of Crassus and Pompey was ing questioned by the censors, whether he had succeeded by that of Q. Hortenserved the stated number of years, he answered U. C. 684. sius and C. Cacilius Metellus. that he had, and all of them in armies commanded Q lo-teasias In the distribution of provinces, by himself. This farce was received with loud ac-Q. Ccil. Jie-Crete, with the command of an clamations of the people; and the censors having tellus Creti-armament to be sent into that granted the customary exemption, rose from their clus. island, fell to the lot of Hortensius; seats, and, followed by a great multitude, attended but this citizen, having acquired this equestrian consul to his own house.4 his consideration by his eloquence in pleading the It is observed that Crassus and Pompey, al-causes of his friends, and being accustomed to the though they entered on office in concert, yet dif-bar, perhaps in a degree that interfered with his fered in the course of their administration on sub-military character, declined to accept of this gojects which are not particularly mentioned. As vernment; leaving it, together with the command Crassus was in possession of great wealth, he en-of the army that wys to be employed in the redeavoured, by his liberalities, to vie with the imn-duction of the island, to his colleague Metellus, posing state and popular arts of his colleague. who afterwards received the appellation of Cretile gave an entertainment to the whole people at cus, from the distinction he acquired in this service. ten thousand tables, and distributed three months’ The Cretans, and most of the other seafaring provision of corn. To account for his being able people on the confines of Asia and Europe, had to court the people in this manner, it is said that in the late war taken an active part against the he inherited from his father a fortune of three Romans. They had, by the influence of Mithhundred talents, or near sixty thousand pounds; ridates, and by their own disposition to rapine that he increased it, by purchasing at a low price and piracy, been led to prey upon the traders, and the estates of those who were proscribed in the upon the carriers of the revenue that were frelate troubles, and by letting for hire the labour of quently passing from the provinces to Rome. a numerous family of slaves, instructed in various The desire of sharing in the profits that were arts and callings; and was become so rich by made by this species of war, had filled the sea these means, that when, some time after this with pirates and freebooters, against whom the date, he was about to depart for Asia, and conse-Romans ser, forth a succession of officers. with crated the tenth part of his estate to Hercules, he was found to possess seven thousand one hun-5 Plutarch. in Crasso. As the interest of money Ired talents, or about one million three hundred was prohibited at Rome, under the denomination of usury, but in fact was unlimited, the annual returns from such a capital must have been immense.

4 Plutarch. in Pompeio. 6 Plutarch. in Vit. Pomp.

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158 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BooK II1. extensive commands, on the coasts both of Asia actually on his territories, he sent Metrodorus, Rnd Europe. Amonr others, M. Antonius had one of his generals, at the head of a considerable been employed in this service, and was accused force, with orders to take alive the person of Luof abusing his power, by oppressing the Sicilians cullus, whom he was desirous to see, but not to and the people of other maritime provinces, who spare a man of the whole army besides. were innocent of the crimes he was employed to With these orders, the Armenian creneral set repress. In a desce.lt on the island of’ Crete he out on the roasd by which the Romlans twere supwas defeaated and killed,l’ and left the Romans posed to advance, and hastened to nmeet them. ensa(red with the people of that island in a war Both armies, on the march, had inltelli celce of which was thought to require the presence of one each other. Lucullus, upon the approach} of the of the consuls. The lot, as has been observed, enemy, halted, be(ran to intrench, and, in order fell on Hortensius, but was transferred to his col-to gain time, detached Sextilius, with about three league MIetellus. thousand mlen, to observe the Armeniains, and, Suce, was the state of affairs, and if possible, without risking an action to amuse U. C. 685. such tU: destinationof the Roman them till his works were comrpleted. But such officers, when Lucullus received was the incapacity and presumption of the enlemy, L. Cac. JMe-from Tigranes a return to the that Sextilius, being attacked by them, gained an eallsie, Q. demnand which he made of having entire victory with but a part of the Roman armyr, Mithridates delivered up as his pri-Metrodorus himself being killetd, his arimy was soner. This prince, at the arrival of Ciodius, put to the rout with great slaughter.

who bore the message, had made a progress to After this victory Lucullus, in order the more the coasts of Phcenicia, and to the farther extre-effectually to alarm and to distract the Armenimities of his empire. To verify the state and title ans, separated his army into three livisions.

which he assumed of Kin(r of’ Kings, lie affec tel, With one he intercep)ted and disperse d a body of when he mounted on horseback, to have four Arabs, who were marching to join the king; cap)tive sovereigns to walk by his stirrup, and with another he surprised’rigranes himlself, in obliged them, on other occasions, to performn every a disadvantageous situation, and obliged hiim to office of menial duty and servile attendance on fly with the loss of his atteldanllts, equipai(e, and his person. Lucullus, instead of the style which the buaroage of his army. At the heald of the was affected by this prince, had accosted him ill third division he himself’ advanced to rl’iranohis letter only with the simple title of king. His certa, and invested that place. messenger, however, was admitted to an audience, After these disasters Tiiralnes made anl effort and m.ade his demand that Mithridates, a van-to assemble the force of his 4linldoln; anld bringquished prince, whose territories were already in ing into the field all the troops of his ailies, as the possession of the Romans, should be delivered well as his own, he murstered an army of one up to adorn the victor’s triumph. This, if refus-hundred and fifty thousaint heavy-arined foot, ed, sai(l the bearer of the message, the Roman fifty-tive thousand horse, and twenty thousand general would be entitled to extort by force, and archers and slingers. He was advised iby Mithwould not fa.il, with a mighty army for that pur-ridates not to risk a battle, but to Ilty waste the pose, to pursue his fugitive wherever he was re-country from which the Romans were supplied ceived and protected.

Tigranes, unused even with provisions, oblige them to raise the siege to a plain address, much less to insult andl threats, of Tirranocerta, and repass the Euphrates, with heard this demand with real indignation; and the disaldvantage of having an enemny still in force thoucgh, wvith an appearance of temper, lie made to hanc on their rear. Ihllis counsel of Miithrioffer of the custonlary presents and honours to dates, founded in the experience he had so dearly the person who delivered it, lie took his resolution boullht, was ill suited to the presumptionl of the against the Romans, and, from havin( barely klilr. He therefore advanced toward the Ropermnitted Mithbridates to take refuge in his king-inmns imllpatieit to relieve his capital, and the dorn, determined to espouse his cause. He gave principal seat of his ma.nificence. Lucullus, for answer to Clodius, that he would not deliver trusting to the specimens Ihe had already seen of up the unfortunate king, and that, if the Romans the Armsenian forces, ventured to divide his army, invaded his territories, he knew how to defeisd and, without raisinga the siee, nmarched with one. them. He soon afterwards admitted Mithridates division to meet this numerous enemy. 11n tile into his presence, and determined to support him action that followed, the Armenlian horse beino with the necessary force against his enemies. in the van. were defeated and driven back on the Upon receiving this answer from Tigranes, foot of their own army, threw them into confuLucullus resolvedl without delay to march into sion, and gave the Romans an easy victory, in Armenia. He chose for this expedition two which, with very inconsiderable loss to themlegions and a body of horse, on whom he pre-selves, they made a great slaugrhter of the enenmy, vailed, though with some difficulty, to enter on The king himself, to avoid bein( knownrl in his a new war at a time when they flattered them-flight, unbound the royal diademi fromll his headR selves that their labours were ended, and that the and leift it to become a part in the spoils of the rewards they expected were within their reach. day. With hasty marches he arrived on the Euphrates, Mariaus, who commandedl in Tigranocerta. and passed that river before the enemy were hearing of his master’s defeat, and fearilng a re aware of his approach. Tigranes treated the volt of the Greeks and other foreigners, who har first reports of his coming with contempt, and been forced to settle at that place, ordered their ordered the person who presumed ta bring such to be searched and disarned. This order they accounts tobe punished. But being assured, be-looked on as the prelude to a massacre, and yond a possibility of doubt, that an enemy was crowding together, def’ended themselves with the staves alnd other weapons they coulld seize. They 1 Pmdianus in Orat. in Verrem surrounded a party th-,. wans sent to disperso

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CHAP. II.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 159 them, and having by that means got a supply of his treaty with the kings of Armnenia and Pon arms, they took possession of a tower which cornm-tus, and meant to support them with all his force mnanded one of the principal gates, and from In resentment of this act of treachery, and to prethence invited the Rornans to enter the place. vent the effects of it, Lucullus prol;osed to carry Lucullus accordingly seized the opportunity, and the war into Parthia; and, for this l)ulrposq btcame master of the city. The spoil was great; ordered the legions that were stationed in Pontue Tirranes having collected here, as at the,rinci-to march without delay into Armenia. pal seat of his vanity, the wealth and magnificence These troops, however, already tired of the of his court. service, and suspecting that they nwere intended Mithridates, who had been present in the late for some distant and hazardous enterprise, broke action, met the king of Armenia in his flilght; out into open mutiny, and refused to obeyv their and, havingr endeavoured to re-establish his equi-officers. This example was soon afterwards folpage and his retinue by a participation of his lowed by other parts of the army; andl the geneown, exhorted him not to despair, but to assem-ral was obliged to confine his operations to the ble a new ftrce, and to persist in the war.‘They kingdom of Armenia. He endeavoured, by passagreedl, at the same time, on an embassy to the ing the niountains near to the sources of the king of Parthia, with offirs of’ reconciliation on Euphrates and the Tigris, to penetrate as far as the part of’ Tigranes, who, at this time, was at Artaxata, the capital of the kingdom. By this war with tllt prince, and of’ satisfaction on the. march he forced Ti’granes once more to hazard a subljects in contest between them, provided the b)attle, and obtained a victory; but his own army, Parthians would join in the confederacy against notwithstandilng their success, were so much disthe Romlans. They endeavoured to persuade the coura(ed with the change of climate, which they king, that he was by no means an unconcerned experienced in ascending the mountains of Arspectator in the present contest; that the quarrel menia, and with the early and severe approach which the Romans now had with the kingrs of’ of winter in those high lands, that they again Armenia, and Pontus, was the same with that mutinied, and obliged their general to change the which they formerly had with Philip and with plan of lis operations. He turned his nlarch to Antiochus; and which, if’ not prevented, they the southward, fell down on Mesopotamia, and, would. soon have with Arsaces, and was no other after a short sicege, madle himself naster of’ Iisithan his being possessed of a rich territory, which bis, a rich city ill that territory, where, with othier tempted their ambition and avarice. Those re-captives, he took Guras, brother to the king, who pftblicais, they said, originally had not any pos-comm-anded in the place. sessions of their own, and were grown rich and Here, however, the ilutinous sp irit still congreat only bly the spoils of their neighbours. tinuing to operate in the Rolman arm, it began From their strong hold in Italy, they had extend-to appear, that tile general, who1o thcid so often ed thcil empire on the west to the coast of’

the overcome the kings of Pontus and Armnieiio, was ocean; and, if not stopped by the powerful better qualified to contend with an eneiny, than monarchies that lay in their way, were hastenling to win or to preserve the good-will of his own to reach a similar boundary on the east. The troops. A report being spread that he was soon king of Parthia, they added,. mlilght expect to be to be recalled, he, from that nmoment, lost the small invaded by these insatiable conquerors, and must remains of his authority; the legions deserted now determine whether he would engage in a their colours, and treated, with contempt or inwar joined with. such powerful allies, of whom difference, all the attempts he made to retain one by his experience, the other by his resources, them. might enable him to keep the danger at a distance This mutiny began in that part of the a.rmy, fronm his own kingdom,2 or wait until these pow-which, hailiir been transported into Asia, under ers being overthrown, and become an accession the comniand of’ Valerius Flaccus, had murdered to the Roman force, he should have the contest this general, to put themselves under the comto maintain in his own territory singly and un-mand of Fimbria, and afterwards deserted their supported from abroad. To these representations new leader to join with Sylla. Such crimes, Arsaces seemed to give a favourable ear, agreed under the late unhappy divisions of’ the republic, to the proposed confederacy, on condition that either relmained unpunished, or were stated as Mesopotamia, which he had formerly claimed, merits with the party in whose fhavour the crime was now delivered up to him. At the same time was -comniitted. These legions, however, were, he endeavoured to amuse Lucullus with offers of by Sylla, who was not willing to employ such alliance against the king of Armenia. instrumenlts, or to intrust his own, or the ftte of In this conjuncture it probably was, that Lu-the conlmonwealth in such hands, left in Asia, cullus, in the apprehension of being superseded under pretence of securing the province; and and deprived of the honour of terminating the they accordinllly made a considerable part in the war) made his report that the kingdom of Mith-aries successively commanaiided byv Aurena and ridates was now in his possession, and that the by Lucullus. The disposition which they now kingdom of Tigranes was also in his power; and showed, and that of’ the whole army, to disorder therefore, that the senate should, instead of a and mutiny, was greatly excited by the factious successor, send the usual commission to settle the spirit of Publius Clodius, the relation of’

Luculform of the province, and to make a proper esta-lus, who, having himself taken oflbnce at the blishment to preserve the territories which he had general, gave this specimen of his future conduct already subdued.

But after these representations in the state, by endeavouring to stir up rebellion were despatched, it became apparent that the king among the troops. ” We who have already unof Parthia had deceived him with false profes-dergone so many hardships,” he said, “are still sions, while he actually made great -progress in kept on foot to escort the camels that carry the treasures of our general, and made to pursue, 2 Letter of Mithridates in the Fragments of Sallust. without end, a couple of barbarous princes, that

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160 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [Book I11. lead us over deserts, or uncultivated wastes, I sition to change their leader, which, it is not while tile soldiers of Pompey, after a few camrn-doubted, Pompey, by his intrigues, and with the paigns in Spain, or in italy. are enjoying the aid of his agents, greatly encouraged. He could fruits of their labour in comnfortable settlements, in reality ill brook the private station to which, procured by the favour of their leader.” by his late oath, in entering on the consulate, he Lucullus was so much aware of’ the decline of had bound himself. He studied to support the his authority, that he (lid not choose to expose it, public opinion of his importance, and wished for by attempting to effect even a mere chancge of an occasion to derive some advantage. from it; position. He hoped, that while he issued no tbut nothing had occurred for two years that was orders of any moment, the resolution of his army worthy of the high distinction to which he asnot to obey him might remain a secret to the pired. The command in Asia he coveted the enemy. This state of affairs,.however, soon more, that it was secured to Lucullus by tne became known to Mithridates, and filled him splendour of his own successes, and by the una. with hopes of being able to recover his kingdom. nimous judgment of’ the senate and nobles, who That he might not suffer the opportunity to es-knew his faithful attachment to their order, and cape him, he fell back into Pontus, with what his fidelity to the aristocratical part of the corn troops he had then under his command, and, by stitution. The difficulties in that service were his authority and influence over his own sub-over, and nothing but the glory of terminlating jects, soon augmented his force, penetrated amoing the war remained. Pompey, either from envy to the scattered quarters of the Romans, who were Lucullus, or from a design to open a way to this left to occupy the ceuntry, and separately sur-glory for himself, contributed to the -nomination prised or destroyed considerable bodies of their of Glabrio, and to the nomination of the prmtors, troops. Among these, he attacked and defeated who were sent with separate commands into the Fabius, the officer who was trusted with the provinces of Asia and Bithynia. If, upon this general command in that kingdom; and though change, the war should become unsuccessful, or now turned of seventy, exposed his own person languish, he had hopes to be called for by the in the action, and received a wound which stop-general voice of the people, as the only person fit ped him in the pursuit, and by that means pre-to bring it to a happy conclusion. -Meantime a vented the full effect of his victory. project was started, which was likely to place him Lucullus, being informed of what had passed near to this sc ene of action, and to facilitate his in Pontus, had influence enough with the army removal, if judged expedient, to the cormmand of to put them in motion towards that kingdom the army in Pontus. with some appearance of order; but before his The pirates still continued to infest the seahr arrival, Mithridates had shut up Fabius in Ca-and were daily rising in their presumption, and inbira, and defeated Triarius with considerable creasing in their strength. They received condaughter. Here again the old man was wound-tinual accessions of numbers from those, who, by ed; and, to satisfy the army that he was not the unsettled state of Asia, were forced to join dead, was raised up into view, and remained in them for subsistence. The impunity which they sight of the army while his wound was dressed. enjoyed during the distractions of the Ron:an In this last defeat the Romans lost twenty-four commonwealth, and the profits they made by legionary tribunes, one hundred and fifty centu-their depredations, encouraged many who frerions, and seven thousand men. quented the seas to engage In the same way of It was not doubted, however, that Lucullus, life. They had been chased, and numbers of on his arrival, if the army had been disposed to them taken by M. Antonius, the orator, by Seract under him, would have been able soon to re-vilius Isauricus, and, last of all, by C. Antonius, trieve his atltirs: but he was at this time super-the father of him who, in the capacity of triumseded; and it was known in the army, that Aci-vir, is to become so conspicuous in the seqolel of lius Glabrio was set out from Rome to assume this history. But they had their retreats; and, the command. The legions, therefore, under pre-upon the least remission of’ virilance ill the Rotence that Lucullus was no longer their general, man officers, they again multiplied apace, put to and that they themselves, by a decree of the peo-sea in formidable squadrons, and embarked such le, had received their dismrission, refused to obey numbers of men, as not only enabled them to him; and the men of his army, in great num-scour the seas, but likewise to make descents on bers, actually took the route of Cappadocia on the coasts, to enter harbours, destroy shipping, their return to Italy. and pillage the maritime towns. They even venThis was the state of affairs when the com-tured to appear off the mouth of the Tiber, and missioners, who, upon the report of Lucullus, had to plunder the town of Ostia. All the coasts of been sent by the senate to settle the kingdom of the empire were open to their depredations. The Pontus in the form of a province, actually arrived. Roman magistrates were made prisonlers inl passThey found the proconsul destitute of power ing to and from their provinces; and citizeis of in his own camp, and Mithridates whom they every denomination, when taken byv theml, were believed to be vanquished, again master of his forced to pay ransom, kept in captivity, or put to own kingdom, and joining to the experience of death. The supply of provisions to Italy was old age all the ardour and enterprise of youth.’ rendered extremely difficult, and ti le price in l)roThe Roman army in Asia, as a prelude to portion enhanced. Every report on these sub.

their present defection, had been taught to up-jects was exaggerated by the intrigues of Ponmpey, braid the parsimony of their own general by a who perceived, in this occasion of public distress, comparison with the liberality and munificence of the object of a new and extraordinary commisPompey, and in this comparison showed a dispo-sion to himself.

Frequent complaints having been made, and I Appian. Bell. Mithridat.

Plutarch. in Luullo. Dio frequent deliberations held on this subject in the sius i senate, Gabinius, one of the tribunes, at last pro

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CHAP. 1I.] OF TIIE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 161 posed, that some officer of consular rank should a civil nature, which checked the license of facbe vested, during three years, with absolute pow-tion.2 ers, in order to put an effectual stop to these out-On the day on which the question on the morages, and to eradicate the cause of them, so as tion of Gabinius was to be put to the people, to secure for the future the inhabitants of the Pompey appeared in the Comitium; and, if we coast, as well as to protect the navigation of the may judge from the speech which is ascribed to seas.

As Gabinius was known to be in concert him, employed a dissimulation and artifice somewith Pompey, the design of the proposition was what too gross even for a popular assembly. He manifest; and it was received in the senate with took occasion to thank the people for the honours great aversion. ” For this,” it was said, ” Pom-he had so often received; but complained, that, pey has declined the ordinary turn of consular having already toiled so much in the public duty upon the expiration of his office, that he service, he still should be destined for new labours.

might lie in wait for extraordinary and illegal ap- “You have forgottenl,”

he said, ” the dangers I en pointments.” Gabinius being threatened with countered, and( the fatigues I underwent, while violence if he should persist in his motion, thought yet almost a boy, in the war with Cinna, in the proper to withdraw from the assembly. wars in Sicily and in Africa, and what I suffered A report was immediately spread in the city, in Spain, before I was honoured with any imagisthat the person of the tribune Gabinius had been tracy, or was of age to have a place in the senate.

actually violated;’ multitudes assembled at the But I mean not to accuse you of ingratitude; on doors of the senate-house, and great disorders the contrary, I have been fully repaid. Your were likely to follow; it was judgred prudent for nomination of me to conduct the war with Serthe senate to adjourn; and the members dread-torius, when every one else declined the danger, inc some insult from the populace, retired by I consider as a favour; and the extraordina-y separate wvays to their own houses.

Gabinius, triunmph you bestowed in consequence of it, as without farther regard to the dissent of the senate, a very great honour. But I must entreat you to prep)are(l to carry his motion to the people; but consider, that continued application and labour the other nine tribunes were inclined to oppose exhaust the powers of the mind as well as those him.

Trebellius and Roscius, in particular, pro-of the body. Trust not to my age alone, nor ilnamised, by their negative, to put a stop to any far-gine that I am still a young man, merely because ther proceedings on that business. Ponmpey, in my number of years is short of what others have the mean time, with a dissimulation which con-attained. Reckon my services and the dangers stituted part of his character, aflected to disapto which I have been exposed; they will exprove of the motion, and to decline the commlis-ceed the number of my years, and satisfy you, sion with which it was proposed to vest him. He that I cannot longer endure the labours and cares hadl recourse to this affectation, not Imerely as the which are now proposed for me. But if this be fittest means on the present occasion to disarm riot granted me, I must beg of you to consider the envy of the nobles, and to confirm the people what leads of envy such appointments are likely in their choice; but still more as a nlanner of to draw upon lme from menl, whose displeasure, proceeding which suited his own disposition, no I know you neither do, nor ought to regard, less desirous to appear forced and courted into althloulghto me their envy would he a great nishigh situations, than solicitous to gain anl to hold fortune: and I confess, that, of al tlhe difficulthem. He thus provoked the citizens of his own ties and dangers of war, I fear nothing so much rank, no less by the shallow arts which he prac-as this. To live with envious persons; to be tised to impose on the public, than by the state called to account for miscarriage, if one fails in which he assumed. He could scarcely expect to public affairs; to be envied, if one succeeds; who find a support in the order of nobles, and least of would choose to be employed on such conditions? all arnogr those who were likely to become the For these, and many other reasons, I pray you personal rivals of his fortune in the commonto leave me atrest; leave me to the care of my wealth: and yet it is mentioned, that Julius family, and of my private affairs. As for the preCwsar,. now about two-and-thirty years of age, sent service, I pray you to choose, amlong those and old enough to distinguish his natural antago-who desire the employment, some proper person; nists in the career of ambition, took part with among so many, you cannot surely be at a loss.

the creatures of Pompey on this occasion. He I am not the only person that loves you, or that was disposed to court the people, and to oppose has experience in military affairs. There are the aristocracy; either of which principles may many, whose names, to avoid the imputation of explain his conduct in this instance. He had flattery, I will not mention.” himself already incurred the displeasure of the To this speech Gabinius replied; and, affectsenate, but more as a libertine than as a disturber ing to believe the sincerity of Pompey’s dleclaraof the state, in which he had not hitherto taken tions, observed, that it was agreeable to the any material part. In common with the youth character of this great man, neithe; to desire of his time, he disliked the senators, on account command, nor rashly to accept of what was of the remaining austerity of their manners, no pressed upon him. ” They who are best able to less than the inferior people disliked them on ac-surmount difficulties,” he said, “are likewise count of their aristocratical claims to prerogative. least inclined to engage in them. But it is your But whatever we may suppose to have been his business, fellow-citizens, to consider, not what is motives, Caesar, even before he seemed to have agreeable to Pompey, but what is necessary to fornmed any ambitious designs of his own, was your own affairs; not to regard those who court ever ready to abet those of every desperate adven-you for offices, but those who are fit to discharge turer who counteracted the authority of the se-the duties of them. I wish we had many persons nate, or set the orders of government at nought; of this description, besides the man I have Fruand seemed to be actuated by a species of instinct, which set hilm at variance with those forms of 2

Zonoras, An. lib. x. c. 3. x

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1Q;) THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [Booa IIL lDosed to your choice. Did we not all wish for called upon Catullus, who was then first on the such persons likewise, when we searched amon(r roll of the senate, to deliver his opilnion, and lea the young and the old for some one whom we him up into the rostra fov this!)urpose. could o0))pose to Sertorius, and( found none but This citizen, by the equability of hIis conduct. hinlself? But wishes cannot avail us; we must and by his moderation in support of the aristota.Ce men as they are; we cannot create them. cracy, had great authority even witll the opposile if there bte but one n-lan formed for our purpose, party. He began his speech to the ipeolle with with knowled(le, experience, and good fo(rtune, professions of lpublic zeal, which obliged hinl to we in.st lay hold of him, and seize hinm, if neces-deliver with plainness what he thought was consary, even by force.

Compulsion here is expe-ducive to their good, and which entitled him to a dient and honourable for both parties; for those deliberate hearing, before they should hpronounce who employ it, because it is to find them a person oin the mnerits of what he was about to deliver. who c(an conduct their affairs; for him who suf- “If you listen,” he said, “something may still fers it, because he is to lave an opportunity of be offered to inform your judgment; if you break servint his country, an object for which no good forth again into disorders andl tulmults, your cacitizen will refuse to expose his person, or to pacity and gooed understanding will avail you sacrifice his life. nothing. I must begin with declaring my opi” Do you think that Pompey, while yet a hoy, nion, that powers so great, and for so lonl a time, was fit to command armies, to protect your allies, as are now proposed for Pompey, should not be to reduce sour enemies, to extend your empire; committed to any single citizen. but that now, in the prime of’ life, ripe in wisdomr “7The precedent is contrary to law, and in itself, anri experience, he can serve you no longer? in the highest degree, dangerous to the state. You enls)loyedl the boy, you suffler the manl to b-e WVhence came the usurpations of \ arius, but idle.

-h1ens a plrivate citizen of equestrian rank, fioim the hab-it of continued comnmand; fiolm his he was fit flr war andt affairs of state: now lie is being put at the head of every airmi, entrusted a sensator, hla is fit for nothing! Before you hadl with every war, and no less tihan six tines reany trill of hisil, you iaade choice of him for the elected consul in tile space of a few years. TWhat mlost ii)sortlit trust; now tihat you have expie-inflaned to such a degree the arrogant spirit of rience sit his ability, of his conduct, and of his Svlla, but the continual commllland of armies, and su:cTess, vu hliesitate. Is the present occasion less the continual power of dict;,tor’? Such is hupressai r than the former? Is the antagonist of man nature, that, in age as weell as i yoiuthl we Sertorius not fit to contend with pirates? But are debauched with power; all if inllure(i foi such iblsurdities cannot be received by the Roman any time to act as superiors, we cannot submit people. As for you, Pompey, submit to the will afterwards to the equal and moderate station of of your fellow-citizens. For this you were born, citizens. for this you were educated. I call upon you as “I speak not with any particular reference to the property of your country; I call upon you as its Pompey; I speak what the law requires, and dlefelice and safeguard; I call upon you to lay what I am sure is for your good. If high office down your life, if necessary. This I know, if your and command be an honour, every one who had country reluire it, you will not, you cannot refuse.

pretensions should enjoy them in his turn; if ” But it is ridiculous to accost you in this man-they be a load or a burden, every one ought to ler; you, who have proved your courage and your bear his part. These are the laws of justice and love to your country in so niany and such arduous of republican government. By observinlg them, trials. Be ruledl by this great assembly. Despise republics have an advantage over every other the envy of a few, or study the more to deserve state. By employing many men in their turns. the geieral favour. Let the envious pine when they educate and train many citizens for thes pubthey hear of your actions, it is what they deserve. lie service, and have nunlbers aimongst whorr Let us be delivered froom the evils that surround they may choose the fittest to serve on every parus, while you proceed to end your life as you be-ticulalr emergence. But if we suitfir one or a few gan it, with success and witlh glory.” to engross every office of public service or public Wheiln Gabinius had finished his speech, Tre-trust, the list of those who are qlualificd for any bellius, another of the tribunes, attempted to re-such trust will dhecrease in proportion. If we ply; but such a clamour was immediately raised always enmploy the same person in every public by the multitude that lie could not be heard. He service, we shall soon have no other person to then, by the authority of his office, forbsad the employ.

Why were we so much at a loss for question; and Gabinius instantly proposed to have experienced commanders when Sertorius appearthe sense of the tribes, whether Trebellius hadl ed to threaten Italy with an invasion’? Because not forfeited the character of tribune? Seven-commnand, for a considerable time before that peteen tribes were of this opinion, and the eighteenth riod, haad been engrossed by a few, and those few wvould havdilnade the majority, when Trebellius alone had any experience. Although, therefore, thought proper to withdraw his negative.

Ros-I have the highest opinion of Pompey’s albilities cius, another of the tribunes, intimlated by signs for this service, I must prefer to his pretenlslons (for he could not be heard) that a second should the public utality and the express declaration of be joined with Pompey in this commission. But the laws. the claniour was renewed, and the meeting likely “You annually elect consuls and priators: to to end in riot and violence.

Then all opposition what purpose’? to serve the state? or to carry for to the motion was dropped. In this state of af-a few months the ensigns of power’? If to serve fairs, Gabinius, trusting that, in the present hu-the state, why name private persons with unpremour of the people, no man would dare to oppose cedented commissions to perform what your mathe measure, and wishing to increase the honour gistrates are either fit to perform, or are not fit tc of Pompey’s nomination, by the seeming concur-have been elected? rernew of some o’ he more respectable citizens, “If there be any uncommon emergenlcy that

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CHAP. 11.] OF THE RO-MAN REPUBLIC. 163 requires more than the ordinary exertions of go-I succeeding to any such cormmandns, in the first vernmnent, the constitution has provided an exipe-year after the expiration of their office, stood in: dient. You may name a dictator. The power the way of this choice; and Pompey did not per. of this officer has no bounds, lut ill respect to the sist in it. place in which it is to be exercised, and to the time Upon the publication of an edict investing an duringr which it is to last. it is to be exercised officer of such renown with so high powers for within the limits of Italy, where alone the vitals restoring the naviigation of the seas, corn and of the state can he exposed to anlly great or press-every other article of importation at Rome, coninr attack; it is limited~ to six months, a sufficient siderably fell in their price. The friends of Pomperiod in which to remove the cause of any sul-pey already triumphed in the success of their den alarm. But this ulnlimited power, which is measure, aiad he himself soon after, notwithstandnow lproposedl for so lonlg a time, andl over the in~ the meanness of the enemy opposed to him, whole empire, must endI( in calamities, such11 as f-(ia(ned much credit by the rapid, decisive, and thi; and other nations have sufFered fiom the am-clectual mleasures he took to obtain the end of bition and usurpation of arbitrary and seditious his appointment. Althlourh it was the middle men. of winter, a season too rough, even in the Medi” If you bestow unlimited power by sea and terranean, fbr such shippring as was then in use, by land on a singrle mllan, in what manner is he to he gave orders to arm and ptut to sea as many exercise his power? Not by himself in person, vessels as could be collected on every part of the for he cannot be every where present; he must coast. In a little tiiae he had returns of two hunhave lieutenants or substitutes who act under his dIred and seventy gallies fit flor service, one hunorders. He cannot even attend to what is p)assingt dred and( twenty thousand foot, and four thousand at once in Egypt and in Spain, in Africa, Syria, horse embodied on the coasts to which his comand in Greece. If so, then why may not those inand extended. That the pirates might be every who are to act be offieers namted by you, and where attacked at once, and find no refuge by not by any intermediate person; accountable to changing their usual places of retreat, he divided you, and not to another; and in the dangers the maritime parts of’ the empire into separate they run, animated with the prospect of honour districts, appointed lieutenants with full powers to themselves, not to a person who is unnecessaIn each, assigned their stations, and allotted their rily interposed between them and their country? quotas of shipping and troops. He himself, with Gabinius proposes to invest this officer with au-a squadron of sixty ships, proposed to visit every thority to name many lieutenants; I pray you quarter, and to give his presence where it should consider, whether these officers should depend be most rSquired. He began with the coasts of upon any intermediate person, or upon yourselves Spain and Gaul, anid the seas of Sardinia and alone? and whether there be sufficient cause to Corsica; and in passing froni thence, while the suspeind all the legal powers, and to supersede all fleet coasted round the peninsula of Italy, he the ma(gistrates in the commnonwealth, and all the himself went on shore, and travelled by land to governors of provinces in every part of your en-meet them at Brundusium.

In this journey, upon pire, in order to make war on pirates?” his approach to Rome, he enjoyed, in all respects, So much of what Catullus is supposed to have the state of a great monarch, was received with delivered on this occasion is preserved among the acclamations by the people, and was courted by fragments of Dion Cassius. It is mentioned by multitudes of every condition who went forth to others, that the audience expressed their sgood-receive him. All his complaints and representawill and respect for this senator in a compliment tions were received as commands.

The consul which they paid to him, probably near the close Piso, being supposed not to forward his levies of his speech, when urging some of his former with sufficient alacrity, would have been degradarguments, he asked, ” If this man to whoom alone, ed, if Pompey himself had not interposed to preby thus employing him in every service, you give vent a motion which the tribune Gabinius inan opportunity of learning the profession of a tended to make for this purpose. statesman or soldier, should fall, to whom will The fleet being arrived at Brundusium, Pomyou next have recourse?” The peop)le answered, pey hastened to join it, and from thence passed with a general acclamation, T7o /yoursef.lf They by the stations of his several lieutenants in the searevered, for a moment, the candour and ability ports of Macedonia and Greece, to the coasts of of this eminent citizen, but could not withstand Pamphylia and Cilicia, which were the principal the arts of Pompey, and the tide of popularity, resort of the pirates. Such of these banditti as which then ran so much in his favour. he took in his way, were treated with mildness; This day being far spent in debhate, another and this circumstance, together with the great day was appointed in which to collect the votes, preparations which were reported from every when a decree passed to vest Pompey with the quarter to be making against them, with the small supreme command over all the fleets and arnmies hopes they had of being able to escape, induced of the republic, in every sea without distinction them, in great numbers, to surrender themselves. or limit, and on every coast within four hundred In the bay of Cilicia he found a squadron of theii stadia, or fifty miles of the shore. This commis-ships assembled, and ready to cover the harbours sion took place in Italy, and extended throughout at which they had been accustomed to collect every province, during three years from the time their stores, and to lodge their booty. They sepaof passing the edict.

rated, however, upon his appearance, took refuge As Pompey owed these extraordinary powers in different creeks of that mountainous coast, and entirely to the tribune Gabinius, he intended to afterwards surrendered at discretion, delivering have employed hiln next in command to himself; up all the forts they had erected, with all their out the law which excluded the tribunes from stores of timber, cordage, and sails, of which they had made a considerable provision. I Cicero pIo Loge Manilia. By these means the war was finished about

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164 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BooK [I1. the middle of summer, six months after the no-had always appeared to him a more formidable, mination of Pompey to this command. In that rival in power and consideration than Metellus, time seventy-two gallies were sunk, three hundred and the war in Pontus and Armenia likely to and six were taken, and a hundred and twenty furnish a more ample field of glory than the depiratical harbours or strongholds on shore were struction of pirates.

destroyed. Ten thousand of the pirates were Mithridates, though once nearly vanquished, killed In action, and twenty thousand, who had was, by means of the distractions which, corn surrendered themselves, remained prisoners at the municating from the popular factions at Rome, end of the war. These Pompey having sufficiently had infected the army of Lucullus, enabled to redeprived of the means of returning to their former new the war with fresh vigour. Knowing that way of lite, transplanted to different parts of the the Roman general was no longer obeyed, he not continent, where the late or present troubles, by only returned, as has been mentioned, into his thinning the inhabitants, had made room for own kingdom, but, together with Tigranes, bethem. Upon this occasion he repeopled the city gan to act on the offensive, and made excursions of Soli in Cilicia, which had been lately laid even into Cilicia. Acilius Glabrio, the proconwaste, and forcibly emptied of its inhabitants sul appointed to succeed in the command of the by Tigranes. to replenish his newly established Roman army, hearing the bad state of affairs, capital of Tigranocerta in Armenia. After this stopped short in Bithynia, and even refused to re-establishment of Soli, the place, in honour of its furnish Lucullus with the reinforcements he had restorer, came to be known by the name of Pom-brought from Italy. In these circumstances the I eiopolis.l province of Asia, likely to become a principal Whilst Pompey was thus employed in dispos-source of revenue to the commonwealth, was in in(g of the pirates on the coast of Cilicia, he re-imminent danger of being wrested from their ceived a message from Lappa in the island of hands. The friends of Pompey seized the opCrete, now besieged by Metellus, intimating that portunity to obtain a farther enlargement of his. the people of this place, although they held out powers. Manilius, one of the tribunes, in conagainst Metellus, were willing to surrender to cert with Gabinius, moved the people to extend Pompey. This sort of preference, implying esti-his commission to the provinces of Phrygia, Biination and popular regard, was one of the tempt-thynia, Cappadocia, and Pontus; and of course ations which Pompey was supposed unable to to commit the war in Armenia and Pontus to his resist; he accordingly, without consulting with direction.

This motion was strenuously opposed Metellus, sent an officer to receive the surrender by Catulus, Hortensius, and all the principal of Lappa. I members of the senate. It was supported by Metellus had now been near two years in the Marcus Tullius Cicero and by Caius Julius island of Crete, had almost entirely reduced it, Casar, who both intended on this occasion, tc and had a near prospect of that triumph, which court the popular party, by espousing the cause he afterwards actually obtained, with the title of of a person so much in favour with the people. Creticus, on account of this conquest. Pompey’s Cicero was one of the first of the Romans who commission, as commander-in-chief of all the sea rested his consideration entirely on civil accomand land forces of Rome, within fifty miles of the plishments, and who became great by the services coast, no doubt extended to this island; but it he was qualified to render his friends in a civil was justly reckoned invidious to interfere in the capacity, without any pretensions to the merit of province of a proconsul, whose appointment pre-a soldier. The character of a pleader was become ceded his own. And this step revived all the one of the most powerful recommendations to former imputations against’him, that he consi-public notice, and one of the surest roads to condered himself as every one’s superior, strove to sequence and civil preferments. Cicero, with a suppress every growing famle, and threw his per-fine genius and great application, was supposed sonal consideration as a bar in the way of every to excel all who had gone before him in this line rising merit. Metellus, stung with resentment, of pursuit. His talents were powerful instruand trusting to the support of the senate, ven-ments in his own hands; they rendered him ne tured to contemn his orders, even after Octavius, cessary to ethers, and procured him the courtship who had been sent by Pomnpey to take the inha-of every party in its turn. He was understood bitants of Lappaunder his protection, had entered to favour the aristocracy, and was inclined to the town, and in his name commanded Metellus support the senate, as the great bulwark of the to desist from the attack of a place already in state, against the licence of the populace, and the possession of the Romans. He nevertheless con-violence of factious leaders. But being now pratom tinued the siege, forced the town to surrender, with a near prospect of the consulate, he sacriand threatening to treat Octavius himself as a ficed much to his ambition in the pursuit of prerebel, obliged him to leave the island. The senate, ferments, which were new in his family, and without otherwise deciding the controversy which which the ancient nobility were disposed to envy was likely to arise on this subject, afterwards him. His speech, upon the motion of Manilius, acknowledged Metellus as the conqueror of Crete, was the first he had ever made in a political chaand decreed him a triumph in that capacity.2 racter; it is still extant, and does more honour to The dispute, however, at this time might have his talents as a pleader, than to his steadiness in led to disagreeable consequences, if Pompey, support of the constitution and government of his while he was preparing to pass into Crete against country.4 He turned aside, by artful evasions, Metellus, had not found another object of more the wise councils of Hortensius and Catulus; importance to his plan of greatlness.3 Ljucullus and, under pretence of setting forth the merits of Pompey, and of stating precedents in his favour, I Dion Cassius, lib. xxxvi. c. 20. dazzled his audience, by enumerating the irregular 2 Liv. Epit. Plutarch. in Pomrpeio.

Dion Cass. lib. Xxxv. 3 Dion Cass. lib. xxxvi. c. 28. 4 Cicer. Orat. pro Lege 3Manilia.

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CHAP. II.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 165 honours which they themselves had already conwere employed in settling the province; that there ferred on this object of their favour. was nothing left for a successor, but the invidious With such able advocates, in a cause to which task of snatching at the glory which had been the people were already so well disposed, the in-won by another. terest of Pompey could not miscarry; and an From this conference Pompey entered on the addition was accordingly made to his former com-command with many indications of animosity to mission, by which he became in reality sovereign Lucullus; he suspended the execution of his orof the fairest part of the empire. Upon the ar-ders; changed the plan of his operations; remitted rival of this news in Cilicia, where he then was, the punishments, and recalled the rewards he he affected surprise and displeasure. “Are my had decreed to particular persons, in a manner enemies,” he said, “never to give me any respite which seemed to justify the suspicion of his hayfrom war and trouble?” He had talents un-ing encouraged the late disorders, suffering them doubtedly, sufficient to support him in the use of to pass with impunity; and treating with the means less indirect; but a disposition to artifice, usual confidence even the legions which had relike every other ruling passion, will stifle the fused to obey the orders of their general. His plainest suggestions of reason, and seems to have own authority, however, seemed to be secured by made him forget, on the present occasion, that the animosity of the army to their late commander, his own attendants at least had common penetra-and by their desire to contrast their own conduct, tion. They turned away from the farce which and the success of the war under their present he acted with shame and disgust;5 and he him-. leader, with that which had taken place under self made no delay in showing the avidity with his predecessor. Finding himself, therefore, at which he received what he thus affected to dis-the head of numerous and well-affected forces, like; laid aside all thoughts of other business; both by sea and by land, he lined the whole coast immediately despatched his orders to all the pro-of the Egean and Euxine sea with his galleys, ~vinces that were now subjected to his power; and, at the head of a great army, advanced in and, without passing his mandates through the search of the enemy. hands of Lucullus, summoned Mithridates, then Mithridates, upon the approach of Pompey, with nn army of between thirty and forty thou-continued retiring before him towards the Lesser sand men on the frontier of Pontus, to surrender Armenia, laid waste the country through which himself at discretion. This prince, being then the Roman army was to pass, and endeavoured in treaty with Phraates, who had lately succeeded to distress them by the want of provisions and his father, Arsaces, in the kingdom of Parthia, forage. and being in expectation of a powerful support For several days successively the armies enfrom that quarter, refused to listen to this impe-camped in sight of each other. Mithridates rious message; being disappointed in his hopes chose his stations, so that he could not be safely of assistance from the Parthians, and finding that attacked; and as his object was to pass the EuPhraates had joined in a league with his ene-phrates without being forced to a battle, he genemies, he at first endeavoured to pacify the Roman rally decamped in the night, and, by his superior general; but finding that his advances for this knowledge of the country, passed through ways purpose had no effect, he prepared for a vigorous in which the Roman army could not hastily folresistance. low without manifest danger of surprise. PomPompey set out for Pontus, and in his way had pey, sensible that, upon this plan of operations, an interview with Lucullus, who was then in the king of Pontus must effect his retreat, took a Galatia. They accosted each other at first with’ resolution to pass him by a forced march, not in laboured expressions of respect and of compli-the night, but in the heat of the day, when the ment on their respective services, but ended with troops of Asia were most inclined to repose. If disputes and sharp altercations. Pompey accused he should succeed in this design, and get between Lucullus of precipitation, in stating the kingdom their army and the Euphrates, he hoped to force of Pontus as a Roman province, while the king them to a battle, or oblige them to change their himself was alive and at liberty. Lucullus sus-route. He accordingly, on the day he had chosen pected that the late mutiny had been fomented by for this attempt, doubled his march, pass,.d the the emissaries of Pompey, to make way for his enemy’s camp at noon-day unobserved, and was own succession to the command. He persisted actually posted on their route, when they began in maintaining the propriety of the report which to decamp, as usual, on the following night. In he had made to the senate, and in which he had the encounter which followed, having all the adrepresented the kingdom of Pontus as conquered, vantages of a surprize, and in the dark, against and in which he had desired that commissioners an army on its march, and little accustomed to should be sent as usual to secure the possession; order, he gained a decisive victory, in whichl he observed, that no province could be kept, if the cut off or dispersed all the forces on which the troops stationed to preserve it refused to obey king of Pontus relied for the defence of his their general; that it such disorders were made kingdom.6 the engine of politics in the competition of candi-Mithridates escaped with a few attendants; dates fobr office, the republic had worse conse-and, in this extremity, proposed to throw himsell quences to fear than the loss of any distant again into the arms of’ligranls; but was reprovince; that although the fugitive king had oused by this prince, who was himself then attaken advantage of the factions at Rome and in tacked by a rebellion of his own son. Upon this the army, to put himself again at the head of disappointment he fled to the northward, passing some forces, he had not yet recovered any con-by the sources of the Euphrates to the kingdom siderable portion of his kingdomn, nor been able of Colchis, and from thence, by tLe eastern coasts to disturb the commissioners of the senate, who of the Euxine, to the Scythian Bosphorus, now 5 Plutarch, in Pompeio. 6 Dio. Cass. lib. xxxvi. c. 32.

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166 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK II1. the Straits of Cossa, in order to take refuge in which were now in his power, allotted. Sophene, the Chersonesus, or Crim Tartary, at Pantica-or the Lesser Armenia, on the right of the Eu pTea, the capital of a kingdlom which he himself phrates, to Tigranes the son, reserving Syria ano had acquired(, and which he had bestowed on Phoenicia, to which Antiochus, the last represenMachares, one of his sons. Upon his presenting tative of the Macedonian line, had been restored himself at this place, he found that Machares had by Lucullus, together with Cilicla and Galatia, to longa since ahandoned his father’s fortunes; and, the disposal of the Romans. upon hearinT of the ill state of his affairs on his Tigranes the father with great submission acfirst thfilit frorn Lucullus into Armenia, had sent; quiesced in this partition; but the son, who proas an otffering of peace, a golden crown to that bably expected to have been put in the possession general, and sued for the protection of the Ro-of the whole of his father’s kingdom, was greatly mans. The flither, highly provoked with this discontented, andl, while Pompey was yet in Aract af pusillanimity or treachery, assembled a menia, entered into a correspondence with the force anllon his ScXthian allies, and, deaf to all king of Parthia, and solicited his assistance to offers of subnlission or entreaties of this undutiful overturn this establishment. On account of these son, dragged huin from the throne, and either or-practices, whether real or supposed, the soil was dcred hil to be put to death, or made his situation taken into custody, carried into Italy, and made so p)ainful, that he thought proper to put an end a part in the ornaments of the victor’s triuniph.5 to his own life. The Roman general, havinlg in this mlanner In this manner Mithridates entered anew on disposed of the kingdom of Armenia, and secured the possession of a kingdom, in which lhe had not the permanency of his settlement by the cononly a safe. retreat, but likewise the means of finemcent of the rebel prince, resumed the thoughts executiig new projects of war against his ene-of pursuing Mithridates into his present retreat. mies. By the imaxims of the Romnans, no king-F’or this purpose he left Afranius in Arnlenia, dom was supposed to be conquered, till the kiI(r with a force sufficient to secure his rear, and to wiys either killed, taken, or forced to surrender I)revellt ainy disturbance on this side of the Euhi’msel’; and Pompey, by this flight of the king pbhrates. He himself passed the Araxes, and of Pontus, found himself under a necessity either wintered on the Cyrus, or the Cyrnus, on the of pursuing hin into his present retreat, or of confines of Albania and Iberia. In tile following doinr what he had blamed in Lucullus, by mak-summer, having defeated the natives of those ing his report of a conquest before it was fully countries in repeated encolnters, he advanced to completed. While he was deliberating on the the mouth of the Phasis, where lie was joiled by measures to be taken in these circumstances, he his fleet, then plying in the Euxine sea, untler the was invited by Tigranes, son to the king of Ar-command of Servilius. Here lie appears to have menia, then inl rebellion against his father, to deliberated, whether he shotud attemlpt to pursue enter with his army into that kingdom, and to MNithridates anly farther; but upon considering give judgment oil tihe diilerences subsistinri be-the difficulties of the voyage, and of the nlarch tween the:ather and the son. along a coast and a country entirely unknowni Ini consequence of this invitation, Pompey unfurnished withl any safe llarbour ior his ships, marched into Armenia, joined the rebel prince, or even with any means of subsistence to his and, unler plretence of supporting the son, was army by land, he took his resolution to return, about to strip the father of his kingdom, when and to avail himself, in the best manner he was this monarch, with an excess of meanness, proable, of the possessions which had been abanldonportioned to the presumption wvith which he had ed to him by the flight of the king.6 With this enjoyed his prosperity, now resolved to cast him-resolution he directed his march, by the coast, self entirely upon the victor’s mercy. For this back into the kinodom of Pontus; and, fildin-, purpose he desired to be admitted into Pompey’s no resistance, took all his mleasures as in a conpresence, and, with a few attendants, presented quered province. At one place he found a conhimself for this purpose. Being told, at the en-siderable treasure, which Stratonlice, one of the trance of the camp, that no stralnger could pass on concubines of the kiing, by xwhom he had a son horseback, he dismounted, and was conducted on named Xiphares, disclosed to him, on condition foot to the general’s tent. Still bearing the dia-that, it’ the chance of war should throw Xiphares deni onl his head, he took it from thence, and into the hands of the conqueror, his life should oftered to lay it on the ground at Pompey’s feet; be spared. But this unhappy son was exposed to but was told with great courtesy, that he might other dangers besides those the mother appreresume it; that, by submittingl himself to the hended. ivlithridates, upon hearing of the price genierosity of the Romans, lihe had not lost a king-which was paid for his life, ordered hint to be dom, bt. gained a ftithful ally.l At the same slain. “That woman,” he said, “should have time, under pretence of’ reimbursing the expense likewise bargained with me in ftavour of hler son.” of the war, a sum of six thousand-talents, or At other Ilaces the Roman army founld the yesabout one million one hundred and twenty-eight tiges of gl’eat magnificence, joinedi to monlumlents thousand pounds sterling, was exacted fIorm hilm; of superstition and of’

cruelty. Tiley fouind some and he himself, to this great sum which waspaid productions of an art, in whiclh the kinlg was to the state, added a gratuity to the army of a supposed to be master, relating to the composition talent2 to each of the tribunes, ten minme to each of poisons, and of the.r antidotes, and somle reof the centurions, and half a mina4 to each pri-cords of dreams, together with the interpretavate man. tions, which had beenl given by his wollmen. Pompey, in disposing of the two, Armenias, From Pontus, Pompey, having mlade, a proper 5 Plutarch. in Poinpeio, ad p. 458. 1 Dio. Cass. lib. xxxvi. c. 35. Plutarch. in Pompeio.

6 Dio. Cas lib. 37. c. 3. Plutarch. in Pompeio. Ap 2 931. 15s. 3 321. 5.

10d. pian. in Mithridat. 11. 12s. 3ld. Vid. Arbuthnot of Aincient Coins.

17 Plutarch. in inompeio, p. 462.

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CHAP. 1l.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 1(i7 disposition of the fleet in the Euxine, to cover the It is alleged that each of the conterdlin par. coast from any attempts which iMithridates might ties made their presents to the generai hlimself; make from the Bosphorus and opposite coasts, set Hyrcanus in particular, that of a beautiful piece out for the kingrdom of Syria, which he now de-of plate, admired for its workmanship and wecihit, termined to seize in behalf of the Romans. Lubeing the imitation of a spreading vine, wnith its culius had already, agreeably to the policy of his leaves and fruit in massy gold;n and these circountry. and under pretence of setting the Sy-cumstances merit attention, as they turnlish some riolls free, separated their kingdom fromn the other instances of the manner in which great riches, possessions of T’igranes: but the pretence upon now in so much r.equest at Rome, were aimassed wilich he acted in this matter beingr sufficient to by Roman generals in the course of their services. prevent his seizingr upon Syria as a Roman pro-Besides what they gained in this manner, it is vinces, he was content with restoring it to An-likely that every conquest they efiectjd, every tioc)hus, the last pretender of the Macedonian revolution they brought about, and every proteclile, who had lived eighteen years in the greatest tion they granted, were extremely profitable. obscurity in Cilicia. Pompey now proposed to Pompey, on hearing the merits of the question comnlete the transaction, by seizing for the Ro-between the two brothers, declared for Hyrcanus, mrans themselves, what the other atflected only to and advanced towards the city, to execute the restore to the lawful ownler; and this intended decree he had passed. Upon his approach hle was owner now pleaded in vain acainst the Romans acain met by Aristobulus, who made fresh oflers that ritght of descent fromn the Macedonian line, of submission, and of a public contribution in which Lucullus had eillloyed with so much force money; and Poftpey sent forward GTabinius to to supplant Tigranes.9 take possession of the place, in terms of tdis subOn1 the march into Syria, Pompey, either in mission. But upon a report that tlhe gates were person or by his lieutenants, received the submis-still kept shut by the party of Aristobulus, who sion of all the principalities or districts in;lis way, yet remained in his camp, he ordered this prince and made the following arran(geiments. The Les-into confinement, andi advanced with his army. ser Armlnnia, once intended for’l’igranes the son, The citizens being divided, those who esl;oused he gave to Dejotarus, king of tGalatia,‘L who the cause of Hyrcanus were willing to receive afterwards was lon( continued on the frontier of the Romans; the others, who were attached to the empire as a fiithful dependant, and with Aristobulus, retired into the temple, anld hbroke possessions which served( as a barrier against hos-down the bridge by which this editice was joined’ile invasions from that quarter. Paphlagonia to the streets, and made every other prelfaration was given to Attalus and Pylemenus, who were to defend thenmselves to the last extremity. ikewise limeral tributaries to the Roman officers, l’The gates of the city, in the meanl time, were andc vigilant guards on the frontiers of the eml-thrown opetn by the party of Hyrcanus; arid the pire. lTpon his arrival at Damascus, hie had Romans being admitted, took possession of all the many applications from the late sulbjects or de-principal stations within the walls, and( prepared peniants of tile Syrian monarchy; among others, to attack the temple. T’

his building hald all the adfron Hvyrcanus and Aristobulus, two brothers vantaaes of a citadel, built on a heiohlt, surroundcontending for the sovereignty of Judea, who now ed with natural p)rciplces, or with a (leep) ditch, repaired to him for judgment, and requested the overhung with lofty battlements aird towers. interposition of his power in behalf of the party Pompey sent for battering engines to’Tyre, and he shouldi be pleased to favour. cut down all the woods in the neirehlourhood to Of these rivals, who were the sons of Alex-furnish materials for filling up tile ditch, raising ander, late higTh priest of the Jews, Hyrcanus the his mound of approach,‘2 and erecting his towers. elder had succeeded to his mother Alexandra, All his works were with great obstinacy counwhom tile father had left. his immnediate successor teracted by those who had taken refuge in the in the throne; but was dispossessed by his temple. He observed, however, in the course of youngrer brother Aristobulus, who, being of a his operations, that the people within, although more active spirit, had formed a powerful faction they defended their persons when attacked on the among the people. Sabbath-day, yet they did not labour, either in reHyrcanus took refuge among the Arabs, and pairing any of their own defences, or inl opposing prevailed upon Aretas, the chieftain of sonle or demolishing the works of the besiegers. lie powerful tribe of that people, to support him with accordingly took advantage of this circumstance, all army, in recoveriIng the sovereigilty of the made nlo assaults on that day, but carried on his Jews. In conjunction with this ally, he accord-attack in filling up the ditch, and carrying( on his ingly laid siege to Jerusalem, but was disappoint-approach. In this manner his towers, v ithout ed of his object by Scaurus, one of Pompey’s interruption, were raised to the level of the battlelieutenants, who being then in Syria, at the reInents, and his engines playing fr(nm thenlce, made quest of Aristobulus, tfrom whom he received a great havoc among the besieged.

Th’he Jews. present of three hundred talents, or about fifty-however, even under the discharge of thie erltnly’s seven thousand and nine hundred pounlds ster-niissiles, still continued at the altar to peflorrn ling, interposed, ahd obliged the Arabs to raise their usual rites. While they were enr;gtraed in the siege. UJpon the arrival of Gabinius, whom these holy exercises they took se little precaution Poinpey had sent before him into Syria, Aristo-against the dalngers to which th,y were exp)osed, bulus thought proper to make him likewise a that numbers perished in offerlng up the sacripresent of fifty talents, and by these means re-fices, and Iningled their blood with that of the mwained in possession of the sovereignty at the victims. arrival of Pomlpey. In the third month after the siege began, one of tile towers of the temple was brought in ruin 8 Justin. lib. xl. c. I and 2. 9 Appian. in Mithridat. p. 244. 10

Eutrol. iib. vi. 11 Joseph. Antiq. lib. xiv. c. 2. 12 The Agger.

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168 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [Book II. to the ground; and Faustus, the son of Sella, But while Pompey was employeJ in the settle. with two centurions at the head of the divisions ment of Syria, in the reduction of Jerusalem, arid they commanded, entered the breach, and piutting meditating these farther conquests, Mithridates all whom they met to the sword, made way for was busv in making preparations to renew the more numerous parties to follow them, and co-war. Having heardof the extremities to which vered the avenues an(l porches of the temple with the citizens of Rome had been frequently reduced the slain. The priests, who were even then erm-by the invasion of the Gauls and of Hannibal p!oyedt in the sacrifices, waited for the enemy with an(l by the insurrections of their own subjects great composure, and, without discontinuing their ani slaves, he concluded that they were weakest duties, were slain at the altars. Numbers of the at home, or might be attacked with the greatest people threw themselves from the precipices; andl advantage in Italy. He again, therefore, resumed others, setting fire to the booths in which theyv had the project of marching an army of Scythians by lodged under the walls of the temple, were con-the Danube and the Alps. He visited all the suinmedl in the flames. About twelve or thirteen princes in his neighbourhood, made alliances with thousand perished on this occasion, without any them, which he confirmed by giving to some of proportional loss to the besiegers, or to those who them his daughters in marriage, and persuaded conducted the storm. them, by the hopes of a plentiful spoil, to join with Pompey, being master of the temple, and struck him in the project of invading Europe. He even with the obstinate valour with which the people idespatched his agents into Gaul, to secure the had devoted themselves to its preservation, was co-operations of nations on that side of the world, curious to see the interior recess. This place, and trusted that, on his appearance in Italy, many into which no one was ever admitted besides the of the dliscontented inhabitants would join him as high p)riest, he supposed to contain the sacred em-they had joined Hannibal; and that the slaves, blenis of that power who inspired his votaries with so lately at open war with their masters, would so ardent and so unconquerable a zeal. And hlie likewise be a plentiful supply of recruits to his ventured, to the equal consternation and horror of army. his own )party amon(g the Jews, as of those who These projects, however, appeared to his own opposed him, to enter with his usual attendants nation too hazardous and vast. They were suited into the Holy of Holies. He found it adorned to the state of a king who wished to perish with withl lamps, candlesticks, cups, vessels of incense, splendour; but not to that of subjects and followwith their supports all of solid gold, with a great ers who had humbler hopes, and who chose to be collection of the richest perflrmes, and a sacredl governed by more reasonable prospects of success.

treasure of’ two thousand talents, or about three The king himself, while he rmeditated such extenhundred and eighty-six thousand pounEL sterling.

sive designs, being confined by an ulcer in his Tiaving satisfied his curiosity, it is mentioned face, had been for a considerable time concealed that he respected the religion of the place so from public view, and had not admitted any permuch as to have left every part of this treasure son tohlis presence besides some favourite eunuchs. urntouched, and to have given directions that the The minds of his subjects, and of his own family temple itself should be purified, in orde r to exlpi-in particular, were much alienated from him by ate the profmnation of which he himself had been some late acts of barbarous severity against Maguilty.

He restored Hvrcanus to the priesthood chares and Xiphares, two of his children, who or sovereignty of the kin;rdloi, but chlareed him with some others, as we have mentioned, had in with a consilerable tribute to the Romnos, arid curred his resentment. at the same time stripped the nation of all those Pharnaces, another son, attendled the father; posse.ssions or dependedncies in Palestine and Coe-and, thoufih disposed to betray him, was still lesyria, which had been acquired or heldl in sub-much in his confidence. The people of Phanajection by their an::estors. Such were Gadera, goria, a town on the shore of the Bosphorus, op Scythopois, IHiyppus, Pella, Sanaria, Marissa, posite to the fortress at which the king now Azotus, Jamana, Arethusa, Gaza, Joppa, and resided, together with the in!abitants of the counDora, with what was then called Strato’s Tower, try, pretending a variety of provocations, revolted and afterwards Cesarea. Under pretence of re-against him; and the army, during his confinestoring these several places to tlheir liberties, they ment, losing the usual awe of his person, mutiwere detached from the principality of the Jews, nied, and acknowledged Pharnaces for king. but in reality annexed to the Ronman province of They assembled round the fort in which iIithriSyria.l dates was lodged, and which he had garrisoned Pompey now recollecting that he had formerly with a chosen body of men. When he appeared carried his arms to the shores of the Atlantic, on the battlements, and desired to know their deand to the boundaries of Numidia and of Spain; mands: “To exchange you,” they said, “for that he had recently penetrated to the coasts of Pharnaces; an old king for a young one.” Even the Euxine, and to the neighbourhood of the while he received this answer, and while umany Caspian Sea; to the end that he might not leave of his guards deserted him, he still hoped that, if any part of the known world unexplored by his he were at liberty, he might retrieve his aftlirs. arras, now formed a project to finish this round He desired, therefore, by reI;eated messages, to of exploits, by visiting the shores of the Asiatic know whether he might have leave to depart in or Eas;tern Ocean: a circunmstance which was to safety? But none of the messengers he sent complete the glory of his approaching triumph, with this question being suftired to return, he and raise him, as his flatterers were pleased to apprehended that there was a design to deliver observe, to a rank above every conqueror of the him up into the hands of the Romans. Under present or any preceding age.2 this apprehension ihe had recourse to his last resort, a dose of poison, which, it is said, he always I Joseph. de Bell Jud. lib. i. & vii. & Ant. lib. xiv. c. 6. carried in the scabbard of his sword. Being to 2 Plutarch. in Por. p. 463 employ this sovereign remedy of all his evils, he

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CHAP. III.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC 169 dismissed, with expressions of kindness and gra-sources. He was tall, and of a vigorous constititude, such of his attendants as still continued stution, addicted to women, and, though superior faithful to him; and being left with two of his to every other sort of seduction, to this his ardent daughters, who earnestly desired to die with their and impetuous spirit made him a frequent and father, he allowed them to share in the draught, an easy prey. He appears to have loved and and saw them expire. But the portion which he trusted many of that sex with boundless passion. had reserved for himself not being likely to over-By some of them he was followed in the field; come the vigour of his constitution, or, as was others he distributed in his different palaces; had believed in those credulous times, being too pow-many children, and entertained more parental erfully counteracted by the effect of many anti-affection than commonly attends the polygamy dotes he had taken against poison, he ordered a of Asiatic princes; yet even towards his own sons, faithful slave who attended him, to perform with as well as towards every one else, on occasions his sword what was in those times accounted the which alarmed the jealousy of his crown, he was highest proof, as it was the last act, of fidelity in sanguinary and inexorable. a servant to his master. Pompey proceeded to settle the remainder of Accounts of this event was brought to Pom-his conquests; and, besides the arrangements pey, while his army was encamped at the distance already mentioned, annexed the kingdom of Ponof some days’ march from the capital of Judea, in tus to the province of Bithynia, gave the Boshis way to Arabia. The messengers appeared phorus to Pharnaces, and put the province of carrying wreaths of laurel on the points of their Syria, extending to the frontier of Egypt, under spears; and the army, crowding around their ge-the government of Scaurus. He had now, from neral to learn the tidings, were informed of the the time of his appointment to succeed Lucullus, death of Mithridates. This they received with for about three years, had the sole direction of acclamations, and immediately proceeded to make the affairs of the Romans in Asia;1 and had exall the ordinary demonstrations of joy. Pompey, changed with the king of Parthia provoking mes naving now accomplished the principal object of sages, which, in a different conjuncture, might the war, dropped his design on Arabia, and di-have led to immediate war. But the cirumstances rected the march of his army towards Pontus. were not yet ripe for such a measure, and PomHere he received the submission of Pharnaces, pey had provided sufficient materials for a triand, with many other gifts, was presented with umph, without attempting to break through those the embalmed corpse of the king. The whole boundaries on which so many Roman generals army crowded to see it, examined the features were doomed to disappointments, and on which and the scars, testifying, by these last effects of the progress of the empire itself was destined to their curiosity, the respect which they entertained stop. for this extraordinary man. He had, with short Without entertaining any farther projects for intervals, occupied the arms of the Romans dur-the present, he set out with two legions on the ing forty years; and, though he could not bring route of Cilicia towards Italy, having Tigranes, the natives of Asia to match with the Roman son to the king of Armenia, together with Arislegions, yet he frequently, by the superiority of tobulus, late usurper of the Jewish throne, with his own genius, stood firm in distress, or rose his family, two sons and two daughters, as cap-‘ from misfortune with new and unexpected re-tives to adorn his triumph.2 CHAPTER III. Growinz Corruption of the Roman OJ1icers of State  he Love qf Consideration changed fo? Avarice, Rapacity, and Prodigality-Laws against Extortion-Catiline a Candidate for the Consulship-Conspiracy with Autronlius-Conmpetition. for the Consulate-Election of Cicero and Antonius-Condition of the Times-Agrarian Law of ltllus-Trial of RabiriusCabals of the Tribunes-Of Catilinc-I-is Flight froan the City-Discovery of his Accomplices-Their Execution. ABOUT the time that Pompey obtained his against these abuses. Cornelius, commission to command with so extensive a pow-Lez Cornelia one of the tribunes: proposed a se.

er in the suppression of the pirates, the title be-de,nmbitu. vere law agsairnst lrt’rcy, by which gan to run high against the aristocratical party persons coxnvicted of this crime I’he populace, led by some of the should be disqualified for anr office of state. U. C. 686. tribunes, were ever ready to insult The senate wished to soften the rigour of this the authority of the senate; and law, by limiting the penalty to a pecuniary fine; C Capour. the vices of particular men gave and the consul, Calpurnius Piso, moved for an M. 4ul. OTla frequent advantages against the edict to this purpose, in order to anticipate and brio. whole order of nobility. Corrup-to lpreclude the more violent law of Cornelius. tion and dangerous faction prevailed Put the tribune prevailed, and obtained an act at elections, and the preferments of state were imposilng the severer penalty. He likewise, by gtenerally coveted, as steps to the governmllent of another decree of the prople, attacked the discre. provinces, where fortunes were anmassed by every species of’ abuse, oppression, and violence. Envy 1 Dion Cass. lib. xxxvii. c. 6. and indignr.ation concurred in rousing the people 2 Joseph. de Bell. Jud. lib. i. c. 7. Y

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t17 THE PROGRESS AND TERMlilNATION [BOOK III tlonary jurisdiction of the praetors,l obliged them named dictator, and Cwesar his general of the to be more explicit in the edicts they published, I horse.6 Csar was to have given the signal for and to observe them more exactly. the execution of the massacre, by uncovering his The crime of extortion in1 the provinces, how-shoulders of his gown; but Crassus havinyr reever, was the great disgrace of the Romans. To lented, absented himself from the senate on the have found an effectual renedvy for this evil, day alppointed, and Cwsar, though present, omitwould have done more honour to the commonted to gcive the signal, by which means the whole wealth than they had derived from all their con was disconcerted. Sylla was tried some years after quests. Severe laws were accordingly enacted, as an accessory, and was defended by cTiccro. complaints were willingly received, and prosecu-Many of those who, by their birth and disitinctions encouraged. Candidates for popularity and0 tion, were destined to run the career of itolitical public favour generally began with endeavouringr honours, found their fortunes, iv the extravagant to bring some offend:er under this title to pubdic exlperce of iulic shows, a:,1 -i gratuities to the justice; but the example of this state, after all, people, by bribes to private perslns, as well as by has left only this piece of instruction to InAnkindi: their own debauchery and Drodieality, ruined That just governme ent over conquered provinces before they attained their end. They sought to is scarcely to be hoped for, and least of all where repair their ruin by any unwarrantaible means,? republics are the conquerors. and were ready to eneage in any dangerous deManiius, one of the tribunes of the people, in ssign. The state appe ars to have apprehended order to strenithen the inferior class of’ his con-an increase of this daneer ftom the numniber of stituents, had obtained by surprise an act, 2 liy’ forei..rners, who, from every quarter, crowded to which the citizens of slavish extraction were to Romen, as to the general resort of pearsons who be prmafiscuously inrolled in all the tribes. Thi. wishedl to gratify their own extravagance, or to act,~ having dralwn uplon:iinm the resentnent of’ prev upion that of others. Under this apprehenthe senate, conpelled him to seek for scnritv sion,11 an edict was obtained, upon the motion of under the protection of Gabinius and Pompvc.. Papius, tribune of thie people, to oblige all VWith this view he moved his finnous act, in strangers to leave thile city: but it is which Cicero concurredl, to vest Ponmpey wi.h LCr Papia de l]kcl’, tliit the state was im greater the comnnand in Asia. This motion procured Peie T driCisi’ diler fi’om natives than fi(rieniiim a powerful s,lpmort,’:-nd, on crc. Catite, hbavins prevailed upon Clodaius Lex.Manilia. so50 occ’:ls;(ons, tite general vo)ic lI tIhe consi(teratioii of a sumin of nioncv, to drop of’ the people in his favour. Soon the )prosecution, whicih had ieen intendi’d a(iainst after this trans’action, beine proseuted tor some him, was leIt, to oil’er himseilf a canditda:tte fior the offence at thile tribunn:l of Cicero, whio was then consulate of the followinig year.S printor, and tiing refuseil the usual dellays, the The office of censor had been revived ill the per pritor was oblilred to explain tlhis stepi in a siceech sons of Catulus anil Crassus; but tllhese oifcers to the people; in which li he told then, th:t lie fouInd that its authiorit, so powerful in fbrmer meant to t;tvour _Manilium, and that, his own times, was now of little effect. They scircely term in oftice beine about to expire, he could not ventured to rive it a trial within the city; and, fivour him more eliictuailly, than by hastening havingz dit’fired about the enrolmcnt of’ citizens his triial, and biy not leavingr him in the powver of residirni beyond the Po, and about some other a successor, who mnight not be equ:tlly disposed particulars, they resignedl their power.9 Censors in his fayour. Such were the loose and polpular were aeain inamed i in the tollowing year, but notions of justice then prevailing at RJono i.3 with no greater ee;ect; some of the triibuies, At the cle(tion of consuls for tihe fo!lowin! l’earinv to be degraded from the senite, forbade year there occurred an opiportunits to ajiply tile thalen to proceed’i mi n m g up the rioil.i law agiainst bribery. Of tour cailidittis, Publius IIn thie nest consu!ite, C ius JuAutronius Patus, Publius Cornielius Sylli, L. U. C. 6A9). li’s C(esar, at this tile thirty-five Aurelius Cotta, and L. Manlius Torquantus, the vears of a.re eintered o::Iis career C..1. Crsar, - majority had declaredl fo te fi.rlmyr two; but ()t’ pt io uopularity anl anibiton. Being C. Mar. Fi-i these beinge convicted of bribers were set aside, g,. edile, togrethler with Marcus Bibuand their competitors declcared duly clected. lii, lie not only concurred with his About the same time L. Scrgius Catilina, colleague in all the expensive shows that were who has been already mentioned as one of the given to the people, lbut gave separate entertainmost violent exercutionersof Svlla’s proscriptions, moents on his own account. The iniultitules of having returnedfrom Africa, wher lie head served gladiators hlie had assembled oma this occasion in the capacity of priftor, and intending to stand gave an alarm to the magistracy, and lie was for thme consulate, was accused of extor i’n in his ordlered not to exceed a certain ninhier. In the province, and stopped in his canvas’ by a prose-administration of I his office as pr, tor, hlie took cutiom raised oni this account. In hims rage for this some steps that were likely to revive the animnodisappointment, he was ripe for any disorder; sity of the late pIartics of’ Marius anld Sy!la; and, and, beimg readily joined by Autronius and Piso, notwithstanding the act of indemniityv which had formed a conspiracy to Assassinate their rivalS,4 passed, raieil prosecutions on a chaire of assasto massacre the senate, to sceize the ensigns of sination, against all those who haid put any citizen power, and, with the aid of their fiction, to lay to death in executioi of Svlla’s proscription.11 hold of the government.5 Julius Cwsar and From this time, Suctonius observes, that Cicerc Crassus are mentioned biy Suetoniu s as accomdated the beginning of Casar’s project to subvert Olices in this plot. Crassus was to have been 1 Din. Cass. lib. xxxvi. c.

23. 6 Sueton. in Caesar. 7 Plutarch. in Vit. Ciceroiis [mbid iib. xxxvi. 8

Cicero de Aurusepicun Responsis:3 P utarch. im Vit. Cicer. 4 Cic. in Catil. i. c. 6. 9 Dion, lib. xxxvi. Plutarchli. in Crasso. 5 Dion, lii.

xxxvi. &c. N11 Ilid. Plut. 11 Sueton. in Vit. C. J -,psaris.

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*-t!AP. 11I.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. i71 tihe republic, and to make himself master of the them by plentiful divisions of lane, and to place state.‘2 them in the highest stations. What has most distinguished this consulate, These declarations, being made to a numerous however, is the competition of candidates for the meeting, were ill concealed. Curius, one of the succession to that office on the following year, faction, boasted to Fulvia, a woman of rank, andi the consequences of the election which fol-with whom he had a criminal correspondence, lowed. The candidates were M. Tullius Cicero, that a revolution must soon take place, and speC.

Antonius, son of the late celebrated orator, cified the particular hopes and designs of their L. Sergius Catilina, P. Sulpitius Galba, and L.

party. This woman mentioned the subject to Cassius Longinus, Quintus Cornificius, and Li-her own confidents, but concealed the author of cinius Sacerdos. her information. In the lmean time, Catiline Cicero was the first of his family who had ever was considered as a person of the most dangerous resided, or enjoyed any honours, at Rome. He designs, and was opposed in his election by all was a native of Arpinum, a country-town of who had any regard to public order, or to the Italy, and was considered as an obscure person safety of the commonwealth. Cicero, at the salme by those who were descended of ancient families, time, being supported ly the senate, was elected, but had great consideration on account of his together with Caius Antonius. The latter steod eloquence and the consequences of it, to all such candidate upon the same interest with Catiline, as had any interests at stake before the tribunals and was preferred to him only by a small majority. of justice. Being solicited by Catiline to under-By this event the designs of Catitake his defence on a trial for malversation in U. C. 690. line were supposed to be frustrated; Sicily, he did not at once reject the request, nor but the consuls were not likely to always deny his aid to the factious tribunes in Cicero u enter on a quiet adninistration. support of their measures. He was undoubtedly, C. A.ntonius. The tribunitian power, from the like other ambitious men at Rome, disposed to time of its restoration, was gradually court every party, and willing to gain indivi-recovering its force, and extending its operations. duals;is and had of late, in particular, considera-Every person that could give any public disturbbly strengthened his interest, by having suppoited ance, that could annoy the senate, or mortify the pretensions of Pompey, and by having joined any of its learding members; every one that had the popular tribunes, in what they proposed in views of ambition adverse to the laws, or who behalf of that officer. He was, notwithstanding, wished to take part ill scenes of conlfusion and probably by his aversion to appear for so bad a tumult; every person oplressed with debt, who client as Catiline, saved from the reproach of wished to’defraud his creditors; every person having espoused his cause; and by his known who, by his profligacy or crinles, was at;ariance inclination in general to support the authority of’ with the tribunals of justice, was c(.miprehendcd the senate, he disposed the aristocratical party to under the general denomination of the po0pular forgive the occasional part which he took with party. The Roman people had once been dividthe tribunes in particular questions, not ifrme-ed into patrician and plebeian, next into noblemnen diately supposed to aflect their governmient. and commoners; but now they took sides with In the course of’ this competition for the con-little regard to former distinctions against or for sulship, Antonius and Catiline joined interests the preservation of public order. In the assenmbly together, and spared no kind or degree of corrup-of the centuries, as well as in that of the tribes, tion. Cicero complained of their practices in the the disorderly and the profligate began to prevail; senate, and moved to revive the law of Calpur-and as it was impossible that the collective body nius against bribery, with an additional penalty of the people could meet, the cornitia. for the most of ten years’ banishment.14 Catiline considered part, was but another name for such riotous asthis measure as levelled against himself; and semblies, as were made up of’ the persons who incited by this provocation, as well as by the haunted the streets of Rome. The minds of animosity of a rival, was then su)pposed to have sober men were full of fear and distrust, alarmed formed a design against Cicero’s life, and to have with surnmises of plots, and various combinations expressed himself to this purpose, in terms that of’desperate persons, who united their influence, gave a general alarm to the electors, and deter-not to carry elections or attain to prefi;rnJents, mined great numbers against himnselfi He had but to overturn the government, or to share in its drawn to his interests many persons of infinmous spoils.5s -haracter and desperate fobrtune, many youths of One of the tribunes of the present good fauily, whom he debauched or enlcouraged Lex Servilia year, Servilius Rullus, soon after his in their profligacy. His language, at their niect-.Agraria. admission into office, under prettnce ings, was full of indignation at the unequal and of providing settlements for many of the citizens, supposed unjust distribution of fortune arid pow-promulg?;ted the heads of an Agrarian law, which er. “All the wealth of the state, all authority,” he carried to the senate and the people. The he said, “is engrossed by a few, while others of subject of former grants was now in a great meamore merit, are kept in poverty and obscurity, sure exhausted, and all Italy was inhabited by and oppressed with debts.’ He professed his Roman citizens. This tribune proposed a new intention, when in office, to remove these griev-expedient to open settlements for the indigent, an:es, to cancel the debts of his friends, to enrich not by conquest, but by purchase. It was pro. _posed that all estates, territories, or possessions of any sort, which belonged to the republic, should 12 Siirton. Vit. C. J. Ca!s c. ix. SuetonTius subposes, be sold; that all acquisitions of territory recently that Cicero alludetl to the conspiracy ofAuttrotiils anci miade, and the spoils taken from any enemy Syl;- in which Crassuc as nwell as Casar,was said should be disposed of in the same manner; that to be engaged.‘5 Ep. ad Atticum, lib. i. ep. 2. _ 14

Dio. lib xxxvii c. 39.‘5 Cicero de Lege Agraria.

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172 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BooK III. the money arising from such sales should be em-There happened under the same consulate a ployud in purchasing arable and cultivable lands, business of greater difficulty, being a motion to to be assigned in lots to the needy citizens; and restore the sons of the proscribed to the privilege that, to carry this law into execution, ten cornm-of being chosen into the offices of state, of which missioners should be named in the same manner they had been deprived by an ordinance of Sylla. in which the pontiffs were named, not by the Their fate was undoubtedly calamitous and sewhole people, but by seventeen of the tribes select-vere. Many of them who had been too young ed by lot: that these commissioners should be to have incurred the guilt of their party, were now iudges, without appeal, of what was or was not come of age, and found themselves stript of their public property; of what was to be sold, of what birthright, and stigmatized with this mark of dis.

was to be bought, and at what price; that they honour. It was proposed, in their belhIlf, to take were to receive and judge )f the accounts of every away this cruel exclusion. But Cicero, appre consul, or other officer, except Pompey, com-hending that this proposal tended to arm and tc manding in any province, where any capture was strengthen persons, who, from long use, had conmade, or new territory acquired: and in short, tracted an habitual disaffection to the estalblished that they should, during five years, which was government, powerfully opposed the motion,.

and the intended term of their commission, be the succeeded in having it rejected.2 sole masters of all property within the empire, Though the orations on the two subjects last whether public or private. mentioned have perished, great part of that wlhich On the day that the new consuls entered on he spoke on the trial of C. Rabirius still remains. their office, when they returned in procession This man, of a great age, a respectable senator from the capitol, and gave the first meetingT to at the distance of six-and-thirty years, was the senate, Rullus had the presumption to probrought to trial as an accomplice in the death of pose this law, and to move the conscript fathers, Apuleius Saturninus, the factious tribune, who, that they would be pleased to give it the sanction as has been related, having seized the capitol, of their approbation and authority in being car-was, by the consuls Marius and Valerius Flac. tied to the people. Upon this occasion, Cicero cus, acting under the authority of’the senate, and made his first speech in the character of consul.

attended by all the most respectable citizens in The former part of it is lost; the remlainder nray arms, forced from his stronghold, and iput to be reckoned among the highest specimens of his death as a public enemy.

eloquence. In this and the two speeches he de-Titus Atius Labienius, one of the tribunes, livered to the people, on the same subject, he was the declared prosecutor of C. Rabilrius; but endeavoured to demonstrate (if we may venture historians agree, that this tribune acted at the into imitate his own expressions) that, from the stigation, and under the direction, of’ C. Julius first clause of this law to the last, there was Cwesar. TIhe intention of the popular party was, nothing thought of, nothing proposed, nothing by making an example of this respectable person done but the erecting, in ten persons, under the in so strong a case, where the authority of the pretence of an Agrarian law, an absolute sove-senate, and the commands of the most populal reiguty over the treasury, the revenue, the proconsul, where even the prescription of so old a vinces, the empire, the neighbouring kingdorms date should have repelled every danger, eflecand states; and, in short, over all the world as tually, for the future, to deter every person from far as it was known to the Romans.

He painted acting in support of the senate, o. from opposing in such lively colours the abuses which might be force to the designs of factious tribunes, however committed by Rullus, and by his associates, in turbulent or dangerous. judlging what was private and what public pro-The senate, and all the friends of government, perty, in making sales, in making purchases, in were greatly alarmed, and united in defence of planting the colonies; and so exposed the impu-Rablirius; The popular party, as already dedence of the cheat, by which it was proposed to scribed, the ambitious, the profligate, the banksurprise the people into the granting of such pow-rupt, who were earnest to weaken the hands of ers, the absurdity and the ruinous tendency of the government, and in haste to bring on scenes of whole measure, that it was instantly rejected, confusion and trouble, took the opposite side. and its author hissed from the assembly, and The prosecutor laid his charge for treason of treated as an object of’ ridicule and scorn. the most heinous kind, and destined the accused The splendour of the consul’s eloquence, on to die on the cross, the ordinary manner of’ exethis occasion, appeared with great distinction, and cutillg the sentence of death on the slaves. “The the spirit of the times continued to furnish him executioner stalks in the forum,” said Cicero with opportunities to display it.l Roscius Ame- “and the cross is erected for a Roman citizen in rinus, having been tribune of the people a few the field of Mars.” The accusation was first years before, had, by the authority of his office, brought before the prator who possessed the set apart some benches in the theatre for the ordinary jurisdiction in such cases. This lma is equestrian order. This gave offlnce to the peo-trate empannelled two judges, who were to deterple, so that Roscius was commonly hissed when nine in this mighty cause. These were Caium he appeared at any of the milblic assemblies. On Julius and Lucius Cwsar. At this c*urt the some one of these occasions the consul interposed; defendant was condemned; and with appearances and, in a popular harangue, secured the attach-of animosity, on the part of Caius CWasar, that ment of the knights to himself, and reconciled the greatly increased the alarm. This rising citizen people to the distinction which had been made in had always courted the populace, and was strongly favol.r of that body. supported by them. That he should aim at ho. nours and power, it was said, is common; bL that he wished to provide impunity for the dis. 1 It is probable that Cicero did not write in order to speak, htlt wrote after h, had spoken, for the use of nis friends. Epislt. ad Atticain. lib. ii. c. 1.’ Plin.

lib. vii. C. 30

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,IsAP. II.] )F THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 173,urbers of the commonwe,. a, was alarnnig. sedition. Metellus Nepos endeavoured to repeal The crime of Rabirius, even if he could be conthat clause of the act against bribery and corvicted of it, had been committed the year before ruption, which declared the party convictedt to Caesar was born. In the person of the accused be disqualified for any of the offices of state. every circumstance, even on the supposition of This tribune, though sufficiently disposed to disa true charge, pleaded for compassion and even orderly courses, had many connections amnong for respect: the fact, at the same time, was de-the most respectable citizens, and was persuaded, nied, and a positive evidence was brought, that in this instance, to drop his design. another had received a reward for killing Saturn-But among the several confederacies into which inus: but the policy of the faction required this the popular party was divided, none was mn(;e victim; and the sentence must have been exe-desperate, nor supposed more dangerous, than cuted, if the condemned had not fled, by appeal, that of Catiline, the late disapnointed candidate to the judgment of the people, where indeed his for the consulship. His rival Cicero had intlmacause might be reckoned more desperate than if tion, before the elections, of a design formed by It had been before a select court. The parties this desperate faction against his own person, attended this trial with great ardour.

Horten-and still continued to observe them. He entered sins conducted the appeal and defence. Cicero into a correspondence with Fulvia, who had pleaded in behalf of justice and government; given the first hints of a dangerous conspiracy; painted the age, the infirmities, the forlorn state and, by means of this woman, procured the con of the defendant, who had survived his relations fidence of Curius, who gave him minute informa and his friends. He pointed out the dlanger to tion of all the proceedings of the party. government and to order from this precedent, in In public, Catiline again professedl himself a terms that must have melted every heart, not candidate for the office of consul, in competition callous from ambition, faction, or profligacy of with Servius Sulpicius, P. Murxna, and J. Simanners: but in vain. Even in the assiembly lanus. HIe boasted of support from Antonius; of the centuries, the majority was hastening to but Cicero to divert his colleague from this danaffirm the sentence, when (A.

Cuacilius Metellus gerous connection, made him every concession. Celer, then prTtor, and one of the augurs, hasten-Havingr, in drawing lots for the provinlces of Gaul ed to the Janiculum, and tore down the ensign and Macedonia, drawn the latter, which was which was planted there as a sign of peace. A thought to be preferable, he yielded it up to Ansilly piece of superstition stopt the proceedings of tonius; and by this, and every other means in those whom neither justice nor compassion, nor his power, persuaded him to value the secure regard to government could restrain.

possession of dignities and honours, lawfully obIt was established, as has been formerly no-tained, in preference to expectations formedl on,iced,3
that the assembly of the centuries could the projects of a few desperate men. not proceed without this signal in view. In the In secret, Catiline encouraged his adherents Jirst ages of Rome, the enemy were always at the by professing to have many resources, and to be gate. While the people were assembled in the supported lby numbers who were ready to take field on one side of the city, they were in danger arms at his command. In a nunlerous meeting of being assailed on the other. When they as-of’ his party in October, a few days before the sembled, therefore, in the field of Mars, a guard consular elections, he opened the whole of his was always posted on the Janiculum, and an design; and in the speech which he made on ensign displayed. If any enemy appeared, the that occasion, is said to have used expressions to ensign was taken down, the assembly dismissed, the following purpose: ” The distressed can rely and the people took to their arms. This cere-for relief only on those who have a common cause mony, like many other customs both of supersti-with themselves. Whoever, in his own fortune, tiorn and law, remained after the occasion had is at ease, will not regard the misery of others. ceased; and it was held illegal or impious in the If you would know how I stand afiected to the people to proceed in any altair without the enparties which now divide the commonwealth, rich sign in view. By this means the trial was put creditors and needy debtors, recollect what every oft; and the prosecutors, despairing of being able one knows, that I have no safety but in the deto work up the people again into an equal degree struction of the one, and in the relief of the other of violence, dropt the prosecution.‘The cause that miy interest is the same with yours, and that still remained undecided, and the power of the I have courage to attempt what may be necessary, senate to defend its own authority, continued in for your benefit.” a state of suspense. From the strain of this passage, the description’The tribune Labienus laid aside all thoughts of a party to whoml it was with propriety adof renewing the prosecution, in order to pursue dressed, may be easily collected. Cicero, who the object of some other popular acts; one in had frequently taxed Catiline with dangerous particular, to repeal the almost only remaining designs, now determined to lay the whole of his ordinance of Syila; that which related to the intelligence before the senate; and for this puVrelection of priests. The right of election was pose deferred the consular elections, which were again taken from the college, and, according to to have been held on the eighteenth of October, the law of Domitius, given to seventeen of the to a future day, and assembled the senate. CatiL tribes that were to be drawn by lot. This change line having with the other members attendedl, and was intended to open the way of Caius Julius hearing the charge, did not pretend to deny or Casar into that office; and he was accordingly to palliate his words. ” There are,” he said, “in promoted to it in the following year. this republic, two parties; one weak both in its Others of the tribunes likewise endeavoured to members and head; the other, strong in its men. distinguish themselves by acts of turbulence and bers, but wanting a head: while I have the honour of being supported by this party, it shall 3 See book i. c. i. have a head.” Upon these words, a general cry

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174 T’HIE PROGXRESS AND TERMINA’T’I N [io3x IIL of indiFnation arose in the senate; bhut no resolu-over the safety of the state; and these officers tion was taken. Iaulx, who were there present accordingly put chosen bodies of men under arms as memhber, v ere pleased to see the senate itself and secured all the posts of’ consequence in tho insulted; and Catiline, as if in condition to brave city. iVietellus, the conqueror of Crete, who all Lis e nemies, was, in all his expressions, equally still remained without the walls in hopes of a ungruarded in tle streets and in the senate. To triurrmph, was appointed to command on the side Cato, who, in the l)ublic forum, some diays before of Apulia. The pretor iMetellus Celer was sent this meetmi(r, had threatened him with a prosecun-into Cisalpine Gaul, in order to secure the iceace tion: ” io,” he said ” htit if vou liiht a flame in of that province;5 and the consul Antonius lwas my fortunes, I will extinguishl it under the ruins destined to suppress the insurrection of Liaiitus of the commonllwealth.” at F’resuhle. A prosecution was actually raised against him Catiline meanwhile remained in the city, and in the n:lne of Lucius Paulus, a young man of had frequent consultations for the preparation distinction, for carrying arms against the public and the execution of his plot. At a meeting of peace. On this occasion, however, he thought the party, held in the beginning of N’ovemher, in proper to dissemble his thoughts, and offered to the house of M. Porcius Lecca,7 a general mascommit his person to custody till his innocence sacre of the prilncipal senators was projected. should appear.

“Noone,” he said, “who knows The conspirators severally chose their stations, my rank, my pretensions, and the interest I have and undertook their several parts. Two in Farin the preservation of the commonwealth, will ticular, who were familiar in Cicero’s house, unbelieve, that its destruction is to be apprehended dertook next morning, under pretence of a visit, from me, and that its safety is to conle from a to surprise and assassinate the consul. Put he native of Arpinumn.“2 Hle offered to commit being the same night apprised of his danger by himself to the custodv of Cicero, of Mletellus, or Fllvia, gave the proper orders, and the intended of any other Inaristrate, till this injurious asper-murderers, upon their appearance at his door, sion were removed.’[‘o this offer the consul were refused admittance. He immediately after replied,‘I’hat he who did not think himself safe assembled the senate in the temple of Jupiter. within the same ramlparts with Catiline, would Catiline presented himself with his usual prenot receive him into his house.3 sumpation; and Cicero, as appears firom an oratioin By one effect of’the unparalleled freedom now which he then delivered, instead of laying the enjoyed by Roman citizens, persons accused of matter in forin before the senate, accosted Catithe most dangerous crimes were at liberty, during line in a vehement invective, urging Phim to be the dependence of their trial, either to proceed in gone from the city, where all his steps were luiperpetrating their crime, or to withdraw fronljus-nutely olbserved, where his meaning was unde.ttice. This effect was derived from the laws of stood, and precautions taken against all his deValerius and Porcius, which secured against signs. ” I told you,” said the consul, “that your violence or the power of’ the ma(istrate, the per-emissary Mallius would be in arms by thle first son of every citizen, until he were finally con-of November; that you intended a massacre of denmned by the people. In support of this privilege, the senators about the same time. I now repeat which was salutary, when the abuse of power in the memorable words you made’ use of when you the magistrate was to be dreaded more than the were told, that many of the senators hadl with license of crimes in the subject, the Romans per-drawn from the city. You should be satisfied, sisted even after vice was become too strong for you said, with the blood of those who remained. th.e laws, and when exemption froma every just Were you not surrounded, henlmmed in, and beset rte;traint was fatally mistaken for liberty. The on every side by the guards posted to watch you? state had now been thrown, on many occasions, Did your intention to surprise Praeneste, on the into the most violent convulsions, because there night ot the first of’ovember, escape me? Did was no ordinary or regular method of preventing you not find precautions taken that argued a disorders, or of suppressing them on their first knowledge of your design? There is nothing, in appearance. short, that you do, that you prepare, that you Catiline, soon after the elections, at which, by meditate, which is not heard, which is not seen, hie preference given to Murmna and Silanus, he which is not felt by me in every circumstance. received a fresh disappointment in his hopes of What of last night? WVere you not at the house the consulship, sent Mallius, or Manlius, an ex-of Porcius Lecca?

Deny it! I have evidence. perienced soldier, who had served with himself There are here present persons who were of your under Sylla, to prepare fbr an insurrection in the company. But where are we’? WThat manner,istrict of Etruria. This officer, in the end of of government or republic is this? The enemies Dctober, under pretence of giving refuge to debtors and destroyers of the comnlonwealth nlake a part r-om the oppression of their creditors, had actually in its highest councils! We know them, and issembledt a considerable body of men.4 Ac-yet they are suffered to live! But, lie cone. The,ounts at the same time were received, that time of enduring you is past. The world is conPublius Sylla was making a large purchase of vinced of your guilt. Stay only till there is not gladiators at Captua, and insurrections were ac-a single person that can pretend to doubt of it; eordingly apprehended on the side of Campania till your own partizans must be silent, and till and Apulia. In this state of affairs, continual the clamour, which they would willingly raise nformations being brought of Catiline’s designs, against every necessary act cf povernment, be no senate gave in charge to the consuls to watch suppressed.” This being the general tendency of the consul speech, fraught with such mlarming matter, and I Cicero Orat. pro Murmena. _ 2”The town of which Cicero was native. 3 Cicer’ in Catilinam, i. c. 3. 5 Cicero in Catilinam, c. 12 4 Ibid 6 Now Florence. 7 Cicelo pr. Pub Sylla, c. 1ti

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CHAP. III.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 115 urged with s, much confidence, the audience was upon their return to ther!-:wn country, prevalh seized with terror, and numbers, who happened on their nation to march an arnv, for this purto be on the same bench with Catiline, withdrew pose, into Italy.

Cicero immediately laid hold of from his side. He himself arose, and attempted this intelli(ence, as affording means to bring the to vindicate his character, but was silenced with plot to lihlht, and furnish a sufficient evidence to a general cry of indianation; upon which he left convict the conspirators. He desired Sanga to the senate; and, after concerting farther mea-encourage the correspondence, to advise the ams.Uleswitth those of his party. not thinking that a bassadors to insist on proper credentials to be longer stay in the city couldl be of any use to his shown to their countrymen, to procure a list of affairs, he withdrew in the night, leaving letters the Roman citizens who, in case they should rise behind him to some of the senators, in which he in rebellion against the Romans, were to become complained, that, by a combination of his ene-bound to protect them; and when they should be ruies, he was driven into exile; and that, rather thus provided, and about to depart, he instructed than be t’ie occasion of any disturbance in the San(ta to bringr him intimation of their motions, commonwealth, he was willing to retire. Vhile that they might be secured, with their writings, these letters were handedl about in the city, he and other evidence of the facts to be ascertained. took his way, preceded by the ushers and ensians Sanga, having instructed the ambassadors acof a Roman proconsul, straight for the cam) of cordinllly, gave notice of their motions to the niallius, and entered into a state of open war. consul. In the evening betbre they were to deThe features of this man’s portrait are probably part, Cicero ordered the praetors, L. Fla cus and exaggerated by the vehement pencils and lively C. Pontinls, to nlarch by different ways, and in colourings of Cicero andl of Saliust. le is re-small parties, after it was dark, a sufficient armed presented as able to endure hardships of any force to intercept the ambassadors of the Allokind, and as fearless in any danger; as, from his l)roges. The parties were stationed on different youth, fond of discord, assassinations, and blood-sides of the river, at the bridge called Milvius, shed; as having, under pretence of Sylla’s pro-without knowing of each other, and without scription, murdered his own brother to possess having any suspicion of the purpose for which his estate; as havinc murdered his own child, to they were placed, farther than arose from their remove the objection made to him by a woman having been told that they were to seize any perwho refused to marry him with the prosy ect of son who should attempt to pass. About three being a stepmother. He is represented as rapsa-o’clock in the morning the anlbassadors entered cious, prodigal, gloomy, impetuous, unquiet, dis-on the bridgTe with a numerous retilue; and besemblingr, and perfidious; a description, of which in( challenlged, and commanded to sitop by the the horrors are probably amplified; but for which party that was placed to intercept thelil, they it cannot be doubted there was much foun.daticn, endeavoured to ftrce their way; and some b lood as he far exceeded in profligacy and de;speration was shedl. But on the appearaince of the prietors, all those who, either in this or the fiormer a e, with their ensigns of office, the ambl:assadors were, by their ambition or their vices, hastcnin.g ceased to resist. Their despatches wTere secured. the ruin of the commonwealth.

Volturcius, a Roman citizen, 5who was found in Cicero always professed to have particular intheir company, was taken and searched. Letters telligence of the progress of Catilitue. This, were foundt upon him, in diberent hands, and according to Sallust, he owed to Fulvia, by whose under different seals, addressed to Catiline. These, means he obtained a correslondence with Curius; together with the prisoners, were immediately tbut he himself, in none of his orations, gives any carried back to the city. intimation of the manner in which he obtained The consul being apprised of the success which his information. It is probable that Curius in-attended this part of his design, sent, before any sisted on being concealed, that he might not be alarm could be taken by the party, messages to exposed to the rage of the conspirators as an in-Gabinius, Statilius, Cethegus, and Lentulus, deformer and a traitor. On this account the consul, siring to see themn at his own house. The three although he was minutely apprised of particulars, former came with the messen(rer; but Lentulus was obliged to adopt the plan he hithert } followed, was newly gone to tbe(, and, by his delay, gave to urge the conspirators into open hostilities, and some cause to suspect that he was aw-are of his a full declaration of their purpose. Hfo. had suc-danger. He too, however, came; and the house ceeded with respect to Catiline; but his accom-of Cicero was presently crowdedl, not only with plices were yet very numerous in the city, and numbers of the equestrian order that were in were taking their measures to co-operate with arms for the defence of his person, but likewise those who were in arms. with many senators whom he desired to be preIn this state of affairs, Fabius Sanga, a Roman sent. The ambassadors of the Allobroges, now citizen of distinction, came to the consul, and in-prisoners, were likewise conducted thither, and fermed him, that the ambassadors of the Alto-the letters found upon them were produced unbroges, a people then inhabiting what is now opened. Cicero declared his intention to assemble called the territory of Geneva, and Fart of Savoy, the senate without delay, in order to lay the whose patron he was, had made him privy to a whole matter before them. Many of the comvery momentous affair; that, upon being dis-pany were of opinion, that the letters should be appointed in a suit, on which they had been emfirst opened, in order to see whether they con ployed to the senate, they had been carried by P. tained any matter of so much moment, as to Umbrenus to Publius Cornelius Lentulus, the require assembling the senate, at a time when so praetor, who condoled with them on he subjgct great an alarm was likely to be taken. Cicero, of the wrong they had received, assured them of however, having no doubt of the contents of the redress if they would merit the favour of a party letters, and of the importance of the matter, overthat was soon to have the ascendant at Rome; ruled those scruples, and the senate was accordandl proposed that they should, immediately inly called. Meantime the Allobroges droppc;

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176 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BooK lil some expressions which implied, that arms were Sybiline oracles to these Gauls? Confounded concealed in the house of Cethegus. This occa-with this question, he forgot his disguise, and sioned a search being then made, and a consider-confessed.

able quantity of dlaggers and swords were accord-Gabinius too was at last brought to own his ingly found. guilt; and in this manner the conspiracy was At the meeting of the senate, Volturcius was fully laid open. L.

Julius Casar, the consul of first examined; he denied his knowledge of any the former year, in the presence of Lentulus, who treasonable designs, but appeared disconcerted; was married to his sister, gave his. opinion, that and, upon being reminded of the reward that had this unhappy man should be immediately put to been offered for the discovery of any plot against death. “This,” he said, “is no unprecedented the state, and of the danger to which he himself measure. My grandfather Fulvius Flaccus, was would be exposed in prevaricatisng, he confessed, slain by order of the consul Gabinius. His son that the letters seized in his custody were sent by was taken into custody and put to death in prithe pr tor Lentulus and others: that he had be-son.” In the mean time Lentulus was ordered t’. sides a verbal message to Catiline, informinir divest himself of the office of prwetor, and, tohim that the plan was now ready for execution; gether with his accomplices, was cor)initted to that the station of every person was assigned; close imprisonment. This Cornelius Lentulus that some were appointed to set fire to the city in was distinguished by the name of Sura. He Lhatd different places, and some to massacre their ene-been consul about eight years before, and was afmies in the midst of the confusion that was likely terwards, for his debaucherics, struck off the rollk to be occasioned by the fire; and desiring that of the senate. He had now again condescended Catiline, in order to support his friends, and to to accept of the office of pra3tor, in order to reprofit by the diversion they were to make in his cover, in the capacity of a magistrate, his seat in favour within the walls, should issue a proclama-the senate.

tion to arm the slaves, and that he himself should A proclamation was issued to apprehend M. march directly to Rome. Cwparius, who had been sent to raise an insur The deputies of the Allobroges being next rection in Apulia, together with P. Furius, Maintroduced, acknowledged, that they had been gius Chilo, and P. Unmbrenus, who had first incharged by Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius, and troduced the Gaulish ambassadors to G abinius, Cassius, with assurances of suupport to the coun-The senate voted thanks to the consul Cicero for cil of their nation, confirmed bly oath, accompa-his great vigilance, and for the consummate abinied with directions, without delay, to march a lity he had shown in the discovery and sulpresbody of horse into Italy, where they should be sion of this treasonable design; to the prwtors, joined by a numerous infiantry, and receive pro-for the faithful execution of the consul’s orders. per directions in what manner they should far-and to Antonius, his colleague, for having dether I roceed; that, to encourage them, Lentulus tached himself from men with whom he was quoted a prophecy, found in the collection of the known to have been formerly connected. A pubSybils, by which he himself was pointed out as lic thanksgiving to the gods was like-xise decreed the third of the Cornelii,l destined to arrive at the in honour of the consul, and in consideration of sovereignty of Rome: that the conspirators hal this deliverance of the city from fire, of the peodiffcred about the time of executing their design. plc from massacre, and of Italy from devastation Lentulus was of opinion it should be deferred to and war. the holy-days in December; that CetheTgus, not-An assembly of the people being called, Cicero withstanding, and the others, were impatient, and gave this account of the proceedings in a speech desired a nearer day. which is still extant,2 and early on the following The supposed conspirators were next calledl in day assembled the senate to deliberate on the their turns; and the letters, with the seals un-farther resolutions to be taken with respect to the broken, were exhibited before them. Cetheegus, pIrisoners. An agent had beil blusy in the nighlt being the first examined, persisted in denying his to raise some disturbance in davour of Lentulus; knowledlge of any conspiracy; accounted for the but the design of settiing fire to the city struck arms that were found in his house, by saying, He the people in general with so much horror, that was curious of workmanship of that nature, and not only such as were possessed of property, but always bought what he liked. He maintained every inhabitant trembled fbr his own person, and nis countenance well, till his letter was produced, for the safety of his house. The avenues to the and then fell into great confusion, as the seal was senate, the capitol, the forum, all the temples immediately known to be his. in the neighbourhood, by break of day, were Lentulus next, with great confidence, denied crowded with armed men. The consul had sumthe charge; affected not to know either Voltur-moned the equestrian order in arms to protect the cius or the ambassadors; asked them upon what senate, and citizens of every rank came forth to occasion they ever could pretend to have been ad-strengthen the hands of the magistrates. mitted into his house? He, however, owned the When the senate met, the members differed in seal affixed to the letter that was now produced their judgment. Junius Silanus, one of thile conagainst him. It was the head of his grandfather. suls-elect, being called up first in order, declared But the letter being opened, was found to be himself for a sentence ot death. liberius Nero unsigned, and in the following general terms: differed from him, and proposed perpetual lm”The bearer will inform you who I am. Fear prisonment. The majority, however, joined Sinothingr; Remember where you stand; and ne-lanus, until Caius Julius Cesar spoke.‘his able glect nothing. Call in every aid, even the mean-advocate declared against the opinion of Silanus, est.” While he persisted in his denial, solme not as too severe, but as contrary to law; and in one asked him, If he had never quoted the sisted on the danger of a precedent which migh’ 1 The lormer two were Cinna and Sylla. v is fltil’.

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CHAP. III. OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 177 set the life of every citizen at the mercy of a vote attempt, implored their protection for his wife in the senate. Death, he said, was the common and his children.“3 destination of all men; what no one could avoid, All this appears to have passed in debate before and what the wise frequently coveted. It was not, Cato spoke. This virtuous citizen, then about therefore, a punishment; and he did not propose thirty-three years of age, had, in the former part to mitigate, but to increase, the severity of the of his life, taken a veryv different course from the sentence in this case. He proposed, therefore, youths of his own time, and, both by his temper that the estates of the prisoners should be con-and education, was averse to the libertine prinfiscated; that their persons should be committed ciples which had crept into the politics and the for life to the keeping of the most secure and best manners of the acre. He spoke chiefly in answer affected towns in Italy; and that it should be de-to Caius Cesar, who, he observed, seemed to misclared treason for any one hereafter to move the take the question.

“We are not inquiring,” he senate or the people for any mitigation of their said, ” what is the proper punishment of a crime punishment. already committed, but how we may defend the Cesar might be considered as uttering what republic from an imminent danger with which it the popular faction were to urge, and as laying is threatened. It is proposed to send the prisoners the ground upon which the proceedings of the to safe keeping in the country. Why into the senate, and the conduct of each particular mem-country? Because perhaps the faction of profliber, might be afterwards arraigned before the gate citizens is more numerous in Rome, and people.

The terrors of the Porcian and Sem-may rescue them. Is Rome the only place to pronian laws, when likely to be urged by so which profligate men may resort, or are prisoners powerful an advocate, alarmed the greater part of of state most secure where the force of governthe senate. Silanus is said to have retracted his iment is least? This proposal is surely an idle one. opinion. The consul submitted the question to if the author of it professes to entertain any fear the judgment of the setate, and declared his wil-of these men. But if, in this general alarm of all the lingness to execute any decree they should form. city, he and such persons be not afraid, so much He treated Cusar with great respect, and laid the more cause have we to be on our guard. We hold of the severe terms in which he spoke of’ the are beset with enemies, both within and without conspiracy, as a pledge of his future conduct, in the walls. While Catiline with fire and sword is case the proceedings of government, with respect hastening to your gates, you hesitate, whether you to the matter now before them, should hereafter will cut off or spare his associates, that are taken be questioned or brought under review. ” The with the torch in their hands and the dagger at senate,” he observed, ” had no cause to dread the your breast! You must strike those who are now imputation of cruelty. It was mercy to prevent, in your power, if you mean to intimidate those in the most effectual manner, a crime to be per-who are coming to support their designs. The petrated in so much blood. If this crime were remissness or the vigour which you now show will not prevented, they were to see that city, the re-be felt in the camp of Catiline, and will be atsort of nations, and the light and ornament of tended with suitable effects. I am therefore of empire, perish at one blow. They were to see opinion, that we order these men, agreeably to heaps of her citizens unburied, and lying in their the practice which our ancestors followed in all blood; to see the fury of Cethegus let loose in cases of treason and of open war against the murder; to see Lentulus become a king, Catiline commonwealth, to immediate death.” commanding an army, and every where to hear Such is said to have been the speech of Cato, the cries of mothers, tcrsee the flight of children, by which the senate was determined in the very and the rape of virgins. If the father of a fa-nomentous resolution which was taken on the mily,” he continued, “should spare a slave who present occasion; and however little we may be had shed the blood of his children, who had mur-inclined to consider such compositions in many dered his wife, and set fire to his dwelling, how parts of ancient history as records of fact, much should such a father be considered-as cruel, or credit is due to this representation, as it is given as void of affection?

by a person who himself became a partizan of “He desired them not to regard what was Cesar, and as the speech itself must have been given out, of their not being in condition to at-offered to the perusal of many who were present tempt any thinog vigorous against those men. He at the delivery of it.4 The execution of the prihimself, as first magistrate, had not neglected the soners was accordingly determined, and Cornelius necessary precautions; and the general ardour Lentulus, in the beginning of the following night, with which all ranks of men concurred in the was, by order of the consul, committed to a vaultdefence of their families, their properties, and the ed dungeon under ground, and strangled. His seat of empire, rendered every resolution they accomplices had the same fate; and the minds of could take secure of the utmost effect. The fo-men, though somewhat quieted of their fears, rum is full, all the temples in its neighbourhood were nevertheless stunned with the scene, and are full, all the streets and avenues to this place beheld with amazement a patrician of the Corof assembly are full of citizens of every denomina-nelian family, of the first rank in the commontion, armed for the defence of their country. He wealth, who himself had been consul, sufiering, requested that the senate would issue their orders without any formal trial, by the hands of the before the sun went down, and seemed to appre-common executioner of justice.5 hend dangerous consequences, if these matters While these things were in agitation at Rome were left undetermined, and the city exposed to 3 Cicero in Catilinam, orat. iv. the accidents of the following night. For him-4 The more credit is due to this account of Cato’s self, he professed to have taken his resolution.

speech, that the speech which is ascribed to Cicero by Although he felt the occasion full of personal the same historian, is a faithful extract front the ora. dangfer, he would execute the orders of the contion which still remains. da~nger, if he fell oI the on. 5 Sallust. Bell. Catil. Cur ergo in sententiam Ca script fathers,” he said; “but, if he fell in tre tonis? quia verbis luculentioribus et pluribus, rem Z

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178 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK 111. Catiline was endleavouring to augment his force tonius; either because it lay on his route to Rome in the field. He found about two thousand men and, if defeated or removed.

minght open his way under Mallius. These he formed into two le-to the city, or because he hoped to meet in the gions, and as his party increased he completed commander of it some remains of inclination in their numbers.

He refused for some time to en-his ftlvour. In whatever degree these hopes were rol his fugitive slaves, of whom many took refuge at first reasonably conceive(d, they ccased to have in his camp; thinking it would discredit and any foundation; as Antonius, being taken ill had weaken his cause to rest any part of it on this left the army under the command of Petreius. support. But the freemen that joined him being WVith this commander Catiline engaged in battle, ill armed, he was obliged to keep in the neigh-and,; after many efforts of valour and of conduct, bourhood of the mountains, and frequently to fell with the greater part of his followers, and change his ground, to avoid an engagement with thus delivered the state from a desperate enemy, the consul; and he endeavoured to gain time, in whose power was happily not equal to his dehopes that the intended blow being struck at signs, and who has owed much of his celebrity to Rome, a general defection of the oppesite party the orator and the historian, who have made him would ensue. But when accounts came that his the subject of their eloquent compositions. Saldesign had tailed in the city, and that his principal lust appears to have been so intent on raising and associates were no more, those who were inclined finishing particular parts of his work, that he lieto his cause were discouraged, and numbers who glected the general order uf his narrative. I have, had already joined him began to fall Aif, he de-therefore, in most parts of the relation, preferred termined to remove to a distance from his ene-the authority of Cicero to his. This great man mies; and for this purpose directed his march to was undoubtedly best informed, and lihe rested so a pass in the Apennines, by which he might much of his reputation on this transaction, that escape into Gaul. This design the Prntor Me-lie loses no opportunity of returning to it, and in tellus had foreseen, made a forced march to pre-difierent parts of his writings, when collected, vent the effect of it, and Catiline at last, finding has furnished a pretty full narration of circumhimself beset on every quarter, determined to stances respecting the origin and termination of hazard a battle. Of the armies that were in the this wild and profligate attempt to subvert the field against him he chose to face that of An-government of the republic.

CHAPTER IV. Character of the 7Times Philosophy Opposite Tenets and Votaries-Proceedings of the Senate Tribunate of Mletellus, Nepos, and of Cato-Proposal to recal Pompey at the Heaa of his Army frustrated-His arrival in Italy-And Triumph. IT may appear strange, that any age or nation vernment of their country if disappointed in their should have furnished the example of a project hopes. Not only were many of the prevailing conceived in so much guilt, or of characters so practices disorderly, but the law itself’ was erroatrocious as those under which the accomplices neous;2 adopted indeed at first by a virtuous peoof Catiline are described by the eloquent orator pile, because it secured the persons and the rights and historian,l from whose writings the circum-of’

individuals, but now anxiously preserved by stances of the late conspiracy are collected. The their posterity, because it gave a license to their scene, however, in this republic, was such as to crimes. have no parallel, either in the past or in the sub-The provinces were to be retained by the forces sequent history of mankind. There was less of Italy; the Italians themselves by the ascendant government, and more to be governed, than has of the capital; and in this capital all was confubeen exhibited in any other instance. The peo-sion and anarchy, except where the senate, by pie of Italy were become masters of the known its authority and the wisdom of its counsels, proworld; it was impossible they could ever meet in vailed.

It was expedient fobr the people to restrain a fair and adequate convention. They were re-the abuses of the aristocratical power; but when presented by partial meetings or occasional tu-the sovereignty was exercised in the name of the mults in the city of Rome; and to take the sense collective b]ody of the Roman people, the anarchy of the people on any subject was to raise a riot. and confusion that prevailed at Rome spread from Individuals were vested with powers almost dis-one extremity of her dominion to the other. The cretionarv in the provinces, or continually aspired provinces were oppressed, not upon a regular to such situations. The nominal assemblies of plan to aggrandize the state, but at the pleasure the people were often led by profligate persons, of individlals, to enrich a few of the most outimpatient of government, in haste to govern. rageous and profligate citizens. The people were Ruined in their fortunes by private prodigality, often assembled to erect arbitrary p)owers, under or by the public expense in soliciting honours; tempted to repair their ruins by oppression and 2 Lex Valeria et Porcia de tergo Civium lata. Liv. extortion where they were entrusted with com-Jib.

ii. c. 8. lib. iii. c. 5.5. lit. x. c. 9. By these laws a Roman citizen could not le imprisoned, any more than mand, or by desperate attempts against the go-stiffer puinishmenlt. before conviction; he might stop anlly proceeding against himi by an appea. to tte people eandem comnprehenderat. Cicer. ad Atticumn, lib. xii. at large; and, being at liberty during trial, might vithepist. 21. draw whenever he perceived the sentence likely to ibe 1 C.cero in Sallust. given against him.

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CHAP. IV.1 OF THE RONMAN REPUBLIC. 179 the pretence of popular (overnment.

The pub-private enjinyments, while it furnished the conlic interests and the order of the state were in veniencies of the wise.6 To persons so instructed, perpetual strunre’e with the pretensions of single the care of families and of states, with whatever and of proflivgate menl. In such a situation there else broke in upon the enjoyments of pleasure were rnans temptations to be wicked; and in such and ease, must appear among the follies of human a sitnation, likewise, minds that were turned to life.

And a sect under these imputations might Integrity and honour had a proportionate spring be consid(ered as patrons of licentiousness, both to their exertions and pursuits. The rangre of in morality and religion, and declared enemies to the humnan chlanacter was great andi extensive, mankind. Yet the Epicureans, when urged in and mlen were not likely to trifle within narrow argument by their opponents, made some concesbounds; thev were destined to be good or to be sions in religion, and many more in morality. wicked in the higliest measure, and, by their They admitted the existence of gods, but supstrurgrles, to exhibit a scene interestinr and in-posed those beings of too exalted a nature to have structive beyond any other in the history of man-any concern in human affairs. They owned kind. that, althou(h the value of virtue was to be mea Amoncg the causes that helped to’carry the sured by the pleasure it gave, yet true pleasure characters of men in this agre to such distant ex-was to be found in virtue alone; and that it might tremes, may be reckoned the philosophy of’

the be enjoyed in the highest degree even in the Greeks, which was latelY
comne into fashion, and midst of bodily pain. -Notwithstanding this dewhich was much affected by the higher ranks of cision on the side of morality, the ordinary lanmen in the state.3 Literature being, by the liffi- (uage of this sect, representing virtue as a mere cultv and expense of multiplying copies of books,4 prudent choice among the pleasures to which men confined to persons having wealth and power, it’are variously alddicted, served to suppress the spewas considered as a distinction of rank, and was cific sentiments of conscience and elevation of received not only as a useful, ibut as a fashionable mind, and to change the reproaches of criminaliaccomplishment. The lessons of the school were ty, profligacy, or vileness, by which even bad men considered as the elements of every liberal and are restrained from iniquity, into mere imputations active profession, and they were practised at the of mistake, or variations of taste. bar, in the field, in the senate, and every where Other sects, particularly that of the Stoics, in the conduct of real affairs.

Philosophy was maintained, almost in every particular, the re considered as an ornament, as well as a real verse of these tenets. They nlaintained the foundation of strength, ability, and wisdom in reality of Providence, and of a common intere~ the practice of life. Men of the world, instead of goodness and of justice, for which Provideno, of being ashamed of their sect, affected to employ was exerteld, and in which all rational creatures its language on every important occasion, and were d(eeply concerned. They allowed, that in to be governed by its rules so much as to assumle, the nature of things there are many grounds upon in compliance withl particular systems, distinc-which we prefer or reject the objects that present tions of manners and even of dress. They em-themselves to us, but that the choice which we braced their forms in philosophy, as the sectaries make, not the event of our efforts, decides our in modern times have embraced theirs in re-happiness or our misery; that right and wrong li(ion; and probably in the one case honoured are the most important and the only grounds their choice by the sincerity of their faith and upon which we can at all times safely proceed in the regularity of their practice, much in the same our choice, and that, in comparison to this differdegree as they have done in the other. ence, every thing else is of no account; that a In these latter times of the Roman republic just man will ever act as if there was nothing the sect of Epicurus appears to have prevailed; good but what is right, and nothing evil but and what Fabricius wished, on hearing the tenets what is wrong; that the Epicureans mistook huof this philosophy, for the enemies uf’ Rome, had man nature when they supposed all its principles now befallen her citizens.5 Men were glutted resolvable into appetites for pleasure, or aversions with national prosperity; they thought that they to pain; that honour and dishonour, excellence wtre born to enjoy what their fathers had won, and defect, were considerations which not only and saw not the use of those austere and arduous led to much nobler ends, but which were of muc virtues by which the state had increased to its greater power in commanding the human willj present greatness. The votaries of this sect as-the love of pleasure was grovelling and vile, was cribed the formation of the world to chance, and the source of dissipation and of sloth; the love denied the existence of Providence. They re-of excellence and honour was aspiring and noble, solved the distinctions of right and wrong, of and led to the greatest exertions and the highest honour and dishonour, into mere appellations of attainments of our nature. They maintained pleasure and pain. Every man’s pleasure was that there is no private good separate from the to himself the supreme rule of estimation and of public good; that the same qualities of the underaction. All good was private. The public was standing and the heart, wisdom, benevolence, and a mere imposture, that might be successfully em-courage, which are good for the individual, are so ployel, perhaps to defraud the ignorant of their likewise for the public; that these blessings every,C__________ )man may possess, independent of fortune or the will of other men; and that whoever does possess 3 Vid Cicero’s Philosophical Works. them has nothing to hope, and nothing to fear, 4 The grandees had their slaves sometimes educated and can have but one sort of emotion, that of to serve as secretaries to themselves, or as preceptors an have bu t on e sort of emotion, that of to their children.

satisfaction and joy; that his affections, and the 5 See Plutarch. in Pyrr. The philosopher Cyneas, in maxims of his station, as a creature of God, and the hearing of Fabr’inus, entertained his prince with as a member of society, lead him to act for the an argument, to pri ve that pleasure was the chief good. Fabricius wvisheil that the enemies of Rome might long entertain such tenets. 6 Cicero in Pisonexa.

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180 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [Book lll. good of mankind; and that for himself he has the event of their different pursuits. Those of nothing more to desire, than the happiness of Cato were by their nature a series of struggles acting this part. These, they said, were the tenets with almost insurmountable difficulties: those of of reason leading to perfection, which ought to be Caesar a constant endeavour to seize the advanthe aim of every person who means to preserve tages of which the vices and weaknesses of the his integrity, or to consult his happiness, and age, except when he was resisted by persons towards which every one may advance, although bent on the same purpose with himself, gave him no one has actually reached it. an easy possession. Cato endeavoured to preOther sects affected to find a middle way be-serve the order of civil government, however destween these extremes, and attempted, in specula-perate, because this was the part it became him tion, to render their doctrines more plausible; that to act, and in which he chose to live and to die. s, more agreeable to common opinions than either; Caesar proposed to overturn it; because lie wished but were, in fact, of no farther moment in human to dispose of all the wealth and honours of the life than as they approached to the one or to the state at his own pleasure. other of these opposite systems. Ciesar as versatile in his genius as Cato, was Ciesar is said to have embraced the doctrines steady ahd inflexible, could personate any chaof Epicurus; Cato those of Zeno. The first, in racter, and support any cause; in debate he compliance with fashion, or from the bias of an could derive his arguments from any topic; from original temper. The other, from the force of topics of pity, of which he was insensible; from conviction, as well as from the predilection of a topics of justice and public good, for which he warm and ingenuous mind. When such cha-had no regard. His vigour in resisting personal racters occur together, it is impossible not to see insults and wrongs appeared in his early youth, them in contrast. When Sallust writes of the when he withstood the imperious commands of proceedings of the senate, in the case of the Cati-Sylla to part with his wife, the daughter of Cinna, line conspiracy, he seems to overlook every other and when he revenged the insults offered by the character, to dwell upon these alone. Caesar, at pirates to himself; but while his temper might the time when this historian flourished, had many be supposed the most animated and warm, he claims to his notice;’ but Cato could owe it to was not involved in business by a predilection for nothing but the force of truth. He was distin-any of the interests on which the state was diguished from his infancy by an ardent and affec-vided. So long as the appetites of.youth were tionate disposition. This part of his character is sufficient to occupy him, he saw every object of mentioned on occasion of his attachment to his state, or of faction, with indifference, and took no brother Caepio, and the vehement sorrow with part in public affairs. But even in this period, by which he was seized at his death. It is mention-his application and genius, in both of which he ed, on occasion of his visit to the dictator Sylla, was eminent, he made a distinguished progress in when he was with difficulty restrained by the letters and eloquence. When he turned his mind discretion of his tutor from some act or expression to objects of ambition, the same personal vigour of indignation against this real or apparent vio-which appeared in his youth, became still more lator of public justice. He had from his infancy, conspicuous; but, unfortunately, his passions according to Plutarch, a resolution, a steadiness, were ill directed, and he seemed to consider the and a composure of mind not to be moved by flat-authority that was exercised by the senate, and. tery, nor to be shaken by threats.

Without the restraints of the law on himself, as an insult fawning or insinuation, he was the favourite of and a wrong. his companions, and had, by his unaffected gene-Cuasar had attained to seven-and-thirty years rosity and courage, the principal place in their of age before he took any part as a member of confidence. Though in appearance stern and the comnmonwealth. He then courted the popuinflexible, he was warm in his affections, and lace in preference to the senate or better sort of zealous in the cause of innocence and justice. the people, and made his first appearance in supSuch are the marks of an original temper affixed port of the profligate, against the order and auby historians as the characters of his infancy and thority of government. With persons of desperate early youth. So fitted by’ nature, he imbibed fortune and abandoned manners, he early bore with ease an opinion, that profligacy, cowardice, the character of liberality and friendship. They and malice, were the only evils to be feared; received him as a generous patron, come to rescue courage, integrity, and benevolence, the only good them from the morose severity of those wlo to be coveted; and that the proper care of a nman judged of public merits by the standard of public on every occasion is, not what is to happen to virtue, and who declared against practices, howhim, but what he himself is to do. With this ever fashionable, which were inconsistent with profession he became a striking contrast to many public safety.

Himself, a person of the greatest of his contemporaries; and to Caesar in particu-abilities, and the most accomplished talents, havlar, not only a contrast, but a resolute opponent; ing an opportunity to live on terms of equality and though he could not furnish a sufficient with the greatest men that have yet appeared in counterpoise, yet he afforded always much weight the world, he chose to start up as the chief among to be thrown into the opposite scale. They were those who, being abandoned to every vice, saw both of undaunted courage, and of great penetra-the remains of virtue in their country with distion; the one to distinguish what was best; the taste and aversion. When he emerged from the other to distinguish the most effectual means for avocations of pleasure, or from the sloth which he attainment of any end on which he was bent. accompanies the languor of dissipation, his ambiIt were to mistake entirely the scene in which tion or desire to counteract the established governthey were engaged, to judge of their abilities from ment of his country, and to make himself master.._________________________________ I of the commonwealth, became extreme. To this 1 Sallust attached himself to Caesar, and was em-I passion he sacrificed every sentiment of friendployed by him in the civil wars. I ship or animosity, orhonour, interest, resentment,

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Cuwt. IV.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 181 or hatred. The philosophy which taught men due to him, seemed to be satisfied with the acto look for enjoyment indiscriminately wherever knowledgment of his right; and, as if merely to it pleased them most, found a ready acceptance in show with what sort of enemy he had fought, he such a disposition. But while he possibly availed entered the city with a few of the Armenian himself of the speculations of Epicurus to justify horsemen cased in armour, a few of the armed his choice of an object, he was not inferior to the chariots winged with scythes, and about sixty of followers of Zeno, in vigorous efforts and active the officers and courtiers of Mithridates, who exertions for the attainment of his ends. Being were his captives. He ordered the spoils he had about seven years younger than Pompey, and gained, the arms and ensigns of war, the prows three years older than Cato; the first he occa-of the gallies he had taken, to be displayed to sionally employed as a prop to his ambition, but public view in the great circus, and concluded the probably never ceased to consider him as a rival; solemnity with giving a feast to the people. The the other, from a fixed animosity of opposite na-senate hoped for his support against the ambition tures, and from having felt him as a continual of Pompey, and the factious designs of the popuopponent in all his designs, he sincerely hated. lar leaders; but he was disgusted, and scarcely Cato began his military service in-the army ever after took any part in the affairs of state. that was formed against the gladiators, and con-The triumph of Metellus Creticus did not take cluded it as a legionary tribune, under the praetor place till after the accession of the following conRubrius, in Macedonia, while Pompey remained suls, P. Junius Silanus and Lucius Muramna, in Syria. He was about three-and-thirty years after whose election, Cicero, before he had vaof age when he made his speech relating to the cated his own office of consul, had occasion to accomplices of Catiline; and by the decisive and defend his own intended successor, Muraena, resolute spirit he had shown on this occasion, against a charge of corruption brought upon the came to be considered as a principal support of statute of Calpurnius, by Servius Sulpicius, one the aristocracy, or of the authority of the senate.2 of his late competitors, supported by Cato and To this body, as usual, every flagrant disorder others. The oration of Cicero on this occasion is repressed was a victory. The discovery of a de-still extant, and is a curious example of the topics, sign so odious as that of Catiline, covered under which, under popular governments, enter even popular pretences, greatly weakened their antago-into judicial pleadings. Great part of it consists nists. One of the first uses they proposed to in a ridicule of law terms; because Sulpicius, one make of their advantage, was to have Cato elected of the prosecutors, was accustomed to give counamong the tribunes of the subsequent year. His sel to his friends who consulted him in matters services were likely to be wanted in opposition to of law; and in a ridicule of the stoic philosophy, Metellus Nepos, then arrived from the army of because Cato, another prosecutor, was supposed Pompey, with recommendations from his general to have embraced the doctrines of that sect. to offer himself a candidate for the same office; Cato made no other remark on this pleading, but and, as was expected, to start some new gratifi-that the republic was provided with a merry concation to the ambition or vanity of this insatiable sul. The argument appeared sufficiently strong suitor for personal consideration. on the side of Murmna, and he was acquitted. It had not yet appeared what part Pompey was At the close of this trial, Cicero, about to reto take ill the disputes that were likely to arise sign his power with the usual asseveration, upon on the legality or expedience of the late mea-oath, that he had faithfully, and to the best of sures; but it is not to be doubted, that he wished his abilities, discharged his trust; he proposed, at to hold the balance of parties, and that he would the same time, to harangue the people, but was come prepared for the part that was most likely ordered by Metellus, already elected, and acting to promote his own importance.

Metellus was in capacity of tribune, to confine himself to the sent. on before him to be supported by his friends terms of his oath. He accordingly refrained from in the canvass for the office of tribune, and speaking; but instead of swearing simply, that he with instructions to take such measures as were had been faithful to his trust, he took an oath likely to favour the pretensions of his general. that he had preserved the republic.4 It was on The leading men of the senate were now, for this occasion, probably, that Cato, now another some time, aware of the intrigues of Pompey, and of the tribunes, in a speech to the people, alluding bore, with indignation, the personal superiority to the suppression of the late conspiracy. called which he affected even to the first and most re-Cicero the father of his country;5 and’ from this spected of their order. They took occasion, in time entered upon an opposition to his colleague, the present crisis, to mortify him by admittin Metellus, which was not likely to drop while they Lucullus and Metellus Creticus to the triumphs continued in office. to which, by their victories in Pontus and in Soon after the accession of the new magistrate%

Crete, they were long entitled. Hitherto their a storm began to gather, which, claims had been overruled by the popular faction, U. C. 691. though still aimed at the party of either to annoy the senatorian party, to which Junius the senate, burst at last in a personal they were attached, or to flatter Pompey, who Silanus L attack upon the late consul, who had was supposed to be equally averse to the honours,lIursena. been the author or instrument of of both. They had waited in Italy about three the senate in the summary proceedyears, and, in the manner of those who sue for a ings against the accomplices of Catiiine. Metriumph, had abstained from entering the city, tellus Nepos seems to have come from Asia, and and still retained the fasces or ensigns of their to have entered on the office of tribune, with a,ate command.3 particular design to bring about the introduction Lucullus, having obtained the honour that was of Pompey with his army into Rome; and he was joined in this project by Caius Julius Cesar, 2 Plutarch in Caton. edit. Londin p. 238. 3 Cicero in Lucitllo. 4

Plutarch. in Cicerone. 5 Cicer. in Pisonem, c. 3.

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182 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BooK IIl. now in the office of praitor,l who chose to support confusion arose; and the tribunes who opposed the tribune, as an act of hostility to the senate, if Meteilus were in imminent danger. The senators not as the means of disembarrassing himself from had met in mourning, to mark their sense of’ the the present forms of the commonwealth. evils which threatened the commi,hwealth; and In consequence of a plan concerted with Casar, now, under the apprehension of some signal cathe tribune Metellus moved in the senate, as had lamity, gave a charge to the’consuls to watch been usual in the times of its highest authority, over the safety of the state, and empowered them for leave to propose a decree in the assembly of to take such measures as might be necessary to the people, recalling Pompey from Asia at the preserve or to restore the public peace.* head of his forces, in order to restore the consti-In consequence of this charge, the consul MNutution of the commonwealth, which, in the terms rmna appeared with a body of men in arms, had he afterwards employed to the people, had been the good fortune to rescue Cato and Minucius violated by the arbitrary adm(inistration of Cicero. Thermus; and p)robably by this seasonable interThis was the first attempt of tile party to inflame position eflIced any remains o.f misunderstanding the minds of the people on the subject of the late which mirht have subsisted between Cato and executions; and Pompey was, in this manner, himself, on account of the )irosecution for bribery offered to the popular party as their leader, to which followed the late elections.4
avenge the supposed wrongs they had received. Metellus, alter the tumult was composed, Cato, when the matter was proposed in the having agrain obtained silence, began to read the senate, enldeavoured to persu;de Metellus to drop hpropose(l decree; but the senatorian party. headit, remindled him of the digniity of his family, ed by the consuls, beinr then in the comlitiuin, which had been always a principal ornanlent and he found it impossible to proceed; and, togcther support to the state. This treatment served only with the )rtctor Caius Julius Catsar, retired from to raise the presumption of’ Mletellus, and broulht the assemnlllly. From this tire, these officers ilade on a violent altercation between the tribunes. no attempit to resume their motion, but comllainThe senate applauded Cato, but had not autho-ed that the government was usurped by a violent rity enough to prevent tlie nlotion which was faction, under whomll e-ven the persons {i’ the triproposed from being made to the people. bunes were unsafe; and M.etellus, as if fo)rced to Metellus, apprehending an obstinate resistance break through the rules whicl oblired the trifrom his colleague, endeavoured to fill the place bunes to constant residence at Rome. abandoned of assembly with his own partizans; and, on the the city, even left Italy, and fled to the camlr of evening before the meeting, in order to intimidate Pompey in Asia, froml whichl he was lately lrhis opponents, paraded in the streets with a nu-rived.5 Ele had already threatened his oppolnenlts merous attendance of men in arms. The friends at Rome with the resentment and military plower and relations of the other tribunes earnestly be-of his general, and now endeavoured to excite seeched themn not to expose themselves to the the army and their comimander to follow the exdang(er with which they were threatened. But, anple which had been set to them by Sylla and on the following day, the other party being al-his legions, when oppressed citizens, a descripition ready assembled3 by IMvetellus, at the temple of in which he now comprehended himiself fPled to Castor, and the place lhavinc been in the night them for protection and revenge. accupied by persons under his direction, armred It may well be supposed, that Ciesar, reineamwith sticks, swords, and other ofiensive weapons,2 hering his own escape from the ruin of the MaCato went forth atten.ed only by Minucius Ther-rian.action, and considering Pompey as the head mus, another of t ie tribunes, and a few friends. of an opposite interest, and a principal obstacle to They were joined by numbers in the streets, who his own ambition, must look upon him with solne could not accompany them to their place, beingr degree of personal dislike and animosity; but his prevented by the multitude of armed men that conduct on this occasion sufficiently showxedl hox already crowded the avenues and the steps of the little lie was the dupe of any passion or sentitemple. But they themselves, from respect to ment which had atendency tocheck his pursuits. their office, being suffered to )ass, dragcced alongl Meaning for the present only to weaken the with them through the crowd, as an aid, in case senate, and to step in before them in the fhvour any violence were offered, Munatius, a citizen of Pomllpey; he undertook the cause even of a much attached to Cato. WVhen they came to the rival, and would have joined the populace, in debench of tribunes, they found that Metellus, with livering the commonwealth into his hands, rather the pretor Julius Cwesar, had taken their places than remain under a government which he hated. there; and that, in order to concert their opera-But if he really meant to overthrow the senate tions in the conduct of this aflair, they were by force, lie mlistook his instrument. Pompey, closely seated together. Cato, to disappoint, this no doubt, aspired to the sovereignty of the emintention, forced himnself in betwixt them, and, pire, and wished to reign in the city with a nmiliwhen the ordinary officer began to read the in-tary pover; but even this he desired to receive tended decree, interposed his negative, and for-as the fruit of consideration and personal respect, bade himrnto proceed. Metellus himself’ seized the andl he ever hoped to ilake the people bestow it, writing, and began to read; but Cato snatched it and even force him to accept of it as their gift. out of his hands.

Metellus endeavoured to re-For this purpose he encourage( so many ragents peat the substance of it from his memory. Ther-and retainers to sound his praise; and for this mus clapped his hand to his mllouth. A general purpose he had recently sent Metellus Nepos silence renlained in the assembly, till lMietellus, from his camp to take upon him the functions of having made a signal tbfor his party to clear the a popular tribune; but having failed of his object, cornitium of their enelies, a great tunlult and he by no means could think of extorting it by 1 Sueton in Jul. C Ps.

c. Ic. 3 Plutarch. in Catone, edit. Londin. p. 241, &c. 2 Plutarch. in Catone, edit. Londin. p. 241, &c. 4 Plutarch. ibid. 5 Dio. Cass. lib xxxvii. c. 43

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CIf.P. IV.] F THE ROM’AN REPUBLIC. 183 force. No one ever courted distinction with a sigrnsagainst the peace of the commonwealth, and more incessant emulation to his rivals; but he in the capacity of prstor supported them with was entirely (lependent on the public opinion for the authority of a magistrate, the senatorian party any satisfaction he enjoyed in the possession of made a powerful exertion of their influence to power. Trusting to this last’part of his character, have him suspended, and actually obtained a deCaLsar, thougah himself of unbounded ambition, cree for this purpose. He aflfcted at first to was not vet alarmed at the elevation of Pompey, slight their authority; but finding that a powxer and thought that he was safe even in offering was preparing to enforce it, perhaps at the hazard him the dominion of the state. Pompey was, at of his life, he laid aside for some time the roYbes this conjuncture, with his army moving towards and badgTes of magistracy, dismissed his lictors, Italy, and his coming was matter of great solici-and abstained from the functions of praetor, until, tude to the friends of the commonwealth, who having rejected an offer of the people to restore feared that, in return to the affront of his not him by force, he was, with proper marks of rebeing invited to come with his army, upon the gard, for this instance of moderation, reinstated, motion of Metellus, he would employ it in person by an act of the senate.8 to enforce his commands. Upon his arrival at The aristocratical party, at the same time, to Brundusium, however. as formerly upon his re-confirm and perpetuate the evidence on which turn from Africa, he dispelled those fears by an they proceeded against the accomplices of Catiimmediate dismission of the troops. with instruc-line, continued their prosecutions on this subject, tions merely that they would attend at his tri-and obtamined sentence of’ condemnation, in parulnph.

He himself came ibrward to Rome with ticular, against a citizen of the name of Vergunthe single equipaoge of his proconsular rank. Mul-teius, anti against Autronius, who, about two titudes of every condition went forth to receive years before, having been elected consul, was set him, and with shouts and acclamations recom-aside upon a charge of bribery; and who, from pensed the moderation with which he acquiesced the discust which he took to the senate upon that in the condition of a citizen.

occasion, had connected himself with the more Caesar, from whatever motive he acted in re-desperate party. Publius Sylla, in the same pregard to Pompey, gave every other sign of disaf-dicament with Autronius, was tried; but, being fection to the senate, and employed the name of defended iby Cicero, in an eloquent harangue this rising favourite of the people, to mortify such which is still extant, was acquitted. of the members in particular as were objects of Ciesar likewise was accused lby Vectius as acpersonal animosity to himself. The repairs or cessary to the conspiracy of Catiline; but it is rebuilding of the cap)itol being finished about this not likely that he wvas concerned farther than by tine, the honour of dedicating the edifice, and of the general encouragement he gave to every par-.ing named in the inscrip)tion it was to bear, had, ty at variance xwithl the senate. Opposition to by a resolution of the senate, b)een conferred on this body was called the interest of the people, Catulus, under whose inspection the work was and was adopted by every person who had any executed. But Casar, afiictingr to procure this passions to gratify by crimes of state, or whc honour for Pompey, allerged that Catulus had wished to weaken the covernment, to which enmbezzled the money allotted for this service; they themselves were accountable. Among the that much yet remained to be done; and moved, supporters of this interest, Crassus also was acthat the inscription of Catulus should be erased; cused, but probably on no better grounds than that the completion of the work being left to Cwsar. Pompey, should carry an inscription with his The whole of these proceedings, however, were name.6 Here he probably acted as much from suspended by the approach of Pompey. This antipathy to one, as from an intention to flatter leader had now drawn the attention of all men the other. But the design being extremely odi-upon himself, was quoted in every harangue as ous to the whole body of the nobles, who saw, the great support of the empire, and courted by with indignation, in that proposal an attempt to multitudes, who, without inquiry, afiected to be affront a most respectable citizen, in order to flat-classed with his admirers and friends. The conter the vanity of one person, and to gratify the tagion spread like a fashion among the vulgar of profligate resentments of another, Caesar was every description. He himself affected indifferobliged to withdraw his motion.7 ence to this mighty tide of renown, though not It was probably during this year in which without much dignity and state, which he temperC-esar was prator, and before th6 arrival of Pom-ed with aflability, employ ing the greatness he pospey from Asia (although historians refer it to an sessed to give the more value to his condescensions. earlier date,) that Caesar promoted, as has been His manner, though acceptable tothe people and already mentioned, prosecutions upon a charge the army, was disagreeable to the senate. Haviing of assassination against some persons concerned previously sent Piso, one of his lieutenants, before in the execution of Sylla’s proscriptions. The him to stand for the consulate, he had the pre. prnetors were appointed by lot to carry particular sumption to desire that the senate would defem laws into execution. The law respecting assas-the elections until he himself could be present to sination appears to have been the lot of CGesar; canvass for his friend. The senate, according to and he was entitled in virtue of his office, the Dio, complied with his desire; but, according to jurisdiction of which was still very arbitrary, to Plutarch, rejected the proposal with disdain. This extend, by his edict or plan of proceeding for the author imputes the resolution, which they took year, the description of the crime under his cog-upon this occasion, to Cato, and subjoins, that nizance to any special case. Pompey endeavoured to gain this opponent by a While he seemed to have formed so many de-proposed marriage with one of his near relations; and that Cato declined the connection, saying, 6

Sueton. in Jul Cuesare, c. 15. 7 Dio. Cass. lib. xtvii. c. 44. 8 Sueton.

in Jul. Cwesare c. 16.

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184 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOR 1I1. that he should not be caught in a female snare. Asia to collect curiosities and ornaments for this Piso, however, was elected together with Vale-pompous scene. rius Messala, and entered on his office before the The triumph, in its ordinary form, contained triumph of Pompey. only such exhibitions as had a reference to the This solemnity followed soon af-service in which it was obtained; the captives U. C. 692. ter; and, though continued for two and spoils of the enemy, with effigies and repredays, could not make place for all sentations where the originals, by any accident, C. Pzrb.!i’sO the magnificent shows that had could not be displayed. But in these solemnities, J. Val.pur as been provided for it. The list of executed for the honour of Pompey, were admitted sala J./iger. conquests exceeded that which had whatever could distinguish or signalize the occaever been produced at any other sion. Among these, according to the record triumph.

Asia, Pontus, Armenia, Cappadocia, transcribed by Pliny,4 there were many costly Paphlagonia, Medea, Colchis, Iberia, Albania, ornaments of gold and of precious stones, which Syria, Cilicia, Mesopotamia, Phoenicia, Judea, were fabricated on purpose to be shown. Tables Arabia, Scythia, Crete,l with the sea in all its or plates, used for some species of play, made of coasts. Among the people or potentates subdu-one entire crystal; a representation of the moon ed, were the Basterni, Mithridates, and Tigranes. in gold, weighing thirty pondo; tables, utensils, Among the captures, a thousand fortresses, nine statues, crowns, models of different sorts in gold hundred cities reduced, eight hundred galleys and precious stones, with the representation of a taken, above two millions of men in captivity. mountain in gold, having lions, deer, and other Towns repeopled, not less than three hundred animals upon it: and what serves as an evidence and ninety-nine. To this pompous list, it was that these exhibitions were not limited to the subjoined by his friends, that, this being his spoils actually taken in war, there is mentioned third triumph, he had been round the known an image of Pompey himself incrusted with world, and had triumphed over all the three parts pearls. The whole conducted with more arrangeof the earth, Africa, Europe, and Asia. ment and order, than were necessary, perhaps, After rewarding the soldiers, of whom none in the disposition of any of the battles which the received less than fifteen hundred denarii,2 he triumph was intended to celebrate.

carried to the treasury twenty thousand talents.3 Among the images, representations, and meHe led, among his principal captives, besides morials which were carried before the victor on the chief pirates, Tigranes, son to the king of this occasion, there was held up to view a state Armenia, with his wife and his daughter,- of the public revenue, from which it appeared, ZozimE, the queen of Tigranes,-the father of that, before Pompey’s time, it amounted to no Aristobulus, king of the Jews,-a sister of more than fifty millions;5 and that the addition Mithridates, with five sons, and some Scythian which he alone brought to it amounted to eightywomen; the hostages of the Iberii, and the Comfive millions.6
mageni; together with trophies for every battle Soon after this pomp was over, an assembly of he had fought, making in all a more splendid the people was called in the circus Flaminius. to exhibition than any that was to be found on the receive the address of this victorious general; but, records of the state. from the extreme caution not to offend any party, The triumphal processions of Pompey merit the speech which he made, upon this occasion, more attention than those of any other person, was acceptable to none. “It gave no hopes,” because they contained a public evidence of his says Cicero,7 ” to the poor; no flattery to the rich; character. Others took the benefit of an estab-no satisfaction to the good; no encouragement to lished practice to publish and to ratify the honours the profligate.” Pompey was suffered to possess they had acquired; but Pompey, it is likely, would the highest place in the consideration of the pubhave invented the triumph, even if it had not been lic, merely because he assumed it; and ie pr-rsformerly thought of; and it is not to be doubted, served his dignity, by never committing his that he overran some provinces in which the reputation without being prepared, and having enemy were subdued, or in which they were so concerted a variety of arts by which it might be weak, as not to be able to make any resistance, supported. merely to place them in the list of his conquests; and that he made some part of his progress in 4 Nat. Hist. lib. xxxvii. c. 2. 5

416,i6il. 1 Plin. Nat. Hist. lib. vii. c. 26. 6 708,3331. Plutarch in Pompeio, edit. LonaL p 479 2 About 501. 3 About 3,860,0001. 7 Cicer. ad Atticum, lib, i. ep. 14.

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CIAP. V.j OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 185 CHAPTER V. Transactions at Rome, and in the Provinces-Julius Ceesar appointed in the Quality qf Proprc tor to his first Province of Lusitania Trial of C’lodius-Proposed Adoption into a Plebeian Family to qualify him for the Office of Tribune-CTesar a Candidate.for the Consulship. The Triumvirate of Cwesar, Pompey, and Crassus-Consulship of CcesarM- lotion of Vatinius, to confer on Ccesar,.for Pive Years, the Commend in Gaul-M-arriage of Pompey to Julia-Of Ctesar to Calpurnia Plot qf Vettius-Consulate of Lucius Calpurnius and A. Gabiniu&  Attack made upon Cicero-His Exile. POMPEY, at his departure from Syria, left ling, to be worth nothing.l2 When about to dethat province with two legions under the cor-part from the city, he was pressed by his creditors, mand of ZEmilius Scaurus, one ofhis lieutenants.

and had recourse to Crassus, who became his This officer occupied the country from the Eu-surety for great sums.13 phrates to the frontier of Egypt, and continued A person who, in any other state, than that of the war which his predecessor had begun with Rome, could suppose such a fortune reparable, the Arabs. must have thought of means alarming to the state Caius Antonius, the late colleague of Cicero itself; but Cesar had now quitted the paths of in the consulate, soon after the defeat of Catiline, pleasure for those of ambition; and, in an empire proceeded to the province of Macedonia, of which, which extended over so many opulent provinces, by the arrangements of the year, he had been could easily proportion his wealth to the extent of appointed governor. He entered his province his power. Although the province into which with the ensigns of victory, which had been ob-he was then sent was none of the richest, and tained by the defeat of Catiline; but these he was only a step to somewhat farther, more consoon forfeited by his misconduct in a war against siderable, and more likely to supply him with the the Thracians, and by the disgrace which he means of pursuing the objects of his ambition, he otherwise incurred for the mal-administration of was nevertheless reported to have supplied his his province. Complaints were exhibited against own wants, and to have enriched his army.‘4 him for extortion. On this occasion it had been In passing the Alps, on his way into Spain, at reported by himself, or by some of his family, a village on the way, one of his company obthat, having agreed to divide the profits of his served, that ” Here too there were probably pargovernment with Cicero, part on!y was exacted ties and contests for power.” “Ay,” said Caesar, on his own account. This allegation, Cicero, in “and I would rather be the first man in this a letter to Atticus, mentions with indignation; place than the second at Rome.!5” Upon his arand, being asked to undertake his defence, ques-rival in Lusitania, he made the necessary augtions whether he can decently do so under this mentation of the army, and soon overran all the imputation.8 But as he soon afterwards under-districts that were disposed to resist his authority. took the cause of Antony, and employed his inWith the same ability with which he conducted’ terest to have him continued in his command, it his military operations, lie supported the dignity is probable that this imputation either gained no of a Roman governor, no less in the civil than in credit. or was entirely removed.9
the military department. Historians, upon an The Allobroges, though deprived of the sup-idea which occurred to them, that the disorder in port they were made to expect from the party of his own aftairs might have rendered him partial Catiline, nevertheless took arms, and invaded the to insolvent debtors, are at pains to acquit him of Roman province of Gaul.

After a variety of any such charge, and observe that he gave proofs events, they were repulsed by Pontinius, who of the contrary, and for the most part ordered two then commanded the Roman forces in that quar-thirds of the debtor’s effects to be sequestrated ter, and forced to retire into their own country.10 for the use of his creditors.‘6 About the same time, Caius Julius Caesar, While these things passed in the provinces, upon the expiration of his term in the office of’ the city was occupied with ordinary affairs, and praetor, obtained his first military command, being suffered an increase of the political distempers appointed by lot to the government of Lusitania, with which the public had been for some time where, under different pretences, he found an infected. The expense and dissipation attending opportunity to quarrel with the natives, to show the public shows, in particular, were augmented his capacity for war, and to lay some ground fobr to a great degree. Lucius Domitius Ahenobarhis claim to a triumph.” In pushing his way to bus exhibited the baiting of a hundred bears by the preferments which he now held in the state, African huntsmen;17 and whereas such enterhe had ruined his fortune by largesses, public tainments had formerly ended at one meeting, shows, and entertainments to the people, by his they were now continued through many acts, l lavish bounty in private to needy and profligate and were intermitted only while the people retired citizens, and in supporting every desperate cause, to their meals. against the senate and the government; and is The office of censor, as appears from the transreported to have said of himself, that he needed actions which are mentioned relating to the farms one hundred and fifty millions Roman money, or one million two hundred thousand pounds ster-12 Appian. de Bell. Civ. lib.

ii. p. 715. 13 Ibid. About 160,0001. Plutarch in Casare. 14 Plutarch. in Caesare, edit. Lond. p. 111. 8 Vid. Cicero ad Atticum,.lib. l’p. 12. 15

Ibid. 16 laid. p. 1X2. 9 Ad Familiar. lib. v. ep. 5. 17 Plin. Nat. Hist lib viii. c. 36. 10 Dio. lib. xxvii. 1i Die i 52, &c. 18 Dio. Cass. lib.

xxxvii. c. 47. 2 A

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186 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BooK 111. of tile revenue and the rof the the senate, was in j had been griven in his own house as to part with heinrg at this time, although the names of the his wife, still affected to consider as groundless pelsons by wheom it was exercised are not re-the charge that was brought against the accused corde(l. The censors are said to have let the and being asked, why he had parted with a worevenues of Asia at a rate, of which the farmers man who, upon this supposition, must appear to afterwards complained, alleging, that their own be innocent, said, that his wife must not only be avidity in grasping at the profits to be made in innocent, but ablove imputation. Pompey, to this new province had misled them.’ They like-avoid giving oflince, declined to favour either wise put upon the rolls of the senate all who had party; but being called upon in the assembly of ever held any office of magistracy, and by this the peo),le to declare his opinion. whether this alddition increased the nnllber of members be-trial should proceed according to the decree of the yond the former and ordinary rate.2 senate; mnade a long speech, full of reslcct to the About the same time happened the memorable nobles, and of submission to the senate, whose trial of’ Publius Clodius, for the scandal he had authority, in all questions of this sort, he said, given by p.oofaning the sacred rites in Casar’s shou’d ever with him have the greatest weight. house. This debauchee was supposed, for some He afterwards. in the senate itself, being calledl time, to have sought for an opportunity of a cri-upon by NMessala the consul, delivered himself to minal correspondence with Pompeia, Casar’s the same purpose; and when he had done, svhiswife; tut to have been prevented, if not by her pored Cicero, s who sat by him, that he thought he own discretion, at least by the attention and vigi-had now sufficiently explained himself; intin-atlance of her farnily.3 In these circumstances, in ing probably, that he meant to conlprehend, in the preceding year, it fell to the lot of Pompeia, this declaration, his judgment with resplect to all as being wife to one of the praetors in office, to the acts of’ the senate which had passed relating celebrate, at her house, the festival of a certain to the accomplices of Catiline.s feinale deity,4 worshipped by the Romans; and The consul Fiso was instructed to carry to the at whose rites women alone were admitted. Every people, for their assent, an act for the better conmale domestic, even the husband was obliged to duct of the triall of Clodius, dispensinr i with tihe absent himself frol home while the rites were usual mlode of drauwrhting judges bv lot niled auadniriistered.

Clodius took this opportunity to thorisino the pl ator to se lect them that lie nlitllht carry on his intrigue;:e lput himself in a fenmale nanme the more resecctable persons. Cn the (lay dress, and, being young and of an effeminate on which this motion -as to be nalde, a nuwierols aspect, expected to pass for a womaan.6 Pompeia party of young notility appeared for the detl:;ndwas supposed to be apptrised of the design, and ant. His hirelings and retainers crovwd(d the to have stationed a feniale slave to receive and comitiurn. Even Fiso, who moved the quest.in, conduct her paramour through the apartments. dissuaded the people froim passing the law, ond Being met, however, by another slave who was allowed the friends of Clodius to put a ridiculous not in the sccret, his voice betrayed hin.

A cry trick on the assemnbly, by distributing to the peoof amazement and horror was inimediately raise, 1pie, as they caime forward to vote, two ballots, communicate(l through all the apartments, and which, instead of being, as usual one ncgative the occasion of it discovered to the matrons, who and the other affirmative, were both negative. were met to ceiebrate the rites. Clodius escaped, This trick being observed, Cato suspended the but not without being known. The college of ballot, and strongly remonstrated against the lpropontiifls iade a report, that the sacred rites had ceedine of the conlsul.7 IHe was supported by been profaned. The senate resolved, that inquirS I ortensius and Favonius. The assembly broke should be made into the grounds of the scandal; up, and the affair again returned to the senate. and that the people should be inoved to autllhoris-e The members were inmportuned by Clodius, who the prsetor to select, without drawing lots, proper cast hlimself at their fect as Ilhey etered; they, Judges for the trial of the actcused. nevertheless, confirmed their lormer resolution by Clodius, by the suspicion of an incestuous a nmajority offiour hundred to fifteen.8 comnmerce with his own sister, the wife of Lucul-Holrtensius, howcver, having proposed that, lus; by his perfidy in sedlucinlg the troops of that instead of the motion which the consuls had been general to mutiny, and by his profligacy on every instructed to make for the scltection of the judges, occasion, had incurred a general detestation; and the tribune Fusius should move the people to many of the senators combined, as the likeliest grant commission for the trial, leaving the juldges, way of removing him from the commonwealth, as usual, to be drawn by lot; an edict was friamled in urning the prosecution against him. and passed to this efflct.

H1ortensius, who conHe himself, foreseeing this storm, had taken ductedl thle trial, was confident that no jury could refuge in the popular party, and endeavoured to acquit the accused. The court accordingly, in all silence the voice of inf umy, by professing extra-their proceedings, seemed at first inclined to seordinary zeal for the people, and vehement oppo-verity. They even applied for a guard to protect sition to the senate. These parties accordingly their persons against the partizans of the criminal; became interested in the issue of l-lis cause. The but the majority, nevertlheless, suflererd themnselves popular leaders endeavoured to preserve him as a to be corrupted, and took money in thle course of useful instrument, and the senate to remove him the trial. Of fifty-six judgles that were inclosed, as a vile and dangrerous tool from the hands of twenty-five gave their voice to condemn, and their enemies.

Even Cmsar, though personally thirty-one to acquit. Catulus, on this occasion, insulted, and so falr moved by the scandal which asked the majority to what purnose they hadI desired a guard? ” Was it,” he said, “to secure the 1 Cicer. adt Atticuini, lib. i. ep. 17. money you expected to receive for your votes?”. 2 Dio. liti. xxxvii. c. 46. 3 Plltarch. in C’Tsare, edit. Lond. p. 109. 6 Cicero ad Atticum, lib. i. epist. 13, 14.

16. 4 Called the Bona Dea. 7 Ihid. 8 Ibid. ep. 14. 5 Cicero ad Atticum, Jib. i. 12, 13. 9 Dio. Cas. lib. xxxvii. c. 46. Cic. ad Att. lib. i. ep.

16

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Jusr’. V.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 187 Soon after this judgment the senate resolved rived from Macedonia, had exempted themselves that inquiry should be made concerning those from all the ancient assessments, and they now judces who had been corrupted in the trial. And completed the exemption of all the Italians from by this resolution gave a general offence to the every tax besides that of quit-rents for public equestrian order, who considered it as an imputa-‘ lands, and the twentieth penny on the value of tion on their whole body.l0 slaves when sold or emancipated. They were Pompey, in the course of this transaction, had become the sovereigns of a great empire, and as been obliged to declare himself for the senate; but such, thought themselves entitled to receive, not his object was to be on good terms with all par-obliged to pay, contributions.‘6 ties, and to manage his interest, by having some The tribune Herennius, at the same time, of his creatures always chosen into the highest made a motion for an act to enable Publius Clooffices of state. He offered, as candidate for the dius to be adopted into a plebeian family, which, consulate of the following year, Afranius, one of though an act of a more private nature than any his dependants, who is represented by Cicero as of the former, tended still more to embroil the a. person of mean character, and who, having no parties of the senate and the people. This facpersonal dignity, nor any credit with the people, tious and profligate person had entertained great was to be supported in his canvass by money resentments against many of’ the senators off acalone. Pompey himself; and the consul Piso, count of the prosecution hle had lately incurred, openly employed bribery in obtaining votes in his and against Cicero in particular, who, having favour.l1 been called as an evidence on his trial, gave a A variety of resolutions were obtained in the very unfavourable account of his character. The senate to restrain these practices. Two of them summary proceedings against the accomplices of were proposed by Cato and Domitius.

The first Catiline, in which Cicero presided as consul, exwas levelled against the consul Piso, and gave posed him to the resentment of the popular facpermission, on the suspicion of illicit practices tion; and Clodius now proposed to qualify hinrespecting elections, to visit the house even of a self to be elected tribune of the people, in order to magistrate. By the other it was declared, that all wreak his vengeance on that magistrate in parthose who were found distributing money to the ticular, as well as on the other abettors of the people should be considercd as enemies to their senatorian party. The motion, however, for the country.‘2 present was rejected, though not finally dropt, by The senate, at the saime time, encouraged Clodius himself, nor by the popular faction, whose Lurco, one of the tribunes, to propose a new cause he professed to espouse.‘7 clause to corroborate the laws against bribery.

Two other motions were made in which PoinBy this clause promises of money made to the pey was deeply interested: one, to ratify anti conpeaple, if not performed, did not infer guilt; but, firm all his acts in the province of Asia: another, f’performed, subjected the guilty person from to procure settlements for the veterans who had thenceforward to pay to each of the tribes an an-served under his command. The first, as it imnual tax of three thousand Roman money, or plied a reflection on Lucullus, many of whllese about twenty-four pounds sterling; and there judgments Pompey had reversed, roused this bein; thirty-five tribes, this tax amlounted in all statesman from the care of his household and his to about ei;ght hundred and forty pounds of our table, to that of the republic.l8 He opposed this money. That the tribune might not be inter-motion with vi(rour, and insisted that the acts of rupted in carrying this law, the senate farther rePompey should be separately examined, and not solved, that the formalities or restrictions of the confirmed in a single vote. In this he was supLex /Elia and Fufia‘3 should not be opposed to ported by Catulus, by Cato, by the consul Mehim.‘4 It appears, however, that the liberality of tellus, and by the senate ill general. Afranius, Pompey prevailed against these precautions, as thougTh vested with the consulate, and acting Afranius was elected, together with QL. Cecilius almost as the agent of Pompey, had neither digMete!us Celer. nity nor force to support such a measure; and Soon after the election of these officers, the Pompey, finding it rejected by the senate, (lef arimers of the revenue of Asia, supported by the clined carrying it to the people.19 whole equestrian order, complained, as has been The other proposai, relating to the provision to mentioned, of the terms of their contract, in be made for the soldiers of PIomlpev, was, by L. which they alleged that they had greatly exceeded Flavius, orre of the tribunes, moved in the aswhat the funds of that province could afford, and sembly of the people, under the title of an A gramaide application to the senate for relief. Their rian law.- In this act, to prevent the imputation plea was contested for some months with great of partiality to any particular description of’ mnien, animosity on bdth sides.;5 certain gratuities were projected for the indigent Upon the accession of the new consuls, several citizens in general 20 and, to enable the commonother matters, tending to innovation and public wealth to extend its bounty, it was proposedl first disturbance, were introduced. Metellus Nepos, of all to revoke the conveyance of certain lands, late tribune, being now in the office of pretor, which, having belonged to the public in the conprocured a law to abolish the customs payable at sulate of’ P. Mucius and L. Calpurnius, were any of the ports of Italy. The Romans, as has sold by the senate; and that the price should be been observed, upon the accession of wealth de-restored to the purchasers. It was proposed likewise to seize certain lands which had been confiscatedl by Sylla, but not appropriated; and to 10 Cicero a, Att. Jib. i. ep. 1.7. 11 Ibid. ep. 16. 12 Cicero ad Art. lib i. ep. 16. 1: Te’lse were fortlalities and restrictions provided 16 Ibid.

lib. ii. ep. 16. Dio. Cass. to check thle precipitate passing of laws. 17

Dio. Cass. liv xxxvii. c. 51. 1t Cicer. ad Atticumin, lib. i. ep. 16. 18

Plutarch. in Lucullo, edit. Lond. p. 197. 15 Ibid. lih. i. ep. 17, 18.

lib. xxvii. c. 51.‘a Dio. Jih. xxxvii. c. 49. 20 Ibid. lib. 50.

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188 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK Ill. allot, during five years, the revenues of the late to power. Cicero and Cato were at this time the 3onquests in Asia to purchase lands, which principal, or most conspicuous, members of the should be distributed in terms of this act.l senate. The first was possessed of consular rank, The consul Metellus Celer, supported by the great ingenuity, wit, and accomplished talents - senate, strenuously opposed the passing of this the other, possessed of great abilities and an inlaw. The tribune persisted with great obstinacy, flexible resolution, embraced the cause of the reand, to remove the obstruction he met with, com-public with the same ardour that others engaged mitted the consul to prison. The whole senate in pursuing the object of their own ambition, would have attended him thither, and numbers their pleasures, or personal interests. He had accordingly crowded to the place, when the tri-penetration enough to perceive in Ciesar, lone bune, vested with the sacred defences of his per-before the senate in general was alarmed, a disson, to bar their way, planted his stool or chair of position to vilify the aristocracy, and, in conjunc3ffice in the door of the prison; and, having seated tion with needy and profligate citizens, to make a himself upon it, “This way,” he said, “you prey of the republic.

Under this apprehension cannot pass; if you mean to enter, you must he opposed him with a degree of keenness which pierce through the walls.“2 He declared his re-Cesar endeavoured to represent as a personal solution to remain all night where he sat. The animosity. parties were collecting their strength, and matters The senators in general, now aware of their were likely to end in greater extremities than danger from Caesar, were disposed to resist his suited the indirect and cautious conduct of Pom-applications, whether made for honours or for pey. This politician, although he engaged all his public trust. They, on the present occasion, friends to support the motion of Flavius, afficted disputed his pretensions to a triumph: and, while to have no part in the measure, and now probably he remained without the city in expectation of instructed the tribune to remove from the doors this honour, refused to admlnit him on the list of of the prison. Flavius accordingly withdrew of candidates for the office of consul. But the day a sudden, saying, he had done so at the request of of election being fixed, Cuesar, without hesitation, the prisoner, who begged for his liberty.3 preferred the consulate to the triumph, laid down It is suppose(l that Pompey, on this occasion, the ensigns of his late military command, assumed severely felt the checks which his ambition re-the gown, and entered the city as a candidate for ceived from the senate; that he regretted for a the consulship.s moment the dismission of his army, and wished The people were at this time divided into a himself in condition to enforce what his croft or variety of factions. Pompey and Crassus dishis artifice had not been able to obtain. The trusted each other, and both were jealous of Caeerror he had committed in resigning the sword, sar. Their divisions strengthened the party of if he conceived it as such, might have still been the senate, and furnished that body with the corrected by recovering the possession of some means of thwarting separately many of their amconsiderable province, which would have given bitious designs. This Cesar had long perceived, him the command of an army and of proper re-and had paid his court both to Pompey and Crassources to support his power. He, nevertheless, sus, in order to hinder their joining the senate appears to have preferred the scene of intrigue in against him. The expedience of this precaution the city and the capital of the empire; a choice now appeared more clearly than ever, andl he is in which he was probably confirmed by Caesar, supposed to have separately represented to these who professed great attachment to him, and who rivals the advantage which their enemies derived was about this time returned from the govern-from their misunderstanding, and the ease with ment which he held as propraetor in Lusitania. which, if united they might concert among themThis officer, according to Dio, had found some selves all the aflairs of the republic, gratify every pretence for a war with the nations on the fron-friend, and disappoint every enemy. Upon this tier of the Roman province; had obliged them to representation Pompey and Crassus were recontake refuge in some of the islands on the coast, ciled, and agreed to act in concert with C.esar, and afterwards reduced them in that retreat. His and to support him in his pretensions, at the apobject was to return to Rome with the reputation proachingf elections.6 of victory, to obtain a triumph, and to offer himThis private combination, which remained self as a candidate for the consulship of the fol-some time a secret, was afterwards, by a kind of lowing year. For this purpose he quitted his mockery, alluding to the ordinary names of pubprovince without waiting for a successor, and, lic office, taken from the number of those who upon his arrival at Rome, halted as usual with were joined in them,7 called the triumvirate. In the ensigns of his military command at the gates the mean time, these supposed leaders of opposite of the city, applied for a triumph, and, at the same factions, in abating their violente against each time made interest for votes at the approaching other, took a favourable appearance of moderaelection.4 The senate, and the friends of the re-tion and candour.

They paid their court sepapublic in general, were become extremely jealous rately to persons whom they wished to gain, and of his designs, and of his credit with the people. flattered them with hopes of being able to heal From a libertine he was become an ardent politi-the divisions of their country. This sort of court cian, seemed to have no passion but ambition or they paid in particular to Cicero; and by their animosity to the senate; without committing flatteries, and real or pretended admiration of his himself he had abetted every factious leader talents, seemed to have got entire possession of against them, and seemed to be indifflrent to his mind. Pompey affected to place the merits consideration or honours, except so far as they led 5 Sueton. in Caesare, c. 18. Dio. lih. xxxvii. c. 54. I Cicero ad Att. lib. i. ep. 19. 6 Dio. Cass. lib xxxvii. c. 54, 55.

Plutarch. in 2 Dio. lib. xxxvii. p. 50. Poinpeio, Caesare, et Crasso. 3

Dio. Cas. lib. xxxvii p. 50. 4 Ibid. c. 50, &c. 7 As the Decemvirs, Septemvirs, &c

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CHAP. V.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 1S9 of Cicero greatly above his own. “I, indeed,” him likewise in the continual efforts he made to he said, “have served my country, but this man preserve its authority. The aristocratical party, has preserved it.“s The senators, with whom notwithstanding this loss, prevailed in carrying Iiicero had hitherto acted, were alarmed; and it the election of Bibulus against Lucceius; anti ppears that Atticus, about this time, had taxed though they could not exclude Cesar from the tim with leaving his party, to commit himself office of consul, they hoped, by means of his colnto the hands of their enemies. In his answer league, to oppose and to frustrate his designs.12 o this imputation, he seems to have flattered Cresar, well aware of their purpose, opened his ftimself that he had made acquisition of Pompey, administration with a speech praising unanimity, not surrendered himself into his power; at least, and recommending good agreement between those that he had reclaimed or diverted him from the who are joined in any public trust. While he dangerous projects in which he had been lately meant to vilify the senate, and to foster every disengaged, and that he thought himself likely to orderly party against them, he guarded his own succeed in the same manner with Cresar: so behaviour, at least in the first period of his conmuchbthat he triumphed in the superiority of sulship, with every appearance of moderation and his own conduct to that of Cato, who, by his candour, paid his court not only to leaders of facausterity and vehemence, had alienated the minds tion, but to persons of every description, and of men otherwise well Jisposed to the republic,9 while he took care to espouse the popular side in “while I,” he said, “by a little discretion, reclaim, every question, was active likewise in devising or even disarm its enemies.”~10 regulations for the better government of the emFew persons were naturally possessed of more pire: so that the senate, however inclined to counpenetration than Cicero. although it will after-teract his designs, as calculated to raise himself wards appear how egregiously he was mistaken on the ruins of the commonwealth, could scarceon this occasion; but he chose not to see what ly, with a good grace, oppose him in any particuchecked his vanity, or prevented his enjoying the lat measure. He set out with a project for the court which was paid to him by Pompey and relief of indigent citizens having numerous famiCesar. His own glory intercepted every other lies, including the veterans and disbanded soldiers object from his view, and made him the dupe of of Pompey; proposing to settle them on some of every person who professed to admire him, and the public lands in Italy. He gave out that he secretly displeased with every one who did not expected the concurrence. of Cicero in this meapay him, on every occasion, the expected tribute of sure, sent him a message by Balbus, 13 with assurpraise; a description under which Cato, though ances that he meant to consult with Pompey and his most sincere well-wisher and friend, appears himself in all matters of importance, and tlbat at this time to have fallen. he had hopes qf bringing Crassus into the same Cwesar, to the other arts which he employed to mind: words, from which it is manifest that the cosecure his election, added the use of money, which alition of these persons was not yet publicly known. he obtained by joining his interest, in opposition “What a fine prospect I have befbre me,” says to Bibulus with that of Lucceius, another of the Cicero to Atticus; “a perfect union with Porecandidates possessed of great wealth. He him-pey, even with Coesar if I please; peace with my self having squandered his fortune, as has been enemies, and tranquillity in my old age.” But observed, was still greatly in debt, and Lucceius his heart misgave him; the honours of his former willingly furnished the money that was given to life recurred to his mind. With his great talents, the people in the name of both. This illegal pro-he was destined to transmit a more honest fame ceeding, together with the menacing concerts of to posterity, and to become the lamented victim which he began to be suspected with Pompey of his country’s betrayers, not the detested assoand Crassus, greatly alarmed the friends of the ciate of their crimes.l4 republic. They determined to support Bibulus This consulate is distinguished by the passing against Lucceius; and, in order to give Cwesar a of many laws, particularly this, which was decolleague who might occasionally oppose his dan-vised for the settlement of citizens on certain pubgerous intentions, they even went so far as to lic lands; and therefore known by the title of the contribute sums of money, and to bid for votes as Agrarian law. On this act Caesar was to rest his high as their opponents. In this crisis, even Cato popularity, and his triumph over the senate. He owned it was meritorious to bribe.” gave out that he was to make a provision for During the dependence of this contest, the twenty thousand citizens, without any burden to senate, by the death of Lutatius Catulus, was the revenue. But he well knew that his antagodeprived of an able member, and the people of a nists would perceive the tendency of the law, and fellow-citizen of great integrity, moderation, forti-not suffer it to pass without opposition; and he tude, and ability; a model of what the Romans affected great moderation in the general purpose, in this age should have been, in order to have and in framing every part of his plan; affecting preserved their republic. He partook with Cato solicitude to obtain the consent of the senate; in the aversion which Caesar bore to the most re-but, in reality, to make their opposition appear spectable members and best supporters of the the more unreasonable and the more odious to the senate, and would probably have taken part with people. He declared, that he did not mean to strip the revenue of any branch that was known to carry profit to the public, nor to make any par8 Cicero ad Atticum, lib. it. epist. 1. tial distribution in favour of his friends; that he 9 Alluding to the opposition which Cato gave to the farmers of the revenue, in their petition for an only meant to plant with inhabitants certain unabatement of their rent. But Cato followed his judgnment in this matter; and there is no reason to prefer 12

Plutarch. Appian. Dio. Sueton. &c. the judgment of Cicero to his. 13 Dio.

Cass. lib. viii. initio. Plutarch. in Caesare 10 Cicero ad Atticum, lib.

ii. epist. 1. In Pompeia, Pompeio, Lucullo, Catone, &c. &c. Sue. 11

Sueton. in Caio Casare, c. xix. Appian. de Bell. ton. in Cawsare. Appian.

de Bell. Civil. lib. ii. Civil, liL ii. 14 Cicero ad Atticum, lib. ii. ep.

3.

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190 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK II1. profitable wastes, and to provide for a.number among the tribunes to interpose; but Cato, seine of citizens, who, being indigent and uneasy in him embarrassed. and the senate engaged in the their circumstances, filled the city itself with cause, went off if the custody of the lictor withfrequent disorders and tumults; and that he out any signs of reluctance. Cesar immediiate ly would not proceed a step without consulting the recollectingr himself; and never hurried too Ifr by senate, and persons of credit and authority in the any passion, despatched a tribune of his cwn state. party, with secret directions to rescue the risolnIn a way to save these aIp/earances, and with er; and this beinml done, the senators aSr(iin rethese professions, C0esar formed the first drau(ght turned to their places.’ I meant,” said C’e-sar, of an act which he blrou ght to the senate for their “to have submitted this law to your jtludrmllent approbation, and the support of their authority and correction; but if’ you throw it aside, the in proposing it to the people. It was difficult to people shall take it up.’”

find topics on which to oppose a measure so plau-Ctesar, upon this occasion, increased his own sib!e, and conducted with so much appearance popularity, and diminished I hat of his enelnies of moderation and candour. But the tendency in the senate. who were supposed in thisas in of the act itself was evidently not to promote the some other instances, to withstand with keenness, peace of the commonwealth, but to constitute a every measure that was devised for the comfort merit in the party that procured it, aind to give of the people. The imputations cast out against power to those who were to be entrusted with its him by Cato and others, were supposed to proceed execution. fromn malice or cynical prejudices. He found himIn great and populous cities indigent citizens self strong enough to extend his bounty to the are ever likely to be numerous, and would be people, so as to comprehend the lands of Caumpamore so, if the idle and protlifrate were taught to nia, which were hitherto considered as unalienhope for bounties and gratuitous provisions, to able, and the richest demesne of the public, quiet their clamours, andl to suppress their disor-together with a valuable district near the confluders. If men were to have estates in the country ence of the Vulturnus and the Sabbatlos, forimerly because they are factious and turbulent in the consecrated to pious uses. In these valuable tracts city, it is evident that public lands, and all the of land there was sufficient subject for an ample resources of the most prosperous state, would not provision for the soldliers of Pompey, and for the be sufficient to satisfy their claims.

retainers of those who, together with Crassus and The commissioners appointed for the distribu-C(esar himself, were proposed to be commission. tion of such public favours, would be raised above ers for carrying this act into execution. the ordinary magistrates, and above the laws of At the first assembly of the people, Cesat their country. They might reward their own proposed his scheme to impropriate the lands of creatures, and keep the citizens in general in a Camnpania, with the above additions; and first of state of dependence on their will. The authors all called on his colleague Bibulus to declare his:f such proposals, while they were urging the mind on the subject. Bibulus spoke his disstate and the people to ruin, would be considered sent; and in vehement terms declared, that no as their only patrons and friends ” It is not this such alienation of the public demesne should be law I dread,” said Cato; “it is the reward ex-rnade in his consulate. Caesar next called upon pected for obtaining it.” Pompey, though in a private station; and the Odious as the task of opposition on such diffi-audience, ignorant of the concert into which these cult ground might appear to the people, this sena-leaders had entered, were impatient to hear him. tor did not decline it. Being asked his opinion on the subject of a measure which was likely to in his turn, he answered, That he saw no occa-elevate a supposed rival so high in the favour of sion for the chanre that was now proposed in the the people. To the surprise of all who were prestate of the public lands; and entered on an ar-sent, Pompey applauded the general design, and, gument with which he meant to exhaust the in a speech of considerable length, discussed all whole time of the sitting of the senate, and to the clauses of the act, andl with great approbation prevent their coming to a question. He was en-of each. When he had done speaking, Caesar, titledl, by his privilege as a member in that assem-alluding to what had dropped from his colleague, bly, to speak without interruption, and might, if and affecting to fear the interposition of’ force; he chose to continue speaking, persist until all ” ill you support us,” he saidl to Pompey, ” in the members had left the house. Cfesar suspect-case we are attacked’i”-” If any one,” said the ing his design, and finding it impossible otherwise other, ” shall lift up a sword against you, I shall to silence him, ordered him into custody. The lift up both sword and shield.” 2 Crassus being whole senate instantly rose in a tumult. “Whither called upon, spoke to the same purpose. The go you before the meeting is adjourned.” said concurrence of these leaders portended the unaniCaesar to Petreius, who was moving from his side. mous consent of all parties; and a day being “I go,” said the other, “into confinement with fixed for putting the question, the assembly for Cato.

W’ith him a prison is preferable to a place the present adjournled. in the senate with you.” The greater part of To oppose a measure so popular, and from the members were actually moving away with which such numbers had great expectations, no Cato, and Caesar felt himself at once stripped of means remained so likely to succeed as superstithe disguise of moderation he hadl assumed, and tion. To this aid Bibulus accordingly had redreaded the spirit which he saw rising in so nu-course, and by’virtue of the authority with which merous a body of men, who, on former occasions, he was vested, proclaimed a general fast, and a had maintained their authority with becoming suspension for the present year of all the affiirs vigour. He had relied on their want of decision, and on their ignorance of their own strength. 1 Dio. lib. xxxviii. c. 1, 2, 3. Plutarch. Sueton. Ap.

But his rashness broke the charm. He wished plan, &c. But his rashness broke the charm. He wished 2 Cicero ad Att. lib. ii. Plutarch. in FPmpeio.

Dio. that the prisoner would procure some friend Cass. lib. xxxviii. c. 5.

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CHAP. V.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 191 of state. The design of this suspension, and the tired to his own house, and from thence forwarid extravagant length of time to which it was ex-during the remainder of the year, did not appeai tended, probably enabled his colleague to treat it in any public place. Cato absented himself from with contempt, and to proceed in the design of the senate.6 putting his question, as if no such proclamation While Coesar engrossed the full exercise of the. had been issued. The assembly was accordingly consular power, Bibulus was content with issuing summoned in the temple of concord. Cesar, his edicts or manifestos in writing, containing early in the morning, secured ali the avenues protests, by which he endeavoured to stop all prand the steps of the portico with an armed force; ceedings in public affairs on account of the relihad Vatinius, one of the tribunes of the people, gious fast, or continuation of holidays, which he who was entirely devoted to his interest and even had instituted to restrain his colleague. In these in his pay,3 stationed with this party, in order to writings he p)ublished violent invectives against take the odium of all violent measures on himself. Cesar. in which, anlong other articles, he charged Bibulus, however, attended by numbers of the him with having had a part in the conspiracy of senate, and three of the tribunes, who were pre-Catiline.7

The tribune Vatinius, in return, pared, by their negative, to put a stop to every issued a warrant to comnit the consul Bihulus to proceeding, came into the place of assembly with prison; and, in order to seize him, attempted to a firm countenance; he protested against the le-break into his house; but in this he was foiled, gality of any meeting to be formed in a time of and the parties continued, during the remainder general fast; but the opposite party being in of this consulate, in the same situation with repossession of the temple, forced him from the spect to each other.

steps, broke the ensigns of the lictors, wounded In dating the year, instead of the consulate of the tribunes that interposed in his defence, and Cvesar and Bibulus, it was called by sole wag effectually removed all farther obstruction to their the consulate of Julius and Cesar.8 This able own designs. The question then being put, the adventurer, though suspected of the deepest delaw passed without opposition, including a clause signs, went still deeper in laying his measures for to oblige every senator, under pain of exile or the execution of them than his keenest opponents death, to swear to the observance of it. supposed. He found means to tie up every hand This oath was probably a snare laid by Caesar that was likely to be lifted up against himself; as for the most resolute of his opponents, like that those of Pompey and Crassus, by their secret which was formerly laid by Marius, on a like oc-agreement, of which the articles were gradually casion, for Metellus Numidicus, and by which ldisclosed in the effect. Ile confirmed to Pomthat virtuous citizen was actually for some time pey all the acts of’ his administration in A sia, and, removed from the commonwealth.4 by putting him on the commission for dividing Metellus Celer, the late consul, together with the lands of Campania, and fbr settling a colony Cato and Favonius, were likely to have fallen at Capua, gave him an opportunity, which the Into this snare. They at first declared their. reso-other earnestly desired, of providing for many nelution not to swear to the observance of any such cessitous citizens of his party. Hle flattered Crasruinous law; but on maturer consideration, they sus sufficiently, by placing him on the same became sensible that in this they were serving the commission, and by admitting him to a supposed cause of their enemies. ” You may have no need equal participation of that political consequence of Rome,” said Cicero to Cato, “and may go into which the triumvirs proposed to secure by their exile with pleasure; but Rome has need of you. union. He gained the equestrian order, by grantGive not such a victory to her enemies and your ing a suit which they had long in dependence, own.” Upon these considerations it was deter-for a diminution of the rents payable by the remined to comply.5
venue farmers in Asia.9 These he reduced a Bibulus, on the day following that of his violent third; and with that order of men acquired the expulsion from the assembly of the people, as-character of great liberality and candour. He sembled the senate, complained of the outrage he himself was the only person who in appearance had received, and submitted the state of the re-was not to profit by these arrangements. He public to their consideration. But even this was occupied. as his retainers pretended, in servassembly, though consisting of above six hundred ing the republic and in promoting his friends; of the most powerful citizens of Rome, not desti-was the general patron of the distressed and the tute even of courage, were declined in their spirit, indigent, and had nothing to propose for himself. and became averse to exertions of vigour. They With his consent and under his authority, -rere occupied with their villas, their equipages, Fufius, one of the preetors, and Vatinius, one of and the other appurtenances of wealth and of the tribunes, obtained two laws, both of them high rank. ” They appear,” says Cicero upon equitable and salutary: the first relating to the this occasion, “to think that even if the republic use of the ballot in the.

comitia, or assembly of should perish, they will be able to preserve their the people: the other, relating to the challenge of fish-ponds.” parties in the nomination of judges or juries. The consul Bibulus, even Cato, though far re-The introduction of the ballot in political quesmoved from any ambiguity of conduct, saw no tions had greatly weakened the influence of the possibility of resisting the torrent. The first re-aristocracy over the determinations of the people; and resolutions were frequently carried in this 3 Cicero in Vatinium. Cmasar was reported to have manner, which no party, nor any particular orsaid at Acquileia, some time after this date, when der of men, were willing to acknowledge as their Vatinius was disappointed of the edileship, that lie had no business with honours, being intent on money 6 Cicero pro Sextio. Plutarch. in Catone. only; and that he was paid for all his services n the 7 Sueton. in C.

Casare.;rigunate. 8 Ibid. c. 20). Dio. Cass. lib. xxxvii. c. 6. 8. 4 See book ii. c. 6. 9 Cicero ad Att. lib. ii. ep. 1. Appian. de Bell. Civil 5

Plutarch inCatone. Appian. de Bell. Civil.., Ui. lib. ii. p. 4:31.

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19‘31 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK II, measure. The nobles imputed the absurd deter-The most profligate party among the populace minations to the majority that was formed by were unable or unwilling to support their demathe people, and these sometimes retorted the im-gogues to this extent; and the people in genera, putation. To leave no doubt in such matters for became jealous of their most respectable citizens, the future, Fufius proposed that the orders of when it appeared that merit itself approached to Patrician, Equestrian, and Plebeian, should ballot monarchical elevation. Marius, by the continued apart.l This regulation had some tendency to possession of the highest offices, and by the su restore the influence of the superior classes. preme command of armies, had acquired a spe Vatinius proposed that in criminal actions, cies of sovereignty which he knew not how to when the judges were drawn by lot, the defend-resign. Cinna came into partnership with Maant and prosecutors might, in their turns, chal-rius, and wished to govern after his decease.

lenge, or stri-ke off from the list, persons to whom Sylla, to avenge his own wrongs and those of his they took a particular exception.2 friends, to cut off a profligate faction, and restore Cmesar himself was busy in devising new regu-the republic, took possession of the government.

lations to reform the mode of elections, and to im-He led his army against usurpers, and had the prove the forms of business in some of the public power to become himself the most successful departments. By one of his acts the priests were usurper, as he was put in possession of a soto be elected agreeably to the former laws of vereignty which he no doubt might have retained. Atius and Doriitius, with this difference, that So far he was a model to every ambitious advencandidates might be admitted even in absence. turer, and pointed out the only means which By another of his acts, regular journals were to could insure to a single person the sovereignty of ne kept in the senate and in the assemblies of the Rome.

Catiline, with his accomplices, Lentulus people, and all their proceedings recorded for the and Cethegus, had vainly attempted to overturn inspection of the public. By a third, persons con-the state, or to usurp its government, by means victed of treason wsere subjected to new penalties, of a profligate party among the populace or citiand governors of provinces to additional restraints zens of desperate fortune.7 Caesar was become in the exercise of their power. Such officers head of the same party; but an army like that of were not allowed to receive any honorary gift Sylla, a convenient station, and the resources of from their provinces, until their services being a great province, were necessary to support the considered at Rome, were found to have entitled contest, and to carry it against his rivals, as well them to a triumph.3 They were restrained from against the republic itself, to a favourable issue. encroaching on the right of any state or princiThe republic had taken many precautions to pality beyond the limits of their province. They prevent the introduction of military power at were obliged to leave copies of their books and of Rome. Although the functions of state and of their acts at two of the principal towns in their war were entrusted to the same persons, yet the government, 4 and immediately upon their ar-civil and military characters, except in the case of rival at Rome, to give in a copy of the same a dictator, were never united at once in the same accounts to the treasury. They were doomed to person. The officer of state resigned his civil make restitution of all subjects received in extor-power before he became a soldier, and the soldier tion, not only by themselves, but by any of their was obliged to lay aside his military ensigns and attendants. character before he could enter the city; and if WVith these acts Caesar adorned his consulate, he sued for a triumph in his military capacity, and in some measure discountenanced the party must remain without the wails till that suit was which was disposed to traduce him. He is, discussed. The command of armies and of pronevertheless, accused of having stolen from the vinces in the person of any officer was limited to treasury, to which he had access in the capacity a single year at a time, at the end of which, if it of consul, bars of gold weighing three thousand were not expressly prolonged, it was understood pondo, and of having concealed the theft by sub-to expire, and to devolve on a successor named stituting brass gilt, and of the same form, in its by the senate. place.6 That no leader of a party might have an army Whatever foundation there may have been for at hand to overawe the republic, no military stathis report, it soon appeared that Caesar had ob-tion was supposed to exist within the limits of jects of a more serious nature, could copy, on Italy. The purpose, however, of this precaution occasion, the example of Pompey, and, in his was in some measure frustrated by the near situmanner, cause what was personal to himself to ation of a province in which an army was kept be proposed by others, whom he might be free to within the Alps. Italy was understood to extend support or dicavow according to the reception only from the sea of Tarentum to the Arnus and which his proposal met from the public. It can-the Rubicon: beyond these boundaries, on the not be doubted that he now conceived the design northwest, all those extensive and rich tracts on of bringing a military force to support his pre-both sides of the Apennines, and within the Alps, tensions in the city. Hitherto kingly power be-which now make the dutchies of Ferrara, Boing odious at Romne, whoever had aspired to it logna, Modena, Milan, the states of Piedmont had always peri.hed in the attempt, and the and Venice, with the dutchy of Carniola, and mere imputation, however supported, was fatal. the whole of Lombardy, were considered, not as a part of Italy, but as a province termed the 1

Dio. lib. xxxviii. c. 8. 2 Ibid. Appian. Cisalpine Gaul, and, like the other Roman pro3 Cicero ad Att. lib. v. ep. 16. et lib. vi. ep 7. 4 Cicero ad Famnil. lib. ii. ep. 17. et lib. v. ep. 20. 5 Ibid. in Vatinium pro Sext. 7 Speaking of the imaginary danger to a state of 6 Sueton. in Jul.

c. 54. Ctsar is said to have sold being overturned by the rabble; we might as much the gold bullion he brought from Spain at 3000 H. S. fear, said a witty writer of the present age, that a city or about 251. of our money.

This will make his sup-would be drowned by the overflowing of its cwux ken posed theit about 75 0001 nels.

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CHAP. V.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 193 vinces, was to be held by a military officer, sup-for Caesar in place of this province. It was proported by an army. posed to make him superintendant of the public This then was the most commodious station forests throughout the empire; a charge wrolr, at which a political adventurer might unite the though not, in our acceptation of the word, a rreatest advantages, that of having an army at province, however, like every other public departRis conlmandl, and that of being so near the capi-ment in that empire, known by this name. This tal as to be able, by surprise, to occupy the seats substitute for the government of the Cisalpine of’ Government whenever his designs were ripe Gaul was thought to be the better chosen, that it for such an attempt.

neither implied nor required the command of an Sylla had an army devoted to his pleasure; army, and was to withhold the engine of military but, having the seas of Asia and lonia to pass in power from a person so likely to abuse it. This his way to Italy, could not, without giving an weak attempt, however, against so able an adveralarm froni a great distance, and( without putting sary, only tended to expose the meaning of those his elernies on their guard,.approach to the city. by whom it was made, and by showing to the He theretfore, when he hadl this object in his view, senate their own weakness, hurried them into made no secret of his purpose.

concessions which perhaps might have been Caesar had formed a design on the common-otherwise avoided. In order that Cwesar might wealth, and acted from his original disposition, not owe every thing to the people and nothing to and a deliberate intention to make himself master them, they extended his command at once to both of it; not urged, like Sylla, by great provoca-sides of the Alps. On the one side of these tions, and the suggestion of singular circunl-mountains he had a station from which to overstances. lIe arranged his measures like the plan awe the city: on the other, he had a great extent of a campaign, which he had the ability to digest, of territory, and a theatre of war on which he and the patience to execute with the greatest delight form an army and inure them to service. liberation. le proplosed to make himself master The senate, seeing he had alreadly, by a vote of of an army at the gates of Rome, andt to have. the the people, obtained the first with an army of resources of a province contiguous to the capital. three legions for five years; and imagining that He secured the possession of these advantages by it was no longer of any use to oppose him; or an unpreceidented prolongation of the usual apl-hoping to occupy his attention, or to wear out the pointments for five years; so that the people five years of his command in wars that nlight themselves could rot, without a breach of faith, arise beyond the Alps, they joined to his province recal their grant upon any sudden alarm of the on the Po that of the Transalpine Gaul, with an improper use he might propose to make of their additional legion. In this manner, whether from favours. these or any similar reasons, it is affirmed by The Cisalpine Gaul, or that part of Italy some of the historians,9 that the senate even outwhich lay from the Rubicon to the Alps, was ran the people in concessions to C.esar; and to peculiarly suited to the purpose of Caesar. But this occasion is referred the memorable saying the distribution of the provinces was still within of Cato: “Now you have taken to yourselves a the prerogative of the senate; and the provincial king, and have placed hint with his guards in governmrents were filled by their appointment, your citadel.“10 in pursuance of an express regulation ascribe(d Casar at the same time, on the motion of the to Caius Gracchus, and known, from his name, tribune Vatinius, was empowered to settle a Robly the title of the Sempronian law.8 Caesar had man colony on the lake Larius at Novuin Coever been at variance with the greater part of the mum, with full authority to confer the privilege senate. In the office of practor he had been sus-of Roman citizens on those who should settle in pended by their authority. In his present office this place. Having obtained the great object of of consul he had set them at open defiance.

He his consulate, in his appointment for a terni of had no prospect of being able to obtain from them years to the command of and army within the the choice he had made of a province; and the Alps, lie no longer kept any measures with the proposal to put him in possession of the Cisalpine senate, nor allowed them any merit in the advanGaul f)r a term of years, joined to the preceding tages he had gained. He was aware of their parts of his conduct, would have given a general malice, he said, and had prevailed in every suit, alarm, antl opened at once the whole extent of not by their concession, but in direct opposition his design. to their will. Though capable of great comIt was necessary, therefore, in order to obtain mand of temper, and of the deepest dissimulathis object, to set aside the authority of the senate, tion when in pursuit of his object, he appears, on and to procure his nomination by some degree of this and other occasions, to have had a vanity surprise. The tribune Vatinius accordingly, which he indulged, in braving the world when upon a rumour that the Helvetii, or the nations his end was obtalned.‘i As he insulted the senate inhabiting from mount Jura to the Alps, were when no longer depending on their concurrence likely to cause some commotion on the frontier for any of his objects, so he no longer disguised of G-aul, moved the people to set aside the law of his connexion with Pompey and Crassus, or the Sempronius, and, by virtue of their own supreme means by which in his late measures, the conpower, to namle Caesar as proconsul of the Ci-currence of these rivals had been obtained. salpine Gaul and Illyricum for five years with an As such combinations and cabals generally army of three legions. The senatorian party, as have an invidious aspect to those who are exmiglt have been expected, were greatly alarmed cluded from them, the triumvirate, for so it beat this proposal. They vainly, however, hoped gan to be called in detestation and irony, notto evade it by substituting another appointment. in Jul. Csare, c. 2 9 Sueton. in Jul. Ctesare, c.

ffP. 10 Platarch. in Catone. Dio. Cass. lib. xxxviii. Ap. pian. de Bell.

Civil. lib. ii. 8 Lex Sempronia, vid. b. ii. c. 3. 1 t Sueton. in Ca sare, lib. ii. e. 22. 2B

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194 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK Ill. withstanding the popularity or influence enjoyed dius, under whose animosity to the governmen by those who had formed it,l became an object of of the nobles, and to Cicero in particular, it was aversion and general abuse.2 They were re-perceived for some time to be gathering.5 zeived at all public places with groans and ex-This bustling profligate having, in the former pressions of hatred. An actor, performing on the year, in order that he might be qualified for tripublic theatre, applied to Pompey a sentence of bune of the people, got himself adopted into a.reproach, which occurred in the part he was act-plebeian family, could not obtain the necessary ing. The application was received with peals of ratification of the deed of adoption in the assemapplause, and called for again and again.3 bly of the curiae, until his cause was espnrueed by The edicts that were published by Bibulus in Caesar, who seems to have taken his part, in reopposition to Cesar were extolled, and received sentment of some insinuations thrown out against with avidity. The places of the streets at which himself by Cicero, in pleatling for M. Ant)nius, they were posted up were so crowded with multi-his late colleague in the consulate. Antonius tudes assermb!edl to read them, that the ways were being, as has been mentioned, on account of Ils obstlruted. C(esar and Pomlpey endeavoured to administration in Macedonia, accused of extorlessen the effect of these edicts in speeches to the tion, was deftended by Cicero, who took that ocpeople, but were ill heird. Pompey lost his temper casion to lament the state of the republic, broullht and his spirit, and sunk in his consideration as under subjection as it was by a cabal which ruled much as C:-esar advanced in power. It became by violence, and in contempt of the law. Caesar manifiest even to the people, that Cmesar had pro-was greatly provoked: “This person,” he said, cured their conjunction for his own conveniency;4’takes the same liberty to vilify the reputation but Poanpey himself probably felt that he was too of others, that he takes to extol his own;” and far advanced to recede. upon those expressions, considered as a warning The senate, and all the most respectable citi-of the part which Cicero was likely to take in his zens of Rome, thoul-l h unanimous in their detes-absence, he determined not to leave hini at the tation of thte desi-rn tllhat was formend by Caesar, head of the senatorian party to operate againist Pomncey, and Crassu;, to dispose of the republic him. His destruction might be efitchted Inerely at their pleasure, vet either were, or believed by expediting the formality of Clodius’s adoption themselves, unablle to cope with the power of so into a plebeian family, to qualify him for tri!une many factions united. Caesar, in order to hold by of the people;6 and Caesar, on the very (daV ill force what le gaincld by artifice, and by some dewhich he received this provocation fron Ci(cero, gree of surprise, filled the streets with his repermitted the act of adoption to pass in tce astalners in arms, and showed, that, in case of any sembly of the curia. attempt to recal what had been so weakly given Pompey likewise concurred in executinT this up to him, he was in conilitlon to resist, and to deed of adoption for Clodius, and assisted in the ay the city in blood. If he were driven from quality of augur to carry it through the religious Rome, lie had provided within the Alps an army firms. Clodlius, in the mean time, gave out, that of two or three complete legions, with which he he had no design on the tribunate, but was solicitcould maintain his province, or even recover his ing an embassy to Tigranes king of Arnmenia. possession of the city. Every one censured, com-Cicero was so much blinded by this pretence, plained, and lamented; but there was little conthat he was merry in his letter to Atticus on the cert, and less vigour, even among the members of absurdity of Clodius, in having himself degraded the senate. into a plebeian, merely to qualify him to appear Cato, with his declared disapprobation of the at the court of Tigranes. He was merry likelate measures, was reduced to the single expedient wise with his not being put on the commllission of of assisting Bibulus in drawing up the edicts or twenty for the execution of Caesar’s Agrarian manifestos against the proceedings of Caesar, law. “Strange!” he said, “that he who was which were, at this time received with so imuch once the only male creature in Caesar’s house, avidity by the people.

cannot now find one place among twenty in this Cicero now declined taking part in any affair list of his friends.“7 of state; but being known for an advocate, was The more effectually to impose upon Cicero courted in this capacity by many citizens, who and his friends, Caesar affected to believe, that the had affairs in dependence before the courts of intention of Clodius was against himself, and justice, anti apprehending an attack which was taken up with the animosity of a person who had likely to be madle upon himself, on account of the already attempted to dishonour his house;8 and transactions of his consulate, he avoided, as much he pretended to dispute the validity of his adopas possible, giving offence to any of the parties tion, and of consequence, his qualification to be which divided the commonwealth. The storm electedl a tribune. Pompey joined in the same was to be directed against him by Publius Clo-vile artifice. ” Nay,” says Cicero, upon hearing of their pretended opposition to Clodius, ” this is 1 The titles of dulumv;s, triumvirs, and so on, were perfect tyranny. Only send the proper officers to the designations of ledv.,sl cormissions at Rome, and I will give my affidavit, that Pompey told under public author,y; sucnh title was given to the me himself he had assisted as augur in passing private coalition ot these adventurers in mere irony. that decree.“9 2 Cicer. ad-. Att. lib. ii. ep. 16. With these transactions the year of Caesar’s 3 “To our nmisfortune thou art great.”

Hle was called upon to repeat these words again and again innumerable times.‘PThe time will come when thou 5 Cicero ad Att. lib. ii. epist. 19, 20, 21, 22, 23. shalt rme this state;” likewise repeated with peals of 6

Dio. Case. lib. xxxviii c. 10. &c. P’ltarce. in applause, &c. Cicero ad Att. lib. ii. epist. 19. Val. Cicerone. Cicero pro donio sua, de Provinclis ConMax. lib. vi. c 2. sularibus, &c. 4 One of the sentences, so much applauded in its 7 Cicer ad Att. lib. ii. epist. 7. application to hint at the theatre, was, “‘Eandem 8 In the intrigue with Casar’s wife.‘ir’ - rm teplyus veniet cum graviter gemes.” 9 Cie. ad Att. epist.

10. Vul. 12.

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CHAP. V.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 195 consulate drew to a close. He ratified his treaty of his clandestine relation to this young man. with Pompey, by giving him his daughter Julia in Vettius was remanded to prison, and a process marriage. During the former part of the year, commenced against him on the statute of inthis lady had been promised to Servilius Cwpio, tended assassination. A trial nlust have probaand had been of great use to her father, by se-bly disclosed the whole scene, and for this reason curing the services of Cmepio against Bibulus. was said to have been prevented, by the sudden Servilius, on his disappointment, was pacified by leath of Vettius, who was supposed to have been the promise of Pompey’s daughter. Cwsar him-strangledl by order of Cesar in prison.”

self insrri(d the daughter of Ca!?urujius Piso, Ply the influence of Pompey and who, together with Gabinius, the creature of’ U. C. 695.

C.tsar, Gabinius andl Piso were Pompev, was destined to succeed in the consu-L. Cap-elected consuls; and, by their conlate, and who was, by this alliance, secured in the t7l1S Piso Ce-nivance, Clodius became tribune of interest of Casar. “Provinces, armies, and soswiars, the people. The ascendant they kintrgdoms,” said Cato on this occasion, “are 2A Gabinius had gaiied, however, was extremema(le the dowries of women,10
and the empireVeos. 1y dlisagreeable to many of the other itself an appendage of female prostitution.” officers of state, and even to some In this situation of aflirs, and among parties of the tribunes. L. Domitius Ahenobarbus and who dealt in impositions and artifices, as well as (C.

Ilemolius Gemellus joined in an accusation in open andl daring measures, some particulars against CtEsar, late consul, tfor procee(lingsin office are recorded, which, to glin our belief, require contrary to law and religion. Casar, for some some acquaintance with the rinn oers of the times. time, affected to join issue with him on these Vettius, a citizen of some note, who had been questions, and to submit his cause to judgnlent; employed by Cicero in the tine of his consulship but apprehending delay and trouble, without any to gain intelligence of the Catiline conspiracy, advantage from such an enquiry, he pleadedl his now himself appeared as the author of a plot, of’ privilege as a person destined for toublic service; which the origin and the issue were matter of anti accordingly, without staying to) answer this various conjecture.

Knowing that Curio, a young charge, withdrew from the city, and continued to man of high rank, and a declared enemy of Cao-make his levies, andl to assemble his army in the sar, was on bad terms likewise with Pomlpey, he suburbs of Romoe. told him in confidence, that he himself had doeter-In this posture of affairs, one of the quastors, mined to assassinate Pompey, andl proposed to who had served under Caesar in his consulship, Curio to join with him in that design. The young was convic tedl of some nlisdenleanor;2 and the man communicated the matter to his father, and olpplosite partv, as if they had of a sudden broke the father to Pompey, who laid it before the senate. the chains in which they were held, commenced Vettius being examined in the senate, at first de-suits aogainst all the tools that had been employed nied any intercourse with Curio, but afterwards by hiur in his late violent measures. Gabiioius confessed, that he hadl been drawn into a con-had been charged with bribery by Caius Cato, spirany with this young man, with Lucullus, then a young mnoan. But the praetor, whose lot it Brutus, Bibulus, and some others, who had was to exercise the jurisdiction in such cases, formed a design on Pompey’s life. being under the influence of Pompey, evaded the It was strongly suspected, that Cmsar had em-question. Caius Cato complained to the people, ployed Vettius to frame this imposture, in order and, having said that Pompey usurped a dictathat he might engage some of those persons in a torial power, narrowly escaped with his life.l3
criminal correspondence; and that it was in-Vatinius was accused before the prietor Memtended, as soon as he had laid some foundation mius, who willingly received the accusation; but for an imputation of guilt against theln, that he all proceedings were suddenly stopped by the inshould, with a party of slaves, armed with dag-terposition of Clodius in the capacity of tribune; gers, put himself in the way of being taken; that and the attention of the people anti of the senate he should at first deny the plot, but afterwards soon came to be more entirely occupied with the suffer himself to be forced, by degrees, to confess, designs of this factious adventurer. and to declare his pretended accomplices; that The ruin of Cicero appears to have been the this plan was disconcerted by the early intima-principal object which Clodius proposed to himtion which Curio gave to his father, before all the self in entering on the office of tribune; and this, circumstances intended to give it an air of proba-though affecting to be of the popular party, he bility were in readiness.

pursued chiefly from motives of personal aniIt was scarcely possible, however, that Caesar mosity and resentment. Cicero had given evishould have committed his reputation to the dence against him on his trial, and afterwards in hazard of detection in so infamous a project. He the senate made him the object of his wit and inlaid hold of it indeed with some avidity, and en-vective.l4 He is generally represented by Cicero deavoured to turn it against his opponents. After as effeminate and profligate, void of discretion or Vettius had been examined before the senate, prudence. On the present occasion, however, he and was committed to prison for farther examina-seems to have managed with considerable steadition, Caesar presented him to the people, and ness and address. He acted evidently in concert brought him into the rostra, to declare what he with Caesar, Pompey, and Crassus; but probaknew of this pretended bloody design. The bly had not from them any particular direction in prisoner repeated his confession but varied in what manner he was to proceed. the account of his accomplices, particularly in Ever since the summary proceedings which leasing Brutus out of the list; a circumstance likewise, in the scandal of the times, imputed to 11 Cicero ad Att. lib. ii. epist.

24. Sueton. in Ca. the partiality of CMisah, and considered as proof are, c. 20. 12 Sueton. in Nerone, c. ii. et in Cabsare, c. 23. 13 Cicero ad Quint. Frat lib. i. epist. 2. 10 iPlutarch. in Catone. 14 Cicer. ad Att.

lib. i.

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19% THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK III. were employed against the accomplices of Cati-against him, and which he was therefore deter line, the danger of this precedent was a favourite mined to prevent. One was, the practice of retopic with the popular faction. Clodius professed curring to the celestial auspices by which the that the object of his tribunate was to provide a proceedings of the people were sometimes susguard against this danger. He began with pay-pended; and the other was, the opposition which.ng his court to different parties and diflierent or-he might expect from Cato, who was likely to ders of men in the republic, by proposing acts fa-consider the cause of the senate and the republic vourable to each; and he stated his motion for the as involved in that of the magistrate, who had better securing of the people against arbitrary preserved the state by executing their decrees executions, which he meant in the end to apply To secure himself against the first, he procured to Cicero, as but one of many regulations intendecd an edict to prohibit all persons from observing the by him for the benefit of the public, and which he heavens while the people were deliberating on joined with some acts of gratification to private any affair of state; and to obviate the second, he persons. He gained the present consuls by prothought of a pretence for a temporary removal of curing them lucrative appointments, at the ex-Cato from Rome. piration of their year in office; to Piso, Macedo-In the preceding consulate, Cato, though armed nia including Achaia; to Gabinius, Syria with a as he was solely with the reputation of integrity, considerable addition beyond the usual bounds of unable to prevent the progress of a ruinous facthe province.l He gained the indigent part of the tion affecting popular measures, yet by his unpeople by an act to remit all the debts which were remitted opposition, he forced them, on occasion, due for corn at the public granaries; and by or-to show what Pompey in particular was exdering, for the future, the distributions from thence tremely desirous to conceal, that they prevailed to be made gratuitously.2 He, at the same time, by corruption and force, not by what they preprocured another act extremely agreeable to many tended, the free choice of their fellow-citizens. of the citizens, for restoring and increasing the Clodius foreseeing a like opposition, and possibly number of corporations which had been abolished a disappointment in his design against Cicero, if about nine years before, on account of the trou-Cato continued at Rome, devised a commission to bles to which they gave rise. employ him in foreign service. Ptolomy, king of The meeting of corporate bodies, in a city so Cyprus, had put a personal affront on Clodius, much addicted to faction and tumult, had been by refusing to pay his ransom when taken by pithe cause of frequent disorders. As persons, af-rates on the coast of Asia near to that island.

fecting to govern the state, endeavoured to gain He now took an opportunity to be revenged on the people, by indulging their passions for idle-him, by procuring an act to forfeit his kingdom ness and pleasure, with games, theatrical enter-anti his treasure; and by making Cato the intainments, combats of gladiators, and the baiting strument of his revenge, he proposed to free himof wild beasts; so the head of every corporate self at the same time from the interruption which body, though upon a smaller scale, had his feasts, this citizen was likely to give to his projects at his entertainments, and shows, forming his party Rome.5 of retainers, on occasion, to maintain his preten-At an interview with Cato, Clodius had the sions by force. The renewal, therefore, of such impudence to pretend great admiration of his virestablishments, a measure which carried to every tue; told him, that the commission to reduce Cytradesman in his stall the feeling and consequence prus into the form of a province was solicited by of a Crassus, a Pompey, and a Caesar, affecting many; but that he knew of none who, by his to govern the world in their respective ways, was faithfulness and integrity, was so well qualified greedily adopted by the lower people. And Clo-for the trust as Cato, and that he meant to propose dius took the opportunity of the first popular meet-him to the people. ” That,” said Cato, ” I know is ings to awaken and to direct their zeal to his own a mere artifice; not an honour, but an indignity inpurpose.3 He even gained a considerable party tended to me.” “

Nay,” said Clodius, ” if you do in the senate by affecting to circumscribe the dis-not go willingly, you shall go by force;” and on cretionary power of the censors over this body. that very day moved and obtained his nomination Many of the members had reason to dread the from the people.

Lest the affair of Cyprus should censorial animadversions, and were pleased with not detain him a sufficient time, he was farther an act which he obtained to provide, that for the charged in his commission to repair to Byzantium future, no one could be struck off the rolls of the to restore some exiles, and to quiet some troubles senate without a formal trial, and the concurrence which had arisen at that place. of both the censors.4 Caesar and Pompey likewise concurred in proJoined to so many arts practised to reconcile curing this commission to Cato, in order to redifferent parties to the measures he affected to move a powerful support from the prators Memtake for the security of the people’s liberties, Clo-mius and Domitius, whose proposal to repeal all dius promulgated his law of provision against ar-the acts of Cwesar was yet in dependence. bitrary executions, and gave it a retrospect which The storm was now prepared to fall upon the was undoubtedly meant to comprehend the sum-magistrate who had presided in the suppression mary proceedings which had been held against of Catiline’s party, and no man had any doubt Cethegus and Lentulus in the consulate of Ci-of its direction. Cato, before he left Rome, see-;ero. While the subject was in dependence, he ing Caesar in possession of the gates with an.hought of two circumstances that might operate army, and ready, in the event of any tumult, 1 Plutarchi. in Cicerone. under pretence of quieting disorders, to enter Pladiarnus in Pisoniana. Dio. lib. X viii. Cicero the city by force, and to seize on the government; pro nomo sna. and apprehending, that the cause in dependence, 3 Dio. lii. xxxviii. c. 13. Cicero in Pisonem, c. 4. et however just, was altogether desperate, earnestly Ascaniius, ibid. 4 Ihid. See a summary of these acts. Cicero pro Sextio, from c 15 to c. 28. 5 Cicero pro Sextio.

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CHIA. V.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 197 exhorted Cicero, rather to yield and to withdraw treacherous friend withdrew at another.1l No from the city, than to bring matters to extremi-longer doubting that he was betrayed by a perties in the present state of the republic.6 son on whom he had so fully relied, he began to Cicero, however, was for some time undecided. be agitated by a variety of counsels and projects. Having secured the support of L. Ninius Qua-He was invited by Cwesar to place himself in the dratus, one of the tribunes, he proposed to obstation of lieutenant in his province of Gaul; and, struct the proceedings of his enemy, and to give in that public character abroad, to take refuge a negative to all his motions. Afterwards, upon from the storm that was gathering against him assurances from Clodius, that the purpose of the in Italy. But this, from a person who had so act was altogether general, and had no special much contributed to raise the storm, was suprelation to himself, he was prevailed on not to posed to proceed from a design to insult or betray divide the college of tribunes, or to engage his him; or at best to reduce him to a state of defriends in the invidious task of giving a negative pendence on himself. Being attended by a nuto a law, that was intended merely to guard the merous body of citizens, chiefly of the equestrian people against arbitrary proceedings.7 order, who had taken arms in his cause, he someClodius, having obtained this advantage, no times had thoughts of defending himself by force longer made any secret of his design against at other times, he despaired of his fortunes, and Cicero, and boasted of the concurrence of Ciesar as appears from his letters, proposed to kill himand Pompey. In this neither of these professed self; and was diverted from this intention only friends of Cicero denied the imputation;s but ex-by the entreaties and anxious care of his friends.

cused themselves in private by pleading, that Such was the state of affairs, when Clodius while their own acts of the preceding year were assembled the people to pass the act he had framstill questioned by the praetor, it was necessary ed against arbitrary executions. He had sumfor them to keep terms with so violent a tribune;9 moned them to meet in the suburbs, that Caesar, but Pompey, together with this apology for his who on account of his military command was present conduct, gave Cicero the strongest assur-then excluded from the city, might be present. ances of future protection. “This tribune,” he This artful politician being called upon among said, “shall kill me before he injure you.” It is the first to deliver his opinion; with an appearnot credible that Pompey then meant to betray ance of moderation and unwillingness to bear him; it was sufficiently base that, in the sequel, hard on any person to whom the law might aphe did not keep his word. On the contrary, ply, referred the people to his former declarations; when his aid came to be most wanted by his in-said, that every one knew his mind on the suljured friend, he retired to the country, under ject of arbitrary executions; that he approved the pretence of business; and being at his villa near act which was now proposed, as far as it provided Alba, where Lentulus, Lucullus, and many of against such offences for the future; but could the most respectable senators repaired to him not approve of its having a retrospect to aly with the warmest entreaties in behalf of a person transaction already passed. to whose eloquence and panegyric he owed so While Caesar thus, in delivering his own opimany of his honours, he coldly referred them to nion, affected to go no farther than consistency the ordinary officers of state for protection, say-and a regard to his former conduct seemed to ing, that as a private citizen he could not contend require, he permitted or directed his party to go with a furious tribune at the head of an armed every length with Clodius, and meant either to people.t0 ruin Cicero, or force him to accept of protection In the mean time, the consul Gabinius, though on the terms that should be prescribed to him. under the absolute direction of Pompey, promoted When the general law had passed, there was the attack against Cicero, and checked every yet no mention of Cicero; and his enemies might attempt that was made in his favour. When have still found it a difficult matter to carry the the equestrian order, together with numbers of application to him; but he himself, in the anguish the most respectable citizens from every quarter of his mind, anticipated the accusation, went forth of Italy, crowded in mourning to Rome, and pre-in mourning to the streets, and implored mercy sented a memorial to the senate in his behalf; of every citizen with an aspect of dejection, which and( when the members proposed to take mourn-probably did not encourage any party to espouse ing, and to intercede with the people, Gabinius his cause. He was frequently met in this consuddenly left the chair, broke up the meeting, dition, and insulted by Clodius, who walked in went directly from thence to the assembly of the the streets, attended by an armed rabble; and he people, where he threw out injurious insinuations determined at last to abandon the city. Being against the senate, and mentioned the meetings escorted by a company of his friends, he passed which had been held by the equestrian order, as through the gates in the middle of the night on riotous and seditious tumults; said, that the the first of April, took the road of Lucania, and knights ought to be cautious how they revived intended to have made his retreat into Slcily, the mnemory of that part which they themselves had where the memory of his administration in the acted in the violent measures which were now capacity of quaestor, and the continued effects of coming under review, and which were so likely his patronage at Rome. were likely to procure to meet with a just retribution from the people. him a favourable reception.12 But Clodius, imIn this extremity Cicero attempted to see Porm-mediately upon his departure, having carried a pey in person at his country-house; but while special attainder, by which, in the language of the suppliant was entering at one door, this such acts, he was interdicted the use of fire and water; and by which every person within five hundred miles of Italy was forbid, under severe 6 Plutarch. in Catone. 7 Dio. lib.

xxxviii. c. 14. 8 Cicero post Reditum in Senatum. 9 Ibid. pro Sextio, c.

17 et 18. 11 Plutarch. in Cicerone. 10 Cicero in Pisonem. 1 12 Vid.

Actionem in Verrem.

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198 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [Boai III. penalties to harbour him; Virgilius, the praetor he says, “do I not endure? Did ever any per of Sicily, though his friend, declined to receive son fall from so high a state? in so good a cause him. lie turned from thence to Brundusium, with such abilities and knowledge? with so much passed into Macedonia, and would have fixed his public esteem? with the support of such a reresidence at Athens; but apprehending that this spectable order of citizens? Can I remember place was within the distance prescribed to him what I was, and not feel what I am? Stript of by the act of banishment, he went to Thessalo-so many honours, cut off in the career of so much nica in his way to Cyzicumn. Here he had let-glory, deprived of such a fortune, tore from the ters that gave him ititiniation of some change in arms of such children, debarred the view of such his favour, and entertaining some prospect of a brother, dearer to me than I was to myself; yet being speedily recalled, he accordingly determined now debarred from my presence, tllat I mnay spare to wait the issue of this hope. him what he must suffler from such a sight, and We have better means of knowing the frailties myself what I must feel in being the cause of of Cicero, than perhaps is safe for the reputation so much misery to him. I could say more of a of any one labouring under the ordinarv defects load of evils which is too heavy for me to bear; of human nature. He was open and undisguised but I am stopped by my tears.‘2 to his friends, and has left an extensive corres-From the whole of this correspondence of Cipondence behind him.

Expressions of vanity in cero in his exile, we may collect to what degree some passagesof his life, of pusil lanimity in others, the unjust reproaches which he had suflfred, the escape him with uncommon facility.

Being at desertion of those on whom he relied for support, least of a querulous and impatient temper, he the dangers to which he left his family exposed, gives it full scope in his exile, perhaps not more affected his mind. The consciousness of his infrom weakness, than from design to excite his tegrity, even his vanity forsook him; and his fine friends to redouble their efforts to have him re-getnius, no longer employed in the forum or in stored. He knew the value of fortitude as a topic the senate, or busied in the literary studies which of praise, and might have aspired to it; but would amused him afterwards3 in a more calanmitous it not, he may have questioned, encouraged his time of the republic, now, by exaggerating the party to sleep over his wrongs? In any other distress of his fortunes, preyed upon himself. It view, his complaints resemble more the wailings appeared from this, and niany other scenes of his of an infant, or the strains of a tragedy composed life, that although he loved virtuous actions, yet to draw tears, than the language of a man sup-hks virtue was accompanied with so insatiable a porting the cause of integrity in the midst of thirst of the praise, to which it entitled him, that undeserved trouble.-” I wish I may see the day,’” his mind was unable to sustain itself’ without this he writes to Atticus, “in which I shall be dis-?t1reign assistance; and when the praise which posed to thank you for having prevailed uponi I was dTue to his consulate was changed into obme not to lay violent hands on myself; for it is iotJuy anrid scorn, he seems to have lost the sense certainly now matter of bitter regret to me that I of good or of evil in his own conduct or character; yielded to you in that matter.“t1 and at Thessalonica, where he fixed the scene of In answer to the same friend, who had chid his exile, sunk or rose in his own esteem, as he him for want of fortitude, ”’ What species of evil,” seemed to be valued or neglected at Rome.4 CHAPTER VI. Ccesar takes Possession of his Province-3/giration of the Heletii Their Defeat-W’ar with Ariovistus-Return of Cesar.for the lVinter into Ilaly-Great Concourse of Citizens to his Quarters-A-otion to recal Cicero-Disorders that followed upon it-Consultations of Pompeg and Caesar-Augmentation of the Army in Gaul Second Campaign of C’esar-Operations on, tire Aisne On the leuse and Sambre-Battle with the ANervii-Successful Attempt for the Restoration of Cicero-Controversy Relating to his House-Repeated Riots of ClaudiusTrial of.l~ilo. WHILE the transaction which terminated in I much consequence to the parties who contended the exile of Cicero was still in dependence, Can-for power in the state. Having failed in his atsar, although, by assuming the military character, tempt to gain him as a dependent, and to carry he had disqualified himself to take any part in him as part of his own retinue into Gaul, he secivil affairs, had actually gone from the city and cretly promoted the designs of Clodius, and enembodied his legions, yet he still remained in the ployed his own retainers and friends against him, suburbs of Rome to observe the issue of that until he saw the purpose accomplished. business, and to direct the conduct of his party. The provinces of which Caesar had obtained He thought himself too much interested in the the comma kd, comprehended, as has been observ event to leave it entirely under the direction of ed, under thle denomination of the two Gauls, Fomnpey, with whom his own connexion was considerable territories on both sides of the Alps.

precarious, and might be of short duration. He Cisalpine Gaul, which was joined to Italy, ex was inclined to ruin, if he could not gain, a per-tended to Lucca, not far from Pisa on one side scn whose talents and character made him of so 2 Ibid. epist. 10. 3 See the Book of Tuscular Questions. 1 Cicero ad Att. lib. iii. epist. 3. 4 Vid. Cicero ad Att. lib.

iii.

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CHAP. VI.) OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 199 of the Apennines, and to the Rubicon, not far wonderful project formed by the Helvetii, natives from Ariminum on the other. Beyond the Alps, of the tract which extends from the Jura to the the whole territory from the Mediterranean to Alps, and of the valleys which divide those the Rhine and the Meuse, was known by the mountains, to quit their own country in order to name of Gaul. A part of this tract, which was exchange it for a better settlement, in a less inbounded by the Rhone, the mountains of Au-clement region, on the lower and more fertile vergne, the Garonne, and the Pyrenees, was plains of Gaul. already a Roman province, including, together They had taken, for this purpose, an exact acwith Languedoc and Dauphin6, what, from its count of their own numbers in every canton, and early subjection to the Romans, is still named mustered no less than three hundred rnd fiftyProven:e.

eight thousand souls, of whom ninety-two thouThe remainder of the country was divided into sand were warriors, or men fit to bear arms. To three principal parts, occupied by the Aquitani, put this multitule in motion, a great apparatus of the Celtes, and the Be!ge, nations differing in provisions, of horses, and( of carriages was neceslanguage, establishments, and customs. The first sary; and they allotted two years for the necessadivision extended from the Pyrenees to the Ga-ry preparations. This time was now elapsed, ronne; the second from the Garonne to the Seine; and the swar:th began to dislodge on the twentyantl the third from thence to the MIeuse and the fifth of March of the year in which Crtsar was Scheld. to take possession of his province. On receiving In each of these tracts thlere was a multiplicity the alarm, he set out from Italy, and with hasty of separate cantons and independent communities, journeys arrived at Geneva, where to prevent of’ which Caesar had occasion to enumerate no surprise, he blroke dtown the bridge of the Rhone, less than four hundred. Even the smallest of and took other measures to preclude the access these communities, by his account, was broken of strangers to his province. into parties andl actions, who had separate oh-In the mean time the Helvetians sent a pacific jects, and were engaged in opposition to each message, desiring, that they might be allowed to other. The people, in general, were held in a pass the Rhone, and giving assurances that they state of dependence by two separate orders of would abstain from every sort of hostility on their men, whose condition and character may account march through the Roman province.

Caesar, in for the mnanifold divisions anti animosities that order to gain time, affected to take their request took piace in their country. One order was eccle-into consideration, promised to give them an ansiastical, co()llosed of the Druids, who, by their swer by the middle of April; and in this manner profis:;ion, had the keeping of such mysteries, aniused them, while he assembled the legion, that and the perfiorance of such rites as were then was disperscd in diflerent parts of the province, in use; aIl, having over their fellow-citizens the and ordered new levies to be madle with the greatclaim to a hierarchy, had, among themselves, in est despatch. At the same time, he fortified the the various pretensions to preferment and rank banks of the river, froln the Lake of Geneva, to in their own order, continual olbjects of competi-the narrow pass6 at which the Rhone enters betion, jealousy, and quarrels. tween the Jura and the Vuache, and from thence The other order was entirely military, and running under clifft, and steep mountains, renconsisted of persons whose principal distinction ders the access from Helvetia to Gaul either irnarose from the number of their armed adherents; practicable or easily obstructed. and who, therefore, vied with each other in the Being thus prepared for his defence, he, on the multitude of their retainers, or in the force of their return of the Helvetian dleputies, gave them for parties.5 answer, That the Romans never allowed strangers The country, we learn, in general, was inter-to pass through their country; and that if any spersed with what are called towns, and what attempt were niade on his province, he should were, in reality, safe retreats, or places of strength. repel it by fbrce.

Upon receiving this answer, It abounded in corn and cattle, the resources of a the Helvetians, though too late, endeavoured to numerous people; armies were collected, and po-effict the passage of the Rhone, and made relitical assemblies were statedlly, or occasionally peated attacks, either where the river was fordcalled: but how the people were accommodated, able, or where it admitted the use of rafts or of or in what degree they were supplied with the boats, but were repulsed in every attempt, and ordinary productions of mechanic or commercial were at last obliged to turn to the right, where, arts, is no where described. by the consent of the Sequani, their neighbours In these particulars, however, as they were in that part of the country, they passed over the probably less skilful than the Italians, so they Jura into Gaul. surpassed the Germans, to whom they yielded in Casar, probably not more alarmed for the safety the reputation of valour; and they were now in of his province, than desirous to render it a scene reality on the eve of becoming a prey to the ra-of action, determined to observe the migrations of pacity and ferocity of the one, or to the ambition, this enemy, and to seize the occasion they furrefined policy, and superior arts of the other. nished himn of forming his troops to service. For; Among parties, who were already so numerous, this purpose he himself, in person, repassed the and likely to be divided indefinitely by family or Alps, and without any regard to the limitations personal jealousies, Caesar was about to find the of his conmmia;sion, which restricted his military oc casions, which he undoubtedly sougtht for, of establishmllent to three legions, ordered additional raisinr his reputation in war, of enriching himself levies, and with the forces assembled near Aquiilnd his dependents, anrid of forling all army ieia, returned to his northern province. In. this tnured to service, and attached to himself. While march he rmet with oppositi’ n from the inhabithe was yet in Italy, he had intimation of a ants of the mountains, wi; endeavoured to obh5 Caesar de Bell. Gall. lib. vi. c. 1-20. 6 Fort l’Ecluse.

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2O THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [Boox ll1. struct his way: but he had traversed the country On this march C.esar’s cavalry, having rashly of the Allobroges. and(l passed the Rhone above its engaged themselves on unfavourable ground, reconfluence with the Soane,’ when lihe had intelli-ceived a check; and he himself, being obliged ti gence, that the Helvetii, having cleared the passes follow the course of the Soane. by which he re of Jura, an(d marched through the country of the ceived his provisions, was likelyv to lose sight of Sequani, were arrived on the Soane; and although the enemy, when he had intelligence, that they they had hitherto, agreeably to their stipulations had taken post at the foot of a hill, about eight with the natives, abstained from hostilities, that miles in his front, and seemed to have tormed a they threatened the nations inhabiting beyond resolution to receive him, in that position, if’ he this river with fire and sword. chose to attack them. Having examined the Upon iapplication made to him for protection ground on which they were posted, and observ from the natives inhabitingr between the Soane ing, that the height in their rear was not by naand the Loire, this wlllinll auxiliary continued ture inaccessible, nor sufficiently secured against his lmarc; an(d being infortled, that of the Hel-him, he despatched Labienus in the night at the vetii, who had moved in four divisions (this being head of two legions, with orders to possess himthe number of their cantons,) the three first had self of the eminence, and to fall down from thence already p)asse( the Soane; and that the fourth on the enemy’s rear whenever he saw them atdivision being to follow, yet remained on the tacked by himself in front. Labienus accordingly learer hbank of’ the river, he marched in the night got possession of the hill, and Cesar advanced with three legions, surprised this rear-division; towards the foot of it to occupy the attention of and, having put many of them to the sword, the enemy, and to attack them in front. But the forced the remainder to take refuge in the neigh-purpose of this disposition was frustrated by the bouring woods.

misinformation of an officer of horse, who, being As soon as the main body of Caesar’s army ar-advanced before the army, reported, that the enerived on the Soane, he constructed a bridge, and my still appeared on the height, and that Labipatssed that river in his way to the enemy. The enus problably had failed in his attempt to seize it. Helvetians, sensible of their loss in the late ac-C:esar, disconcerted by this infobrmation, made a tion, and alarmed at the rapidity oft’ his motions, halt, in which he lost so much time as to give the he having executed in one day the passage of a enemy an opportunity to decamp, and to retire in river which had detained them above ninety days, safety. He nevertheless continued his pursuit sent a deputation to treat with the Roman pco-for one day longer, and at night encamnpidti about consul, and to obtain, if possible, his permission three miles in their rear. But being obli’e, on to execute their project of a new settlemenet on the following day, to alter his route in order to amicable terms. They ofl;red, in case they were receive a supply of provisions, the enemy beallowed to sit down in quiet, to leave the choice lieved that he was retreating, and began to purof the place to himself; bidding him renlember, sue in their turn. He halted on a rising ground at the same time, that “the arms of the Helvetii to perceive them, placed his new levies with the had, on fScmer occasions, been felt by the Rs-baggage on the higher ground, and the choice of mans. That the recent iate of a single canton h;is army on the declivity towards the plain.

taken aby surprise ought not to flatter him too Here the enemy advancing to attack him, after nmuch; that the Helvetians had learned from their an obstinate engagement which lasted from one fathers to rely more on valour than on artifice or in the afternoon till night, were defeated with the on negotiation; but that they did not wish to slaugrhter of about two hundred thousand of their have their present migration signalized with any people.; and the remainder, amounting to no more massacres, nor their new settlement stained with than one hundred and thirty thousand souls, reRomai blood.” duced to despair tby the sense of their losses, and To this message, Caesar replied, “That he the want of subsistence, surrendered at discrecould recollect to have heard of insults which had tion. Caesar ordered them back into their own been offered to the Romans by their nation, and country, charging the Allobroges to find them to which they now probably alluded: that he subsistence, until they should be able to provide likewise hal mbre recent provocations which he for themselves. The Boil, however, a part of knew how to resent; nevertheless, if they meant this unfortunate migration, were received by the to comply with his demand, to repair the injuries Edui, who, to gain this accession of people, althey had done to the Allobroges2 andl to the Edui3, lotted part of their own lands to acconlmmodate and to give hostages for their future behaviour, that these strangels.4 lie was willing to grant them peace.” At the end of this first operation of Ce’sar, Upon this reply the Helvetian deputies with-while great part of the summer yet remained, drew, saying, That it was the practice of their another service on which to employ his army soon countrymen to receive, not to give hostages; and presented itself The nations who inhabited ths both armies moved oli the following day: the banks of the Soane and the Loire, being sensible Helvetians, in search of some quarter where they of the deliverance they had received froum a storm, might settle without interruption; and Caesar, to which, by the ulncertainty of its direction, alarmobserve their motions, and to restrain them from ed every quarter of Gaul, sent deputies to conp1lunIdering the country of his allies. Both continu-gratulate the Roman general on his late victory, ed on the same route during fifteen days, with no and to propose that they might hold, under his more than an interval of five or six miles between protection, a general convention of all their states. the front of one army and the rear of the other. The object of their meeting, as it soon appeared, was to obtain some relief from the common op1 Then tihe Arar. pression they underwnt from the tyranny of 2 Inhabitaits of what is now the territory of Gene.ression they underwent from the tyranny of va, and part of Savoy. 3 OC)cupying the counltry between the Soane and the Loire 4 Caus. de Bell. Gal. lib. i. c.

928, 29.

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CHAP. VI.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 201 Ariovistus, a German chief, who, when the Gauls I ing war on the Germans began to be suspected in were at war among themselves, had been invited his own army; and the legions, taking their acas an auxiliary to one of the parties, and ha(l ob-count of the strength and ferocity of that enemy tained the victory for his allies: but took for the from the report of the Gaulish auxiliaries, were reward of his services possession of one third of greatly alarmed. Many citizens of distinction their territory, which he bestowed on his own who had crowded to the standard of Caesar, as to people, and assumed for himself the sovereignty a place of victory and honour, now, under various of the whole. His force was daily augmented by pretences, applied for leave to retire. Their exthe continual arrival:f more emigrants from ample spread a kind of panic in the army, and Germany; so that, from fifteen thousand men, both men and officers muttered their resolution with whom the chief had arrived, his followers not to obey, if they should be ordered upon what had multiplied to a hundred and twenty thou-they were pleased to consider as a service so unsand. To accommodate this numerous people, reasonable and wild. he had recently made a demand of another third Caesar being thus called upon to exert that of the territory of the Sequani, and was extend-undaunted courage and masterly eloquence by ing his possessions from the neighbourhood of the which he was distinguished on many occasions, Rhine to the Soane. Most of the nations on this assembled all the officers of’ his army, and repritract had been obliged to submit to a contribution manded them for attempting to penetrate the de-,evied by these strangers, and to give hostages for signs of their general, or for preteuding to questhe regular payment of it. tion the propriety of his motions. The matter in The unfortunate nations who, by trusting to dispute with Ariovistus, he said, might be termithe protection of a barbarous prince, had exposed nated in an amicable manner. This chieftain themselves to this calamity, now applied for re-had very lately made advances of friendship to lief to another power, whose pretensions in the the Romans, had been favourably received, and end were likely to be equally dangerous to their there was no reason to believe that he would now freedom. Sensible of the hazard to which they wantonly provoke their resentment. ” But if he exposed their hostages by entering into any open should, of whom are you afraid. Of a wretched concert against the Germans, they made their remnant of the Cimbri or Teutones, already vanapplication to Cwesar in secret, and found him quished by Marius? Of a people confessedly insufficiently willing to embrace every opportunity ferior to the Helvetians, whom you have subof rendering his province a theatre of action to dued~ But some of you, I am told, in order to his army, and of renown to himself. He sent disguise your own fears under the affectation of without delay a message to Ariovistus, desiring wisdom, talk of difficulties in the ways by which to have a conference with him on affairs that you are to pass, and of the want of provisions concerned the general interests of Gaul. This which you are likely to suffer. I am not now to haughty chieftain replied with disdain, ” That if learn from such persons as you what I owe to my the Roman general meant to have an interview trust, nor to be told that an army must be supwith him, his place of residence was known; that plied with provisions. But our allies are ready to he neither could trust himself in the quarters of supply us in greater quantities than we can conCmesar, without an army, nor would be at the ex-sume, and the very country we are to pass is copense of assembing one, merely for the satisfac-vered with ripe corn. As for the roads you shall tion of a conference with him.” speedily see and judge of them. I am little afCaesar renewed the message with an express fected with what I hear of a design to abandon requisition that the hostages of the Edui should me in case I persist in this expedition. Such inbe restored; that Ariovistus should abstain from sults, I know, have been offered to commanders, hostilities against this people, or against any who, by their avarice or by their miscarriages, other ally of the Romans; and that he should had forfeited the regard or the confidence of their not suffer any more of his countrymen to pass troops; what will happen to me a little time will the Rhine. discover. I meant to have made a longer halt at To this message Ariovistus replied, That he this place, but shall not defer giving you an ophad conquered the possessions which he held in portunity to show, whether regard to your duty, Gaul, and that he knew of no power who had a or the fear of a supposed enemy, is to have the right to direct him in the use of his conquests; greatest effect on your minds. I mean to-morrow, that whoever attacked him should do so at his at two in the morning, to decamp, and shall pro. peril; and that Caesar, if he thought proper, might. ceed, if no other part of the army follows me, try the spirit of his people; they were ready to with the tenth legion alone.”

receive him, and had not for fourteen years slept This speech had a very sudden effect. The under any cover. tenth legion, having been formerly distinguished Caesar, not to seem backward in accepting this by their general, felt this expression of confichallenge, and in compliance with a maxim dence as an additional motive to deserve it, and which he often observed with success, That his sent a deputation of their officers to return their blows should anticipate his threats, and outrun thanks. The whole army soon vied in excuses the expectations of his enemy, advanced upon the for their late misbehaviour, and in assurances of Germans before they could think him in con-their resolution to support their general in any dition to act against them. For this purpose, service on which he might be pleased to employ without communicating his design to any person them. He accordingly decamped at the hour of his own army, he repassed the Soane, and appointed; and making a circuit of forty miles, ascended by the course of the Douse to Vesontio, to avoid some difficulties which lay on the direct now Beranpon, a place of strength, which he un-road, after a continual march of seven days, in derstood Ariovistus meant to seize, as the prin-which he was conducted by Divitiacus, a native cipal resort of his forces. of Gaul, he arrived within twenty-four miles of Here, for th, first time, his intention of mak-the German quarters. 2C

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20’ THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BooK 1II. Upon this unexpected arrival, Ariovistus, in war chere you please; I shall not interpose in his turn, thoulTrht proper to dlesire a conference any n atter which does not concern nmyself.” with Cesar. flie proposedl that they should meet Cesar continued to plead the engagements on horseback, and be attended only by cavalry. which the Romans had contracted with many of In this part of his army, which was composed the nations who now claimed their protection..‘hiefly of Gaulish horse, Cesar was weak. But, “If conquest couldl give any right to possession,” not to d(ecline the proposal that was made to him, he said, “we are the first conquerors. We have he mounted his supposed favourite legion on the long since subdued the Arverni; but it is not horses of the Gauls. and with this escort came to our practice to enslave every nation we vanquish, the place applointed for the conference. much less to forsake those we have once patroIt was an emlinence in the midst of a spacious nised.” While he yet spoke the German horse plain. about half-way between the two armies. had advanced, and even began to throw darts, rhe leaders, each attendfed l)y ten of his officers, which made it expedient for Cwsar to break up met at the top of tile hill.

Their escorts drew the conference.. He accordingly withdrew, giving up at the distance of two hundred yards on each strict or(iers to his people not to return the inside. suits of the enemy. Caesar begRan the conference, by reminding In a few days after this conference, the GerAriovistus of the honours recently bestowed upon man chieftain proposed another personal interhim by the Roman senate, who ordered him the view, or, if’ that were declined, desired that some usual presents, and gave him the title of king. person of confidence should be sent with whom “The Edui,” he said, “were the allies of the he miniht treat. Being gratified in the second part Roman people; they had formed this connexion of this alternative, but intending no more by this in the heitght of’ their prosperity, and when they request than a mere feint to lull the enemy into were suipposed to be at the head of the Gaulish some degree of security, he pretended to take nations; that it was not the custom of the Ro-ofience at the quality of the persons who were mans to let nations suffer by their alliance, but to sent to him, ordered them into custody, and on render it in every instance, to the party who em-the same day put Lis army in motion upon a real braced it, a source of prosperity and honour. He design, which showed that, barbarian as lie was therefore renewed his former requisition, that lie understood the plan, as well as the execution, Ariovistus should not.

make war oil the Edui, or of military operations. Observing that the Roon any nation in alliance with Rome; that he moans derived their subsistence from tLhe country should remit their tribute, and release their hos-behind them, he made a movement, by slhich he tages; andi, if he could not send back into their passed their camp, took a strong post about eleven own country such of the Germans as’ were almiles in their rear, and by this means intercepted ready on this side of the Rhine, that he should at their ordinary supply of provisions. least prevent the arrival of any more from that Casar for many days successively endeavour quarter.” ed, by forning on the plain between the two In answer to these propositions, Ariovistus rearmies, to provoke the enemy to a battle; but plied, That he had been invited into Gaul by the having failed in this purpose, he was obliged to natives of this country; that he had done them divide his army, and to place it in separate posts, services, and had exacted no more than a just rewhich he fortified, in order to recover a colmmuward; that, in the late quarrel betwixt them and nication with the country behind him. He learned himself; the Gauls had been the atggressors, and that the Germans had borne with great impahad suiteredl no more than the usual consequences tience the defiances he had given thenm; but that of a defeat; that to indemnify him for his losses, they were restrained from fighting by the predicthey had subjected themselves to a tribute, and tions of their wonmen, who ftoretold that their own had given hostages for the regular payment of it. pIeople would be defeated, if they should hazard a ” Amll not I too,” he said, “by your own account, battle before the change of the moon. in alliance with the Romans? Why should that The Germans, notwithstanding the awe in alliance, which’ is a safeguard and an honour to which they stood of this prediction, endeavoured every one else, be a loss and a misfortune to me? to dislodge one of the divisions of Csar’s army, Must I alone, to preserve this alliance, resign the and, having thiled in that attempt, were afterwards advantage of treaties, andl remit the payments attacked by the Romans in their camp, and dethat are due to me? No; let me rather be confeated with great slaughter. Ariovistus himself, sidered as an enemy than as an ally upon these with the remains of his followers, led to the conditions. My countrymen have passed the Rhine, about fifty miles from the field of battle, Rhine, not to oppress the Gauls, but to defend passed that river ir. a small canoe; numbers of their leader. If strangers are to be admitted here, his people perished in attempting to follow him, the Germans, as the first occupiers, have a right and the greater part of those who remained were prior to that of the Rornans. But we have each overtaken, and put to the sword by Casar’s caof us our province. What do Roman armies on valry. my territory? I disturb no possession of yours. In this manner Caesar concluded his first camMust I account to you likewise for the use which paign in Gaul; and laid the foundation of his I make of my own?” future conquests in that country, by stating himTo this pointed reply Ariovistus subjoined a’self as the protector of its native inhabitants reflection, which showed that he was not unac-against the Helvetii and the Germlans, two powquainted with the state of parties at Rome. “I erful invaders who were likely to subdue it.

He know,” he said, ” that the Romans are not in-placed his army for the winter among the nations terested in this quarrel, and that, by cutting you whom he had thus taken under his protectbn, and off, I should perform an acceptable service to set out for Italy, under pretence of attending to the many of your countrymen. But I shall take no afhiirs of his province on that side of the Alps; Dart in your internal divisions. Leave me; make but more probably to be near to Rome, where he

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CHAP. V1.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 203 had many political interests at stake, friends to I the brother-;n-laaw of Clodius, though always in support, and enemies to oppose, in their canvass clined to favour tile popular faction, could not irt for the offices of state. His head quarters were this matter set himself in opposition to Pompey fixed at Lucca, the nearest part of his province and declare(] his intention to concur with the to Rome; and that place began to be frequented consul.5 AMilo, Sextius, and six more of the triby numbers who were already of his party, or bunes, with all the prators except Appius Clauwho desired to be admitted into it, and with dius, the brother of Publius, declared their intenwhom he had previously made his own terms in tion to take an active part in forwarding this stipulating the returns they were to make for the measure. several preferments in which he undertook to Encouraged by these appearances, Cicero left assist them. his retreat at Thessalonica, and arrived at DirAt the election of consuls for this year, P. Cor-Trachium, before the twenty-fifth of November, to nelius Lentulus Spinther was joined with Q. be at hand to consult with his friends on the Cecilius Metellus Nepos, of whom the latter had, steps that were to be previously taken. lMeanin the capacity of tribune, distinguished himself time the consuls-elect had their provinces assignas an instrument of the most dangerous fiactions. ed. Lentulus was destined to command in Cilicia Lentulus had lately attached himself entirely to and Cypress, and Metellus in the farther proPompey, and, by the influence of this patron, vince of Spain. Both were amply gratified in robahlv now prevailed in his election.

He had every article of their appointments, in order to been edile in the consulate of Cicero, and had confirm them in the interest of the senate; but taken a vigorous part in those very measures for Cicero expressed great anxiety lest these conceswhich Cicero was now suffering in exile.’

He sions should be found premature; and, being was likely to favour the restoration of that in-made befbre the new tribunes entered on office, jured citizen, and upon this account was now or could have their voice in these destinations, the more acceptable to Pompey, who, having an was afraid lest it might alienate their aflections open rupture with Clodius, was disposed to mor-from his party, and render them less zealous to tify him by espousing the cause of his enemies. move for his recall. The consul, Clodins, soon after his late victory over Cicero, U. C. 696.

Lentulus, notwithstanding, kept his greatly rose in his presumption, and, forgetting word; and, on the first of January, that he prevailed more by the connivance of P.Cor.LCntu-the day of his entering on office, laus Spinther, Pompey and Cesar, and by the support of their Q. movd the sete to resolve that Cifriends, than by any influence of his own, ven-tell.

Jepos. cero should be immediately recalled tured to set Pompey himself at defiance, to ques-from banishment; that all persons tion the validity of his acts in the late settlement opposing his return sliould be declared enemies to of Asia, to set the young Tibranes, still the pri-their country; and that if the people should be soner of Pompey, at liberty,2
and proposed to re-disturbed by violence in passing this decree, it store him again to his kinordom. In the debates should, nevertheless, be lawful f)r the exile to which arose on these measures in the assenblll avail himself of it.6 of the people, Polnpey had the mortification to This motion was received in the senate with find that the sarcasms of Clodius were received general applause.. Eight of the tribunes were by the audience in general with applause, as zealous in support of it. On the contrary, two well as bly the partizans of the senaee, in particu-members of the college, Numerius and Serranus, lar, with marks of satisfaction.

Chiefly governed were gained by Clodius to oppose it. Serranus, by vanity, and impatient of obloquy, he absented however, could venture no farther at this mneeting himself frosi the public assemblies during the re-than to plead for a delay. But he was prevailed mainder of Clodius’s term in office, and was upon, during the intervening night, to interpose ready to embrace every measure by which he his negative, and the motion accordingly could might be revenged of that factious tribune, or proceed no farther in the senate. regain his own credit with the more respectable It was resolved, notwithstanding, to propose a class of the citizens.3 law to the people for Cicero’s restoration; and a Encouraged by this division among their ene-day was fixed for this purpose. Early in the mies, the majority of’ the senate, who justly con-morning of that day Fabricius, one of the trisidered the cause of Cicero as their own, had bunes in the interest of the exile, endeavoured to ventured, on the twenty-ninth of October, while occupy the place of assembly with anl armed Clodius was yet in office, to move for his recall. force, but found that Clodius, with a numerous Eight of the tribunes concurred in urging this troop of gladiators, was there before hiun. A motion, and it was rejected only in consequence conflict ensued, in which Fabricius, together with of the negative of’Elius Ligur, one of the college Cispius, another of the tribunes who came to his whom Clodius had prepared to act this part, and assistance, with all the party of the senate, were whom he was ready to support by force, if the driven from the forum. opposite party should persist in their motion.4 Clodius, at the head of his gladiators, w’th Upon the election of the new consuls and tri-swords already stained in blood, pursued his viebunes for the following year, better hopes of tory through the streets. The temple of the success were entertained by the friends of Cicero. nymphs, in which were kept some public records Lentulus declared that the restoration of this which he wished to destroy, was set on fire;7 the exile should be the first object of his administra-houses of Milo and C ecilius the praAtor were attion; and that he would not fail to move it on tacked. “The streets, the common sewers, the the day that he entered on office.

Metellus too, 5 Cicero ad Att. lib. iii. ep. 24. 1 Cicero a l Att. iii.

iib. ep. 22. 6 Cicero ad Art. lib. iii. ep 26. et in Orat. post re2 Vid.

Ascon. Padian. in Orat. pro Milone. dituni. 3 Plutarch. in Vit. Cicer. p.

475 et 476 7 Cicero pro Milone, 27 Parad 4 d. HIaruspicuim 4 Cicero ad Att. lib. iii. eli. 23. Responsio 27.

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204 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK III. river,” says Cicero, ” w-re filled with dead bodies, ascribe the principal merit of that service to Pomand all the pavement3 were stained with blood.” pey, and, by his own inclinations in favour of the No such scene had been acted since the times of senate, to become an accession to a party which Octavius and Cinna, when armies fought in the Caesar wished to degrade and to weaken by every city for the dominion of the empire.1 means in his power. It was to strengthen himQuintus Cicero escaped by hiding himself self against the senate that Cesar made his coaliunder the dead bodies of his own servants, who tion with Pompey and Crassus; and fr(m aniwere slain in defending his house. The tribune mosity to this body, he wished to crush every Publius Sextius actually fell into the hands of his person of consequence to their party, and to faenemies, received many wounds, and was left for vour the pretensions of every ambitious citizen dead among the slain. This circumstance, how-who ventured to act in open defiance of their ever, alarmed the party of Clodius not less than government.. it alarmed his opponents. The odium of having Pompey, inthe mean time, though committing murdered, or even violated the person of a tri-himself as a tool into the hands of Caesar, was bune, was likely to ruin their interest with the flattered with the appearance of sovereigntv which people; and they proposed to balance this out-he enjoyed in the city, and willingly supported rage by putting to death Numerius, another tri-Cesar in every measure that seemed to fix his bune, who, being of their own side, should appear attention abroad, consented to the repeated augto be killed by the opposite party; but the inmentations of the army in Gaul, and approved tended victim of this ridiculous and sanguinary of every enterprise in which their leader was artifice, receiving information of their design, pleased to employ them. avoided being made the tool of a party at the ex-In this year, which was the second of Caesar’s pense of his life, and made his escape.2 command, two more additional legrions were by After so strange a disorder, parties for some his orders levied in Italy; and under pretence of months, mutually afraid of each other, abstained an approaching war with the Belgan, a nation from violence. The tribune Milo commenced a consisting of many cantons in the northern exprosecution against Clodius for his crimes; but it tremities of Gaul, this reinforcement was made was for some time eluded by the authority of to pass the Alps to the northward in the spring. Appius Claudius, brother of the accused, who As soon as the forage was up, he himself’ folwas now in the office of prantor; and the courts, lowed in person, took the field, and, in the usual when actually called, were repeatedly dispersed spirit of his conduct, endeavoured by the rapidity by the armed party of gladiators, with which Pub-of his motions, to frustrate or to prevent the debus Clodius himself infested every public place. signs of his enemies.

_-was vain to oppose him without being prepared His force now consisted of eight Roman leto employ a similar force, and Milo accordingly gions, besides numerous bodies of horse and foot had recourse to this method. He purchased a from (liffbrent cantons in Gaul, archers from troop of gladiators, and of bestiarii, or baiters of Crete and Nuniidia, and slingers from the Balewigd beasts, and the remainder of those who had arian islands; so that it is likely the whole may been employed by the ediles Pomponius.and have amounted to about sixty thousand men. Cosconius, and who were now in the market for The greater part of his army had wintered on the sale. He ordered the bargain to be secretly Soane4 and the Douse,5 as protectors, not as masstruck, concealing the name of the buyer, lest the ters of the country, being received only in the opposite party, suspecting the design, should in-character of allies. Caesar having now taken terpose to prevent him. numbers of their people into his army as auxiliaSo provided, Milo ventured to encounter with ries or as hostages, and having spent twelve days Clodius. Their parties frequently engaged in in preparing for his march, took his route to the the streets, and the populace, fond of such shows, northward, under pretence of carrying the war enjoyed the spectacle which was presented to into the enemy’s country, or of preventing them them in every corner of the city.3 from gaining, to their supposed confederacy While the disorders which thus arose from the against the Romans, any of the nations in the dispates relating to Cicero’s restoration were daily southern parts of Gaul. augrmenting, he himself fell from the height of his His way lay through the high, though level, hopes to his former pitch of dejection and sorrow. countries, now termed Burgundy and ChamThe attempt which had been made in his favour pagne, in which the Soane, the Moselle, the might have succeeded, if Pompey had been fully Meuse, and the Seine, with so many other conprepared to concur in it. But all the measures siderable rivers, that run in different directions, of the triumvirate, being concerted at the quar-have their source. After a march of fifteen days, ters of Cnesar, Pompey was obliged, after declaring he arrived in the canton of the Remi, 6 where he his own inclinations on the subject, to consult his found a people, though of the Belgic extraction, associate, and found him by no means inclined to disposed to receive him as a friend, and to place restore a citizen who was likely to be of so much themselves under his protection.

consequence, and who was to owe the fav’our of From this people he had a confirmation of his his restoration to any other than himself. The former intelligence relating to the designs of the tribune Sextius, before the late dissolution, had Belgic nations, and an account of the forces made a journey into Gaul, to obtain the consent which they had already assembled.

From the of Caesar to this measure, but could not prevail; track of country that is watered by the rivers, and it is probable that this artful politician was which are now called the Oise, the Scheld and tnawilling to restore an exile who was likely to the Meuse, he understood that no less than three 1 Orat. pro Sext. c. 35, 36. 38. 4 Anciently named the Arar. 2

Cicero pro Sextio. 5 The Diubis. 3 Cicero ad Art. lib iv. ep. 2. 6 Now the district of Rheims.

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CHAP. VI.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 905 hundred and fifty thousand men could be mus-With this resolution they decamped in the tered, and were actually assembled, or preparingto night, but with so much noise and disorder that assemble. against him. To prevent the junction Caesar suspected a feint, or an intention to draw of this formidable power, or to distract part of its him into a snare. He therefore remained in his force, he detached part of his Gaulish auxiliaries lines till the morning, when it appeared that they to make a diversion on the Oise, while he him-were actually gone, and were seen at a distance self advanced to the Aisne,7 passed this river and on the plain moving in the greatest disorder, and fortified a station on its northern bank. Having as in a total rout, striving who should soonest a bridge in his rear, he left six cohorts properly get beyond the reach of their enemies. He purintrenched before it, to secure his communication sued them with his cavalry so long as it was day, with the country behind him. and, though with great bravery resisted in his While he remained in this post, the Belgae ad-attacks on their rear, made considerable havoc. vanced with a great army, attacked Bibrax, a At the approach of night he discontinued the place of strength about eight miles in his front; pursuit, and withdrew again to the camp he left and having spent many hours in endeavouring to in the morning. On the following day he moved reduce it, were about to renew-their assault on with his whole army, and, that the enemy might the following day. But Caesar having in the not have time to reassemble their forces, deternight thrown into the garrison a considerable remined to penetrate into the heart of their country. inforcement of archers and slingers, the appearIn the beginning of his march he followed the ance of this additional strength on the battlements course of the Aisne, and in his way reduced the induced the enemy to desist. Suessones and Bellovaci, two cantons that lay on They nevertheless continued to advance, laid the right and.the left, near the confluence of this waste the country, and came within two miles of river with the Oyse. From thence, being himnis camp. They had a front, as appeared from self to march to the northward, to visit the banks their fires, extending about eight miles. of the Sambre and the Meuse, he detached the Caesar, considering the numbers and reputation young Crassus, with a considerable force, towards of this enemy, thought proper to proceed with the sea coasts, to occupy those cantons which caution. He observed them for some days from now form the provinces of Normandy and Brehis entrenchments, and made several trials of tanny. their skill in partial encounters before he ven-Part of the country through which the Meuse turedl to offer them battle. But being encouraged and the Sambre passed, now forming the dutchy by the event of these trials, he chose a piece of of Hainault, was then occupied by the Nervii, sloping ground that lay before his camp, and was one of the fiercest of the Belgic nations, who, fit to receive his army. As the enemy’s front having heard with indignation of the surrender was likely to extend farther than his, he threw of the Bellovaci and Suessones, their neighbours, up entrenchments on the right and left to cover prepared for resistance, sent-such of their people his flanks; and with this security, to prevent his as, by their sex or age, were unfit to carry arms being surrounded, drew forth his army.

The into a place of security, assembled all their warBelgie too were formed on their part; but the riots, and summoned their allies to a place of ground between the two armies being marshy, general resort. They took post on the Sanmbre, neither thought proper to pass that impediment where the heights on both sides of the river being in presence of the other; and after a few skir-covered with woods, enabled them to conceal their mishes of the horse and irregular troops, the Ro-numbers and their dispositions.

They had inmans reentered their camp. The enemy, upon telligence that Cresar, except in presence of an this event, disappointed in their expectations of enemy, usually moved his legions with intervals a battle, took their way to the fords of the Aisne, 8 between them, which were occupied by their bagin order to pass the river, and get possession of gage; and they made a disposition to surprise the bridge in the rear of the Romans. Caesar him, on the march, and under this disadvantage. had intelligence of this movement from the officer For this purpose they chose their ground on the who was stationed to guard that post; and Sambre, and agreed that the van of the Roman marching instantly with all the cavalry, archers, army should be suffered to pass unmolested, but and slingers of the army, he arrived in time to that the appearance of the first column of bagovertake them, while yet entangled in the fords, gage should be the signal for a general attack to and obliged them to retire. be made at once from all the different stations in The Belgae, having made these successive at-which their parties were posted. tempts with much impetuosity, but without pro-Caesar, in the mean time, about three days per foresight, soon appeared to be ill qualified to after he had marched from Samarobriva, now maintain a permanent war with such an enemy.

supposed to be Amiens, being apprised that he They were disheartened by their disappointments, was come within ten miles of the river, on the and alarmed by the rumour of a diversion which banks of which the enemy was posted, altered Caesar hadl caused to be made in a part of their the form of his march, placed six legions, clear own country. They had exhausted their pro-of incumbrance, in the van of his army, next to visions, and found themselves under the necessity these the whole of his baggage, and in the rear to break up their camp. It was therefore resolved the two legions that were last levied in Italy. in their general council, that their forces, for the When he entered the open grounds on the Sampresent, should separate; and if any of their bre, a few parties of horse appeared, but were cantons; should be afterwards attacked by Caesar, soon driven into the woods by his cavalry. The that the whole should assemble again for their legions that came first to their ground began, as common defence. usual, to intrench, and received no disturbance till the column of baggage came in sight. At 7 Jasara and Axona. this signal multitudes of the enelmy presented 8 Axona. themselves on evx ry side, drove in the cavalry

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206 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BooK lII. that were posted to cover the working parties, Thus Cresar having, in the second year of his and in many lplaces were close in with the main command, penetrated to the Meuse and the body of the army lefore the inlfntry had time to Scheld, and being master of the eastern frontier uncover their shields, or to put on their helmets. of Gaul as far as the Rhine, and even from beThe Roman soldier, nevertheless, ran to his co-yond that river having received some ofifers of lours, and, without waitingr for the orders of his submission; being master too of several calltonst general, froml whose abili’es, on this occasion, he in Normandy and Bretanny, which had submitcould derive no advantaeg cndeavoured to join ted to the young Crassus, placed his army for his corn:aioions in the ordnr to which they were the winter inl the midst of these ccnoluests. aid accustomed. himself, as at the end of the former campaign, The event of this tumultuarv action was vari-set out for Italy and the neighbourhood of Rome. ous in dittflrent places. The Nervii, in one part Here the principal point which he left in conof the actio, fborced the imperfect works of the test between the parties, relating to the restoraRoman campl,: but in another part of it were tion of’ Cicero, had been for some time determiined. themselves forced from their ground, and driven Clodius had found a proper antagonist in Milo, in great numbers into the river. Somle of the and, as often as he himself, or any of his party, Roman lea6ionls were broken, lost the greater part appeared in the assemblies of the people, or in of their officers, and when Cresar arrived to rally the streets, was every where attacked with his them, were huddled together in confusion. He own weapons. was reduced to act the 1p)rt of a mere legionary Every one agreed, that if the laws could not soldier, and, with a shield which he took from give protection to the citizens who were most one of his men, joined in the battle, and in this willing to be governed by them, they should not manner, by his presence arid by his example, by their formalities screen the disorderly and kept the enemy at blay, until he was relieved by proflirgate in the practice of every species of crime. the arrival of two legions of the rear-guard, and Clodius had now for some months lain under of two others, that were sent by Labienus to sup-an impyeachment from Milo, and had declared port him.

himself candidate for the office of edile, endeavourThis seasonable relief, where the Romans ing by violence, and by the artifices of his brother, were most dlistressed, changed the fortune of the to put off the trial till after the elections, when, day; and the confusion, which in the becrinning if he should be vested with any public character, of the action had been turned to so good account he might bte able to screen himself under the by the Nervii, now became fatal to themselves. privilege of his office. His own credit, howlever, The greater part of therm fell in heaps on the and the fear which citizens entertained of his ground where they first began the attack. The armed banditti, who were now in a great measure few who attempted to fly were met at every restrained by 1ililo, had abated so much, that the opening of the woods by parties of the enemy, by party of the senate determined to make another whom they were forcedl into the thickets or put vigorous effort for the restoration of their exiled to the sword; and as they fell in the end with member. little resistance, many became a prey to the fol-This business was accordingly again moved in lowers of the legions, who put themselves iil arms the senate; and about the beginning of June a and bore a part in the massacre.

Of four hundredl decree was passed in the fullest terms for the rechiefs only three escaped; and of an army of storation of Cicero. The consul was charged sixty thousand men, no more than five hundred with the farther conduct of this measure as of left the field of battle. The piteous remains of the utmost “onseq.uence to the commonwealth. this nation, consisting of superannuated men, of This officer accordingly issued a proclamation, in women, anll of children, sent, from the marshes terms employed only on the greatest occasions, in which they had been concealed, a message to requiring all who had the safety of the republic implore the victor’s mercy; but it (does not appear at heart to support him in the execution of this in what manner he disposed of them. decree. There was, in consequence of this proAnother enemy yet remained in the field. The clamation, a great concourse of citizens from all Attuatici, descendants of the Cirnbri and Teuto-parts of Italy. The enemies of the measure nes, the late terrors of Gaul, of Spain, and of shrunk and withdrew their opposition. The act Italy, being settled below the confluence of the passed in the assembly of the people on the fourth Sambre and the Meuse, had been on their march of August. Cicero had been so confident of this to join the Nervii, when they heard of this unevent, that he on the same day sailed from Dyrfortunate action; and then withdrew to their own rachium, and on the following arrived at Bruncountry. Being pursued by C.esar, they shut dusium. On the eighth day, being still at this themselves up in their principal fortress. Here place, he had intimation of the act being passed, they made a voluntary submission; and being set out for Rome, and continued his journey comlranded to lay down their arms, threw such through multitudes of people, who were assema quantity of weapons from the battlements, as bled on the roads to testify their joy upon his almo;t filled up the ditch to the height of the return: he entered the city on the fourth of Sepramparts. But Cwesar, having delayed taking tember. possession of the place till the following (lay, the Next day he addressed the senate in a habesieg(ed, whether they only meant to deceive him, rangue, which is still extant, composed of lavish or repented of their surrender, took arms again panegyric or vehement invective, corresponding in the night, and in a sally endeavoured to sur-to the demerit or merit of parties in his late disprise the Roman army. But four thousand of grace and restoration. The multitudes that were them }mine killed in this desperate attempt, and assembled on this occasion, their impatience to the remainder being forced into the town, were, in see him, their acclamations and wonderful unaconsequence of their former breach of faith, to the nimity, raised him once more to his former pitch am. au,; of fifty thousand persons, sold for slaves. of glory, and appeared to repay all the services

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CtAP. VI.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 207 Ihe had rendered to the public, and to compensate bound to procure onme reli.f o to e people, in reall the sorrows of his late disgrace. The whole turn to their late cordiality in hli ca use. imatter was, to persons of reflection, an evidence Cicero had probably owed his recall to the dleof that weakness, with which this ingenious man’clarations of Pompey in his favour; and, however uffcred himself to be affected by popular opinion, little reason he had to rely on his friendship, it mnd of the levity with which multitudes run into was convenient to appear on good terms with different extremes. him. He suffered himself, therefore, to be carDurinlg these transactions C esar was at a great ried by the stream that seemed to run in f;t.vur distance, in the northern extremities of Gaul, of this fashionable leader. As if the nr-0cssity engagtedi w;tih fierce and numerous enemies, and of the case had suggested the measure, he mlasved involved in difficulties, concerning which there the senate that a commission, with proco?:s llar were various reports, and of which the issue, power over all the provinces, should oe granted with respect to himself and his army, was sup-to Pompey to superintend the sutpplies of corn posed to be uncertain. In these circumstances, for the city. The senate, either of themselves however willing Pompey may have been to per-disposed to grant this request, or won by the elosevere in the measures concerted with Caesar, it quence of their newly recovered member, inis probable that he found himself unable to restructed the consuls to frame a resolution to this sist the force of the senate, which was now ex-purpose, an(d carry it to the assembly of the peoerted to obtain the restoration of a person who ple for their assent. had taken so distinguished a part in their mea-Here C. Messius, one of the tribunes, proposed sures. to enlarge the commission, and to compjrehend It is possible likewise, that in these circum-the superintendency of the revenue, with an alstances Pompey may have taken upon him to act lotment of fleets and armies suited to the extent indepenldently of Caesar, though he afterwards, of this unprecedented trust. Pompey, observing in trying to gain Cicero to the party of the tri-that this additional clause was ill received, denied umvirate, affected to give Csesar equal merit with his having any share in proposing it, and affected himself in procuring his recaP, and he appealed to prefer the appointment intended for him in to Quintus, the brother of Marcus Cicero, for terms of the act which had been proposed to be the truth of this assertion.l Cicero himself; how-drawn up by the consuls. His partizans, however, was not disposed to give CeTsar any credit ever, still lleaded for the extension of thelt comupon this account; and, though both CGisar and mission as proposed by Messius, but in vain. Crassus, after the matter was d&cided, affected to The extravagance of the proposal gave a general concur in it, yet he does not seem to have believei alarm, not only to the senate, but even to the them sincere. He imputes to C esar an active I party of Caesar, who wished to emplov Pompey part in the injury he had received, but none in against the senate; but not to arn hiim with a the reparation that was done to him.2 military force, or to give hinm in reality that soPompey, not the less jealous of’Czesar for their vereignty of which lie so much afiected the appretended union, and sensible of the advantage pearances. he had gained in a military comfmand of so long The extraordinary commission, now actually a duration at the gates of Rome, now wished to granted to Pompey, although it was exorbitant propose for himself some appointment of equal in respect to the influence it gave him over all importance. The moment of cordiality in the the producers, venders, buyers, and consumers senate on their recovering a favourite member, of corn throughout the whole empire; yet, as it and the first emotions of gratitude in the breast did not bestow the command of an army, fell of Cicero, whom he had obliged, appeared to form short of the consequences which Caesar principala conjuncture favourable for such a proposition; ly dreaded in his rival; and though probably the and he laid, with his usual address and appear-cause of some jealousy, did not produce any ilmance of unconcern, the plan of a motion to be mediate breach between them. made for this purpose. Pompey, being entitled by this commission to The importation of corn into Italy had lately appoint fifteen lieutenants, put Cicero at the miscarried, and a great scarcity and dearth had head of the list; and this place was accepted of followed.

The populace being riotous upon this bj him, on this express condition, that it should complaint, had in the theatre attacked with me-not prevent his standing for the office of censor, naces and violence numbers of the wealthy citi-in case an election took place on the following zeus who were present, and even insulted the year.3 He was now in the way of recovering senate itself in the capitol. A report industriously his consideration and his dignity, but was likely raised by the enemies of Cicero was propagated, to meet with more difficulty in respect to his proto make it be believed that the distress arose from perty, which Clodius had taken care to have forhis engrossing for some time the attention of the feited, having even demolished his house, and state; and it was represented, ill opposition to consecrated the ground to pious uses. This last this clamour, that the late corn act of Clodius, circumstance had placed a bar in his way, which and the misconduct of one of his relations, in-could not be removed without a formal decree of trusted by him with the care of the public grana-the pontiffs. ries, was the cause of this distress. It was in-The college met on the last of September to sinuated by the adherents of Pompey, that no hear parties in this cause. A violent invective man was fit to relieve the people besides himself; having been pronounced by Clodius against his that the business should be committed to him antagonist, Cicero replied in that oration, which alone; and Cicero was called upon, as he entered is still extant among his works on the subject of the senate, to make a motion to this purpose, as his house.4 The question was, Whether the I Cicero ad Familiar. lib. i. ep. 9. 3 Cicero Orat. in Senat. post Redit. c. 13. ad Att. 2 Orat. in Senat. post Reditum, c. 15. 4 Pro Domo sua

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208 THJ, PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BfoOK 111. ground on which Clcero’s house had formerly Clodius, on the third of November, came with stood, being formally consecrated, could be again an armed force, dispersal the workmen, and atrestored to a profane or common use? The pon-tacked the house of Quintus Cicero that was adtiffs appear to have been unwilling to give any joining, set it on fire, and kept a guard of his explicit decision. They gavea conditional judg-retainers in the streets till it was burnt to the ment, declaring, that the consecration of Cicero’s ground. By this act of violence, Clodius had ground was void, unless it should be found that rendered his cause, in the criminal prosecution this act had been properly authorized by the peo-which still hung over him, in a great measure ple. Both parties interpreted this juldmnelnt in desperate. His safety required the actual detheir own filvonr; ahd the senate was to deter-struction of his enemies, and he had no scruple mine, whether, in the act of consecration, the to restrain him from the most violent extremes. consentof the people had been properlyobtained. He accordingly attacked Cicero as he passed in The senate being met on the first of )ctober, the streets on the eleventh of Novembei, attended and all the parties who were nlelnbers of it being by a company of his friends, forced themr into a present, Lucullus, in the name of the pontiff, walled court, where they with difficulty defended his collacues, reported, That they had been una-themselves. Clodius, in this attack, had frequentnimolus in their judgml ent to revoke the act of ly exposed his own person, and might have been consecration, unless It should be found, that the killed; but Cicero was now become too cautious rr:aistrate, who had performed that ceremony, for so bold a measure. “I have put my affairs,” had been properly authorized by the people; but he writes to Atticus, “under a gentle regimnen; that this was a question of law now before the and, in all the cures I am to apply for the future, senate. A debate ensued, in which Lentulus have renounced the use of the surgeon’s knife.” Marcellinus, consul-elect for the following year, Clodius, upon this occasion, being disappointgave his opinion against the legality of the con-ed of his design upon Cicero’s life, came into the secration: lie was followved by numbers, and the streets on the following day, which was the judgment of the senate was likely to be on that twelfth of November, with a number of slaves side. Clodius, to put off the question, spoke for provided with lighted torches, and escorted by a three hours, and would have prevented the se.- party armed in form with shields and swords.

nate’s coming to any resolution, if the members, They made directly for a house b onging to becoming impatient, had not silenced him by their Milo, with intention to set it on fire] took posinterruptions and clamours.

session of that of P. Sylla, in its neighbourhood, A resolution being moved for in the terms that as a fortress in which to defend themselves, and had been proposed by Marcellinus: the tribune to keep off all assistance, till the house they were Serranus, who had formerly suspended the de-to set on fire should be burnt to the ground. cree for the recall of Cicero, now again interposed While they were about to execute this purwith his negative. The senate, nevertheless, propose, a number of Milo’s servants. led by one ceeded to engross the decree, in which it was re-Flaccus, sallied forth against the incendiaries, solved, that the ground on which Cicero’s house killed several of the most forward, put the rest had formerly stood, should be again restored to to flight, and would not have spared Clodius him in property; that no magistrate should pre-himself, if he had not availed himself of the resume to contest the authority of the senate in this treat, which, in entering on this design, he had matter; and if any interruption were given in the prepared for his party. execution of this decree, that the tribune, who On the following day, Sylla made his appearilow interposed with his negative. should be ac-ance in the senate, in order to exculpate himself; countable for the consequences. Serranus was but Clodius still remained shut up in his own alarmed. His relation, Cornicinus, to give him house. It appears scarcely credible, that a state the appearance of greater importance, and an op-could subsist under such extreme disorders; yet portunity to recede with dignity, laid himself on the author of them had been long under p-rosecuthe ground at his feet, and besought him, by his tion for crimes of the same nature; and it was intreaties, to say, that he would not insist for the still a question, whether the charge against him prevent on the negative he had given; but he should be heard, or whether he should not be albe:tc:ed the delay of a night to consider of the lowed to take refuge in one of the offices of state, Inmatter. The senate, recollecting the use which to which he was sure of being named by the peolie formerly made of such a delay on the first of ple, provided the elections were allowed to IreJanuary, was disposed to refuse it, when, upon cede his trial. the interposition of Cicero himself; it was grant-Marcellinus, the intended consul of next year, ed; and he having thought proper to withdraw moved the senate to hasten the prosecution, and his negative entirely, the act accordingly passed to join the late disorders committed by the crimion the second of October. Cicero was allowed nal to the former articles of the charge which lay two millions Roman moneyl to rebuild his house against him. But Metellus Nepos, one of the in town; five hundred thousand2 to rebuild his present consuls, and the relation of Clodius, havvilla at Tusculum, and two hundred and fifty ing formerly found means to put off the trial, was thousan(d3 to rebuild that at Formiae. The first now determined to prevent it altogether, by hastsum he seems to have considered as adequate to eningr the election of W2diles, in which Clodius was his loss, but complains of the other two.4 He candidate. He endeavoured to prevent any improceeded, without delay, to take possession of mediate determinatior of the senate by prolonghis ground, and to employ workmen in rebuilding ing the debate. But tt e majority cf the members his house. He had made some progress, when were greatly exasperated, and resolved, that the trial of Clodius for these repeated acts of violence 1

About 16,1451. 16s. 8d. 2 About 4,0361. 5. and outrage should precede the elections. The I About 16j,1451. 16s. Fd. 2 About 4,0361. 5.s. 3 About 2,0181. 4s. 6d. consul Metellus, notwithstanding, was determined 4 Ad Atticunl, lib. iv. epist. 2. to give him a chance to have refuge from this

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CuAP. VII.] OP THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 209 prosecution in the public office to which he as-no doubt of Milo’s success.5 What passed on this pired, and would have brought on the elections oln day is uncertain; but it is known.

that Clodiue the nineteenth of November, if he had not been at last prevailed; that, beine electetd aedile, he prevented by Milo, who in the middle of the pre-was, by the privilege of his ofTce, screened from ceding night, had, with an armed force, occupied the prosecution that was intended against him the place of assembly, and was prepared to oh-anlld being himself safe, did not tail serve the heavens, and to announce some of the U. C. 697. upon the expiration of Milo’s tricelestial presages of unfavourable events, in case Cn. Corn. bunate, to retort the charge upon other methods to suspend the elections should not Lentulus his prosecutor; and accordin_,ly have prevailed. L.Marcll.ns, brought him trial on the second Metellus, and the two brothers, Appius the lippus. of February, for acts of violence prator, and Publius Clodius, being apprised of and breach of the peace. this intention, and of the power with which it was Pompey, as well as Cicero, appeared in desupported, did not make their appearance in the fence of Milo; and they succeeded in having field, and Milo kept his station till noon, when he him acquitted, while they incurred a torrent of withdrew with the general applause of the senate, reproach and invective on the part of the proseand of the more orderly citizens. cutor.

The market-place was crowded with the The meeting, or assembly of the people, being partizans and retainers of Clodius: he had inadjourned to next day, Metellus, in order to lull structed them to reply to his interrogations, and the vigilance of Milo, assured him, that there was to direct all their abuse on Pompeyv. “Who no occasion to occupy posts in the dead of the starves the people for want of corn’. Pompey. night; that he meant to do nothing before it was Who wants to be sent to Alexandria?

Pompey.” day; that if any one meant to suspend the elec-This farce greatly disturbed the concerted dignity tion, he should, in the morning, be found in the of this politician. His plrincipal object was conmarket-place, and there submit to the forms which sideration, and he could not endure contempt. any one was legally entitled to plead against his He was on bad terms with the senate; and they proceeding. Milo, accordingly, at break of day, listenred to the invective of his personal enemies repaired to the market-place, where he expected with apptarent satisfaction. He complained to to be joined by the consul; but soon afterwards Cicero that the people were alieniated from him; was told, that Metellus had deceived him, was that the nobility were his enernies; that the sehastening to the field of Mars, where the elec-nate was adverse, and the youth in gelneral ill distions were commonly held, and would instantly posed to him.6 He had indeed submlitted to bebegin to call the votes, when it would be too late come the agent of Cwsar at Rome; antd, with the to interpose even under the pretence of religion. friends of the republic, incurred] the odium of their Upon this information, he immediately pursued joint measures, while the other was rising every and overtook him before the election began; and, day in military reputation, andl was forming an by declaring his intention to observe the heavens, army almost at the gates of Rome, with which once more frustrated the designs of the faction. he held every party in the republlic in awe. PomOn the twenty-first, the people could not as-pey, on this occasion, really did, or aftlcted to besemble by reason of the public market; and their lieve, that a design was formed against his own meeting being called for the twenty-third, Milo life; he assembled a numerous party of his reagain took possession of the field with an armed tainers from the country, and absented himself, force; and Cicero, who concludes a letter to At-during some time from the senate and from the ticus with describing this state of affairs, made assemblies of the people. CHAPTER VII. Return of Cato from Cyprus-IIis Repulse at the Election of Prretors-Arriral of Ptolemy Auletes at Rome Visit of Pompey and Crassus to Cesar’s Qartercs at Lucca-llenewal of their Association-Mhilitary Operations in Ceesar’s Province-Violent Election of C(rassus and Pomapey-Provinces-Of Crassus in Syria-Of Pompey in Spain Jfr Jive years-Crassus departs for Syria. TIHE particulars we have related in the last have been a man of great moderation, no way chapter have led us on to the middle of February, qualified to be a party in the designs or usurpain the consulate of Lentulus Marcellinus and L.

tions of the family with which he was now conMarcius Philippus. The first was attached to nected. the forms of the republic, and was a strenuous Some time before these consuls entered on office, partizan of the senate.

His election was proba-in the end of the preceding year, Marcus Cato bly a continuation of the victory which this party arrived from having executed his commission to had obtained in the restoration of Cicero. Phi-Byzantium and Cyprus. The business tupon lippus was now nearly related to Caesar, having which he had been sent to the first of tehcse married his niece, the widow of Octavius; and places, was to restore some exiles who had been possibly owed his preferment in part to that con-driven from their country in the violence of idhcnexion. He was, by this alliance, become the tion. At the second he was to seize the treasure stepfather of young Octavius, now a boy of ten years of age, brought up by his mother in the 5 Cicero ad Att. lib. iv. epist. 3. house of her second husband. This appears to 6 Cicer. ad Quint. fiat. lib ii. epist. 3. 2D

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210 TFIE PROGRESS AND’TERMINATION [Boo{K LII. and the other elfects of Ptolemy, and to reduce criminatedl, and spared no kind of invective; and his kinredom to tie f;orn of a Roman province. in the issue of this nmatter had the good fortune to T1 his measure, Iy all accounts, was unjust, and escape from the resentment of his enemy…he Oftice hi(filyl disagrreeable to Cato; hut he The power of C’esar, aided by his influence in was determrinedl to lerform it with the lounc-so inportant a statior:, was daily increasinre; and tualitx and( resplect due to all the or(lers of the as he spareed no p-tins to crush those whona he state. rhbi!e ltc hillself went to BR-zantiumn, hle despaire(d of gaining, so he dle(lintd no artifice to sent firwanld anidlius to Cvyprus, to intimate the mrainr every one else. All tlhe spoils of his proecrlnian:ls of thec Roman I)Ipeople, and to exhort vince were distributed in ratuities at Rome. EIe the kino to subtmission. Upon his return to knew the state of e ery mlln’s talmil, and where Rhodes, in his way to Cyl rtls, lie had intelli-he could not reach the tlaster, paid his court to genct, thlat this plrince, unable to ~hear the ruin the mistrss, or t.o the tiavourite slave. Wlhile in of his fortunes, had in despair, killedl hlinsel hiss winter quarters at Lucca, many senators reHis treasure was seized, and his effiects soltd: tlh. sirtel t’rnl rtonlme. to pay their court;of these no whole yielded to the treasury aleout seven thou-Itess t.han two hundrefd were said to have been sand talents of’ silver. Upon the apilfroach of (lrtsellt at one tile; and( so many of’ them in Cato to Romne, the rnafgistrates, the senate, ant l public characters, that the lictors, who paraded at mlltitudles of thea people went tforth to receitit I tthe entrance of his quarters with the badges of hint. Tlhe senate thoutht proper in this antner oflice, amounted to one hundred and twenty.3 to distinTruish their friends, andl to fi vimur thelI Durine this winter, a question relating to the with sorme marks of consideration, in order to restoration of Ptolemy Auletes to the tlhrone of balance, if’ possihlt the ibilltic honl-lors that, werte E(Taypt. rtave rise to warm debates in the senate. frequentlx Ilavished on their eneinis. IFor the T’his prince had been dethroned by his subjects; same tilrpose likewise 1.hey resolved to insert tite -and, conceivina that he had sufficient credit with name of Cato.tanonll the piators of this year; many persons at Rome, who had experienced his but this holnir lr he himself retje ttel as unprece-boulntv, he repaired thither to solicit his own redentetl;and illeral. The year fiollwing, however, storation. In his way he had an interview with xwhen het stood candidlate tlir this office in the or-Marcus Cato at Cpartus, and was advised by him dinarv form), lie was rejected; and Vatinius, the to return to 1F-;xt, and to accept of aIliy terms exll-knoxawn tool ot (Casar, who had been em-fromn his own people, rather than to enter on such ploynsl hv hint in all minatsures that were too mean a scene of anxiety and mortification, as he should ifr hli!nseif to acknowled(ex was chosen.1
find everv suitor for public favour et,(ra(ed in at (C.sar, as has been ohbserved on different occa-Rome. The giddiness of the multitudle, the viosionsI had a, serious anti,;lathy to Cato, contsidered lence of the parties of which one was sure to hi!l as a determineid and resolute opponent; and oppose what the other embraced, the avarice of acuordinglrly employemd all his influence to excluide those who might pretend to be his friends, and hitai trom the oftlies of state, andl prolaltly hadl a whose rapacity the treasures of his kingdom partic ultr pleasure in procuring himn a repulse, could not assua(e, were sufficient to deter the yv the hpreference of’ so tinean an antagolnist as king from proce(eding on his voyage. But the Vatinius, who hadl the present majority of votes importunity of his attendants, who wished to agrainst him. But, in inentioningr this event, have him restored without any concessions to his Valerius MIaximus is pileasedt t.o re verse the form subjects, confirmed him in his former resolution. of exT,)rssian, usual in spealkilgt of disappointed He accordingly proceeded to Rome; and, to the canididat.es, sayitng, ” That, the list of prators for great encouragement of his hopes, was favourably this yiear had not the holtour of Cato’s name.“2 received tby Pompey, who was then possessed of C(Ato, in the execution of his late commission, the reigning influence in the city, and who conhadl taken exact inventories of all the effects soldl sideredl this as a proper opportunity to have a a Cyprus; but his books being lost, or hburnt inl a military commission joined to the civil one of vessel that took fire on the voyage, Clodius fre-which he was already possessed. quent’y threatened him with a prosecution to In the mean while the peotple of Alexandria, accoullt for the sums he had receivedt; and in not knowing to what place their king had withthis he was seriously instigated by Cmsar, who drawn, imagined that he was deadt, and put his from his winter quilarters at Lucca, watched all daughter Berenice in possession of the kingdom. the proceedings at. Rome.. Being afterwards informede, that he had steered From this station, the proconsul of Gaul, al-for Italy, and was likely to engage the Romans thou(h he could not attend in person, sent his against them, they sent a deputation to counteract agents t.o the city, took part in every transaction his solicitations in the Rooman senate. But these of moment that related to his adherents or to his deputies being interceplted, and murderedl by his enemies. It appeared to be his maxim, that no ordler, he proceeded, without opposition, in his man should lbe his frientl or his enemy without application at Rome, and obtained a decree for his feeling the suitabile effects. Memmnius, who had restoration to the crown. been pr’ator with Dornitius Ahenobarbus, and The king of Egypt, by having procured an who had joined his colleague in the prosecution act in his own favour, yet made but a small prothat was commenced against CEsar at the ex-gress in the business on which he was come. piration of his consulate, having since been prator New difficulties arose in the choice of a person of Bithy;ia, and accusedl of misconduct in his to carry the decree of the senate into execution, province, was attacked by him in a memorial which greatly retarded its eflect. which he drew up to be employed in support of Soon after this decree had passed, Lentiulus dlie charge. Memmius, in defenlding himself, re-Spinther, consul of the present year, le’ing destined at the expiration of his magistracy iln the I Plutarch. in Vit. Catonis, et Cicero in Vatiniurn. 2

Val. Max. lib. vii. c. 5. 3 Plutarch. in Ceesare.

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CTIAP. VII.] OF THE ROMAN.‘EPUBLIC. 211 citv to command in (*licia and Cvprus,. had in-attenrlants who I,aid their court at the quarters serted the business of restoring the kincg of Egypt I of Cawsar. as a part of his own commission. But after Ieln-At an interview of these three leaders they re tulus wNs gllone for his province, this part, of the -newed their former confteleracy; an(l it beina cmlniiissio)l, 1probably. by the influence of Polmn-knowni that Donitius Ahenobarbus was to stanl pey, who had views on that expedition, as the for the next election of consuls, C’esar. considering oblect of a mn.ilitary conrtand for himself, was rehow much a citizen so dlcterniined in opposition calledl. A strollg party of the nobles, however to himnself; instigated by Cato, and supported by beingr jealous of the state which Pompey alTfeted, tlhe party of the senate, might attempt or execute and of his continual aim at extraordinary powers, atainst himl in his absence, proposed, that the opconceived an expedient to disappoint him on this position to this candidate should not be committed occasior,l or to render the commission unwolthv to any person of infe. rior consideration in their of his acceptance. In visiting the books of Sybils, Plarty; but that Pompeyv and Crassus should verses were said to be found, containing an in-themselves enter the lists, in order to exclude jun’ction to the Romans, not indeed to withhold Domitius from the consulate.7 their friendship from a king of Egypt soliciting It was agreed likewise, at this conference, that, their protection, but “‘to beware how they at-upon the expiration of the term for which they terntled to restore him with a military force.” were to hold this office, Pompevy shoull have the The authenticity of this oracle was acknow-province of Spain, Crassus that of Syria, each eledrt l, or declared by the augurs; and the tribune with a great armyn: that Caesar should be conCaius Cato, who was averse to the cause of tinued in his present command, and have such Ptolemy, availed himself of it, to sulspend the additions to the establishment of his province as eftlect of the resolution which had been already might enable him to support an army of eight taken in favour of that prince. The senate antd Roman legions, with the usual accormpaninlents people were divided in their opinions. One party of auxiliaries and irregular troops. Such was urged that Pomnpey should be appointed to re-already the state of his forces,8 including a legion store the king of Egypt to his throne; others of native Gauls; he having, contrary to the exagreed that he might be appointed, provided that press limitation of his commission, by which he he undertook the commission, as proconsul, at-was restricted to three legions, made this enortended t0l two lictors, and(, in the terms of the mous augmellntation.

This convention, like the oracle, without any military force.4 Pompey him-former, was for some time kept a secret, and self afflected to think, that the business should only began to be surmised about the usual time have been left as it was in the department of of the elections. Lentulus the proconsul of Cilicia and Cyprus; Soon after these matters were settled, Crassus but his retainers, so long as they had any hopes being to remain in Italy, Pompey -rmcelded on f rendering this a military commission, or of his voyage to Sardinia, and C asar reltalred to:naking it a pretence for placing their patron his army in Gaul, where the war in different saain at. the head of an army, never ceased to places had been renewed in his absence. Among urge that he should be employed in it. the dispositions he had made for the winter, the Ptolemy-himself likewise wished to have this yount Crassus was left to command on the coasts business devolve upon Pompey, as the most of thile British channel; and Galba, another of likely person to command the force of the com-his lieutenants, was posted among the Alps to monwealth, and to employ it effectually in his protect the traders of Italy at a principal pass of favour. But both despairing at last of’ success, these mountains. This officer had dislodged the Ptolemny retired to Ephesus; and, fearing the re-natives frorm many of their strong holds, whence sentments he had provoked in the contest with they were accustomed to infest the highways. his own people, and in the late murder of their and to lay such as passed into Italy under condeputies, he took refuge in the temple of Diana; tributions; and he took hostages for their good a retreat from which he was conducted, about behaviour for the future. He fixed his quarters, two years afterwards, by Gabinius, and replaced lduring the winter, at Octodorus, now supposed to on his throne.s be the village of Martinach ini the Vall1, situated Pompey was disgusted withhisdis ppointment at the foot of the mountains over which travellers in not being named to this service, and probably pass in the route of the greater abbey of St. Bermore by the little respect that was paid to him by nard. Here he remained for some time in quiet all parties while he lay under the lash of con-possession of his post; but the natives observing, tinual invectives from Clodius, and from Caius that the legions under his command had been Cato. Having obtained, on the fifth of April, a greatly reduced by the services of the preceding grant of some, money towards executing his office campaign, and by the detachments which he had of general surveyor of corn for the people; and recently made f’rom his quarters, formned a design having heard his own and Caesar’s embezzlement to surprise and to cut him off: For this purpose, of the public treasure, especially in the alienation the inhablitants of the village in which he was of the revenues of Campania, severely censured quartered sudldenly withdrew from him, and soon in the senate,6 he left Rome on pretence of ap-after appeared with nlultitudes of their countryplying the sums with which he was now en-men on the neighbouring mountains. From trusted for the purchase of corn in Sardinia and thence they made a furious attack on the Roman Sicily. In his way he passed by Lucca, and, to-entrenchmrent, continually sending fresh numbel t gether with Crassus, augmented the number of to relieve those who became fatigued, or who had exhaust,: their weaolons. 4 Dio. lib. xxxix. c. 1‘2-16. Cicero ad Lentulum. The Rmnans, on tIme first prospect of this at. Epist. ad Fami4iares, lib. vii.

5 Liv. Epitom. Decad. xi. fib. 5. 7 Smlet. in Cwesare, c. 24. 6 Cicero ad Quint. frat. lib. ii. ep. 5 et 6. 8 Ibid.

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2t2 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINAI ON [Book Ill. tack, had deliberated, whether they should not were periodically surrounded by the sea. Being abandon their post; but had resolved to maintain attacked at one station, they withdrew in their it, andl were now tecolne sensible that they must boats to another; and by their situation seemed perish, if they could not, by some Impetuous to be secure from any enemy, who was not in a sally, disperse the numbers that were assembled conditidn to make his attack, at once, both by sea against them. For this purpose, they determined and by land. They eluded a lan. attack by emto break from their lines, and to mix with the barking on board of their vessels and an attack enemy sword in hand; a manner of fighting, in from the sea, by landing from their uoats, which which by the superiority of the Roman shield they drew up on the beach. and sword, they alwavs had a great advantage. Casar, to decide the event of this singular conThey accordingly sallied from their entrench-test, was obliged to wait the arrival of his shipping. rnent, and, with the slaughter of ten thousand of As soon as it appeared, the natives, sensible that the enemy, who began the attack with thirty their fate depended on the event of a sea-fight, thousandl, obliged them to retire.

Galba, never-embarked the most expert of their warriors, got theless, not thinking it prudent to remain in a under sail with all their force, amounting to two situation in which he had been exposed to so hundred anti twenty vessels, and steered directly much danger, retired, tfor the remainder of the fir their enemy. While the fleets drew near to winter, to the neighbourhood of Geneva. each other, the shores were crowded with spectaThe war had broke out at the same tirnme in the tors; and the army with C esar himself came quarters of Crassus, at the other extremity of the forth on the heights, from which they could beprovince Some nations, who had made their hold the scene. submission, and given hostages at the end of the The Romans being inferior to their enemy in preceding campaign, repented of this stelp, and the use of their sails, as well as in the strength of entered into a concert to recover their lilberties. their vessels, endeavoured to supply their defect, They begaln witf seizing the Roman officers who as usual, by an effbrt of address and unexpected had been sntioned among them as commissaries contrivance. They had provided themselves with to provide for the subsistence of the army, and scythes, fastened to shafts of a proper length, in they detained them as pledges for the recovery of order to cut the enemy’s rigging, and let loose or their own hostages. discompose their sails; and having thus, in the The principal authors of this revolt were the first encounter, disabled many of their slips, they inhabitants of what is now termed the coast of grappled with them, and boardled them sword in Britanny, between the rivers Vilaine anti Blavet. hand. They trusted to the strength of their situation on The Gauls, seeing a great part of their fleet small islands, or peninsulas, that were joined to thus irrecoverably lost, would have escaped with the contiient only by some narrow beach or the remainder; but were suddenly becalmed, isthmus, which the sea, at high water, overand being, from ten in the morning till night, flowed. They depended likewise on the strength continually exposed to the attack of the Romans, of their shipping, in thie use of whlich, by the were all either taken or destroyed; and the napractice of navigation on that stormy sea, and by tion thus bereft of its principal strength and the their frequent voyages even to Britain, they were flower of its people, surrendered again at discreextremely expert. They supplied the want of tion. canvass and hempen cordage with hides and Under pretence that they had violated the law thongs of leather, and the want of cables with of nations, in seizing the persons of officers wht. iron chains, to which they fastened their anchors. were stationed among them in a public character, Casar, having received intelligence of this their leaders were put to death, and their people enemy, while he remained in his quarters at soldt for slaves.

Lucca, sent orders to build as many ships as pIos-The inhabitants of the lower banks of the sible upon the Loire, and to assemble mariners Seine, at the same time having been defeated by from the neighbouring coasts.

Apprehending, at Titurinus, returned, agreeably to what was said the same time, a general lefection of the province, to be the character of Gaulish nations, to their anti perhaps a descent froni the Germans, that former submission, with the same levity with were ever ready to profit by the distress or diwhich they had thrown it aside. visions of their neighbours, hie sent Labienus The nations inhabiting the banks of the Gawith a large bo;dy of horse to the Moselle, at ronne were still inclined to resist the approaches once to awe the. lielgic nations, and to guard the of Crassus to their country. To the advantage of passage of the Rhine.

He sent also Titurius numbers, they joined a lively courage, of which Sabilmus with a proper force into Normandy, the Romans themselves had frequently felt the where the natives were already in arms; and the effects. Every chief was attended by a number young Crassus to the Garonne, to give the natives of followers, whoni he called his soldurii, and of Gascony sufficient occupation in their own who had devoted themselves to his service. country, and to prevent their junction with the While the chieftain lived, the soldurii fared in authors of this revolt.

every thing alike with himself; but if he perished He himself made haste to join the troops that by violence, they too must die, and there was no were stationed in Britanny, and ordered Decimus instance of their failing in this part of their enBrutus to assemble his fleet, and to make sail gagement. without loss of time’for the bay of Vannes. Crassus being arrived on the Garonne, and After his arrival on the coast, he met with all the warned by the example of other Roman officers, difficulties which he had reason to expect from who had fallen or miscarried in this service, dethe nature of the country, and from the disposition ferred passing the river till he had augmented and skill of its inhabitants. The enemy had re-his force by the junction of some troops from tired from the continent to their strong holds on Toulouse, and other parts of the Roman province.

the promontories or headlands, in which they Being thus reinforced, he proceeded against the

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CHAP. VI1.] OF THE ROMAN REPTTBLIC. 213 natives who were divided into many little hordes, the mutual invectives of both parties, and were of which Caesar has, on this occasion, enume-entertained with their endeavours to surpass each rated twelve, jealous of each other, and unwilling other in declarations of zeal for religion. Cicero, to join even in their common defence. They however, by the goodness of his cause, the force accordingly, notwitlhstanding their valour, fell of his admirable talents, and perhaps still more separately into the hands of the Romans, and by the aid of the triumvirate, whose favour he in the end were vanquished, or made their sub-earnestly cultivated, prevailed in the contest. mission.

This martyr in the cause of the senate, ever By these conquests, the former acquisitions of since his return from banishment, courted the Caesar on the Seine and the Marne, had a direct formidable parties, whose power, at least to hurt, communication with the districts of Toulouse he had experienced. He committed, or affected and Narbonne, or what was already called the to commit, himself entirely into the hands of Roman province of Gaul. Caesar himself, hav-Pompey; and, with a declaration of much attaching re-established peace in those tracts which are ment also to Caesar, composed a flattering panenow termed Britanny and Normandy, closed the gyric, which this leader received with great pleacampaign with a march northward, where he sure,2 probably more on account of the breach it penetrated through the marshes and woods into was likely to make among his opponents in the Brabant; but being stopped by heavy rains, and senate, than on account of the satisfaction he rethe approach of winter, he returned on his route, ceived from it, or of any real accession of strength without making any settlement; and having iput it gave him in the pursuit of his designs. By his army into winter quarters among the nations this conduct Cicero disgusted his former friends, who had lately revolted, he set out as usual for and felt his situation in the city so painful, that Italy. There his presence was greatly wanted he absented himself, during great part of the by Pompey and Crassus, who, on the approach summer, from Rome; a circumnstance which inof the elections, were likely to meet with unex-terrupted the course, or changed the subject, of pected difficulties in executing the plan lately those letters to which we are indekted for the concerted between them. best record of the times. At Rome, the spring and part of the summer We have indeed great reason to regret any inhad passed in disputes between persons connected terruption of materials from which the history of with the opposite parties. Clodius had attacked this consulate might be collected. The republic Cicero in his own person, in his effects, and in seems in part to have recovered its dignity by the the persons of his friends. P. Sextius, who, in able and resolute conduct of Marcellinus. and by the character of tribune, had been so active in the the tacit concurrence of his colleague Piilippus, recall of this injured exile, and who had exposed who, though connected with Caesar, did not cohis life in the riots to which that question gave operate in the execution of his designs.3 By the rise, was now accused, and brought to triall for influence of these consuls, the applications made supposed acts of violence committed by him in to the senate by Gabinlus, now commanding in the course of those contests. He was defended Syria, for certain customary honours were rewith great zeal by Hortensi:s, and with a proper jected.4 This refusal was intended to mortify gratitude by Cicero; and by their joint endea-Pompey, who protected Gabinius, and who himyours was, on the twelfth of March, acquitted by self was commonly treated by Marcellinus with the unanimous verdict of his judges. great freedom and severity. The aristocratical After this trial was over, a piece of superstition, party recovered their courage, and Domitius curious as it forms a picture of the age, gave oc-Ahenobarbus, by their influence, was in a fair casion to a fresh dispute between Cicero and his way to succeed in his election for consul of the enemy Clodius. Upon a report, that horrid following year. noises and clashing of arms had been heard un-The tribunes, excited chiefly by Caius Cato, der ground in one of the suburbs, the senate espoused the opposite interest, and proposed many thougait proper to take the subject under consi-resolutions to the people, in order to favour their deration, and they referred it for interpretation designs. The consul Marcellinus endeavou.red to the college of Aruspices. This body delivered to interrupt them by the appointnient of fasts and in judgment, that the gods were offended, among holidays, in which it was not lawful to transact other tilings, by the neglect and profanation of’ affairs in the assembly of the people. The trithe holy rites, and by the prostitution of sacred bunes, in their turn, suspended the election of places to profane uses. This response Clodius consuls, and in this were encouraged by Ponmpey endeavoured to apply to the case of Cicero’s house, and Crassus, who feared the effect of a choice to once consecrated and set apart for religion, and be made under the direction of Marcellinus, and now again profaned by being restored to his had not even openly declared their own intenforme.r owner. Cicero endeavoured to remove the tions to oiler themselves. Their late interview charge of profanation from himself to Clodius, with Casar, and the part they since took, had by reviving the memory of his famous adventure created suspicion of their views. Marcellinus in Caesar’s house. “If I quote any more recent put the question to Pompey in the senate, wheact of impiety,” says he, “this citizen will recall ther he desired the consulate for himself? And me to the former instance, in which he intended this piolitician, long unaccustomed to make plain no more than adultery.” He proceeded, how-declarations, answered indirectly, That if’ there ever. to apply the response of the Augurs to a were no ill-disposed citizens ill the comnionlate intrusion of Clodius in rushing into the the-wealth, he should have no such desire. Crassus, atre with an armed rabble, while the games were to the same question, illade a like evasive reply, celebrating(
in honour of the gtreat goddess. That he should be governed by what hlie judged The senate for two days together listened to 2 Cicero ad Att. lii.

iv. ep. 5. 1 Cicero ad Qain. Frat. lib. ii. epist. 4. Orat. pro Sext. 1 3

Cic. ad Quliiit. Frat. liti. ii. ep. 6. 4 Ibid. ep. 7

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214 IHE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK II1. best for the statt. Both appeiar to ha-e preiedI begun lot this pimpose some time before; but thit they were to, rely t;br success chitfly,on popu-it being observed that Marcus Cato had the lar tumults; and as these would coiie to be eti-first centuries, Pompey, under a pretence, alployc iv with great dlisidvaintage aeainst such an lowed by the Roman superstition, that hlie was to able and resolute niagistrate as Nlarcellirius, they observe the heavens, interposed to suspend the took necasnures to defi’r the elections until the term b allot. The faction employed the time which of the present consuls in office should expire.I they obtained by this delay in procuring votes, They fiondn the tribunet Caiius C’ato, a proper and were so unguarded in giving money, that instrument tbr their jriorose, secured thi ncga-they laid tthemnselves open to a criminal prosecut ve, and emnlloyedl it rctcaitcdllv it susetndl the tion, mnl had reason to apprehend that whatever electmins. The republic, upioti the ailtrach of election thcyv ntmade would be disputed at law. To the new year, benilg to lisw, its tborlmer mami s-preveiit this const(lut’ence, Afranius, a person entrates, withrout noy succetssion of new cv ies, wasi tirely under the direction of Pomipey, moved il likely v t fill into a state of react confusion. Tihe thIe assmclblv of the people fior a dispiensation senate went into unfiurninrm, and dischlarsyeil every froit the statute of bribery in the case of elections member frioni assist. lmr at any of the,uhlic’ (liver-thieii tilelcntintg for the office ofprator; and having sions. In this state if.uspense and ipublic alarm,, obtaiend this xtraordinary intlulgence, secured Publius Clodius, who hala for sonti tirte been at to the party the fruits o’ their influence and of variance with Ponmipev, ai if graintel biv the sym-their money.4 pathy of nmeasures on this occ:asion, was recon-Among the acts of Pompey and Crassus, in ciht! to him, antl attacked Miarcellinus with con-their second consulate, are mentioned some regutinual invectives. lations respecting the courts of justice by which In this manner the year was suffered to elapse the juries, though taken in equal nuitbers from wvithont any election of consuls. Th1e tisci.- the senate, the equestrian order, and the nlass of dropecd froin thIe haiils of Marcellinlus -in [Pii-the pteople, were nevertheless limited to persons lippus, and. an intt-rrcguini ensucet. PotIIiCy of considerable property. There are likeswise and Crassus then openily aupearci as canditidies mentioned sonime resolutions then Fasscd to eiitorce for the vacant olfices of state. Ytoulneg Crass(usu the laws against murlder, and to amnnd those caine from the armny in Gaul, attenditlc by a against bribery by aldditional penalties, together numierous body ofi citizens thtu serving utider with a sumptuary law to check tl:e extravagance GTesar: they hroiU.rht a considteralbl acce ssion of and prodigality of the age. “So willini wveret votes to the partv of their gtri-itr andtl were these nacgistrates,” said Tiortcnsius, “tocionecntheiiselves not liketlv to be outstripied lbyv their sate by their acts for the defects of their iractice, opponents in acts of stedition iand tlhe use iof’ ftirce. that they made laws even to limit the expilnse of Do:nitius Alienobarlus alone, suppoiorttl Iby the the table.” Such professions to reftrm the age councils of his kin-sm’in liarcus u(Cato, Ihad the were prolbably intended to retrieve the character courirae to persist in a contest with tme-ste power-which the popular leaders had lost by the violence ful and dantarerous antairontist-. Thei tine of elec-and barefaced corruption of their recent canvass, tion being fixed, hlie went bcfurl break of day to aitl to mark their administration with sonie mcaoccu’ y h!is place in the fiell of’ Mlars, but Itund sures tlat njight seemn to disprove the imputations his way alretidy obistructcel by a disordelrly popiu-connommony laid to their charge. lace, anl even ly mien in arms.‘iThe slave twho Pompicy, at the same tinme, had an opportunity carried a light betifre hiam swas killedl. Sonme of to signalize his consulate, by opening, during the his friends, particularly Marcu; - Cato, was wound-i present year, the mnagnificent theatre wliclh he ed;2 and his adherents not being-in commlmtioin to himselfl or his freedoman Demnetrius, had erected dispute the groundl with the. orce tlt was as-for the accommocdation of the people at their pubsemrbled against them, retired to tlheir own hotuses, lie shows. At this solennity’ were exhibited leaving Pormpey and Crassus to be named iwith-niany dtramatic perfornimances anti entertaiminments out opposition. of’every sort. Among these, in the course of In the same manner the faction of thIe trium-five dla’s, ino less than five hundred lions were let virate overruled every other electicon, plrocuredl loose and killed by African huntsmeni; anit tihe the preference, which hais alretldy bieen menctio n-wholoe concluded wvith the baiting of eighteen eceed, of Vatinius to Cato, andt filled every office phantis, animals that seemed to have sagacity with their own creatures. They carried tIhe ap-etiough to be conscious of the indignity and the pointment of ediles bh acttual trce, andt at the wvronict which they suffered. By their piteous expense of the lives of’ sonie of those who op-cries they moved conmpassion in the breasts even posed them.

Pompey himuself hauvinig been en-of that barbarous rabble, for whose entertainment taingled in one of these tumu!ts, retireil to clhange they were slain.5 his clothes, which were stained with blood. Thev The allotnment of provinces, which was the were disappointedl in the niomiination only of two pirincipal object of this consulate, was for some of the tribunes, Pubius Acquilius Gallus and time kept froun thIe view of the people. Ponimpey Ateius Capito, who were of the otpposite party.

continued to iproiess that he did not intend to These events, however, were, by accept of any Iprovince whatever. But the pub U. C. 698. the contest which arose on every lie gave no credit to such declarations on his part question, deferred fur all the imoinths and his own partizanis were accustomedt to press Ci. Pompeius of winter and springr. The offices upon him what he athcted to decline.6 Every dlla~pnus, Odlo;’~
f.4haSicinus.2o of praetor were norileupbth A: icais - tor were not filled uh by tie omone, therefort-, in all ctonversations, endeavoured Crassus.

middle of May.a The elections hadl to accomimniodate him in a province, some with 4 Cicer. ad Quint. Frat. lib. ii. ep. 9. 1 Dio lib. xxxix. c.

37. 5 1)io. lib. xxxix. Cicero ad Familiar. lib. vii. Plin. 2 Plutarch in Crass. Pompeio, &c. lib. viii. c. 7. 3 Cicer. ad Quint. Frat. lib. ii. ep.

9. 6 Cicero ad Att. lib. iv. ep. 9.

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CHAP. VII.] OF rHE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 2I Syria, others with Spain and Africa; to all Pompey, “the burden is prepanng tar your own which su.g,_estions, or officious projects, he af-shoulders. It will one day fall on the republic, fected indifference, or even aversion. Trebonius, but not till after it has crushed you to the rroulnd..” however, at this time tribune of the people, made These arrangements being nade, the officers a motion, which was soon understood to be the thus appointed proceeded to take charge of their real mind of Pompey, and the actual result of his trust.

Pompey, the newly named proconsul of zounsels: that the province of Syria should be Spain, under pretence of a war subsistiln,r with assigned to Crassus; that of Spain, together with tile Vaccei, raised the establishment of his proAfrica, to himself; each in imitation of Cmsar’s vince to four legions, two of which CTsari soon ap,,oinltrment in Gaul, to continue for five years, after, under pretence of more urgenrt service ill with such establishnients of men and of money Gaul, had the address to borrow trom him. as the necessity of the service during that period Pompey either had not yet begun to pfrceive might require. This motion was made in exe-what Cato suggested to him, that the greatest cution of the original plan concerted with Cwsar, difficultv he had to fear, in preserving the einiand( it served to bring to light the object of their nence to which he aspired, was the emnulation of late conference at Lucca, which had so much Caesar; and that the sword must determine the alarmed the friends of the republic. contest Lbetween them; or lie flattered hinlself On the yday that this motion was made in the that, like the person who stays’ at the helm, he assembly, Marcus Cato, by nmeans of the tribunes was to command the vessel; and by remaining Atteius Capito and Acquilius Gallus, obtained at the seat of government, while his associates leave to address the people. He endeavoured to and rivals accepted of appointments at a distance, disappoint the purpose of the meeting, by occu-that he continued to preside as sovereign, and pying so much of their time as to prevent fheir supreme dictator of the whole. Under the ilnifucoming to any decision. Being commanded si-ence of these conceptions, although his propel lence, and persisting to speak, he was ordered by station was Spain, he either procured, or at least Trebonius into custody. In this nianner, how-availed himself of, a motion that was made Lby ever, the first day was spent, and the assembly some of the tribunes to detain. him in Itly; and adjourned to the next morning.

fancied, while he sent his own lieutenants, AfraThe tribunes Atteius and Gallus, suspecting nius and Petreius, as private agents for himself that means might be used to exclude them from into that province, that even Ca-sar and Cra ssus, the assembly which was then to be held, took though in a nmore public chlracter, were however measures to secure their admission. For this to act in a subordinarte station t.o hiixlslf p)urpose Gallus remained all night in the senate-tCrassus ever considieredi riches as the chief house, which fronted the Comnitia or place o as-constituents of power, andl he expected, with the semtbly. But this device was turned against spils oft’ Asia, to equal the military or apolitical himlself; the opposite party having placed a (guarird advantaes that were lielv to be acquiredl by his to confine himn in that place during the greater rivals in Europe. Froin the levies and other Lrepart of the following day. His colleague Atteius, parations which he made for his province, it soon with Cato, Favonius, and some others, eluded the app)aremd that he intti(le(ld a war with the Parparties that were placed to intercept them, and thians, the only antagonists which the Romans fbund their way to the place of assembly. When had left on the frontier of Syria. C)bserving that the question was put, Cato, being lifted up into he was likely to meet with an opposition to this view by those of his friends, who were about him, design firno the senate and fronl the tribunes, gave an alarm that it thundered; an intimation who exerted their epowers to interrupt his plrepaever held by the religious customs of the Romans rations, and took measure s to detain him at home, to be ominous, and sufficient to suspend their lhe becamne the more impatienl t to set out for his procedure in any business of state. He was, provinces and left Ro)me before t.e expiration of however, on this occasioln forced from the conli-the ye ar for which he wais etlected into the office tium with the slaughter of some of his friends, of consul. The tribune Atteius endeavoured to who resisted the force that was employed against stop him, first by his trilbunit.ian negative, next theim. About the same time the tribune Acqui-by actual force anti last of all by solemn imprelius was wounded in forcing his way from the cations, devotirn the consul himllself, and all who senate-house, and a great concourse of people should follow him on that service, to destruction. was forming round hini as he stood bleeding in While Crassus passedl through the gates of the streets. Violence to the person of a tribune Rolme, on his intended deiparture fIr Asia, this was still considered with religious horror, and tributie, with a ligrhted fire, the usual foirm of the consuls, in whose behalf this tumult had been devoting a vic tim to the infernal gods, lenounced raised, fearing the consequence of suffering such a curse, which greatly alarmed nmany of the fola spectacle to remain in the view of the people, lowers of Crassus. This piece of superstition he ordered the multitude to withdraw, and removedl Iiilit, in his own mind, have justly contenied the tribune, still bleeding of his wounds, from the but it was imprudent to slight the effects of it on public view. the minds of the peoplt, and on the minds of his In the sequel of these operations, Pompey and own army. 111 tile aIpprehension of both he was Crassus obtained the provinces in question: and by this form doomed to destruction, and proceeded in the terms proposed; they proceeded to fulfil iin the war at the head of troops ill prepared to their part of the late engagement to Caesar, by ward offl’ calanities, which they were thus made mnoving that his command should be continued to believe hung over them, in consequence of imduriig an additional term of five years more. precations of which they did not question tlle “Now, indeel,” said Cato, addressing himself to efficacy.

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THE HlI STO R Y OF THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION OF’I’HE ROMAN REPUBLIC.

BOOK IV. CHAPTER I. State qf the Commonwcalth-Administration qf the Provinces-Operations of Ccesar in Gaul Germany, and Britain-Slate of Pompey at Rome-Progress of Crassus into Syria-King. dom of Parthia-Invasion of Crassus beyond the Euphrates-Second Invasion of Csesar in Britain. THE provincial appointments of Pompey and In the first periods of its history, citizens were Crassus, with that which was at the same time divided on the supposed distinctions of birth; and, prolonged to Caesar, seemed to dismember the in the capacities of patrician or plebeian, strove empire, if not to expose the republic itself to great for prerogative or privilege with much emulation, danger. as separate orders of men in the commonwealth, Of these three adventurers, Pompey and Caesar, but with little jealousy of personal interests. apart from. the evil particularly apprehended in In a subsequent period, when the invidious any of their measures, were in themselves subpart of the former distinction was removed, citijects of a very dangerous character: neither zens having no longer the same subject of alipossessed that diginity of mind which fits the citi-miosity, as being born to different pretensions, zen for the equality of persons in a republican they entered more fully on the competition of instate; neither could acquiesce in the same inea-dividuals, and the formation of separate factions. sures of consideration or power which other sena-They strove for the ascendant of aristocratical or tors had enjoyed before him; neither could be at democratical government, according to the inteease where he did not comrmand as master, or ap-rest they had formed to themselves in the prevapear at least as the principal object in every scene lence of either. They were ready to sacrifice the in which he was employe(l. peace and honour of the public to their own pasThis paltry ambition, sonle ages before, might sions, and entered into disputes accordingly, have been held in contempt by the nmeanest of which were in the highest degree dangerous to the peop)le, or must have shrunk before that noble the commonwealth. They thought lp-rsonal proelevationl of mind by which the statesman con-vocations were suflicient to justify public disceived no eminence besidles that of high personal orders; or, actuated by vehement animosities, qualities employed in pub!lic services, or before the they signalized their victories with the blood of austere virtue which confined the public esteem their antagonists. But, though sanguinary and to acts of pIlublic utility, supported by unblemished cruel in their immediate executions, they formed reputation in private life. But in the present no deliberate plans of usurpation to enslave their age, there was a fitslhion which set such antiquated country, nor formed a system of evils to continue notions at defiance, controlled the authority of beyond the outrage into which they themselves the state itself, and bestowed on private adven-were led by their supposed personal wrongs or turers the attachnlent which belonged to the factious resentments. commonwealth, a.nd the deference which was due We are now again once more to change the to its legal heal. scene, and to have under our consideration the In the progress of this republic the character conduct of men who were in reality as indifferent of parties has already repeatedly changed, and to any interest of party as they were to that of the danger to be apprehended from them accordthe republic, or to any object of state; who hadl ingly varied. no resentments to gratify, or who easily sacrificed 216

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CHAP. I.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC.‘217 those which they felt to the purposes of a cool friends at Rome in procuring his pardon from the and deliberate design on the sovereignty of their senate, and even their napprobatlon of what he country. Though rivals, they could occasionally should have done.

enter into combinations for mutual support, fre-Upon this question, Cicero advise(d Lentutlus, quently changed their partizans, and had no per-if he had a force sufficient to undertake the entermanent quarrel but with those who uniformly prise, not to lose, an ol.portanity of performing a wished to preserve the republic. They were sur-service which, though not authorised, could be rounded by persons who admired the advantages afterwards vindicated. But the business still reof wealth or of power which were gained at the mained in suspense, when Gabinius arrived in expense of their country, and who indeed were Syria, and probably, by an advice fi’om Pompey ready to extol the virtues of any adventurer who to the same purpose with that of Cicero to Lenled a numerous list of retainers to share in the tulus, undertook, in opposition to a decree of the spoils of the commonwealth. senate and of the augurs, the restoration of this Peace had now, fobr some years, except in that exile to his throne. Having received or barpart where Caesar commanded, been established gained for a great sum of money in return for throughout the empire. Instead of military ope-this service, he advanced with a fleet and an army rations, the state was occupiedl in directing the towards Egypt, passed through Palestine, and on farms of the revenue, in hearing complaints of his way raised a contribution in that country. oppression from the provinces, and in appointin_ Berenic, the daughter of Ptolemly, now in the succession of military governors. Besides possession of the crown, had married Archelaus; the disputes which have been mentioned relating and, in order to strengthen her hands against her to the provincial appointments of Crassus and father, had assumed her husband as a partner in Caesar, there arose a question on the subject of the throne.

But the forces of these associated provinces to be assigned to their immediate pre-sovereigns were defeated by Gabinius, and Ptoledecessors in the consulate, Marcellinus and Phi-my was restored to his kingdom.

Gabinius, with lippus. It was strongly urged that Piso, Gabinius, the treasure amassed on this occasion, hoped to and even Casar should be recalled to make way be secure against the attacks which, at his re for officers who were entitled to similar command turn to Ronme, were likely to be made upon him, in their turns. This measure was supported in for his contempt of the senate, and of the oracle, part by Cicero, who vehemently contended(, that and for the extortion of which lie was accused at Piso and Gabinius should be superceded; but the same time in Palestine, a part of his own urged the continuance of Caesar in his station, a province circumstance for which this able adventurer had In this busy time of Casar’s faction at Rome, taken sufficient precaution not to leave it in he himself upon an alarm of an invasion from hazard from the issue of this debate. Germany, had been called to defelnd the northern Piso, the nearer relation of Caesar, in the event extremity of Gaul. Two sel.arate hordes, the of these deliberations, was actually recalled, and, 7’enchteri and Uaupetes, pretending to be driven upon his return to the city, complained to the by superior force trom the usual tract of their senate, in terms of great asperity, of the injury migrations, hayd uilited together, and presented done to his character. Cicero had ever treated tlhemselves:m)i t t boanks of the Rhine. The Piso and Gabinius, though in reality but the in-native inhalitants of the right of that river instruments of Pompey and Cwesar, as the princi-stantly aband oned their habitations, and collectpal authors of his late calamities; and, upon the ing all th,!,adts that could be found on it to the present occasion, had pronounced against Piso opposite side, made a disposition to stop the pasthat violent invective which still remains among sage of these invaders. his works, and which the subsequent conduct of 1The Germans, obseraing the precautions which the person against whom it was directed in a great were taking agraist theni, aldkcted to lay aside measure disproved. the desigrn of p)assing the Rhine; and, by changGabinius had for some years enjoyed the go-ing their course, iade a fteilt to divert the attention vernment of Syria, and during this time had of their antagonists. In execution of this purventured to employ the force of his province in pose, they continued for three days to retire firom a manner, which, together with some other the river. At the end of this ti.ll, supposing offences, drew upon him, at his return to Rome, that their opponents would tbe off their guard, the animadversion of the senate. and returned to their ordinarv way of lift, they It has been mentioned that Ptolemy Auletes, suddenly turned their whole cavalry, and n one king of Egypt, in exile from his kingdom, had night repassed the ground over which they had applied to the Romans for aid in recovering his marched oil the three preceding days, surprised a crown; that his suit had been granted, but ren-sufficient number of boats with which to accomdered ineffectual by the regard which was paid to plish their passage, dislodged the natives of the a supposed oracle, which forbade his being rein-country on the left of the river beetore thenm, and stated with a military force; that he had with-from thence continued their migrations betwixt drawn to Ephesus, and taken sanctuary in the the Rhine and the Meuse, over what is now temple, where he waited for some change of for-called the dutchies of Juliers, of Limlburg and tune in his favour. Lentulus, the governor of Luxemburgh. Cilicia, to whom the business of restoring himn, These invaders amounted, by Cesar’s account, though without military force, had been corn-to upwards of’ four hundred thousallld souls;l a mitted by the senate, deliberated whether he numbluer which exceeds that of the inhabitants of should not venture to disregard the restriction any city in Europe, besides London and Paris, imposed upon him; march with an army to re-and which may p:erhaps raise sones suspicion of store the king of’ Egypt; possess himself’ of the wealth which was to be found in effiecting such a revolution, and trust to the influence ot’ his 1 Casar de eflI. Gall. lib. iv. c. 15. 2 E

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‘218 THE ROGRESS AND I’ERMINATION [BOOK IV. error irt.,i4)yinr the text, or of exaggeration in i Rhine; they had ventured to divide their forces, the commlentary, which was itself intended to and had sent the great hbody of their horse uporn raise the character of Caisar at Rome. On the an excursion beyond the:1Meuse to scour the lower question relating to the protbability of so great a parts of the country, and upon Caesar’s approach, number, it may be observed, that those migrating they offered to treat with him. ” They neither nations, certainly unacquainted with many of the sou’ht (they said) nor would they decline a war arts which are practised to supp)lly and accom-with the Romans. It was their wav to repel inmoodate populous cities, were likewise exempt juries with the sword, not to elude thfm li by nefrom the want of such supplies, and acquiescel gotiation. But in the present case, they sfhould in what was necessary to mere subsistence. S-uch nevertheless condescend so far as to assure the nations have less skill and industry than the Roman (renera!, that they had passed the Rhine manufacturer and the trader in a settled anld well fiom necessity, and not with any intention to inregulated city; but they have less waste aIld less vadle his province. That if he were pleased to misapplication of labour to superfluous and un-receive them as fiiends, they were in condition profitablle piuriposes than take pilace in great, cities. to merit tis title, should be content with the The German nations of this age, although tlev ground thev had gained, or accept of any other had opportunities to observe among their neigh-which he mighllt choose to assign them.” Caiesar bours the advantages of land property, and of replied, ” TlTht while they remained in Gaul, he agriculture supplorted by skill and industry, yet could not consider them as friends. That if they frequently preferred the state of migration, and repassed the Rhine, he had allies in G(ernany, from policy declined making any pcrrlanent set-with whom he should endeavour to join them in tlement, lest the care of tp)iperty, and the study a l(aclie of defence against the comrlmon enemy, of unnecessary accomlmodation, should corruplt or iv whlom they had been thus forced to relinquish enervate their p eople. Their faivourite occup)ationi their usual bounds.” was huntillg, whic h the v contsidered as a prepa-I aving received this answer, the Germlan deration tfir war.‘They traversed the woods anld Illtics, to make their report, and to receive the pasture lalnds, with numerous herds, and subsist-colmmatnd of their nations, desired a cessation of ed chiefly by milk, flesh, and gailme. They like-arms for three days. But Cacsar suslectinet that wise knew the use of corn, of which they sole-thlle only meant to amuse lhim, and to ogaini time times took a cro)p from filv:umrable lands; hbut for the junction of all their forces, refused to comwithout remaining any loneer than omne season,lvy withl this request, and continued his marcn.

to cultivate any Ilarticular livrtion of ground. l eing arrived within twelve miles of their c’amp, They movedi in greatt 11land numnerous bodies, he was aain nmet byv their deputies, with fresh that must to a gireat extentt have covered the flce intreaties that he would advance rno farither, at of the country over whi( h they passed; ibut the least, that he would give to the cavalry, who made boldy thus moving togetlher were dlistinllished the van(nuard( of his army, orders to abstain from intro separate clains anril frterniities, led )by tlhir hostilities for three days: that in this time, they headmten or chiefs, whlo k(elt orde r in their se e-might have an answer from the Germaan ilations r,‘l dtivisionls. The y allowed i rivate. parties to meintioned in their last conference, alnd know natke war bleyondl tle lillits of their own coun-whether such a league could be fornetl, as was try, ll(l to choose their leaders tbor this plrplosei. then proposed, to give them sonle prospect of In Peace, the separate clans had no ihanld of con-safety in returning to their usual haunts. nexinrl. If they hadl at any -time a gener al C sar, upoon this occasion, scents to have governmesnt which comprehended the whole of irrainted a cessation of arms; thou(gh on account their tribes, it was tbut a temporary expedlient, to of wvihat afterwards happened, he is willing to which thev hadl recourse in war, alndl on otlher liminish the extent of his own engagel lent, and pressin olrcasionis. to ilmpute the blreach of faitll which ftllowed to Unler such eqluality of condition, every indi-his eneries. He atrreed to advance no farther viidual, wxho was of a proper age, was obliged to thanl four miles for the convenience of water, and labour for himself, antl to subsist by what he11 sent an order to llis vanguard to abstain from procured’; and lie emlloyedl his labour only in hostilities. This order, however, had no eflect.

rirocurinir what was necessary. In these circuim-His advanced guard, consisting of five thousand stances, it was not likely that commodtities should horse, had an encounter with eight hundred of accumulate; hut the nunmbers of the people, ift’ the enemy. we may rely on the testimony of C(rsar in this When this encounter happened, the Germans place, or on the evidlence of ancienlt history in were not vet joined by the great body of their general, was certainly sireat.l horse. They hadl earnestly sued fbr a cessation The Suevi, tbefbre whon the present invaders ol hostilities; it was not likely that they would of Gaul had retired, were sa d to consist of a have begun the attack. Yet Casar accused them hundred cantons, each fiurnishing annually a of a slesign, with this small party, to surprise the thousand nien for war, and a like niumber f;or whole of his cavalry. the care of their hersds anld domestic concerns. On the day wlaich fblioowed this skirmish of Such clouds gatheringr on the frontiers of Caesar’s the cavalry, the leaders and lprincipal men of the province, ~tequired his presence. He accordingly Gernlans leaving their own camp unfuruished assembled his army, and adlvanced betweenl tl}e with officers, in perfect security, came in great Rhine ansd the lMeuse. nunmbers to that of C msar to exculpate themT’he Germans, in gelenral, were accustomned to selves, to convince him of’ their pacific disposiJespise the (Gauls, and thet prestent invatders ex-tions, and to prevent the farther progress of his pected no formidable opposition on this side ofl the army. This he thought a favourable opportunity to cut off; by a complete surprise, this enemy entirely, and to finish the war. Having accordingly 1 Ce sar de Bell. Gall. lib. iv. vi. secured the persons of their leaders, who had thus

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CHAP. I.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBL. C. 219 put themselves in his hands, he advanced with CTesar, not being prepared to enter on a war his whole army directly to their camp, easily over-with such an enemy, and being sensible that a name the fiew that took arms to oppose him, and defeat might expose his army to ruin, while even without distinction of sex or age, put the whole a victory could procure him no adequate advanto the sword. The country, over all the ways tage, having remained eighteen (lays on that side by which thev endeavoured to escape from the of the Rhine, and employed no more.than twentycamp, at which the slaughter began, to the con-eight days in the whole service, chose, while he fluence of the Rhine and the Meuse, was strewed still had the reputation of victory unimlpaired, to with the slain.2 repass that river, and to break down his bridge. The Roman people, though seldom sparing of This singular man, whose abilities were equal the blood of their enemies, were shocked at the to any task, and who had no occasion to court recital of this extraordinary massacre; and when the publlic aidmiration by measures concerted on Caesar, on account of this victory, applied for a purpose to obtain it, was, nevertheless, not abolve thanksgiving, and for the usual honorary decrees ostentation, antd gave way to it not only where of the senate, he was charged with having wan-it might contribute to impose on an enemy, but tonly invaded the nations of Gaul, and of having even where it v ould do no more than gratify his dishonoured, by an act of treachery, the arms of own vanity, or increase the f:ame of his actions the Republic.

It was proposed to deliver up his at Rome. To this motive we may venture to person to those injured nations, that he might impute the design, which, at an advanced season expiate, by his own sufferings, so many acts of of the year, and at the end of the same summer injustice and impiety, which the gods might in which he had, between the Meuse and the otherwise avenge on his country. Rhine, vanquished the numerous army of the The German horse, that by their absence had Tenchteri and Usepetes, in which he hadl passed escaped this calamity which befel their country-the Rhine, and( insulted the warlike nations of men, appear soon after to have repassed the Germany, even on their own ground, he now Rhine, and to have taken refuge with some of projected the invasion of Britain, though surthe hordes who lived near the sources of the rounded by the ocean, and untouched by the Roer and the Lippe. Thither C:esar, to spread arms of any foreign invader. To carry this dethe terror of his arms, soon afterwards pursued sign into immediate execution, as sooni as he had them; and passed the river, not in boats and by repassed the Rhine, he continued his march surprise, as the Germans were accustomed to do, through the low countries, and collected his but in a manner which he seems to have chosen, forces in the neighbourhood of the Portus Itius as better suited to the dignity of the Roman state; and Gesoriacumn.3 While we perceive the feahe prolected a bridare, which was executed in ten tures of vanity in the leader, we must admire days, with much ingenuity, and some ostentation the hardiness and vigour of the troops who could of his power and skill. This work being finished, accomplish these services. he placed proper guards at both its extremities, The extent of this island, the numbers anti and advanced with the main body of his army character of its people, were then unknown oi into the contiguous parts of’ Germany, where, on the continent. Caesar having in vain enrleavoured account of the reception given in that quarter to to procure }nformation in these particulars, sent the cavalry who had escaped the late massacre on a galley wih orders to explore the coast, and to the Mleuse, lie laid the country under military observe the countenance of the natives. IHe orexecution. dered all his shipping, and even those vessels Cassar, from the place at which he had passed which he had employed the preceding year the Rhine, appears to have gone up the eastern against the Veneti,4 to sail round the Cape of side of the river, where he vizited the Ubii, a 1ca-Britannv into the British channel, and rel)air to tion inhabiting over against what are now the the straits which separate this island fromt the cities of Bonne and Cologn. Here he had in-continent. telligence, that the Suevi, a nation consisting, On the report of these preparations, which as has been observed, of a hundred cantons, and evidently pointed at Britain, some of the natives, mustering two hundred thousand warriors, who willingu to avert by negotiation the storm which were divided into two squadrons that took the threatened them, sent to the Roman proconsul a iield, and conducted the domestic affairs of the submissive message, and offered to come under nation by turns, were preparing to oppose him; his protectior. that they had actually sent their wives, children, Ctesar, foutning a claim to the possession of and superannuated men into places of safety, the island on these advances which were made to and had assembled their warriors to meet him. him, proceedlld with more boldness to the execuThis nation, having an ascendant over all the tion of his enterprise. That the natives of the cantons of Germany, considered it as a proof of country he was leaving might not create any their valour, that no nation could pretend to settle trouble in his absence, he obliged them to give on the tract of their migrations, or within reach hostages, and made a proper disposition of his of their excursions; and that the country, to a army to keep them in awe. He had assembledl great distance around them, was accordingly at the most convenient haven on the CGau!ish waste. In their own movements, they never side, now supposedl to be the Wissan, betw;etih halted above a year to raise a single crop from Calais and Bouligrne,5 eighty transports or ships fields, which, to *keep up the martial spirit of’ of burden, with a numlber of galleys to accomnilotheir ration, and to preclude th’ desire of pro-date the officers of rank, and their equipage. perty, with the other passions that accompany The remlainder of his shipping was yet detained, settlement, they successively abandoned. 3 Calais anmd Boulogne. 2 That branch of the Rhine which falls into the 4 r thie Blay of Biscay, -about Vanrnes. Meuse, changes its name for that of Wall. 5 See Dalville’s Geography of aiicient Gaul.

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220 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BooK IV. by contrary winds, in a creek at some miles dis-I must perish for want of provisions; and tha tance, supposed to he Boulogne; thither he sent they would, by the example of so vain and cahis cavalry, with orders to enlbark on board the lamitous an attempt, deter every stranger for the ships where they lay. He himself went on board, future from invading their island. with the infantry of two legions, at the former Caesar, in the mean time, while he employed haven, and having found a favourable wind and all his workmen with the greatest diligence in moderate weather, weighed about ten at night, repairing his ships, endeavoured to collect some and reached the coast of Britain, on the following provisions, and to form a magazine. The naday, at ten in the morning. The cliffs, where tives assembled in great bodies to intercept his he first came near to the shore, were high and foragers, and obli(ged him to cover them with the steep, and the hills were covered with numerous whole force of his army. The legions were at bodies of foot, of men on horseback, and even in first greatly disconcerted by the unusual effect of wheel carriages, from which the natives of this the British chariots, and by the want of their country were accustomed to make war. It being own cavalry; but as they prevailed in every impossible to land under such difficulties, and in close fight, the Britons were soon obliged to rethe face of this opposition, he bore away, as it is new their former submission, and became bound probable, to the northward about eight miles, with to deliver double the number of hostages they a favourable wind, to some part of the flat shore’ had formerly stipulated. But Cwsar not thinkwhich surrounds the Downs; and here, in the ing it proper, with shattered vessels, at the mercy manner of ancient debarkations, for which the of autumnal winds and stormy seas, to await the shipping of those times was built, ran his trans-performance of this article, ordered the hostages to ports aground, and prepared to land. be sent after him into Gaul, re-embarkedl with his In the mean time the Britons, who in their army, and with the first favourable wind repassed march on the hills had kept pace with the Ro-to the continent. At his arrival, he found that man galleys, camle down to the strand, and ad-the Gauls, upon the report of his late misfortunes, vanced even some way into the water to oppose had revolted; that one of his transports, with the descent. As the surf on that shore usually three hundred men on board, having parted with runs high, and the Romals, from where their the fleet, and landing at a separate p)lace, were vessels struck, had some way to wade in water attacked; and that it was necessary to send the that was too deep to allow them the free use of remains of his cavalry to their relief. The Motheir weapons, they remained on board, an( durst rini, inhabiting what are now the districts of not meet the enemy under such disadvantages. Calais and Dunlkirk, with other nations of the Caesar seeing his men unusually backward, did low countries, had taken arms against the officers not think proper in these circumstances to urge he had stationed to keep them in awe.‘Th them farther; but ordered some of the lightest campaign therefore concluded with the operati.ns vessels, which were mounted with missile en-which were necessary to quell this revolt. Lagines, or mnanned with archers and slingers, bienus subdued the Miorini. Q(uintus, Titurius, to row as near to the shore as they could on the Sabinus, and Lucius Cotta havinr laid waste right and the left of the landing-place, and from great part of the low countries, fell back to the thenf’e to gall the enemy.

This disposition suc-coast. ceeded so well, that the beach close to the water The Roman army was soon after put into winwas presently cleared, and the Romans were left ter quarters: and Cwesar, as if sensible that he to descend from their ships, and to wade undishad made his attempt on Britain with too small turbed to the land. a force, and whatever representation he might The Britons, seeing their enemy in possession give of particulars, had incurred the implutation of the shore, offered to surrender, and were about of a niiscarriage, gave orders to refit his fleet, to deliver their hostages, when an accident hap-and to add, during the winter, as many more pened, which encouraged them again to take ships as possible, built upon a construction more armlls. On the fourth (lay after the Roman in-fit for that service, broader, and more capacious fantry had lande(, a second division of ships, in the hull, for the reception of men and horses, with the cavalry, appeared in sight; but before and lower in the gunwale, for the convenience of they could reach the land, were dispersed by a landing. The timber was probably taken from violent storm; part was driven back on the coast the neiahbouring forests; but the materials of of Gaul, part carried down the British channel, his rigging, it is said, were brought from Spain. anid cast in distress on the contiguous shores. Having taken these measures to enable him at a Even the shipping, from which the legions had more convenient season to renew his expedition disembarked, lying aground in the surf; or at an-into Britain, he set out as usual for italy, and for chor in a idgh sea and spring-tide, with which the the neighbourhood of Rome. Italians were unacquainted, were set adrift, or Here he found Pompey and Crassus employed, filled with water, many of them beat to pieces or as has been already related, in obtaining for themgreatly shattered, and rendered unserviceable. selves, and for him, the objects which they had By these misfortunes, Caesar, although the had severally in view. Crassus had fixed his thoughts made no provision to subsist for the winter in on the treasures of the emst, and projected the sale Britain, was in danger of being obliged to remain of kingdoms, of’ which he hoped to have the dispoin it for want of shipping.

The natives retracted sal in that part of the world. Pompey too was gratheir late submission, began to drive away the tified in his wishes, had got the command of an cattle, and to lay waste the country within reach army and thepatronlage of a great province, )f the Romanl camp. They flattered themselves while he continued at Rome to enjoy his conthat t me enemy would be oluligedl to depart, or sideration, and was vested with a species of _ nonarchy, in wielding the united powers of the 1 Plallunm et apertunm littus. See Cwsar’s Comlnnen-party. Cesar had provided, what hie knew in t, ies. tole end was to decide every controversy, a great

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CHAP. 1.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 221 army, inured to service, and in a station which or protect him, appeared on this question in his gave an easy access to Italy, and the command favour. and claimed a share in the merit of oh of Rome. As if secure of their interests, they taining the decision that was given to confirm permitted the election of consuls to his commissions U. C. 699. proceed without disturbance; and But without attending to the state of these desuffered Lucius Domitius Aheno-liberations at Rome, Crassus continued his march L.heno. barbus, a professed partizan of the by Macedonia and the Hellespont into Asia. Ir bus,.4pp. senate, together with Appius Clau-passing through Galatia, finding Dejotarus, soveClaud. Pul-dius, to be elected consuls; Marcus, reign of that principality, then of an advanced cher. Cato, and Milo, to be placed in the age, occupied in a work that is becoming at every list of pretors; and several citizens, age, building a new city, and making a settlewell affected to the senate, to be admitted into ment for more people; he is said to have obhthe college of tribunes. served to the prince, that it was somewhat too The winter and spring, however, were inac-late, at his age, to form projects of new settletive on the part of the aristocracy. Cato, proba-ments; “nor are you very early,” replied the bly, did not see any public object in which to en-other, ” in your undertaking the conquest ir gage with advantage beyond the duties of his Parthia.” office, in which he endeavoured to restrain by Crassus was turned of sixty, and havine evehis authority, and by his example, the extrava-considered riches as the surest means of arrivi: - gance and luxury of the age. The dangerous at eminence and power, now joined, to the.powers which had been recently granted to per-pacity of a youthful ambition, the avarice of age. sons, from whose ambition the republic had much Upon his arrival in Syria, he pillaged the temple to fear, no doubt greatly alarmed the senate; but of the Jews, and laid hold of treasure wherever this body, though led by Domitius, one of the else he could find it. He made a pretence of’ the consuls, by Cato and Milo, two of the prentors, military levies to be made in the provinces lbr exand supported by many of the tribunes, did not torting money; and afterwards, reserving the think themselves entitled to dispute the validity money he had raised for his own use, neglected of those grants, nor to attempt the revocation the levies. He required of the different districts of what had been so recently confirmed by the of his province, and of the neighbouring allies, people. large quotas of men, and military stores, merely Pompey, now master of Spain and part of that they might buy exemptions with proportiona, Africa, with an adequate army, still under the sums of money.3 In the same spirit of avarice pretence, as has been mentioned, of his com-and rapacity, he invaded the Parthians without mission to furnish the public granaries with corn, any authority from the state, and even without remained in Italy, and passed the greater part of the pretence of a quarrel. his time among his country villas, executing the The Parthians, like other dynasties which beduties of general purveyor with the assistance of fore or since have arisen in that part of the world, his lieutenants, and managing his intrigues in or in the neighbourhood of the Euphrates and the city by means of his agents and friends. He the Tigris, were of Scythian extraction. On the was attended by numbers of every rank and decline of the Macedonian power, about two condition, who resorted to him with the assiduity hundred years before the present date, a swarm of real courtiers, and with a servility, which, in from the north had migrated to the lower banks a republic, implied the utmost corruption of man-of the Tigris, overran the country round Ctesiners. He even maintained the appearances of phon, continued to harass the neighbourhood by royalty in the state which he assumed, as well their depredations; and, at last, being commanded as in the influence he acquired. While he by Arsaces, the founder of this new kingdom, himself affected reserve and moderation, in order took possession of an extensive country, and to appear worthy of his rank, his retainers ever though under a new name, in fact restored the treated him as a great prince, and with his con-monarchy of Persia.4 nivance fomented disorders tending to shake the The Parthian, or new Persian monarchy, government of the senate; to the end that the being yet in its vigour, was the most formidable republic might be forced to rely on him for power that now any where appeared within support, while he himself affected to decline the reach of the Roman arms.

Its forces consisted burden. almost entirely of horse. Part intended for reguIn the management of these intrigues, and in lar charges, cased in heavy armour, and using the full hopes of their success, Pompey was now the lance; part mounted in a lighter manner for left by Crassus, as well as by Caesar. The first, expedition and swiftness, and using the bow. in his impatience to take possession of his govern-While in the field they were attended by herds of ment, had broken through all the impediments spare horses, which they pastured, or drove in the that were placed to hinder his departure from rear of their armies. With this supply, upon any Rome, made haste to Brundusium with his army, occasional loss, they new-mounted their cavalry, embarked, notwithstanding the unfavourableness or, having reliefs of fresh horses, performed of the season, and with considerable loss, both of amazing marches, and frequently presented themmen and of shipping in a storm, made his pas-selves to their enemies, where it was not expected sage into Macedonia. The prohibition of the they could appear. They had different notions praetor still sounded in his ears. He dreaded a of victory and defeat from other nations; they vote of the senate or people to recall his com-always counted it a victory, when, by their flights, mission. It appears, that soon after his departure, they drew an enemy into straits by hasty and a motion had been actually made for this purpose; and that Cicero, though formerly on ill terms with Crassus, being taught by his late sufferings 3 Plut. in Cice rsso, ad. a i. Caiss lib. iv. c. 13. to court the favour of those who could either hurt 4 Justin. lib. lxi. Dio. Cass. lib. xl, xli.

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22!. THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BooK IV. ungurlarld (lur.tlits,1 and ofter. enjoyved the great-who, being jealous of each other, made their subest advalnta(re when they seen ed to be routed ant:mnission separately, and gave the necessary hosto tfl. tages as a pledge for their future behaviour. WVhen Crassus ad(vancedC to the Euphrates, WVith these securities, Caesar returned to the Oro.:les suincr of Partllia, then enffagred in a war coast, found all his armed galleys and five hullwith Artabazes, on the sidle of Arinenia, sent a dred and sixty of his transports actually assenldeputation to expostulate with the Romnan gene-bled; the other forty transports had;been ptut ral on the cause of his hostile approach; Crassus back by contrary winds, and were still retained m. tle answer, that he woull give the reasons of at the port at which they had ibeen built. Tl:e his comninLr when hle arrived at Seleucia, ” here,”

force intended for this expedition to Britain consaitl one of the Parthian nmessenTers (showing the sisted of five legions, amounting possibly, on the palm of -Is h hand,) “hair will grow before you probable supposition that they were not complete, shali arrive at Selou il.’” Crassus proceedevl in to about twenty thousand men,3 together with a his imarch, passed the Euphrates, and ravaged body of Gauls, including many of their chiefs, Mesopotamia without any resistance. Having whom Caesar chose to retain with his army, racontinued his olperations until the end of the ther as hostages fbr the fidelity of their countryseasoin, he returned tfor the winter into Syria.2 men, than as auxiliaries in the war. The fecet Upon his arrival in this province, he was joined consisted of five hundred and sixty transport yesby his son Publius, who hadl served some years in sels, twenty-eight armed galleys, with many tena considerable rank in the anrmy in Gaul, and was ders and small craft, provided by officers for their now detached by Caesar with a thousand horse, own conveniency, and for the reception of their and ilany marks of honour, to act under his equipages; in all eight hundred sail. father in Syria. The wind being northerly for five-and-twenty This invasion of Mesopotamia, after the season days4 after the fleet was assembled, the troops had become far spentt, servel only to alarm and still remained on shore. At the expiration of this provoke the enrlnv, withouit procuring any ad-time the wind changed, and the troops began to vantaTe to the arims of t.h RomLans; and hostili-embark, but were suddenly interrupted by the ties were likely to proceedt(l in the spring with desertion of a Gaulish chief, who, being averse to great animosity, when Cr assus was to prosecute the service, thought this a favourable olpportunity the war whic h he had thus commenced on such to disenrare himself with his fo)llowers. Cawsar dangerous groullnd. considered this desertion as a declaration of war, Ca’sar, in the mean time, fiound continua.l occu-and being sensible of the danger he might incur pation tor his tr(oolrs in Gaul, or in the neighbourin case of any disaster, by having such enemies in hood of that provirlle. He himnself, with his usual his rear, suspended the embarkation, and sent a actixvity, having been in Italy in the beginning of party of horse in pursuit of the fugitive, who, winter, and hvir(ifr conferred with the persons being overtaken, was killed in attempting to dewith whom he entrusted the management of his tend himself. His followers were brought back affairs at Rolme, irocedtleddl to Illyricum, upon a and obliged to embark for Britain. report, that this part of his province was infested On the return of the party employed in this by the incursions of the Pvrustm, a warlike tribe service the embarkation proceeded, and being on the front.ier. Upon his arrival, the invaders completed at sunset of the same day, the wind withdrew, andt were disownTId by their nation.

being still fair, the fleet weighed, and got into the The state denied, that they had ever given a channel; but the wind soon after having faiiled, commission to make war on the Roman province, or shifted more to the west, and the tide beino became bound for the future to restrain the dlepre-set. to the northward, they were carried a considerdations of private adventurers, landl gave hostages at le way in that direction past the port for which for the observance of this articl. the had steered. At day-break, they saw the Early in spring, Caesar returned from this ex-land of Britain on their left, and seemed to leave pedition to the quarters of his army in the low some conspicuous part of the island, probably the countries, and found, that in consequence of the south foreland, astern: but with the turn of the orders he had given at the end of the preceding tide, and the help of their oars, they arrived at campaign, no less than six hundred transport noon at a convenient part of the coast not far dis vessels, and twenty-eight galleys, were actually tant from the landing-place of the former year, built in ditilrent harlours from Ostend to Bou-but less exposed to the sea. This place we may lonre, and in a few days mlight be ready for sea. suppose to have been Pigwell Bay, beyond tne HIe accordingly ordered them to be launched, and mouth of the Stour, or the entry to Sandwich directed the whole to assemble at the same port Haven.5 from which he sailed on the preceding year, in order to receive the army on their intended invasion of Britain.

But, beffore his departure, being 3 The legionis, at the end of this campaign, were tC5 informed that certain nations on the Moselieducel to:i.

4 See Ca-sar’s Commentaries. were meditating a revolt, and were soliciting the 5 Mr. rAnville, on a supposition that CTasar must Germans to come over the Rhine to their assist-have passed into Britain by the shortest possible line, ance, to tohe endl that he nmigtht not leave any ene-fixes upon Hith, about eight miles west of Dover, as nmy on foot in his rear, and that he might. sc~ure ilithe place of his landing in hlis first invasion of Britain, anti. corsequertlty, on soene other coItigriols part as the peace of Gaul in his absence, he nlarchetl to the place of his lanlding in the second invasion; but the Moselle with four legirons and(l eight hundred this does not agree, either with the description of the’iorse. Uipon his arrival Ie hanl the lgood fortune coast, being plaouon et apertlure litters, or with the se. filn the people divided bettveer two lerad~ers, quel of the story, whlichr places solne such river as tithe Stour to be passed in his march, about twelve miles from the shore. The corast at Hith, though riot 1 Dio. Cass. lib. xl. c. 15.

altogether inaccessible, is steep and hilly, and would 2 Dio. lib. xl.

Plut. in Crasso. have eyuosed Cwesar to difficulties in his first opera.

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CI1AP. I.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 2923 The Britons had assembled as formerly to op-had agreed to suspend their own quarrels, and pose the descent of the Romans; but, on the were assembled in greater numbers than formerly, appearance of so great a fleet, were intimidated, under Cassivelaunus, a chieftain of Middlesex, and withdrew from the coast. or, as Caesar describes him, a prince residing on Caesar, flattering himself that he had found a the northern banks of the Thames, and at about safer road otr his ships than that at which he had seventy or eighty miles from the sea. stationedl them in the preceding year, left his fleet This chieftain brought into the field a numeat anchor, and guarded against any attempts of rous army of infantry, of horsemen, and armed the natives by a body of’ ten cohorts and three chariots. His knowledlge of the woods (enabled hundred horse, that were properly entrenched on hiln to harass the Romans on their march, and, the shore. Being informed that the Britons had following the tracts that were clear of underwood, their forces assembled on a small river (probably not only to gall themn with missiles from the the Stotr), at the distance of ten or twelve miles thickets, but to charge them likewise with his from his landing-place, he put his army in motion horsemen and chariots, even in places where} the in the ni(ht, and at break of day came up with ground seemled least fitted for the mlovemlent of them, dislodted them from their post, and oblirred such bomlies. Encouratced with his success in them to withdraw to a place of retreat in that this species of wartir(, he ventured to attack the neighbourhood, which, on occasion of their own whole cavalry of the RPonlan arrny, which, lering wars, had been fortified in their manner with a on a foraTing party, were sulpported by ain entire moat, and ramparts of wood. To reduce thenl in legion. But the Britons beig, in this attemnipt, thisstrongrhold, he erected some works, and made deftated with great slaulllllter, their chief lost regular approaches; but as he had not invested courage, or was deserted by his followers, and the place, the only effect of his attack was, to never more attempted to face the Roman s. force the enemy to abandon it, and to continue Ciesar, findling this enemy remit his iardour, their retreat. He had taken his resolution to advanced with aquicker pace. From his silence ursue them on the following day, and had begun on the subject of any difficulty in passinml the his march in three divisions, when it appeared, Medway, we must suppose him to have followed that the element which is the safeguard of Bri-the vale of the Stour to Ashford, and froml the lice tain, thoughll not always sufficient to keep its ene-to have kept on the plains to Maidstone, near to mies at a distance, yet is subject to accidents which place the river Medway is evxery here which render the attempt of invaders very diffi-naturally fordable; and frol the leneth of his cult, and their condition, even when on shore, mnarch, being about eighty nliles frotm the seaa sufficiently hazardous. To this purpose a mes-when he came upon the banks of the Thi;anless senger overtook Caesar on his march with tidings, we may suppose himl to have arrived on til t river that all his ships, in a storm which arose in the at the reach which runs fiom south to) Iiorth, preceding night, had been driven from their an-somewhere between Kingstone and Brent lford. chors, had run foul of each other, that many of There he observes, that the only ford in the river them were stranded and wrecked, and all of them was fenced and guarded; that a row of sharp greatly damnaged. stakes was driven under water; that the opposite CGesar, on this report, suspended his march, bank was lined with a palisade, and manned Iby and, havinc fixed the main body of his army in a numerous body of the natives. He neverthea well-fortified camp; he himself; with a proper less proceeded to force his way, and ),y the imescort, returned to the coast. At his arrival, he petuosity of his attack, drove the enemly from found that forty of his ships were irrecoverably their post, and, without any loss, eflected his lost; but that the remainder, though greatly da-passage, although his lmen were obliged to wade maged, mnight be refitted. For this purpose he up to the chin. gave orders in his army, that all who had been Caasivelaunus had, for some time, made no instructed in the trade of a carpenter should re-attempt to resist the Roman arllly; lie had conpair to tile seaport to be employed in refitting tented hinlself with observin( their motions, and the fleet; he called many workmen likewise from with enldeavouring to strip the counitry before Gaul, and gave directions for building a number them of every particular by which they could of new vessels on diflberent parts of that coast; profit on their march. Caesar, onl his part, adand to guard, for the future, against such acci-vanced with the precautions necessary against dents as had lately befallen his ships, he ordered such aii enemy, and, as they hadl destroyed what that they should be drawn on shore. In this could be of immediate use to his army, he dework the army was incessantly employed for ten stroyed what was left, in order to force the nadays, and without intermission even in the night. tives to submission. In this state of the war, The fleet, at length, being in this manner secured having leisure and opportunity to observe the from the dangers of the sea, and covered by an condition of the country andl the manners of the entrenchment on the side of the land, he returned pleoplle, lie gives the following account of both: to his camp, and resumed the operations of his ” That on the coast there were colonies from the army. neighbouring continenlt, still dlistinlguished by the It appears that the natives of Britain, being names of the countries firom whence they had divided into many small cantons, or separate come; that these colonies being possessed of agriprincipalities, and, as usual in such cases, fre-culture, and well stocked with cattle, were exquently at war among themselves, had been ac-tremely populous; that they had money made of tually at variance when Caesar arrived; but, iron or brass; the first of which metals, with great during the short respite which the disaster that quantities of tin, were found in their own island; had befallen his fleet had given them, that they the other metal was imported fromn abroad; that the winter was milder here than in Gaul; that tions on shore, which he could no-‘. ossibly have omit-the woods of Blitain fiurnished the same timber ted to mIlention.

with those of Gaul, except the fir and the beech;

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X224 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK IV. and that the houses were built in the same man-Cassivelaunus retired to his principal fortress, ner in both countries.” From this account of which, consisting of a palisade and a ditch situated the coast he proceeds to observe, ” That the in-in the least accessible part of the woods, was by land parts were occupied by the original natives, the natives, as Caesar is pleased to express himwho, with little corn, subsisted chiefly by milk self, called a town, and was in reality, in case of and the other produce of their herds; that, by a alarm, a place of retreat for themselves and their particular superstition, although possessed of cattle. On the approach and attack of Cesar on hares, of geese, and other fowls, they were forbid one side, Cassivelaunus retired by an outlet on to cat of these animals; that they were curious in the other, leaving some herds of cattle, and many the ornaments of the person; affected to have of his men, to fall into the enemy’s hand. bushy whiskers, and long hair; that they stained Afterthis defeat, the British prince endeavoured, or painted their bodies of a blue colour, and had as a last resource, to give Caesar some trouble in no clothes besides the skins of beasts; that they his rear; and for this purpose sent an order to associated in small clubs or fraternities of ten or the four princes of Kent, to assemble their people, a dozen in number.”

And adds a circumstance and endeavour to force the Roman station, and in which, if he were not deceived, as is common destroy the Roman shipping, where they lay on enough to foreigners, by some appearances which the coast. They accordingly attacked the inwere not sufficiently explained to him, he gives a trenchmecnt, but were repulsed; and Cassivelaunus striking example of the diversity which takes hinself, reduced to despair by the defection of so place among mankind in settling the canon of many of hits countrymen, and by his repeated deexternal actions. The brothers, the father, and feats, determined to make his submission. The the son, though separately married, and reputed season of the year being far advanced, and CWesar, the parents of children, brought forth by their desirous to retire with honour from a countrv in respective wives, yet, without jealousy or imwhich he was not prepared to make any settleputation of evil, lived with those wives in com-ments, accepted this on easy terms. mon.1 A certain tribute was imposed on the nations Caesar, being on the left of the Thames, made inhabiting the baniks of the Thames, hostages an alliance with the Trinobantes, supposed to taken for the payment of it, and the invaders, have been the inhabitants of Essex and Suffolk. with a numerous assemblage of prisoners, then The sovereign of this canton having, in some the only or principal spoils of this island, retired quarrel with his own people, been exypelled from to their ships, which, not being sufficient to rehis dominion, had taken refuge with Cresar ceive them at one embarkation, were obliged to in Gaul, and was now, by force of the Roman return for a second; and in this way succesarms, restored to his kingdom.

Five other prin-sively, without any material accident, transported cipalities made their submission at the same time. the whole of the Roman army into Gaul. CHAPTER II. Death of Julia the daughter qf Cesar and the wzfe of Pompey  Trial of Gabinius-Detection of an infamous Transaction of Ml/cmmius and Altenobarbus-Revolt of the Low CountriesI’/ilitary Execution against the Inlhabitants of the Country between the Rhine and the AleuseOperations of Crassuw in M.lesopotamia-lii s Death Competition for the Consulate-Death of Clodius-Riot in the City Pompey sole Consul-Trial of llilo. WHILE the Roman army was in Britain, years, probably proceeded from a desire to retain there happened, by the death of Julia, the daugh-his superiority over Caesar, and to have in his ter of Caesar and the wife of Pompey, a great power, in case of a breach between them, a prochange in the discontinuance of the relation vince, though less contiguous to Italy than that which subsisted between them, and in the sepa-which was held by Cresar, not less fitted to furration of their supposed political interests. The nish formidable armies and the resources of war. connection which then came to be dissolved, had Notwithstanding these efibcts ofjealousy, while been devised as a bond of confederacy between the familiar relation of father-in-law and son subparties whose interfering objects of ambition must sisted between C.esar and Pompey, and while have otherwise, on many occasions, excited their Crassus continued to hold a species of balance in mutual jealousy. Neither the father-in-law, nor their councils, they seemed to acquiesce in a parthe son, was likely to sacrifice his ambition to ticipation of consequence and power. But the mere aflfection, but each may have expected, that death’of Julia, and that likewise of the child of the other should be, in some degree, the dupe of which she had been delivered only a few days hlis relation, and should abate a little of the jea-before her death, put an end, not only to any lousy to which he was, by his situation and his real cordiality in this connection, but even to any objects, so naturally inclined. This passion, semblance of friendship, and rendered them, from however, we may believe was far from having this time forward, mutually jealous of the advanbeen extinguished in the mind of either. The tages they severally gained, whether in respect cho:ce which Pompey made of Spain for his pro-to force in the provinces, or to state and popuvince, with a military command for a term of five larity at Rome. It is observed, that, from this date, Caesar lyX1 See Camsar’s Commnentarit on his last exp-dition came more than formerly attentive to reports to Britain. from the city, and more careful of his intelligence

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CHAP. II.J OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. Y25 from thence;2 and that he endeavoured to gain An altercation ensued, in which Clcero, mind. every person who might be of consequence in de-ful of the injuries he had received from Gabinils. ciding the contest which he perceived must arise.

took a principal part against him, and pronounced Among these he paid his court in particular to an invective, which the other returned with the Cicero, who was likely, about this time, to devote abusive appellation of fugitive, in allusion to his himself to Pompey, and whom he wished, at late exile.6 Yet, soon after, when this criminal least, to keep in suspense between them: for this was brought to trial for extortion in his province, purpose, as appears from their correspondence, Cicero, as will afterwards be mentioned, underhe applied, as usual, to his vanity, and, while he took, at the solicitation of Pompey, to appear in was piercing the woods of Britain in pursuit of his d(efence. Cassivelalnus and his painted followers,3 affected Before this trial for extortion took place, C. to read and to admire verses which were sent to Memmius, one of the tribunes, on the ninth of him by a person much more esteemed for his October delivered to the people, with great force, prose than his poetry.

a charge of treason against Gabinius.7 The The Roman armyhad been tempted into Britain judgment of the tribes being called, and sentence by the hopes of finding mines of silver, but were of condemnation likely to pass, while the lictors disappointed; for, besides slaves, they found no were preparing to seize their prisoner, his son, a booty in that island. Such probably likewise young man, with much filial piety, a virtue highly were the principal spoils of Gaul; yet we find esteememd by the Romans, threw himself at the their general, in consequence of his conquests in feet of the tribune, and being rudely spurned on that country, enabledl to expend great sunis in the (ground, happened to drop his ring, the badge supporting his influence at Rome. While Poin-of Roman nobility; the spectators were moved; pey procured his own appointment to the com-Lelius Balbus, another of the tribunes, interposed, mand of an army, in order to keep pace with and, with the general approbation of the people, Czesar in the provinces, Caesar, in his turn, cornmmanded the process to stop.8
projected public works at Rome to vie with the The other prosecutions nevertheless were conmagnificence of Pompey, and with that of other tinued against Gabinius. One before the prator citizens, who made such works a part of their Alfius, in which, though the majority of the policy, to gain the people. For this purpose judges voted to acquit, there were twenty-two, Ciesar proposed to build a Basilica,4 and to out of seventy, who voted guilty.9 Another beenlarge the forum, at an expense of six millions fore Cato, on a charge of depredation in his l)roRoman money, or about fifty thousand pounds; vince, to the amount of quater millies, ftur to rail in the field of Mars with marble ballis-huntlred millions Roman money, or about three ters, and to surround the whole with a colonade millions sterling; in this last was condel iimed, and or portico extending a thousand paces, or about forced into exile. At this trial, Pompey and a mile. Caesar continued to employ their influence in his In these several works Caesar affected to con-favour. And Cicero, althonglh he had hitherto sult or to employ Cicero in a manner which flat-treated Gabinius as the author of his own exile, tered his vanity, and renewed his hopes of being being reconciled to Pompey and Casar, no longer able also to direct his councils,5 in what related to continued at variance with a person, who hail matters of state. been no more than their tool or instrument in In the mean time, parties in the city, though procuring his misfortunes, and condescended, on engaged on the side of dili;,rent competitors for this occasion, though ineflectually, to plead his office at the approaching elections, were likewise cause.l0 intent on the cause of Gabinius. This officer, The approaching elections gave rise to compewhile yet in his province, had been impeached titions and intrigues more connected with the for disobeying the orders of the senate, and for constate of the republic, and more an indication of temlpt of’ religion in his expedition to Egypt. But the manners which then prevailed. The poorer having, by the influence of Pompey, and of Casar, citizens came to depend for their subsistence on eluded his first attack, he set out for Rome in the distributions of corn and other gratuities, great confidence, and, on his journey, gave out, which were made or procured by those who that he was to demand a triumph. But, upon courted popularity, or who aspired to the offices his approach to the city, hearinlg in what manner of state.

Corruption became every ldaly more the senate and people were aflected towards him, flagrant and less disguised; and the laws against he thought proper to make his entry in the night; bribery were losing their force for want of perand being arrived, on the eighteenth of Septem-sons to plrosecute a crime, of which so many ber, did not even venture to appear in the senate either wished to reap the benefit, or which many for ten days. No less than three prosecutions were so strongly tempted to commit.

To sulpply were preparing against him; for treason, fobr ex-this defect, Cato nmoved in the senate, that every tortion in his pIrovince, and for other crimes. one elected into office should be subjected to an The first day on which he presented himself in inquest, even if no one should prosecute;i and the senate, the consuls,.when he would have actually obtained an edict, requiring the ordinary withdrawn, commanded him to stay. And, hav-judges, that were narled for trials within the ing called the farmers of the revenue from Syria, year, to take cognizance of the means by which who attended with a complaint from the province, candidates succeeded to office; and to set those bid them state their charge. aside who were found to have incurred the penal2 Cicero ad Quint. frat. lih ii.

ep. 15. et lib. iii. ep. 1. 6 Cicero ad Quint. frat. lib. iii. 7 Ibid. 3

Ibtid. lii. ii. ep. it. Ad Atticumn, lib. iv. ep. 16. 8 Val. Max. lib.

viii. c. 1. 4 What tihe Romians called a Basilica or palace, was 9 Cicero ad Att. lib. iv. ep. 16 a kind of exchange, containing porticoes for mer-10 Die. lib. xxxix. c. 63. Cicero ad Quint. frat chants, anid other )!lblic accomrmiodations. lib. iii. ep. 1 et 3. 5 Cicero ad Att. lib. iv.

ep. 16. 11 Plutarch. Cicero ad Att. lib. iv.?p. 16.

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oq‘33 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK IV ties of corruptioi.- The tribunes interposed their, Rome in the administration of government, ever, ne’gative, or suspended the effect of this resolu-laws, andt supposed acts of the senate or peolle, tion, until an act of’ the people should be obtailel (coul(l )e fiore(l or surreptitiously obtained. The to confirm it. rThe proposal gave great oflltce p)resent consuls, Cn. Doinitius Ahenobarbus, to, the parties concerned; and Cato, being at-aln(l Ap.

Claud. Pulcher, entered into a conmpact tacked by the populace, narrowly escapedl with with those two who were candidates to succeed his life. He afterwards, in a full assemllbly of the them, Caius Mlemmius and C.

Domlitius Calvimore respectable citizens, was favourably heard nus: the two first, to secure their own norninaon this subject. But Terentius, one of the trition to lucrative provinces at the expiration of bunes, still persisting in his negative, this at-their consulship: the two others now standinll tempt to restrain tlhe corrupt pracmtices of those for this office, to secure their elections. Tile who canvassed for office had no efltct. parties agreed to forge an edict of the senate and The canli Itates themselves, in the mean time, of the people, fixing the consular provsinces. And if each could have trusted the laws for restraining a sum of money was deposited by the candidlates others, as well as himself, from the practice of’ in the hands of the consuls, to be forfeited, if they giving money; or if any number of them could did not support this forgery, with the evidence of have relied Upon an agreement to be entered into three augurs, who should vouch for the passing am mnr the aselves to refrain from it, would, it is of the law in the assembly of the people, and two promt)ible, have been glad to be relieved from an senators of consular dignity, who should swear abuse which rcnudered their pretensions so ex-they were present when this allotment of propensive alnd so precarious. Moved by these convinces was confirmed by the senate, although it siderations, candidates for the office of the tribune was notorious that no meeting of the senate had entered into anagrreement not to bribe, and deposit-been held fbr this purpose. ed eac3.li a sum of lnonev 2 in the hlands of Cato, to Iermmius being grainedl by the parties of Cwmlte fmrfeited by a-ny peIwrsoll who should be found sar and Pomlpey, was persuaded to sacrifice his actin(r in contravention to their treaty.3

One of own reputation in order to ruin that of Domitius theml, however, wats ldetected in giving money, Ahenobarbuls. He laid this strange agreement, andl acror(fdin1sly fiorfeitedl his Ipledge. which ha,1d been drawn up in writing, together In the comtinetition for the consulate, corruption with the bonds which had been granted upon it, was carried to the greatest excess. An office before the senate. Appius Claudius b)raved the was )pened, att hich the candidates dealt out detection but Ahenobarbus, professing himself m:itey to the people, who came in the order of to be of a party which contendeld for puritv and their tribes to receive it.4 A gratuity of ten mil-reformation of manners, incurred much disgrace lions of sesterces,5 was offered to any person who and reproach.

should secure the vote of the first century, or, as From this transaction it should appear, not it was called, the Prerogativa.. The demand for only that the assemblies of the people were exmolney to be employed in this species of traffic tremely irregular and tumultuary, and might be became so great, that by the first of July, interest made up of such persons as were by any party rose from four to eight per cent.6 All the four purposely brought to the comitium; but that even canlidates, Memnlius, M.

Scaurus, Cn. Domi-the meetings of the senate might be packed; that tius, and M. Messala, mutually raised prosecu-their proceedings were carelessly recorded, and tions for bribery against each other; and in the might be easily forged. The numbers required courseof these transactions, it appeared that Caius to form a comitium or assembly of the people not Memunmius, once avehement partizan of the senate, being fixed, any convention of persons brought had made his peace with Casar, and was now from any part of Italy, occupying the usual illace sulpported by his party at Rome. of assembly, might take upon them the designaMemmnius, it may be remembiered, having been tion and powers of the Roman people; andi as the pr tor at the expiration of Cmsar’s consulate, fluctuating sovereignty of the people by this brouaght a charge of high misdemeanour in office means passed from one party to another, its oragainst him. And Cmiasar appeared for some tirme ders were often surreptitious and contradictory, to resent this attack; but was in reality as little and every law might be considered as the mandate to be diverted from his purpose by resentment, as of a party or faction, not as the will of the commuhe was by affection, and knew how to choose his nity.7 Great as these disorders were, there were friends froum among those who had the resolution at all times numerous parties who had an interest to provoke, as well as from among those who in-in the continuance of them; and the age, though clined to serve him. Caesar accordingly made suffering under the most grievous abuses, was use of this opportunity to separate Memmius still more averse to the necessary reformations. from the rest of his enemies, and by his means The infamy of this recent transaction produced brought to light a scene of corruption, in which a delay of the elections, until the term of the Mernmius himself, with other professed suppresent consuls in office was expired. An inter, porters of the senate, had been concerned, and regnum accordingly ensued. The partizans of which furnished P,‘esar, and the suppopedI popular Pompey hinted the necessity of naming a dictaparty, with a great triumph against these pre-tor. Hie himself affected great reserve, in expectenders to purity and public virtue. tation that when the present troubles came to It appeared that, among other irregularities at their niaght, the powers necessary to suppress them would, by general consent, be pressed into 1 Cic*ero ad Att. Iib. iv. ep. 16. his hands.‘2

Quingenia, 500,(00)() oroman money, about 40001. In the mean time, Cisar, whose councils had 3 Plutarch. Cicero ad Att. lib. iv. ep. 15 ad Quint. so great a share in determining these events, was fr4 At. At. iib. is. ep.

17. 5 Adout detained in the northern parts of Gaul, and wvar 4 Ad Att.

lib. iv. ep. 17. $ About 80,1}00/.6 Aid (Qmint. frat. iib ii. ep 15.

Idibus quiritilibus Ikcellss f.lit bessibuls ex triente 7 Dion. Cassius, lib. xxxix. c. 65.

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CHIAP. II.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 227,blireJd, contrary to his usual practice, to pass the The natives, thus encouraged by the success of whole winter on this side of the Alps. On his their first operation, pushed on to the quarters of return from Britain, finding that the harvest in Quintus Cicero, armed and assembled the counGaul h:d been unfavourislie, he was temprted, in try as they passed and arrived with such expe. order to facilitate the subsistence of his army, to dition, that they ir.tercepted all the parties which extend his quarters much farther than had been were abroald in search of wood, provisions, or his ordinary practice. Lattlenhus, with one divi-forame, and made so unexpected anl attack on the sion, was sent to the Moselle; Titurius Sabinus, Romltn station, as left Cicero scarcely time sufliwith another, to the ncih(r)bourhool of the Meuse, cient to ilan his entrenchments. They renewed near to what are now the districts of LieTe and the artifice which they had practised with so ilaestricht. Quintus Cicero was posted on some much success a(ainst Sabinus. But Cicero, of the branches of the Sclheld or the Samibre, in though unacquainted( with the manner in which the county of Hainauklt. A(nd the whole army I that officer had been betrayed, determined to reblv this dlisposition, exterl(ded from the Seine to main in his camp, and as soon as possible to give the:‘Ieuse, about Matestricht, and fromn the sea intimlation of his d(nger to Cesar. For this purto the lneirhbourhood of Trrevs. The distance pose he strengthened his post with additional at whicah the posts were placed from each other works, and published a reward to the first person bein, observed by the, nttives, who still bore with who should succeed in carrying intelligence to Impatience the intrusion and( usurpation of these the nearest quarter of the Roman armly. strangers, tenmpted tlheln to form a hdesign afgainst The enemy being about sixty thousandl men, each (‘ these quarters apart, and by cutting them formed a circle, facing to the centre, quite round ofl; to rid theircountry for ever of these imperious the Roman intrenchinent; and, the more effecand insatiable guests, who acted as proprietors tually to cut off all communication of supplies or in every territory on which they were received, intelligence from without, effected a line of cirand branded every act of resistance to their unjust cumvallation, consisting of a ditch fifteen feet usurpation with the name of defection and rebel-wide, and a breastwork eleven feet high, extendlion. ing over a circumference of fifteen miles.8 In this In execution of this dlesign, Ambiorix, leader work, being unprovided with intrenching tools, of the nations which were situated in the angle, they were obliged to cut the turf with their swords. above the confluence of the Meuse and the But having begun it by a sufficient number of I? hine, and round the quarters of Sabinus, which hands in all its parts at once, they, according to are supposed to have been at a place which is Caesar’s account, completed the whole in three now called Tongres, suddenly presented himself hours. with a numerous body before the Roman station, From this line, which they formed by the diand endeavoured to force the intrenchment; but rection of some Italian deserters, they made regueinsg repulsed, had recourse to an artifice in lar approaches to the Ronlan intrenchment; and which he succeeded. Affectina a great regard hauing pushed their turrets quite up to the ditch, fr the Romans, he desired that he might have threw, by means of their slings, red hot bullets an opportunity to communicate to their general and burning darts into the thatch with which the a matter of’ the most serious importance. An huts of the camp were covered; set them on fire; officer being sent to him upon this request, he and, in the midst of the confusion which arose pretended to disclose, with the utmost regret, a from this circumstance, endeavoured to scale the secret design formed by the Gauls to cut off the palisade and the parapet. Roman army; gave notice that a great body of While Cicero continued, with great ability and Germans had already passed the Rhine to join courage, to withstand these attacks, the persons in the execution of this design; that he himself who endeavoured to carry the tidings of’his situahad been very much averse to the project; but tion to Cwesar were repeatedly intercepted, and had been obliged to give way to the popular im-cruelly tortured, to deter others from renewing petuosity of his countrymen, which lie could not the same attempt. The intelligence, however, resist; that all he could do was to warn the Ro-by means of a native Gaul, who, availing himself mans of their danger, to the end that they might, of the dress, manners, and language of his counin the most effectual manner, consult their own try passed unobserved through the lines of the safety. If they chose, while it was in their power, enemy, was at last carried to the head quarters to withdraw, and to gain the nearest station of of the Roman army. their own people, he had influence enough to Caesar, as usual, trusting nlore to despatch and hinder their being molested on the march: but rapid execution than to the numbers of his men, if they should hesitate for any time, or wait till left a legion at Samarobriva9 to guard his stores, the Germans arrived, it would no longer be in magazines, and baggage, and with two other lehis power to avert the storm with which they gions, not exceeding seven thousand men, being were threatened. all that, without hazarding an improper delay, he This admonition, everr from an enemy, after a could assemble, hastened his march to the quarlong debate in the council of war, determined ters of Cicero. He despatched two messengers, Sahbinus to quit his present situation. He ac-one to Labienus, with orders, if possible, to put coIdlingly began a march of fifty miles towards the troops under his command in motion towards the quarters of Quintus Cicero. And falling into the Meuse, and another to GQuintus Cicero hima snare, which the treacherous chieftain had laid self, with hopes of assurances of.imrmediate relief. for him, perished, with an entire legion and five The first messenger found Labienus beset with cohorts, of whom the greater part were put to the a numerous army of Gauls, and therefore unable sword.

Some got back to the station they had to move; the other, having come to the foot of left. but finding no security in that place, killed themselves in despair. A very few escaped, by 8 Csar se Bell. Gallico, lib. v. c. 42.

-he woods, to Labienus on the M Bdelle. 9 Amiens

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228 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK IV. Cicero’s intrenchment, cast the billet which con-vainly attempted by every successive interrex tained the intelligence, wound up on the shaft of The popular tumults were fomented by the tria dart, against one of the towers, where it stuck, bunes who were in the interest of Pompey; and and hung for some days unobserved; but being some prodigy. or unfiErtunate presage, was confound at last, it was carried to Cicero, and gave tinually alleged, to prevent the elections.

The notice of Casar’s approach. At the same time senate striving to put an end to these disorders, the fire and the smoke of his camp began to ap-even ventured to commit to prison Q.. Pompeius pear on the plain, and gave both parties equal Rufus, a tribune, who seemed to be most active intimation of his coming. in disturbing the public peace. The occasion The Gauls, without delay, got in motion with seemed ripe for the execution of Pompey’s (deall their force, and having abandoned their lines sign; and accordingly another tribune, Leeccius of circumvallation, advanced to meet Caesar. (Ci-Hirrus, known to be in the secret of Pompey’s cero sent himr intelligence of this movement of the intrigues, moved that he should be named dictaenemy. The armies arrived nearly at the same tor.2 He himself, as usual on such occasions, time on the opposite sides of a brook running in absented himself from the assembly, and still a hollow track between steep banks, which nei-kept it in his power to avow or disown the meather party in the presence of the other could yen-sures of his creatures. ture to pass. This motion was strongly opposed by Cato, C.esar, supposing that the great inequality of and appeared to be extremely disagreeable to all his numbers might inspire the Gauls with con-the principal members of the senate.3 Pompey tempt, endeavoured, by exceeding his usual cau-therefore thought proper to disclaim it, denied his lion, to feed their presumption.

He affected to having encouraged the tribune to make it, and choose a ground that was fit to secure his camp; even refused to accept of the dictatorship; adding, and contracting its limits, crowded both his le-That he had been called to the exercise of great gions within the dimensions which were usually powers earlier than he himself had expected; occupied by one. In this posture he meant to and that he had always resigned his powers await the effects of the enemy’s temerity, or, if earlier than had been expected by any one else.4 they declined passing the brook, to avail himself In this was expressed the great object of Pomof the security they were likely to feel, and to pey’s ambition; he preferred this point of estimaattack them in their own camp by surprise. tion to the possession of power. The odium of the The event justified Caesar in his expectation. proposed measure fell upon Lucceius Hirrus, tho The Gauls, trusting to the superiority of their tribune who moved it, and had nearly brought numbers, thought they had nothing to dread but upon him a deposition or degradation from his the escape of their enemy; and they accordingly office. Cato, willing to gain Pompey, or to conpassed the rivulet, with intention to force his firm him in the virtue he assumed, pronounced an lines. Instead of defending his camp, he poured encomium on this act of moderation, recommend. forth his army at once from all its avenues, and, ed the republic to his care, and encouraged him in with the advantage of a surprise upon those who the resolution he had taken, to prefer the esteem came to attack him, and by the great superiority of his fellow-citizens even to the power of disof the Romans, when mlixed sword in hand with posing of their lives and fortunes at his pleasure. an enemy, routed, dispersed, or forced to lay ]ompey from thenceforward joined with the down their arms, the greater part of this multi-senate in bringing on the elections; tude which came to attack him with so much fe-U. C. 700.

and accordingly, after seven months rocity and confidence. interval of confusion and anxiety, By this victory Caesar not only relieved Quin-On Doln. Cn. Domitius Calvinus and M. Vatus Cicero, whom he joined the same evening, Pal ilssala, lerius Messala were chosen and enVal.Messaalerius M
essala wcre chosen and enbut likewise dispelled the cloud which hung over Coss. tered on office in the month of July the other quarters of his army, of which many \Vhile Pompey was endeavouring, by his in had been at the same time invested by the natives. trigues in the city, to make a species of mlonarchy These insurrections, however, which kept all the in his own person appear to be necessary, Casar inhabitants of the low countries in motion, even was in fact providing himself with the only in the most unfavourable season, gave him the means which, in so distracted a state, can eith;ei prospect of an early and a busy campaign, and acquire or preserve such a power. He was Joinso much disconcerted the plan which he had ing three additional legions to the establishment formed for the winter, that he was hindered from of his province; and, under pretence of his late making his usual journey across the Alps. loss on the Meuse, or of his fears of a general deDuring this necessary stay in Gaul, it does not fection in Gaul, he had the address to bring intc appear that the interests which Cesar commonly his own service a legion which had been recently studied were suffering in any considerable degree formed in Italy under the commission of Pomuey. at Rome. The civil government in the city was These he now borrowed, and either actually dehastening fast to its ruin, and the longest sword bauched, or rendered of’ doubtful fidelity if ever was soon likely to decide the sovereignty of the it should be proposed to recall or employ them empire. The office of consul was unoccupied, against himself and continued to be so from the beginning of While he took these measures for the augmentJanuary to the nmiddle of July. In all this time ation of his forces, and before the end of winter, there was no administration of justice,l nor any having intelligence that the Nervii, or the inhaexercise of magistracy, besides that of the inter-bitants of the county of Hainault, held frequent rex, who, during the five days. of his appoint-consultations together, and were about to take ment, was supposed to have no other object besides the elections of consuls.

This object was 2 Plutarch. in P.,apeio. D. Con. Cicero epist. ad Quint.

frat. lib. iii. ep,. 9. 1 Plutarch. ir Pompeio, p. 4t3. 3 Ibid. 4

Plutarch. in Vit. Pompeii.

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CHAP. II.J OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 229 arms, he determined to prevent them; and for that the leader himself, upon the arrival of CMethis purpose, with four legions drawn from the sar’s horse, narrowly escaped, and had no more nearest quarters, he marched into their country, than time, by a general intimation, to warn his and, without meeting with any opposition, de-people to consult their own safety. They accordstroyed their habitations, moved away their cattle, ingly separated, part hid themselves in the conand made many prisoners. He continued these tiguous marshes, others endeavoured to find severities until the natives, reduced to great dis-refuge with some neighbouring nations, or fled tress, implored his mercy, and gave hostages for to the islands that were formed at the confluence their future submission. of the Meuse and the Rh.ne. Having, in the course of this winter, called the Cwsar, as if he had been forming a party of nations of Gaul to a general convention at an hunters, separated his army into three divisions; island in the Seine,s he began the operations of sent Labienus with one division to pursue those the fillowing summer by punishing some of the who had fled to the confluence of the two rivers; cantons,6 who had absented themselves from that Tribonius with the second up the course of the assembly, and who, by this act of disrespect, had Meuse; and he himself, in pursuit of Ambiorix, incurred his resentment, or given him suspicion directed his march to the Scheld. His orders of hostile intentions. The principal object of the were, that each division should put all they met campaign, however, was the punishment of Am-to the sword, and calculate their time so as to rebiorix and his countrymen, by whom, as has been turn to the place of general rendezvous in seven related, Sabinus, with a legion andl five cohorts, days. had been circumvented and cut off in the begin-To render this execution the more complete, ning of the preceding winter. all the neighbouring nations were invited to parAs the Romans scarcely appear to have contake in the spoils of a country that was doomed ceived that any people had a right to withstand to destruction. Among the parties who were their invasions, and treated as rebellion every allured by this invitation, two thousand Gerattemp)t a nation once vanquished lnade to reco-man horse had passed the Rhine, arind continued ver its liberties, Cmsar states it as necessary for to ravage all before them in a body. Caesar, in the credit of the Roman army, for the security making a disposition for his present march, had of their quarters, and for preventing such acts of lodged the whole baggage of his army at the supposed perfidy for the future, that the subjects station, (supposed to be Tongres) which in the of Ambiorix should suffer an exemplary punish-preceding winter had been fortified for the quarment. To secure this effect, he projected two tersof Sabinus. Here the works being still entire, expeditions; one to the right and the other to he left a guard with his baggage under the comthe left of this enemy’s country, with intention mand of Qtuintus Tullius Cicero. to preclude them from any retreat or assistance The Germans, in the present instance, knowon either side. He penetrated into the woods and ing no distinction of friend or enemy, ceased to marshes of Brabant, or on the left of the Meuse, plundler the natives of the country, and turned and obliged the inhabitants to come under en-all their thoughts on seizing the baggage of the gagements not to assist or harbour his enemies. Roman army. Their coming was so little exFrom thence, still avoiding to give any alarm pected, that the traders and suttlers who had to the nation which was the principal object of erected their stalls and displayed their merchanthese operations, and having formerly sent his dise, as usual, without the intrenchment, had no baggage under an escort of two legions to the time to save their effects. Numbers of Cicero’s Moselle, he now followed in the same direction baggage-guard were abroad in search of forage. with the whole army; and finding that Labienus The remainder with difficulty manned the avehad, by a recent victory, vanquished all his ene-nues of’ their post, and must have been forced, if mies in that quarter, he continued his march to the fobragers, upon hearing the noise with which the Rhine, constructed a bridge on that river a lit-the Germans began the attack, had not returned tle way higher up than the place at which he had to their relief, and forced their way through the formerly passed it, and once more set foot upon enemy, who, mistaking them for the vanguard of German ground. Cesar’s army, thought proper to consult their The Suevi, and other great migrating nations own safety by an immediate flight. of that continent, having moved to the east-Caesar, upon his return to the post at which he ward, leaving nothing behind them but deserts, had left his baggage, censured the officer comon which no army could subsist, he contented manding the guard for having divided his party, himself with exacting hostages from the Ubii and for having omitted, on the supposition of any and other contiguous nations, to secure their degree of security whatever, any part of the preneutrality, or rather to make sure of their con-cautions usual upon such a duty. He proceeded currence in the future operations of the war. to complete the revenge he had projected against And with these pledges here passed the Rhine, the unhappy followers of Ambiorix, with sending broke down part of his. bridge, and left a guard parties in every direction to burn every house, of twelve cohorts properly intrenched to secure and lay waste every field that had been formerly the remainder. spared or overlooked; and this being done on the From thence he sent forward his cavalry, with approach of winter, made the destruction comorders to make quick and silent marches into the plete, as the few who escaped the sword were countries between the Rhine and the Meuse, certain to perish by famine, or by the asperity of and himself followed with the infantry. Hitherto the season. Ambiorix and his countrymen, who were the Caesar having in this manner made an examprincipal objects of all these operations, had taken ple, which he supposed was to overawe all the no alarm. and had enjoyed such perfect security, nations of that neighbourhood, he withdrew with his army from a country in which he had made 5 Now Paris. 6 The Senones and Carnutes. it impossible for any numbers of men to subsist

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‘230 THIE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK IV. and havine stationed two of his legions on the But they found themselves deceived in this exMloselle and the re mainder on the Mlarne, on the pecttion, observing that the enemy had a herd Seine, and the Loire, he himself hastened into of camels in their rear, loaded with arrows, and Italv, where all his views and preparations ulti-that the quivers of those in the fr,:eit were conmatelv centrel. The scene of political intrigue, tinually replenished from thence. At the same in which Crassus had hitherto bore a part with time Ariamnes, the Arabian, (dese:tte, and was Pompey and himnself, was now, in consequence of perceived to go over to the enemy. The deserrecent events on the other extremity of the empire, fion of this traitor, by discovering t.at Ihis preabout to undergro a great change, that was likely tended attachment, and his counsel. which had to affect the conduct of’ all the parties concerned. been unhappily followed. was only a lti’te of’ iarIn the spring, Cr(assus had taken the field on barous treachery to draw the army into its Irethe frontier of Svria, with seven legions, four sent situation, completed the general discouragrethousand horse, and an equal number of light or ment which the Romans had already begun to irregular troops. WVith this force he passed the feel. They crowded together in despair, and Euphrates, was joined byhv an Arabian chieftain, oppressed with heat and thirst, or stifleId witih dust, who is mentioned by historians under different they continued for a while, like beasts caught in names, of Acbarust or Arianines, in whom, on a snare, to present an easy prey to their enenlies. account of his suppose(l knowledge of the coun-In this extremity, Crassus determined to make try, the Roman general hadl placed great confian effort with his cavalry to drive the enemy so deuce. Here he expected likewise to have been far off, as not to be able to reach his infantrv with joined by Artabazes, king of Armenlia; but their arrows. His son Publius accordingly formed Orodes, now on the throne of the Parthians, pre-the Roman horse into one body, and made a vented this junction, by invading the kingdoin of general charge. The Parthians gave way in Armenia in person, while he left Surena, a young seeming disorder. The young man advanced warrior of great reputation, in Mesopotamia, to with great impetuosity as against a flying enemy, ae:ppose the Romans. and in hopes of comp’letilng his ic(tor\v: but the Crassus intended to have followed the course Parthians, under cover Qf the dust xhllich every of the Euphrates to where it approaches nearest where arose, instead of flying beifore himl, as he to Seleucia and Ctesiphon, the capital of the Par-supposed, were actually turning on his flanks, thian kingdom; but was dissuaded by Ariamnes, anrid even falling behind him to encompass his who prevailed on him to direct his march east-rear. The legions at the same tine, happy to be ward on the plains to meet Surena, as not in a relieved from the attack of the enemy, quitted condition to o)ppose him. Some parties too, that their ground, and for a little resumed their march, were advance(l to examine the country, reported which enabled the Parthians the more eflectually that they had been on the tract of departing ca-to surround the horse; but the father, recollect>valry, but that no enemy was any where to be ing the danger to which he exposed his son, seen. Thus Crassus was induced to quit the again prevailed on them to halt. In this situaEuphrates, and agreeably to the directions of his tion, a few of the horse arrived, with accounts guide, took the rout of Carrse eastward. This that they had been surrounded, that Crass{is, the place he fortified in his way, and occupied with a son, was slain, and the whole cavalry cut off; exgarrison. From thence, in a few Inarches, he cept a few who escaped to the father with these arrived in sandy and barren plains, without trees, melancholy tidings. herbage, or water. While the army, though dis-Night, however, was fast approaching, and the couraged by these appearances, still continued its Parthians, on a sudden, withdrew, sensible that marchl, a few horsenlen belonging to the advanced their way of fighting would expose them to many guard returned to the main body with signs of disadvantages in the dark. “It was always their terror, and brought an account that their division practice to retire at night to a considerable dishad been surrounded by numerous bodies of horse, tance from the enemy whom they had harassed and to a few cut off; that the enemy were ad-Ily day, and upon these occasions they generally vancing apace, and must soon appear. Crassus fled like an army defeated, until they had removed at first tfearing to be outlined by the enemy, ex-so far as to make it safe for them to pasture their tended his front as far as he possibly could; but horses, and to store up their arms. Crassus, aprecollecting that the Parthians were all on horse-prised of this practice, took the benefit of the back, and by the rapidity of their motions might night to continue his retreat, and abandoning the easily gain either or both his flanks, so that it was sick and wounded of his army, made a consiproper to present a front in every direction, he derable march before it was day. But the adchanged his disposition from a line to a square, vance he had gained, was not sufficient to hinder having his cavalry on the angles. his being overtaken by the same enemy, and again The Roman army being thus compacted, the involved in the same distress.

Having his deParthians appeared on every side, came within feats and his flights renewed on every succeeding reach of an arrow-shot, and galled then, -ithout day, he arrived at last at the post which he had intermission. The weapons of’ the Ro-t -ns in fortified at Carrwe, and there found some respite this situation availed them nothing; elmn the from the attacks of the enemy. At this place, shield could not cover them from arrow s, that however, it was not possible to make any conshowered from every quarter, and in mnl.ay dif-siderable stay, as the whole provisions of the ferent directions. They stood, however, t i their army were lost or consumed, and such supplies place with some degree of co.urage, in hop-‘.s that as the country around might have furnished, were the quivers of the Parthians must soon be ex-entirely in the power of the enemy. Nor was it hausted, and that this enemy would ble obliged convenient to depart immediately. The moon either to join them in close fight, or to retire. was then at the full, and night was almost as favourable to the Parthians as day. In these cir 1 Plutarch. et Dion.

Cass. cumstances, it was determined to wait for the

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ICTIAP. II.] O.t fHE ROMAN REPUBIIC. 231 wane of the moon, andl then, if possible, to elude bly, he was consideretl by Casar and Pompey as tlle enemyt arain bly marches in the night. a person, who, if neglected by them, might throw Inl this intetrval, tht alrnmy mutinied against a weight into the scale of their enellies; and he Crassls, anlti ffl ired the command to Caius Cas-was admitted into their councils, as a person fit sius; hut hte, lthougrh desiredt even by Crassus to witness their transactions, and on occasion to himself; cltceited(lto acc’pt of it?2 The troops of hold the balance in suspense between them coIlseuluelnce no Io (re r obeyed any command, aind These circumstances placed him among the comsi’.parat(tI into iwxo bodies. The first wentof’b hv petitors for the p)rincipal influence at Rome, and the dlairns on the nearest way into Svria: the makes his death an era in the history of those other t.t)ok the route of the imountain-s; and if they tactions which were hastening to overwhelm the coiil(l reach theml be;bre the enemly, hoped to republic. By this event, his associates Casar es5lCte illto Cappadocia or Armenlia. The first and Pompey, already disjoined by thie dissolution division was accomlpanied or collmmanded by Cas-of their family connection, were left to contend sius, wh,, tht,ucrh with considerable loss, led for the superiority, without any third person tc them lh,(Lk to Syria. The other, with Crassus, hold this species of balance between them. himselt, was Ipursuied bv Surena, and harassed on The calm which had succeeded the late elecevery grotlnd where the Parthian horse could tion of consuls was but of short duration. The ply on the(ir flank or their rear. Being exposed time of electing their successors was fast apto freqtuent lossts, they suflered a continual di-proachinc, and the candidates Scipio, Milo, and nminution of their numbers, and were not likely Hypsaus, were already declared. Clodius, at the to be lohmm in condition to avoid the enlemy, or same time. stood for the office of printor. Scipio make any resistance.

was by birth the son of Metellus Pius, adopted Surena, applrehe nding that these remains of the into the Cornellan famnily by Scipio 2Nasica. His Ronlanl armlly migeht gain the mountains before (laughter, in consequence of this adoption, bearhe could forece them to surrender, sent a deputa-ing the name of Cornelia, the widlow of young tion to Crassus, proposing at some intermediate Crassus, was recently married to Ponmpey, who, place, between the two arnmies, a conference, to upon this connection, supported Scipio, his fawhich each should bring a stilulated number of ther-in-law, in his pretensions to the consullate. attendants. WVhile this message was delivering, Milo had a powerful support from the senate, in Surena himself appleared at a little distance on an whose cause lhe had retorted the arts and viol nce eminence, waved with his hand, and in token of of the seditious (demagogues against theimselves. peace, unhbent his bow. Crassus distrustingf the Clodius had great interest with the populace, and faith of this barbarous enemy, who was supposed fronl inveterate animosity to TMuilo and to his to hold perfidlv lawful, as a stratagem of war, de-party, joined all his interest with Sci:ido mud clined the confereince; ibut his troops, weary of Hypsaeus against him. continual f tigue and danger, and flattering them-It is in the nature of human things to ai dvance, selves that by an accommodation an end might in accumulating the good or evil to whicl they be speedily put to their sufferings, expressed such tend. These competitors, in contending for the a desire of the conference, as their general, in streets and the usual places of canvassinr the this situation, could not safely withstand. He people, joined to the former arts of’ distributing put himself therefore, with a few friends, under money, and of exciting popular tumults, the use the direction of Surena’s messengrers, and sAb-of an armed force, anrd a species of nilitary mitted to le led to their general; but on the way, operations in the city. Three parties in arms findingr himself treated as a prisoner, he refused every day paraded in different quarters of the to proceed, and having made some resistance, town, and wherever they encountered, violence was slain. The army separated into sundry di-and bloodshed generally followed. The opposite visions, a few escaped into Armenia or Syria, the parties of Hypsfeus and Milo had fought a battle greater part fell into the enemy’s hands.3 in the Via Sacra; many of both sides were Thus died Crassus, commonly reputed a rare killed, and the consul Calvinus was wounded in instance of ambition, joined with avarice, and a attempting to queil the riot. mean capacity. It is not to be doubted, that in These disordles so long obstructed the elecpoint of ambition he even rivalled Pompey and tions, that the term of the present consuls in Cawsar; and it is probable, therefore, that his office expired, before the nomiination of any sucavarice was merely subservient to this passion. cessors; and every legal power in the cormnmolIt is quoted, as a sayinlg of his, that no nlan who wealth being suspended, the former state of aspired to a plrincipal place in the republic shoult anarchy, with accumulated distractions, again elbe reputed -ich, unless he could maintain an sued. The senate and the other army mat his own expense.4 Such was the use U. C. 701. friends of Milo, would gladly have of wealth, which, in place of equipages, horses, hastened the elections, but were hinand dogs, occurred to a rich man of that age at dered by t;he partizans of the other candidates. Rome. Of his capacity we cannot form a high The populace too, enjoying this season of gratuiopinion, either from the judgment of his contem-ties, of entertainments, and of public shows, in poraries, or front his own conduct.5 It appears, which the competitors continued to waste their indeed, that he owed his consequence more to his fiortunes, were glad to have the canvass prowealth, than to his genius or personal qualities longed.6 of arny kind. On account of his wealth, proba-When the senate proposed to have recourse to the remnetly usual in such disorders of the state, 2 I)io. lib. iv. c. 28. by naming an interrex, the only title under which 3 Din Cass. lib. xl. Pluitarch. in Crass. any person could preside in restoring the magis4 (:icero de officiis. lib. i.

c. 8. tracy by an election of conlsuls, they were forbid 5 Is igitur inediocriter, a doctrina instrectus; augustius etiain a natura, &c. Cicero de claris oratoribus, c. 66. Ad Atticurn, lib. iv. ep. 13. 6 Predianus in Argumnent. Orat. pro MTilone.

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232 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK IV. by the tribune Munatius Plancus, who was sup-records of the senate, and having set the whole posed to co-operate with Pompey in some design, on fire, consumed the corpse on this extraordinary to be favoured by deferring every measure that pile. The fire soon reached the roof, and spread was propose(l for the restoration of order. to the contiguous buildings. The tribunes, PlanIn the midl.t. of this scene, which kept the cus and Rufus, who were all this while ex minds of men in fear of some general calamity, horting the people to vengeance, were driven an accident ihappened which brought the disorfrom the rostra by the flames which burst from der to a height, and forced every party to accept the buildings around them. The senate-house, of a remedy. On the 13th of the kalends of the porcia basilica, and other edifices were reFebruary, or the 20th of January, Milo going to duced to ashes. Lanuviurm, a town about fifteen miles from Rome, The same persons, by whom this fire hadl been of which he was chief magistrate, about three kindled, repaired to the house of MI. Lepidus, o’clock in the afternoon, met with Clodius re-who, upon the first alarm of an insurrection, turning from his country seat at Aricia. Milo had been named interrex, forced into the hall, was in a carriage with his wife Fausta, the broke down the images of the family ancestors, daughter of Sylla, and a friend Fusius. He had tore from the looms the webs, in weaving of a numerous escort, amounting to some hundreds which the industry of Roman matrons was still of servants in arms: and, in particular, was at-employed, and destroyed what else they could tended bv two noted gladiators, Eudamus and reach. From thence, they proceeded to attack Birria. Clodius was on horseback, with a reti-the house of Milo, but there met with a more nue of thirty servants likewise in arms. It is proper reception. This house, during the riots, likely that this encounter was altogether acciden-in which the master of it had borne so great a tal; for the companies continued on their way part, was become a kind of’

fortress, and among without any disturbance, till Birria, the gladiator, the other provisions made for its detilce, was unwilling to pass without giving some specimen manned with archers, who plied those who atof his calling, as he straggled a little behind his tacked it with arrows from the windows and terparty, quarrelled with some of the followers of race, in such manner as soon obliged them to Clodius. A fray ensued: Clodius himself re-withdraw. turned to quell it, or to punish the authors of it; The rioters being repulsed from the house of but meeting with little respect among the gladia-Milo, crowded to the temple, in which the contors, received a wound in the shoulder, and was sular fasces, during the interregnum, were kept, carried to be dressed in the inn at Bovilke, near seized them by force, and carried them to the to which place the disturbance began. Milo be-houses of Scipio and Hypsuas, the present popuinf told of what had passel, likewise returned to lar candidates for the consulate; these, without the place; and thinking it safer to end their quar-any other form of election, they pressed to asrels there, than await the revenge of an enemy sume the ensigns of consular power. But not thus provoked, who would not fail, at the head having prevailed in this proposal, they proceeded of his faction in the city, to rouse the fury of the to the house of Pompey, saluting him with mixed populace arainst him, encouraged his people to shouts of consul or dictator, according as they pursue their advantage; they accordingly forced wished him to assume the one or the other of their way into the inn, dragged Clodius from these titles or dignities. thence, and having killed him, and dispersed all From this time, for some days, an armed pohis followers, left him dead of many wounds in pulace, mixed with slaves, continued, under the highway.

pretence of searching for Milo and his adherents, Sextus Tedius, a senator, happening to pass, to pillage every place they could enter.1 And put the body into his own carriage. and sent his the partizans of the candidates, Hypsaus and servants with it to Ronle. They arrived before Scipio, thinking they had Milo at a disadvantage, six at night, and proceeding directly to the house beset the house of the interrex; and, though it of the deceased, which stood on the palatine hill was not customary for the first in this nonlinaover the forum, laid the corpse in the vestibule. tion to proceed to the elections, they clanioured The servants of the family, and multitudes for an immediate assenlbly of the people for this from the streets, immediately crowded to see this purpose.

The party of Milo, though professing spectacle. Fulvia, the wite of Clodius, stood likewise to join the same clamour for an immeover the body, and with loud lamentations un-diate election, came to blows with their opponents, covered and pointed out the wounds of her de-and, protected the house and the person of the ceased husband. The crowd conltinuled to in-interrex from farther violence. crease all night, and until break of day, when Milo, himself, who was at first supposed to Q. Munatius Plancus, and 0.. Pompeius Rufus, have fled or gone into exile, hearing of the extribunes of the people, likewise repaired to the cesses committed by the opposite party, and of same place, and gave orders to carry the dead the general inclination of the more sober part of body naked to the market-place, and there to the citizens to check and disappoint their violeave it exposed to public view on the rostra; and lence, ventured again to appear in the city, and at at the same time accompanied this spectacle with the head of his friends renewed his canvass. A inflammatory harangues to the people. succession of officers, with the title of interrex, Sextus Claudius, kinsman of the deceased, continued to be named at the expiration of every soon after removed the body from the market-usual term of five days; but such was the conplace to the senate-house, meaning to reproach fusion and distraction of the scene, that no electhe order of senators as accessory to the murder. tion could be made. The senate, under the greatThe populace, who still followed in great num-est alarm, gave to the interrex, and to the hers, burst into the place, tore up the benches, tribunes of the people, to whom they joined and brougTht into a heap the materials, with the tables and desk-s of tic:?:cl.rks, the journals and 1 Appian de Bell. Civ. lib. ii.

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CHAP. 11.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 233 Pompey, who, by virtue of his proconsular coml-To avoid the title more than the power of dictamission as purveyor of corn for the people, held a tor, Bibulus moved in the senate, that all the public character in the state, the usual charge present candidates for the consulate should be set given to the consuls, to watch over the safety of aside, and that the interrex should assemble the the republic. They even recommended to Porn-people for the election of Pompey sole consul. pey to make the necessary levies throughout Cato, to the surprise of every body, seconded this Italy, and to provide a military force to act for motion. File observed, that any magistracy was the commonwealth, in repressing the disorders preferable to none, and that if the republic must which were committed by the candlidates for he governed by a single person, none was so fit -office. Mr the charge as the person now proposed(. PomUnder the protection of such temporary ex-pey being present, thanked Cato for this declarapedients, to restrain the violence with which all tion of his esteemn, and sai(l he would accept of parties endeavouredl to do themselves justice, the charge, in hopes of lbeing aided by his counsome applied for redress, in the way of prosecu-sel. Cato made answer, in terms, meant to be tion and civil suit. The two Claudii, nephews literally interpreted, but which in other instances of the deceased Publius Clodlius, demanded that of the same lind, under an aspect of sullenness, the slaves of Milo, or those of his wife Fausta.

have been intendled to flatter, that he meant no should be put to the torture, in order to torce a favour to Ponlpevy, and deserved no thanks from discovery of the manner in which their uncle was him: that his intention was to serve the republic. killed. The two Valerii, Nepos and Leo, with it was resolved, in terms of this motion, that Lucius Herennius Balbus, joinedi in the same Pompey should be presented to the people as sole demand. On the opposite party, a like demand candidate for the office of consul, and that after against the slaves of the deceased Publius Clo-two months were elapsed, he might propose any dius was made by C’elius, one of the tribunes; other candkdllate to be joined in this office3 with and a prosecution for violence and corrup)tion himself. The election was accordingly brought was entered by Manlius Cenianus agrainst Hyp-on by the interrex Servius Sulpitius, on the saeus and Scipio, the competitors of Milo, for the twenty-fourth of February, and Pompey deoffice of consul.

clared sole consul,4 with a commisMilo, in answer to the demand that was made Pompey sole sion from the senate to arm, if ne to have his slaves put to the torture, pleaded that Consul. cessary, the inhabitants of Italy, fot the persons, now demanded as slaves, were ac-the better establishment of order tually freemen, he having manumitted them as a in the city.

reward for their faithful services in defendingc his The first object of Pompey, in the high and person against a late attempt made by Clodius on unprecedented dignity which was now conferred his life. It was alleged, on the other hand, that upon him, appears to have been the framning of they were manumitted to evade the law, to pre-some laws to restrain for the future such disorders serve them from the torture, and to screen him-as had lately prevailed, and to bring criminals to self from the evidence which they might in that justice. For this purpose, he obtained an act to manner be obliged to give. M. Caelius and Man-enforce the laws which already subsisted against lius Cenianus being tribunes, and disposed to fa-violence and corruption; and to regulate the vour Milo, had ventured to vindicate him to the form of proceeding in trials on such criminal people, and to load Clodius as the aggressor, and accusations. the intended assassin in the fray which cost him By the regulations now suggested by Pompey, his life. Cicero too, with great zeal and courage, every trial was to endc in four days. The examilnwhile the friends of Milo were yet unsafe in the ation of evidence mighlt occupy the three first; streets, maintained the same argument in the the hearing of parties, and tile judlgment, the senate, and before the people.2 Milo, however, fourth.

The prosecutor was allowed two hours would have been glad to make a composition; to support his charge, and the defendant three and as Pompey had all along, in the competition hours to make his d(letnce. The number of adfor the consulate, favoured not only Scipio but vocates was restricted, and the use of commendalikewise fIypseus argainst him, he offered to drop tory characters prolinblted.5 The quesitor, or his pretension in favour of those candidates, it’ judge criminal, was to he chosen fromi among Pompey would agree to suppress the prosecutions those who had held the oflice of consul, and that were commencing against him.

To these eighty judges or jurors were to ble impannelled, proposals Pompey refused to listen. He probaand obliged to attend the trial. After the evibly thought the election secure for his friends, dence and pleadings were heard, the parties were and by affecting a zeal for justice, hoped to in-then allowed ea(ch to challenge or reject fifteen of crease his authority with the people. the jury or judges, or five from each of the orders The partizans of Pompey, in the midst of this of which they were composed: and the court wild and disorderly state of affairs, were busy in being thus reduced to fifty-one, they were to be renewing the cry which they had raised in the inclosed and to give juldgment.6 former interregnum, that he should be named Corruption was become so frequent, and so dictator, for the re-establishment of order, and much a necessary art in conductilrr elections, the restoration of the public peace. Such air that it was difficult to find any one willing to extraordinary power had never been at any time prosecute this crime. To remedy this detect, a more wanted in the republic; but the times, in clause was enacted in the law of Pomlrpey, by which it might be safely applied, were nonore. which anv person formerly convicted of bribery, The name of dictator recalled the memory of might obtain a remission of the penalties he had Sylla’s executions. and it appeared to be uncertain against whom they might now be directed Plutarch. il Vit. Poip. et Catolis, Dio. iib. xl. 4 Ascor. l a:liarn. ini Argumireint. Orat pro IMilone. 2 Ascon. Padiamx in Argument.

Orat. pro Milone. 5 Dio. Cass. lib. xl. c. 53. 6 Asconi. l’Pad. ibid. 2 U

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231 THE PROGRESS AND TERMllNAITION [Booi: IV. incurred by convicting any one other pierson of a j were imp)annelled in terms of the late statute.

crilme equal, or by convicting two persons, though The criminal was cited to answer this cl-arre -n of a crime less heinous than his own. By these the fourth of April; and on the same da,l to means, it was proposed that one conviction shoull answer a charge of corruption brought aga nst produce still more in succession. That convic-him in the ordinary court of the prmtor Manhlus. tion, in every instance, should be attendled with Marcellus app)earedl for him at the bar of the pr.einfamy; but that the pains of law should ulti-tor, and procured a delay until the other trial matelv rest on such a lperson as could not find shouldl be ended. another on whom to shift the burden froui’The court, it appears, was assembled in the himsel f. forun or open market-place. There was a tri. These regulations were made with a particular bunal or bench railed in for the jud(res. The view to the trial of Milo, now arraigned on the whole space was crowded with nlultitudes of statutes both of corruption, and of violence or as-people. The prosecutors began with exanlilng sassination.

The passing of these laws was op-Cassinius Schola, who hadl been in complany with posed on this account by the friends of the ac-Clodius when he was killed. This witness gave cused, who alleged, that they were not acts of direct eviidence to) the fact, and exaggerated the legislation, but acts of attainder, having a retro-atrocity of the crime. Marcellus would have spect to the case of a party concerned in a pl)st cross-questioned him; but the populace, and many transaction. Celius the tribune, and Cicero, others who assembled in the crowd, who fivoured maintained this argument. Pompev replied with the prosecution, raised a menacing cry, which impatience, that if he were hindered to proceed in alarmed the accused and his counsel so much. a legral way, lie should employ force.2 He ap-that they claimed the protection of the court.

peared to entertain some animosity against Milo, I hey were accordingly received within the rails, such at least as they who love to govern, have to and the judlge applied to the consul, who had taothers who appear not to be easily governed. He ken his staition near to the place of asseilmbly, in either had, or affected to have, apprehensions of ordler to restrain, by his presence, alny disorders dan(rer to his own person, confessed or afftcted that might arise at the trial. Pomlpey, who was this apprehension in the senate, and retired, as for then attended olllv by his lictors, was himself safety, to his own house in the subur)bs: there he likewise alarmted by that disorderly shout, and retained, for the guard of his person, a party of said, that for the future, a proper force should bN
armed men; and there too, under the same af-provided to keep) the peace.

He accoridingly, on fectation of withdrawing from violence, he caused the following day, filled every avenue, which led the assemblies of the senate to be held. to the foruln, with inen under arms; and, upon The aristocratical or senatorian party was some tumult among the plopulace, gave an order much interested in the preservation of Milo: that the place should be cleared. Inl the executhey had been frequently assailed by the popular tion of this order numbers were killed. rioters, who set the laws at defiance; and as the Under the impression made by this vigorous laws hadl not always been of sufficient force to exertion of power, the witnesses continued to be protect their persons, it was their interest to pro-examined for two d(ays without any disturbance. tect those who, on occasion, had set aside the Anlong these the inhabitants of Bovillwr, the fa-.aws in their dlefence. The argument, in equity, mily and relations of Clodius, and his wife Fulindeed was strong on the side of Milo. During via, were examined on the several circumstances the late suspension of government, the faictions that fell within their knowledge, and left no were rather separate parties at war, than subljects ndoubt remaining with respect to the fact. The enjoying the protection, and amenable to the minds of men every day becamle more intent on jurisdiction of any civil powter whatever. They the issue: so that, on the fourth dayv, when the who procured or prolonged this state of anarchy, parties were to plead, all other business was suswere alone chargeable with the conse(quences. pended in the city; the shops and offices were In ttis contest, which could not be maintaiinedl shut. without force or violent measures, the friends of There appeared for the prosecutors Appius the reputbic andl of the senate were badly cir-Claudius, M1. Antonius, and Valerius’Nepos. cumstancel.

They contended for laws, and a They began at eight, and spoke till ten.

For the constitution which might be turned against the defender appeared Q. Hortensius, M. Marcellus, very irregrularities which had been necessary to M. Calidius, Faustus Sylla, M. Cato, anld M. their own preservation, while the opposite faction, T. Cicero, of whom the last only attempted to if defeated, might claim the pirotection of forms, speak. Somne were of opinion, that, as the fact which thev had endeavoured to subvert. was undeniable, it ought to be justified on the It would have been just, perhaps, to have closed plea of necessity and public expedience. Cicero the late scene of confusion with a general indem-himself thought this too bold a plea, and therenity, and to have taken precautions for the regular fore chose that of self-defence, alleging that Clouninterrupted exercise of government in future. dius was the aggressor, and intended to assassiThis, however, would not have calmed the re-nate Milo. It is remarked of this celebrated sentments of those who were atgerrieved, and orator, that he began all his orations unlder conPompey determined to signalize his government siderable solicitude and awe of his audience. On by a more specious appearance of justice. Doni-this occasion, when he stood up to speak, the partius Alhenobarbus was chosen commissioner tor tizans of Clodius, who were likewise inveterate the trial of Milo, on the charge of murder; and enemies to himself; endeavoured to disconcert the other judres, taken from amongr the mIost re-him with clainours and mlenacing cries.‘i’he spectalle of each order in tle commonwealth, unusual sight of military guards, commanded by an ofrlcmr, who was suptlosed to be lrejudiced 1 lDio. C(ass Jib. xl. c. 52. against his client, it is said.

so fiar overcamlle and 2. Ascon. Prldian. in Argument. Orat. pro Milole.

sunk his spirit, that he spoke feebly, andll con

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CHAP. III.j OF TILE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 235 eluded abruptly; and that what he actually de-seems, was delivered to read to Milo while he sat livered was far short of that masterly oration at dinner. “How lucky it was,” he said, “that which he composed, and afterwards published this oration was not actually spoken, I should not under the title of Milo’s defence. now have been eating these excellent fish at’MarThe accused, however, even in this alarming seilles.“3 These marks of indifference make a scene, stood at the bar with an undaunted coun-striking contrast to the figure which Cicero himtenance; and while every one else, in imitation self had exhibited in his exile. If he could have of the senators, appeared in mourning, he alone thus trifled with apparent or unmerited disgrace, appeared in an ordinary dress. When judgment that silgle addition of constancy and force to his was given, and the ballots inspected, it appeared character would have undoubtedly placed him as that, of the senators, twelve condemned, and six, high in the order of statesmen, as, by the other or perhaps rather five, acquitted; of the knights, parts of his charac(ter, he standsl in the list of inthirteen condemned, and four acquitted; of the genious men and virtuous citizens. Tribuni iErarii, or representatives of the plebeian Milo was likewise soon after condemned, in order, thirteen condemned, and three or four ac-absence, by the prnetor, upon a charge of bribery quitted. And Milo, upon the whole, was con-and corruption. Some of his competitors, pardemned by thirty-eight against thirteen. ticularly Hypsreus and Scipio, were brought to Before sentence was pronounced, being still at trial for the same offence. The tribune Munaliberty to withdraw, he retired into exile, and I tius Plancus and Pompeius Rufus were, at the fixed his residence at Marseilles. Thither Cicero expiration of their office, tried and condemned sent him a copy of an oration in his defence, for the share they had in the fire which concomposed at leisure, as an effort of his eloquence, sumed the senate-house, and in the assault whi(ch and a specimen of what could be urged in the was committed on the house of M. Lcpidus the cause. The packet containing this writing, it interrex.

CHAPTER III. Character of Pompey in Capacity of sole Consul-Privilege qf Ccesar to be admitted as Candidate for the Offce qf Consul, without resigning his Province-General Rerolt of the GaulsOperations in that Country Blockade and Reduction of Alesia-Distribution of Ccesar’s Army in Gaul. POMPEY in his dignity of sole consul, hav-when the judges came to be inclosed, tholught ing joined a legal authority to the personal eleva-proper to reject Cato: the accused was neverthetion whicll he always afibeted, possessed much less condemlned.5 of the influence and consideration of a real mo-Besides the measures taken to punish past ofnarc(h; and it would have been happy, perhaps, fences, it was thought necessary to devise some for the state, if he could have.made such a digni-laws to prevent for the future, or to lessen the ty hereditary, and a permanent part of the contemptation to the commission of such dangerous stitution, or given to the commonwealth that crimes. The principal source of the late disorreasonable mixture of kingly government, of ders appeared to be the avidity of candidates for which it appears to have stood so greatly in need.‘those offices of state, which led immediately to In his present elevation he rose for a while above the government of lucrative provinces. To remove the partialities of a factious leader, and appeared this temptation, it was ordained, at the suggestion to adopt that interest which the sovereign ever of Pomupey, that no man could be appointed to a has in the support of justice. He even seems to province till five years after the expiration of that have personated the character of a prince, or to office, whether of consul, pretor, or qu stor, in have considered himself as above the rank of a virtue of which he claimed a proportionate station citizen. Among other instances to this purpose, in the provinces. is mentioned his haughty saying to Hypsnus, Before the enacting of this law, however, Pormlate candidate for the consulate, now under pro-pey had the address to procure for himself a prosecution for bribery, who, as Pomnpey passed from longation of his government in Spain for five the bath to supper, put himself in his way to’years. This circumstance, which continued to implore his protection, ” Detain me not,” he said, give him the command of an army abroad, while “you only make supper too cool for no purpose.‘4 he likewise bore the highest civil office in the In the midst of the solicitations of his courtiers state at holne, set a very dangerous precedent for and flatterers, he even ventured to dispense with the commonwealth. his owr: regulations. Contrary to the rule he Cesar’s command in Gaul was soon to expire; himself had laid down for the direction of crimni-and, according to the laws then in force, he must nal trials, he furnished Munatius Plancus, when even resign it before he could aspire to the conbrought to the bar, with a commendatory testi-sullate, or pretend to cope with his rival in civil mony, ” 1 cannot prefer this writing of Pompey,”

prefermnents. It had been wisely ordained by the said Cato, “to the law of which he himself is the I iws, that the persons oilbring themselves as canauthor.” On account of this saying, Planeus, dliatles fir the office of consul, should appear in,)erson to sue for it; and( that no nian, without 3 Asconiis Pelmhanus et Argmnuent et Notis in resirning his commandi and dismissing his army, Orat pro Mil. Die. Cass. lib. xl Plut. in Ponipeio, Catone. &c. 4 Val. Mlax. lib. ix. c. 5. 5 Plutarch. in Pompeio, p. 484.

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236 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [Book IV. could eater the city, or even go beyond the limits this very question; he condemned the indiscreet of the province in which he had governed. By this zeal of Cato, who, in his opinion, was ruining the regulation it was intended to prevent the con-cause of the republic by setting both Caesar and junction of civil power in the state with the comn-Pompey at defiance, while he himself, by tempomand of an army. Pompey, however, though rising, and by managing the inclinations of these vested with such a command in Spain, had conparties, had secured them both in its interests. trived to be exempted from the observance of this He stated the danger of a quarrel with (Casar at law; and, under pretence that his office of gene-this time, supported as he was by a powerful ral purveyor of corn for the Roman people did army, and in the bowels of Italy; but did not not confine him to any station, and in reality ex-consider that he was then giving up, without a tended to the whole empire, or had a particular quarrel, all that any quarrel could extort. reference to Italy, still continued to reside in the The army of Caesar was not then so well precity of Rome. pared to follow him against his country, nor he Caesar, to keep pace with his rival, openly himself furnished with the same colours of jusaspired to the same privilege with Pompey, and tice, under which he afterwards made war on the claimed, as a mere instance of equal treatment, commonwealth. Ifa civil war were to be dreadwhat the other had obtained; but what, if be-ed, to temporise, in this instance, was to give a stowed on himself, with his other advantages, delay which proved favourable to the enemy, or must have given him a great and immediate superi-rather, in effect, to deliver up the republic, withority. The army he commanded was already in out a contest, to that fate which the prudent the most advantageous situation.

The addition counsels in question were intended to remrove. of consular power at Rome, to that of general in Under colour of this prudence, nevertheless, Ciboth the Gauls, was joining Italy itself to his cero, as well as Pompey, supported the tribunes provinces, and putting him at once in possession in their motion, and obtained for the proconsul of the empire. Any opposition made to his an-of Gaul the dispensation he desired, to retain his thority as consul would be construed as rebellion army, while he offlred himself a candidate for against the state itself.

Pompey would be driven the highest office of the state at Rome. at once from the helm of affairs to the command Caesar, immediately upon his arrival cn that of a distant province, in which he, at most, could side of the Alps in the beginning of winter, obonly defend himself; but not entertain any deserving the distractions which took place in the signs on the sovereignty of Italy, which would city upon the murder of Clodius, afitchted much be covered from his attempts by the Pyrenees and zeal for the laws which had been so grossly viothe Alps, and the great armies of Gaul. lated in that instance; and, under pr(ttelce of With these objects in his view, Caesar in-furnishing himself with the means of su)lorting structed his partizans among the tribunes to the state against those who were inclined to dismove, that, being continually engaged in a ha-turb it, ordered new levies in every part of his zardous war, which required his presence, and provinces, and made a considerable addition to being necessarily detained abroad in the service his army; but, contented for the present with the of his country, he might be exempted from the privilege he had obtained of suing for the consulaw, which required the candidates for office to late, without quitting his province, or resigniag attend their canvass in person, and might there-his military power, he left the state, as before, apfore be elected into the consulate without present-parently it, the hands of Pompey; and, in the ing himself to the people for that purpose. middle of winter, on the report of a general deThis proposition was sufficiently understood fection of all the Gaulish nations, repass, d the by the leading men of the senate, and by the few Alps. who joined with them in support of the common-Most of the nations that lay beyond the mounwealth. It was known to be intended that Cesar tains of Auvergne, the original limits of the Roshould have a privilege of being elected consul, man province, roused by the sense of their present without resigning his province, or dismissing his condition, or by the cruel massacre lately exearmy; and they withstood the motion as of the cuted in a part of their country, were actually in most dangerous consequence. But Pompey, who arms. They had submitted to Caesar, or were ought likewise, for his own sake, to have been separately gained by him, under the specious alarmed at the progress of Caesar, and at the unpretence of alliance or protection against their common advantage at which he now aimed, was enemies; and with the title of ally, suffered him either lulled into security by the artifices of his to become their master. But the violence with rival, or thought himself sufficiently raised above which he had threatened the canton of the Carany danger fron this or any other quarter. He nutes,’ for absentinag themselves fron the conhad accepted, in his own person, many unprece-vention which he had assembled on the Seine, dented honours, and was possibly unwilling to and the merciless severities executed by him contend for forms which, at some future period, against the unfortunate natives of the tract bemight limit his own pretensions. Cato loudly tween the Rhine and the Meuse,2 convinced all renewed his suspicion of Cesar’s designs. I’icero the nations of Gaul that they wvere reduced to the could not be neutral in any dispute that should condition of slaves; alnd that every exertion they arise between Ciesar and Pompey. He had been made for liberty was to be pul shed as a crime. banished by the one, and restored by the other. They saw tile fioly of their former disseiltions, Besides the personal consideration he owed to and suspended all their animosities to enter into Pompey on this occasion, his natural bias was a general concert for their common salt v.

T’he on the side of the senate, and for the support of occasion, they said, was favourable fbr tllhe reco. the forms which were provided for the safety very of their country. The Romans were dis of the commonwealth. He nevertheless suffered nimlself to be dazzled with the court which Caesar 1

Now Clhartres. ad;,aid to him for some time, with a view to I-2 Now chiefly Liege and Guelderland.

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CHAP. III.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 237 tracted at home, and Cesar had sufficient occu-self, with the force under his command., Io pene. pation in Italy. His army could not act in his trate through so many enemies as lay in his way absence. The present time, they concluded, to join them. It was yet winter, and the mounwas the favourable opportunity to shut out the tains were deeply covered with snow. This cirRomans for ever beyond the Cevennes, or even cumstance, which increased his difficulties, as it to force them to retire within the Alps. was likely to render the enemy secure, still enAll the nations on the Seine, the Loire, and couraged him to make his attempt. He accordthe Garonne, quite round to the sea-coast, re-ingly passed the mountains6 which lay in his ceived these representations with joy. They way, at a time when the snow, in many places, held private meetings, and instead of exchanging being six feet deep, must be removed with shohostages, which would have been too public a vels, and when that passage was supposed to be measure, and have led to a discovery of their de-entirely impracticable. After he had surmounted signs, they plighted their faith by a more secret this difficulty, his object being to draw the attenform, commonly practised among them on great tion of the prince of the Arverni to his own occasions, that of pressing their banners together. country, he sent his cavalry abroad in numerous The people of the Carnutes3 undertook to be-parties to destroy with fire and sword the people gin hostilities; and accordingly, on a day fixed, with their habitations and possessions. When surprised the town of Genabum,4 where they put he thought the alarm was sufficiently spread, and many Roman traders, together with the coin-must have reached the Gaulish army on the missary-general of the army, to death. Loire, he pretended, that his presence was reIt was the custom of the Gauls to convey inquired in the province behind him, gave the comtimation of such events by means of a cry which mand of the troops in Auvergne to Decimus they raised at the place of action, and repeated Brutus, then a young man; giving him orders wherever the voice was heard, till, passing almost at the same time to keep his parties abroad, and with the velocity of sound itself, it gave the to continue to harass the country as he himself speediest information of what was done. In this had done. manner, intelligence of what had been trans-Having taken these measures to fix the attenacted at Genabum at the rising of the sun, was, tion of the enemy in one quarter, Caesar, with a before night, propagated in every direction to the few attendants, made haste to pass in a different distance of a hundred and sixty miles, and put direction to Vienna on the Rhone, where he was all the nations within this compass in a ferment. received by a party of horse, which he had apIts first and principal effects, however, were pro-pointed at that place to wait his orders; and, duced in the country of the Arverni.s Here under this escort, without halting by day or by Vercingetorix, a youth of heroic spirit and great night, he passed by Bibracte7 and the country of tle capacity, assembled his retainers, took possession Lingones,8 to the nearest quarter of his army on of Gergovia, now Clermont, the capital of his the Seine, and while he was yet supposed to be country, and from thence sent messengers in in Auvergne, had actually assembled his legions every direction to urge the execution of the mea-which had been distributed on the course of that sure lately concerted for the general freedom of river. Gaul. He himself, in return for his zeal, being Vercingetorix having notice that Caesar, ii chosen the common head of the confederacy, in this manner, had passed him, and that the Rothis capacity, fixed the quota of men and of arms man army on the Seine was in motion, perceived to be furnished by each separate canton, and took that the invasion of his own country had been no hostages for the regular observance of the condi-more than a feint, and that the chief force of the tions to which the several parties had agreed. enemy was to be expected from a different quarVercingetorix having assembled a considerable ter, he resumed the operations which he had inarmy, sent a part of his force to act on the Ga-termitted on the Loire, and endeavoured to possess ronne, and to harass the frontiers of the Roman himself of a post in the territory of Bibracte, province, while he himself moved to the Loire, in where the people still professed themselves to be order to rouse the nations of that quarter, who in the alliance of the Romans. appeared to be too secure; and he accordingly Casar, notwithstanding the difficulty of probrought to his standard all the warriors of those curing provisions and forage so early in the seacantons that lay on the left of that river. His son, thought himself under a necessity of opposparty on the Garonne, at the same time, were ing the progress of the enemy. For this purpose joined bv all the nations of Aquitania, and, in he left his baggage, under the guard of two leformidable numbers, threatened with immediate gions, at Agendicum;9 and from thence, with the destruction the cities of Thoulouse and Nar-remainder of the army, proceeded to Genabum,10 bonne, or such part of their districts at least as leaving Trebonius by the way to take possession were open to invasion. of a town which the natives, after a little show of Thither Cesar, with all the forces he could resistance, had surrendered. assemble upon his arrival from Italy, immediately Upon his arrival before Genabunl, the Ga ols, repaired; and, having put the province of Nar-who were in arms at that place, resolved to ahlanbonne in a condition not to be insulted, proceeded. don the town; and shutting the gates against tile to give the enemy an alarm in their own country. Romans on one side, endeavoured to escape by His object was, if possible, to put himself at the the bridge of the Loire on the other. But Cesar, head of the legions which he had left on the having notice of their design, forced open their northern frontiers of his new acquisitions. He gates, and overtook them, while crowded todid not choose that those legions should move in gether in the entrance of the bridge, and in the his absence so far as to expose themselves to be cut off by the natives. Nor was it easy for him-6 The Cevennes. 7 Afterwards Augustudonum, now Auitun. 3 Chartre~

4 Orleans. 5 Auvergne. 8 Langres. 9 Sens. 10 Orleans.

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238 THE PROGRESS AN 1) TER-MIN ATION [BooK IV. narrow streets which led to it, put the greater in front were covered with mantlets and moveahle part to the swordl, and, under the pretence of re-penthouses. The besieged, that they migllt still veingi,2 the massacre of the Roman traders, who overtop the besiegers, raised their walls lv’ addiihad been cut o’ at this place, ordered that the tional frames of wood, which they covered w-ithi town should he (lestroved. From thence he pene-raw hides, as a security against the hurnin’r artrated into the country of the Bituriges,t on the rows and shafts which were dartedm aTainst theim. left of the Loire; and, on his way towards Ava-In this contest the works on both sides were ricumn,2 the capital of that district, forced every raised about eighty feet, and the besieged eiulkapla e that opposed his passafe. voured to keep the advantage of sup)erior h-eit!!t, Vercin92etorix, ohservin% the rapidi progress of not only by raising their own walls, but likewise the Romnans, and lkiowin(r that the Gauls, being by undermining and sinking the nmound of the without order or dliscipline, could not withstand besiegers. They made galleries under the founthem in battle, declined an engagement, but endation of their own wall to the hottom of the deavoured to distress the enemy by delays and enemy’s mound, by which they endeavourcd to want of provisions. He hadl authority enough remove the earth and other materials from below, with his own people to persuade them to lay their as fast as they were accumulated above. They colntry~ waste every where within many miles of came from their sally-ports on different sides of Cesar’s route. Twenty towns of the Biturires the moundl, and endeavoured to set fire to the were burnt in one day. Avaricum alone, con-wood by which the earth was supported. In all trary to the opinion of Vercinretorix, an(l at the these particulars showing that they possessed the earnest request of its inhabitants, who undertook arts of defence in common with ancient nations.4 to defend it to the last extremity, was spared. Vercingetorix, in the mean time, continued to Thither, accordingly, Caesar adlvanced as to the harass the Ronlan army from without, intercepted only prize that was left. He attacked the place, their supply of provisions, and, by means of the unlder great disatvantags, in the miidst of a river and the nlor,,ss, maintained his communicacountry that was entirely laid waste, andl trustinr tion with the town, and sent in frequent relicef for the daily subsistence of his army to the 2Edti Notwnithstandinr all these difficulties, Caesar bevonft the Loire, who, notwithstanding their by decrees brought forward and raised his mound professions, were f:ar from heing hearty in his of approach to the height of the battlements; Co cause, or diligent in sending their supplies of that by a single assault he might determine the provisions to his camp. Such as they sent were fate of the town. And while both parties were intercepted by Vercingretorix, who hadl occupied preparing for a last effort, he took the olpportunity, a strong post with his army, and infested the as he frequently (lid, of a heavy rain to make his highways with his parties. In these circum-attack. The besieged, as he supposed, had taken stances, Cesar’s army was sometimes reduced to shelter fronm the weather, aiid were in that instant great distress, he himself, to pique the resolution put off their guard. He got possession of the of his soldiers, aflected a willingness to raise the battlements with little resistance, and drove the siege, whenever they were pleased to intimate, parties who manned them before him from the that they could endure it no longer; ” “We are walls. The inhabitants formed in the streets, and got into a difficult situation,” he used to observe; the Romans who had entered, extending their line “if the troops are discouraged, I shall withdraw.” to right and left along the ramparts. were about To this affected tenderness for the sufferings of to occupy the battlements over the whole circuinhis men, he was every where answered, with inference of the place, when the garrison, observing treaties that he would not dishonour them, by their danger, began to escape by the gates. In supposing that any hardships; could oblige them the confusion that followed, the town was sacked. to forfeit the character they had acquired by the and could make no resistance. Of forty thousand labour of so many successful campaigns. He acpersons who had taken shelter in it, no more than cordingly continued the attack of Avaricum under eight hundred escaped. This massacre was joined all his discouragements. to that lately performed at Genabum, under the The place was covered on two sides by a river pretence of completing the vengeance which was and a morass, and was accessible only on the third. due for the murder of the Roman traders who The walls of the town were ingeniously conwere put to death at the breaking out of the structed with double frames of wood, having compresent revolt. partments or pannels filled up with masonry and The Gauls, as usual on every calamitous event, large blocks of stone. The masonry secured the were greatly disheartened, and were about to d,timber from fire, and the frames preserved the spair of their cause, when their leader renlilnlded masonry against the effects of the battering ram, them, that, contrary to his judgment, they had rewhich could act only on the stones contained served this place from the general devastation, within a single pannel or division of the frame, and had themselves undertaken to defend it; th:at without ruining at once any considerable part of what they sufiered was the consequence of a ntisthe wall, or effecting a breach. The Roman ar-take, and might be retrieved by abler conduct. my approached to this wall by the most laborious His authority as usual rose on the ill-success of and difficult methods which were practised. counsels which he had not approved, and brougiht They began, in the ancient form of attack, at a an accession of numbers to his standard. proper distance, and on a breadth of eighty-three Cwesar, finding a considerable supply of stores feet, to lay a sloping nmound,3 which rising by de-and provisions at Avaricum, remained some days grees on the plain, formed, as it advanced, an easy to relieve and to refresh his armyv. The country ascent to the level o the battlements. The earth around him, however, being entirely laid waste, on the sides of this it-nund was.lupported by or occupied by parties of the enemy, it became timbers, hurdles, and faggots, and the workmen I Now Berri. 2 Bour-es. 3 The Agger. 4 Cmsar die Bell.

Gall. lib. vii. c. 2-2, &c. Vid. Thu I Now Berri. 2t Bourge8. 3 The Agger.

cidid. lib. ii. in the siege of Plataa.

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ChIAP. 1I.1 OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 239 necessary for him to repass the Loire, and to open I on the onposite bank. From thence he sent or his communication with a country of which the ders to recall the main body; and before the eneinhlabithnts still professed to be in alliancc,with my were apprised of his design. had reunited all the Roalnns, and having had their possessions his forces on the left of the rixer. covered by the river from the incursions of the Vercingetorix, as soon as he had intelligenct enemy in their late devastations, were still in that the Romans had passed the Allilr fi.ll back conditio’n to supply his camp. As in this move-to Gergovia,6 the capital of his own principality. in ment he seemed to retire and to give up the order to take measures for the safety of that Ilace. groufid he had disputed with the prince of the It being situated on a height having an ascent Arverni, he pretended that he was called to set-of above a mile from the plain, and surrounded tie a dispute which had arisen among the JEdui, by other hills, which made part of the same rid ge, relatingl to the succession of the chief magistrate, he ordered a stone wall to be built six feet high or head of their canton.

Having repassed to the about half way up the ascent to the town, ald right of the Loire without any loss, he made a encampled as many as the space, could contain demand on his allies of that side for ten thousand within the circuit of this wall. He occupied the men on foot, and all the horses they could furnish. other hills at the same time with separate blodies, He now had enemies on every quarter, and it having communications with each other and with was goood policy to keep them divided, and to oc-the town.

By this disposition Cwsar found all the cupy them separately. For this purpose he sent approaches of the place commanded, and no posfour legions towards the Seine; while he himself sibility of investing the whole by lines of circumtook the route of Noviodunum,5 at the confluence vallation, or by any chain of posts. He pitched of the Loire and Allier; and there leaving his his canmp at some distance from the foot of the money, spare horses, and unnecessary baggage, hill, andl from thence in a few days got possession he continued his march on the banks of the Allier, of a height in his way to the town, on which he with intention to pass that river, and to invade posted two legions, with a line of communication, the Arverni, from whom this revolt had originated, fortified on both its flanks, leading from this adandl whose chief was now at the head of it. This vanced station to his main encampment. prince, knowing that the river Allier is never In this posture Cwsar foresaw, that all the for.dable till autumn, and till the melting of snows heights in his neighbourhood being in possession on the Cevennes begin to abate, ordered all the of the enemy, while he pressed upon the town, bridges upon it to be demolished, and hoped to he himself might be hemmed in, and cut off from prevent the Romans from passing it during the all the supplies necessary for the support of his greater part of summer. As soon as Cwsar army. To preserve his communication, theremarched from Noviodunum, he presented himself fore, with the Allier and the Loire, he ordered on the opposite bank of the river, and regulated his allies from the opposite side of’ these rivers to his motions by that of the enemy. The two ar-advance with the forces he had formerly required mies commonly decamped, marched and encamp-of them, to occupy the country in his rear, and to ed again in sight of each other; and Cmesar never cover his convoys. Thev accordingly took the affected to elude the vigilance of the Gauls, till he field; but their leaders having been for some time saw an opportunity to do so with adlvantage. inclined to favour the general cause of the Gauls, It happened that one of the bridges of the they thought this a favourable opportunity to Allier had been but imperfectly destroyed; most declare their intentions. Being arrived within of the piles were yet fast in the ground, and ap-thirty miles of Casar’s army, they halted; and, peared above water; so that a passage might be upon a report which was industriously spread effected in a few hours. The country around amongst them, that he had murdered sonme of was woody, and furnished cover, or a place of their countrymen who were already in his camp, ambush, to any number of men.

From these they put all the Romans in their company to circumstances Cwsar conceived the design to death, and took measures to join their countryover-reach the enemy. He put his army in mo-men who were assembled for the defence of tion as usual, but himself remained with a suf-Gergovia. They had not yet moved to execute ficient detachment in the neiaghbourhood of the this resolution, when CTesar had notice of what ruined bridge, which he meant to repair. In order was intended, and with his usual diligrence arthat the Gauls might not be led to suspect that rived, after a march of thirty miles, with four leany part of his army was left behind, he ordered gions and all his cavalry, in time to prevent its that those who were to move should divide, and effects. He presented himself as a friend; and present the same number of separate bodies. the thinking it safest for the present to disguise his same distinction of colours and standards, which resentment, he produced into public view all the they were accustomed to show on a march of the persons who were said to have been killed by his whole army; at the same time, as he knew that orders, convinced such as had been deceived of the Gauls would endeavour to keep pace with his their error, and brought them, with the seeming people, in order to hasten and increase their dis-cordiality of allies, to his camp. tance, he ordered them to make a quicker and a Cwesar made a merit with the MEdui of this act longer march than usual. When he supposed of clemency towards their people; *ut found that that this feint or stratagem had taken its full the spirit of defection was not confined to these effect, he began to work on the piles which were detachments; that it had pervaded the nation; left in the river, and in a few hours repaired the that the violence committed in the camp was an bridge so effectually, that he passed with a di-effect of the resolutions adopted by the whole vision of the army he had reserved for this pur-people; that, in pursuance of the same measures, pose, and instantly fortified a post to cover them his purveyors and commissaries had been assault6 Now supposed to be the neighbourhood of Cher 5 N,rs. mont

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240 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK IV ed and pillaged even where they thought them-they carried off or rifled ti treas ire he kept for selves secure, as in a friend’s country; and that the pay of his army, and seizd all t.re spare horses he could no longer rely on the affections of any and baggage which he had left at Noviodunum,l nation in Gaul. as at a place of security at the confluence of the The leaders of the iEdui, however, on hearing Allier and the Loire. of the l’enitv that was sh’own to such of their peo-He himself was yet inclosed between these ple as were in the power of Cesar, pretended to two rivers, having enemies on every side, and no return to their duty; and Cwsar, not to break at magazines or stores for the supply of his army once with the only supposed ally which remained He deliberated whether he should not fall back to him bevond the Cevennes, affected to consider on the province of Narbonne; but the dan(rer to the late disorders as the effect of a mere popular which he nmust expose Labienus, commanding a tumult, and declared himself willing to rely on division of the Roman army on the Seine, the the wisdom of the state itself for the reparation difficulty of passing the mountains of Auvergne, of wrongs which a few ill-advised persons of then occupied by his enemies, and the discredit their country had committed. which his arms must incur from such a retreat, This able commander ap)pears, on many occaprevented him. He determined, therefore, to adsions, to have trusted greatly to the superiority vance; passed the Loire by a ford above its conof the Roman soldiers, as well as to that of his fluence with the Allier; found a considerable own reputation and conduct as a general. His supply of provisions and forage in the country of confidence in both was required in the highest the iEdui, and continued his march from thence degree to support him in continuing, or even in to the Seine. attempting, a siege under his present difficulties, Labienus, with the troops he commanded in beset by numerous enemies, who were in appear-that quarter, had besieged Lutetia, the original ance )‘oly conducted; while he himself was de-germ from which the city of Paris has grown, serted by those who were reputed his friends. then confined to a small island in the Seine, and In his last march to repress the defection of his had made some progress in the siege, when he allies, he had left his camp exposed to the attacks heard of CTsar’s retreat from Gergovia, of the deof the enemy, and defended only by two legions fection of the zE(lui, and of preparations which against the whole force of so many nations as were making by the nations on his ri(ht against were assembled for the defence of Gergovia. himself. In theise circumstances, he laid aside his These seized their opportunity in his absence, design on Lutetia, and ascended by the left of the made a vigorous attack. and must have prevailed, Seine to the country of the Senones, through if he had not returned with the utmost celerity to which Cwsar was now advancing to meet him. relieve his camp. In passing the river at Melodunum,2 he was atWith the same confidence in the superiority tacked by the enemy, but obtained a considerable of his men, Cesar soon afterwards made an at-victory; and(, with the credit of this event in his tempt to force the wall, which, as has been men-favour, continued his march to a place which is tioned, the Gauls had built on the ascent of the now called Sens, near to which he was soon afhill which led to the town; and having made a terwards joined by Cmsar. feint on the opposite side with part of his horse, While the Romans were thus reuniting their joined by the followers of the army mounted on forces on the Seine, Vercingetorix had passed the horseback, who showed themselves at a distance Loire, and held a general convention of the Gaulto appear like cavalry, he drew the enemy from ish nations at Bibracte. He was attended by dethe place he meant to attack, actually passed the puties of ali the cantons from the Moselle to the wall, and made himself master of part of their Loire, except the Treviri, Remi, and Lingones.9 camp. A few of his men penetrated even into The first stood in awe of the Germans, who the town; but not being supported were sur-kept them in continual alarm. The two’ last rounded and slain; even those who had succeeded profetssed an attachment to the Romans, who at first under favour of the feint by which he had were still masters of the field in their neighbourdrawn off the enemy, were, upon the return of hood. the Gauls to the defence of their camp, repulsed The leader of the Gaulish confederacy being with considerable loss. In consequence of this at this meeting confirmed in his command, made defeat, it was no longer doubtful that Casar a requisition for an augmentation of force, chiefly would be under the necessity of raising the siege. of cavalry, and accordingly increased this part of In order to begin his retreat without any ap-his army to fifteen thousand. To the end that pearance of fear, he formed his army two days he might give the Romans sufficient occupation successively on the plain before his entrenchment, in their own defence, he projected two separate and offered the enemy battle. On the third day invasions of the province of Narbonne: one to he decamped; and, with the credit he derixved be executed by the nations which lay between from this species of defiance or challenge, in three the Rhone and Garonne, towards Thoulouse days he arrived at the Allier, repaired his bridge, the other, from the Soane and the upper parts of and repassed undisturbed by the enemy. His the Loire, towards Geneva and the left of the passage, of the same river, a short time before, Rhone. He himself, though still determined to was esteemed as a victory, and his return, with-avoid any general action, was to harass the enemy Dut having gained any advantage, and merely for in their movements, and to cut oil their supplies the safety of his army, was undoubtedly consi-of provisions. dered as a defeat. The low state of his fortunes, Casar, on his part, wished to open his comchecked and baffled by a Gaulish leader, yet a munication with the Roman province, that he youth, and unexperienced, encouraged the na-might have access to cover it against the designs tions on the right of the Loire, even while he was __
advancing towards them, to declare for the liber-1Nevers. 2 Noa Melun.

ties of Gaul; and as a commencement of hostility, 1 3 Now Treves, Rheims, and Lasgre.

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CHAP. II.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 241 of the enemy, and to avail himself of its resources dismissing them altogether, giving them instrucfor the subsistence of his army. For this pur-tions to make the best of their way to their seveose, it was necessary for him to return, by the ral cantons, and there to represent the situation oane and the Rhone, through a level country ia which they had left the army, and the necessiwhich was in possession of the enemy, to whom ty of making a great and speedy effort from every he was greatly inferior in cavalry. He sent into quarter to relieve it. He had eighty thousand Germany for a reinforcement of horse; and the men under his command, and might be able to natives of that part of the continent being al-subsist them for thirty days, and no longer.

ready sensible, that wherever they were admitted Casar, from the enemy’s having sent away to act as soldiers of fortune, they were qualifying their cavalry, concluded that they meant to act themselves to act as masters, without scruple be-on the defensive, and to remain in their present stowed their services for or against any cause; situation until they should be relieved. With little two thousand of them joined Cesar, but so ill apprehension of disturbance, therefore, fromwithnounted that he was obliged to supply them with in his lines, he proceeded to execute amazing horses, by borrowing such as belonged to his works; at once to secure his prey and to cover officers of infantry, and as many as could be himself against any attempts which might be spared from his cavalry. To compensate their made to rescue them. This great commander defect in horse, the men were brave, and, in owed many of his distinguished successes to the many of the operations which followed, turned surprising works which he executed; so far exthe event of battles, and determined the fate of ceeding the fears or apprehensions of his enemy, the war. that they found themselves unexpectedly forced The Roman army being thus reinforced, Cesar into difficulties with which they were not prepared began his march to the southward; and having to contend. passed the heights at the sources of the Seine, The Roman armies in general, and those found the Gauls already posted in three separate which served under Casar in particular, had divisions, contiguous to the different routes he learned to make war with the pick-ax and the might take, with numierous flying bodies of horse, shovel, no less than with the javelin and the ready to harass him in any movement he should sword, and were inured to prodigies of labour as make in their presence. By continuing his march, well as of valour. In the present case they were he soon gave their leader an opportunity to try made to execute lines of circumvallation and his fortune in a sharp encounter, in which the countervallation over an extent of twelve or fourwhole cavalry of both armies camne to be engaged. teen miles. They began with digging, quite The Gauls were routed chiefly by the valour and round the foot of the hill, a ditch twenty feet address of the Germans, to whom Caesar imn-wide, with perpendicular sides, in order to preputed his victory. This event was decisive in vent any surprise from the town. At the disrespect to the cavalry, that part of both armies tance of four hundred feet from this ditch, and on which it was supposed that the fate of the beyond the reach of the enemy’s missiles, was war must turn. And Vercingetorix, not to ex-drawn the line of countervallation, consisting of pose his infantry to the necessity of a general a ditch fifteen wide, and a rampart twelve feet action, instantly retired to the heights from which high, furnished, as usual, with a palisade. At a the Seine, and a number of other rivers which proper distance from this first line which fronted mix with it before its confluence with the Marne, the town, so as to leave a proper interval for the have their source. Caesar, no longer apprehen-lodgement and forming of his army, he drew sive of the enemy’s horse, resumed the confidence another line, consisting of the same parts and diwith which he always pursued his advantages, mensions, fronting the field. From the nature and followed his flying enemy into this retreat. of the ground, part of these works were upon Vercingetorix, with his very numerous army, the hills, and part in the hollows or valleys; and took post at Alesia, a place raised on a hill at the the ditches, wherever the level permitted, or confluence of two rivers; the point on which it could not carry off the water, were allowed to be stood being the termination of a ridge which sefilled. parated the channels by which these rivers de-As he had reason, at least after the distress of scended to the plain. The fields on one side were a blockade began to be felt, to expect from a garlevel, on the other mountainous. The Gauls rison, which exceeded his own army in numbers, were crowded together on the declivity of the the most vigorous sallies from within; and, by hill of Alesia, under the walls of the town, and the united exertions of all the Gaulish nations in in that position thought themselves secure from behalf of their friends, every eflort that could be any attack. But not aware of the resources, en-made from without; and as his own army, conterprise, and genius of their enemy, while they sisting of no more than sixty thousand men, endeavoured to render themselves inaccessible, could not equally man, in every place, works of they had got into a place in which they might such extent, he thought it necessary to cover his be cooped up; and Caesar immediately began lines with every species of outwork then practised to surround them, making a proper distribution in the art of attack or defence, the cippi, lilie, of his army, and employing working parties and the stimuli. at once on a chain of twenty-three posts and The first were forked stakes, or large branches redoubts. of trees planted in rows in the bottom of a ditch Vercinietorix, though too late, perceiving the five feet wide, bound together to prevent their enemy’s design, sent his cavalry to collect what being pulled up separately, and cut short anld provisions could be found in the neighbouring pointed to wound the enemy who should attempt country; but these troops, in consequence of their to pass them. late defeat, not being able to keep the field against The second, or lilin., consisted of single stakes the Roman and German horse, lie proposed to sharpened and made hard in the fire, planted in diminish the consumption within his lines by the bottom, of tapering or conical holes, of which 2 H

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242 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION BOOK IV. there were many rows placed in quincunx; so my was obliged to retire. And yet, on that octhat a person who had passed in the interval of casion, our ancestors had less cause than we have any two must necessarily fall into a third. This to make every effort of constancy and fortitude. device was commonly masked or concealed with Their enemies were passing, and meant only to shllnder brushwood covered with earth. plunder a country which they were soon to abanThe last, or the stimuli, were wood(en shafts don; our enemies come to bind us in perpetual set, in the ground and stuck thick with barbed chains, and to establish a dominion at which huhooks, to fasten or tear the flesh of those who man nature revolts.” attempted to pass them in the night, or without The Gauls kept their resolution to hold out, the necessary precautions. but rejected the means that were proposed to All these several works, it appears, the Roman supply their necessities, or reserved them for a army completed, considerably within the thirty time of greater extremity. The proposition of days for which Vercingetorix had computed that Critognatus is, by Caesar, who was himself the his provisions might last. Both parties concern-unprovoked author of so much distress, and who ed in this blockade, without any attempt to hasten continued, without remorse, to gratify his amblithe event, seemed to wait for the several circum-tion at the expense of so much blood, mentioned stances on which they relied for the issue. Cwesar with horror as an act of nefarious crueltv.3 So trusted to the effiects of famine, and the Gauls to much are men affected with appearances which the assistance of their friends, who were in reality shock the imagination more than with the real assembling in great numbers from every quarter measure of what is hurtful to mankind. What to effect their relief. Thev are said to have nmus-followed, however, was probably no less cruel on tered at Bibractel no less than two hundred and the part of the Gaulish army than it was on the forty thousand foot, with eight thousand horse. part of C0esar; the first, to lessen the consumpBut if these numbers are not exaggerated, they tion of food, turned out the women, children, and may be considered as a proof how fir those na-unarmed inhabitants of the town to the mercy os tions were ignorant of the circumstances on which the enemy; and Caesar, in order to accumulate the fortunes of armies really turn. The supreme the sufferings of the besieged, would neither recommand of this multitude was given to Comius, lieve nor suffer them to gpass. From these cir, a chieftain of one of the northern cantons, who cumstances we may presume, although it is not having some time made war in conjunction with mentioned, that they must have perished a s’pectathe Romans, owed the rank which he held in his c!e of extreme anguish and suffering in the preown country to the favour of Caesar, but could sence of both armies. not resist the contagion of that general ardour In the midst of these extremities, Comius, with with which his countrymen now rose to recover the united force of the Gaulish nations, at last their freedom. appeared for the relief of Alesia, and with their While this great host was assembling, the un-multitudes covered the neighbouring hills. Being happy garrison of Alesia received no tidings of favoured by the nature of the ground, they were relief. Their provisions being near exhausted, enabled to advance within five hundred paces, or they began to despair of succour.

A council was less than half a mile, of Casar’s lines. On the held to deliberate on their conduct, and to form following day the cavalry on both sides began to some plan of escape. Some were of opinion act. The Gaulish horse, trusting to their supethat they ought to surrender themselves, and to riority in number, or to the defensive plan which implore the victor’s mercy. Others, that they the Romans were likely to fallow on the present should make a general sally, endeavour to cut occasion, drew forth on tht plain below the town, their way through the enemy, and escape or pe-and proposed to encourage their friends by braving rish with swords in their hands. Critognatus, a the enemy. Cesar thought it necessary to repel warrior of rank from the canton of the Arverni, 2 this species of insult, and sent his cavalry to actreated the opinion of those who proposed to cept the challenge. An action began about surrender as mean and dastardly; that of the noon, and lasted till the setting of the sun, when second, as brave rather in appearance than in the Gaulish horse, who till then had maintained reality. “Bravery,” he said, “does not consist the fight with great obstinacy and valour, being in sudden efforts of impatience and despair, but taken in flank by the Germans in Coesar’s service, in firmly enduring for any length of time what were obliged to give way. Both sides, on this the circumstances of war may require. Shall we occasion, had mixed parties of infantry with think merely, because we have no communication their horse; and the Gaulish foot, who were enwith our friends, that they have deserted us, and gaged in this action, being now abandoned to the do not intend to make any effort to save us? swords of the enemy, fled in the utmost confusion Against whom do you think Cwesar hath con-to the rear of their own army. structed so many works in his rear? Against After this action nothing passed for a day and whom does he man them in your sight with so a night; but it appeared that, during this time, much care? He has intelligence, although you the Gaulish army in the field were collecting faghave not, that a powerful army is preparing to gots and hurdles to fill up the trenches of Caesar, relieve you. Take courage, and wait the coming and preparing graplings to tear down the paliof your friends. Even if your provisions should sade and the parapet; and that they only waited fail, the example of former times will point out a till these preparations should be finished to make resource. Your ancestors, being surrounded by a vigorous attempt to raise the siege. They acthe armies of the Cimbri and the Teutones, cordingly came down in the middle of the night, rather than surrender themselves, fed on the and, with a great shout, the only signal they supbodies of those who were unserviceable in the posed could be understood by their friends in war; and by this expedient held out till the ene3 Nec praftereunda videtur oratio Critognati plotltr ejus singularem ac nefariam crudelitatein. De Bell I Autun. 2 Auvergne. Gall.

lib. vii. c. 76.

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CHtAP. 111.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 243 town, gave a general assault on Caesar’s line of expect. at the same time, a general assault, both circumvallation, as far as their numbers could from within and from without his lines, to faembrace it, and without any choice of place. your this principal attack, he ordered every sepaCaesar had assigned to every legion and separate body to its post of alarm; and he himself, rate body of men their station, and had repeat-with a considerable reserve, took a station from edly, to render them familiar with his disposition, which he could best observe the whole, and be given the alarm, and taught them to repair to ready to sustain any part that was pressed. He their posts; he had placed Mark Antony anl had given Labienus instructions, in case he found Trebonius, with a body of reserve, to s.uccour that the lines could not be defended, to sally any part of the lines that might be in danger of forth, and to bring the action to an issue, in being forced. So prepared, he now received, with-which the Romans were generally found to have out any surprise, the general assault, of the Gauls. an advantage by mixing with the enemy sword His men suffered considerably from the first in hand.

shower of missiles that came from so numerous The Gauls, who were shult up on the heights an enemy; but as soon as the assailants ad-of Alesia, only waiting to second the attempts of *vanced to the outworks, and felt themselves entheir friends in the fiel(], began the action on tangled in the snares which had been laid for their part nearly about the same time; and the them, and against which they had taken no pre-Romans, being alarmed with hostile cries and caution, they were sensible that they fought at a shouts, at once both in their front and in their great disadvantage, anld desisted at once from this rear, were in danger of being seized with a panic, rash and inconsiderate attempt. from which the best troops, on occasion, are not The besieged, in anxious expectation of what exempted. was to pass in the field, hearing the shout that Labienus was so much pressed where the was raised by their friends, returned it to make Gauls made their principal effort, that Caesar deknown their intention to co-operate in every tached two several parties from his reserve to attack, and instantly begun to employ the pre-sustain him.

First, a body of six cohorts under parations which they likewise had made to fill up Decimus Brutus, and afterwards a body of seven the trenches, or force the lines. They continued, cohorts under Fabius. At length, upon receivduring the greater part of the night, to cast such ing information that Labienus had not been able materials as they could throw into the broad to prevent the enemy from passing the intrenchditch at the foot of the hill; but, when day ap-ment, but that he meant, with all the troops who peared, seeing that their friends had retired, with-had joined him from different stations, amountout making any impression on the exterior line, ing to nine-and-thirty cohorts, to make a general they too, not to expose themselves in an attempt sally according to his instructions, and to mix in which they were not to be seconded, withdrew with the enemy sword in hand; he himself into their station on the hill. stantly moved to support him. From this disappointment the Gauls, both Caesar had, by this time, observed, that the within and without the blockade, were sensible enemy, by a gross misconduct, had made no feint of’ their error in having made an attack before or no attempt on any other part of the lines to they had examined the enemy’s works. To cor-favour their principal attack; and he therefore, rect this mistake, they visited the whole circum-with those he still retained as a body of reserve, ference of Caesar’s lines. They observed, in a not only left the post of observation he had taken particular place, that the exterior line was interin the beginning of the action, but ventured even rupted by a hill which it could not embrace with-to unfurnish some other parts of the line as he out making a great circuit. That Caesar, to passed, and advanced with great rapidity to join avoid so great an addition to his labour, and so in the sally which Labienus was about to attempt. much outline to defend, had encamped two le-In his coming he was known from afar by the gions in that place with their usual entrench-conspicuous dress which he generally wore in ment, which formed a kind of fortress on the time of battle; and his arrival, on this occasion, summit of the hill, trusting to this camp as a re-with the reinforcement which he brought, greatly doubt that would connect his defences on that side. animated that part of his army, which had begun This place was chosen by the Gauls for a se-to despair of the event. He had, in this criticai cond and better concerted attempt than the first; moment, with his usual genius and presence of and they determined, instead of the night to make mind, ordered his cavalry to get out of the lines; their attack at noon-day, when the enemy were and, while the foot were engaged in front, to take most likely to be off their guard.

Five-and-fifty the enemy in flank or in the rear. If the event thousand men were selected for this service; and had been otherwise doubtful, this movement alone, they began their march early in the night, ar-it is probable, must have secured it in his favour. rived at their ground before break of day, and lay The Gauls, although in the attack they had acted concealed under a ridge of hills till noon. At with ardour; yet lost courage when pushed to this time they came forward, furnished not only defend themselves; and, upon the appearance of with grappling irons to tear down the palisade, Caesar’s cavalry in their rear, took to flight, and which was formed on the parapet, but with hur-were pursued with great slaughter. dles and faggots to fill up the ditch, and to smo-This flight at once decided the fate of both ther the stimuli from which they had suffered so attacks; of the Gauls, who were shut up in much in their former attacks. Alesia, and of their countrymen, who had come Caesar, though not thrown off his guard, either to their relief. During the night, those in the by the time of the day, or by his former success, field, discomfited by their repulse, were sepawas sensible, that he was now attacked in his rating, leaving their chieftains, and dispersing in weakest place. He ordered Labienus instantly, different directions. Many fell a prey to the parwith six cohorts, to suppo.e the legions that were ties who were sent in pursuit of them. Those posted iA that station; a l.

as he had reason to from within the lines, who had suffer Ad so long a

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‘244 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION rBoow TV. blockade, now seeitr all their hopes of relief at like other captive chiefs, or. such occamons, he an end, were no lotr. er disposed to contend with was destined to grace the future triumph of his their tato. Vercin_ torix having assembled the conqueror; though, upon a fair review of the leaders together, told Lhemn, That, as he had un-parts they had severally acted, likely to furnish a dertaken this war, not from motives of private comparison not altogether to his advantage, and ambition, but from an earnest desire to recover, in some respects fit to obscure his glory. if he could, the freedom of his country, so he was The other prisoners also, except those who benow ready to become a sacrifice to the safety of loncred to the cantons of the sEdui and Arverni, his countrymen, and in any manner they thought underwent the ordinary fate of captives; and; in proper to dispose of him, whether dead or alive, this capacity, were exposed to sale, or divided as was willing to be made the means of appeasing plunder among the troops. Caesar reserved the the victor’s revenge. prisoners of the JEdui and Arverni, on this occaAt this consultation it was determined to sur-sion, to serve him as hostages in securing the render; and Vercingetorix suffered himself to be submission of their respective cantons, and in delivered up. With respect to the treatment he obtaining from thence an immediate supply of received, Cesar is silent; but it is probable, that, provisions. CHAPTER

IV. w a:ar remnazns in G(aul Pompey assumes Piso into the qofice qf Consul-Succession of Servius SulpiciLts and M[. Claudius iMarcellus-Arrangement.for the Prorinces-Mlotion to recall Cecsair-Continuemd Debates in the Senate Operations of Ccesar in Gaul-Intrigues in the City4A.airs in the other Provinces-Campaign qf Cicero-Succession of Consuls-State of Parties in the City and in the Senate-Arrival of Cwcsar in Italy in the Spring-Return to GaulParts with two Lecions to Pompey and the Senate-Alarm of CXesar’s March-The Consul M.Marcellus commits his Sword to Pompey. THE seventh and the most difficult campaign some measure, restored the authority of governof the war in Gaul being now at an end, Caesar ment, and had exercised it with moderation. Ho sent Labienus, with two legions beyond the had shown himself qualified to act the part of an Soane;l Caius Fabius, with two more, to the excellent prince, though ill qualified to endure nead(s of the Marne and the Meuse; other offi-the equality which is claimed by the citizens of a cers with separate bodies, amounting in all to commonwealth.

His continual desire of unprethree legions, into different stations beyond the cedented honours was one of the evils that disLoire and towards the Garonne; Quintus Tul-tressed the republic. This evil, however, was lius Cicero, with some other officers, to a station partly mitigated by the facility with which he allotted them on the Soane, to superintend the parted with power. Having enjoyed his present formation of magazines and the supply of pro-dignity from the first of March to the beginning visions, which were chiefly transported by the of August, he took for colleague his father-innavigation of that river. law Metellus Scipio, suspending the prosecution Cesar himself having now no other object of under which he then lay, for bribery, in soliciting equal importance with that of securing the pos-votes at a preceding election. session of a country so populous and of so great The newly elected colleague of Pompey, desirextent, from which he might draw such resources ous to signalize his administration by some act of of men and of revenue, as must put him on the reformation, moved and obtained the repeal of the foot of a great monarch, determined to pass the act in which Clodius had so greatly circumscribed winter on this side of the Alps. He had obtained the power of the censors; and he attempted to a dispensation from the law which excluded him revive the authorityof this magistracy, but in vain. from the consulate, so long as he retained his Few citizens, now in public view, could bear the army; but as it was not yet time to avail himself rigorous inspection of this once awful tribunal, as of his privilege, he resolved, by remaining at a few had the courage to undertake or to exercise distance, as much as possible to shun the notice its trust. The institution accordingly had fallen of such parties at Rome as were known to ob-into disuse, because it was not fitted to the times. serve his proceedings, and to state them as matter And there being few of the people that were fit of general alarm. He nevertheless did not suffer either to censure, or that could bear to be cenany thing of moment to pass in the city without sured, it was not in the power of laws to revive taking some part by means of his agents and par-what the general sense and manners of the age tizans, and was continually employed in gaining had abolished. to his interests all those who were likely to come Disorders arising from the weakness of gointo office, or who, by their personal consideration, vernment had come to that extreme at which were of any importance in the state, and ever states must either correct themselves, or undergo strove to exclude from office such as were disin-some fatal change. The example of punishelined to himself, or who could not be gained. ments inflicted, and of prosecutions still carried on Pompey had now, for some months, exercised against persons lately in office, for the illegal methe office of sole consul. In that time he had, in thods employed at elections, deterred many from offering themselves for any of the offices of state; and the late law, excluding consuls, prators, and 1 The Arar. other magistrates from any provincial appoint

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CHAP. IV.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 245 ments for five years after the expiration of their take possession of his province in person, and he term, removed one powerful motive by which actually set out from Rome for this purpose; but citizens were induced to seek for such honours. was induced to suspend his journey by a motion, At the elections for the ensuing year only three which was made in the senate by Marcellus, candidates appeared; M. Marcellus, Servius Sul-soon after his accession to the office of consul. picius, and M. Cato: all of them supposed to be Caesar was now in possession of a very imof the senatorian party; but very differently con-portant privilege, which entitled him to sue for sidered by those who now endeavoured to rule the the consulate, without resigning the command state. Marcellus had, in fact, recommended him-of his army.

His view in coveting this privilege; self to Pompey; and Sulpicius, as afterwards his continual augmentation of the troops in his appeared, had been gained by Cnsar; and both province; his address in attaching the army to were warmly espoused by those powerful patrons himself; his insinuation; his liberality; his asIn the present contest in opposition to Cato, siduity to gain every person that could be won, whose success might have proved a considerable and to preclude from power every one likely to obstruction to Caesar’s designs. oppose himself: the whole tendency of his conIt is observed of this competition, that it was duct, and the enormous power he had acquired, carried on without bribery or tumult. As the began to be observed, and gave a general alarm. competitors were supposed to be all of the sena-What Cato had so often represented to no purtorian party, the senators thought their interest pose, began to be generally perceived; and persecure whichever of the candidates should pre-sons, formerly the least attentive to the warnings vail. And as the senatorian party divided upon they received, would now have been glad to rethe occasion, the influence of Casar and Pompey move Caesar from the post of advantage they had easily cast the balance on the side of Sulpicius given him. and Marcellus. Cato, during the competition, The greater part of the senate had become recontinued in the same habits of friendship as miss in their attendance, and regardless even of usual with both; and when the choice was detheir own political interests. The few who excided in their favour, instead of withdrawina erted themselves, were distracted with personal from public view, as was common under such jealousies and distrust of each other. Cicero in disappointments, he went to the field of Mars as particular, who before his banishment had been usual from the assemblies of the people, stript strenuous on the side of the aristocracy, now and went to exercise, and continued from thence grown timorous from the sufferings he had inforward to frequent the forum in his common curred, was chiefly attentive to his own safety, undress. To those who condoled with him, or which he studied by paying his court to the prepressed him to continue his suit for another vailing powers. There was no bar in Cfesar’s year, as he had done when first disappointed of way, beside the great consideration and the jea. the pretorship, he made answer, That he thought lousy of Pompey, who had assisted him in proit was the part of a good man to undertake the curing his privilege to stand for the consulate in public service, whenever he was intrusted with absence; but now saw its tendency, and wished it, and to make his willingness known, but not to to recall it. It was probably, therefore, with the court the public for em, loyments as a favour to approbation of Pompey, though after his depart hims,.lf ” L’he people,” he said, “at the time ure from Rome, that the consul Marcellus, while that they refused me the pr&itorship, were under the senate was deliberating on the other removes actual violence: in this case, they have made a and appointments in the provincial governments, free choice, and it appears that I must either proposed that, the war in Gaul being finished, violate my own mind, or renounce their good-Caisar should be recalled; or, if his friends inwill.

My own mind is of more consequence to sisted on his being continued in his command, me than their favour; but, if I retain my charac-that he should not be admitted on the list of canter, I shall not be so unreasonable as to expect didates for the consulate, until he presented himconsideration from persons to whom it is not self personally for this purpose.

agreeable.“2 This motion gave rise in the senate to warm When the new consuls were re-debates, which were frequently adjourned, and as UT. C.

702. ceived into office, their immediate often resunied. The consul Sulpicius, supported Serv Siulpi-predecessors being by the late act by numbers of the tribunes who were in the inmius, J. Claud. J8ar. precluded for five years from hold-terest of CTsar, opposed the proceeding.

Pomcellus, Coss. lng any provincial government, it pey himself, under pretence that he waited the became necessary to fill stations of issue of these debates, stopped short in his jourthis sort with those who had formerly been in ney to Spain, passed some time at Ariminum in office, and who hitherto had not been appointed reviewing the new levies which were destined to to any command in the provinces. Accordingly reinforce the troops of his province; and at last, Bibulus, who had been the colleague of C.esar in being summoned to attend the senate on the fithis consulate, was appointed to the government teenth of August, to consider of the provincial of Syria, vacant by the death of Crassus. Cicero arrangements,3
he returned to Rome. was named to succeed Appius Claudius in Cilicia On this day, Pompey affected to censure the and Cyprus, Accius Varus was appointed prtetor violence with which it had been proposed to rein Africa, and P. Cornelius Spinther in Achaia. call, before the expiration of his term, an officer Pompey, who had hitherto enjoyed a dispensation legally appointed. He acknowledged his opinion, frim the law, in continuing to hold by his lieu-that Caesar ought not to anite the governrment of teiants the government and command of the a province, andi the command of an army, with army in Spain, while lie filled the office of con-the dignity of consul; but dissuaded the senate sul in the city, now professed an intention to from taking an immediate resolution on that 3 Cicer.

Epist. ad Familiar, lib. viii. ep. 4. Dio. 2 Piutarch. in Canton, p. 268.

Cass. iib. iv. c. 58, 59.

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“246 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [ jooK IV. head. The debate was adjourned to the first of i likely, that though in action the principal cha Septem’er.l Then no meeting of the senate racters of his mind were decision and rapidity, coulil be formed; but as soon as the subject was vet no man ever laid his designs more deep, again resumed, the late consul Cornelius Scipio, looked forward to consequences more remote, or the father-in-law to Pompey, proposed, that on waited with more patience the proper time for the the first of March, when the persons destined to execution of his purpose. He had now, by the succeed the present consuls must have entered unremitted application of eight years, acquired on office, a day should be fixed to consider of the the advantage, for the sake of which he had coprovince of Gaul, and moved that this question veted the command in Gaul; he was at the head should be resumed in preference to every other of a numerous army, which he had gradually business.2 Marcellus accordingly prepared, and alngmented from two or three legions, the estalaid before the senate, a decree for this purpose on blishment of his province, to twelve, well inured the last of September. By the first clause of this to service, and attached to his person. He was decree, the consuls elected for the following year in possession of a privilege to stand for the conwere required, on the first of March, to move in sulate, without disbanding his army; and when the senate the consideration of the consular pro-he should unite the first civil and political authovinces, to admit no other business to precede or to rlty in the state, with an army at the gates of the be joined with this, alnd to suffer no interruption capital, there is no doubt that he might be conin the meetings of the senate, even on account of sidered as sovereign of the empire. His apparent the assemblies of the people. By the same clause, right to the advantages he had gained was such, it was resolved, That the three hundred senators, that the resolutions of the senate against him, appointed judges ftr the year, might be called off however necessary to the preservation of the. from their sittinas in the courts to attend the commonwealth, might have the semblance of insenate on this business; and if it should be ne-justice, and were likely to engaae both his own cessarv to make any motion on this subject in the army and the populace of Rome in his quarrel. assemblies of the people at large, or of the Ple-He himself prepared for the issue, by removingl beians3
separately, that the consuls Sulpicius and every cause of embarrassment in his province, Marcellus, the prators, the tribunes, or suckt of and’by paying fresh colrt to the legions under them as shall be agreed upon, should move -he his commantl with gratifications and bounties. people accordingly. He had dispersed or destroyed all the great To this clause were prefixed. in the usual fc -m, armies, which the utmost efforts of the Gaulish the names of twelve senators, as the author., or nations, in the preceding campaign, had been movers of it. able to assemble against him; but he had not By a second clause, bearing the same names, a reconciled the spirits of that people, nor inured caution was entered against any obstruction to be them to his government. He had a plausible given in this business by persons empowered to ground, therefore, from which to refute the allecontrol the senate’s proceedings; and it was re. gations of the senate, who proceeded in their resolved, that whoever should put a negative on this solutions against him, on a supposition, that the decree, should be declared an enemy to his coun-war in his province was ended; and at the same try; and that the senate, notwithstanding any time, had a fair pretence to gratify his army with such negative, should persist in recording its own the spoils of the country. For these purposes, decree, and in carrying its purpose into execution. soon after he had placed his army in winter quarIn the lace of this resolution, the tribunes C. ters, he had intelligence, or affected to believe, Caelius, L. Venicius, P.

Corneli:is, C. Vibius that the war was likely to break out afresh in Pansa, interposed their negatives. -lifffrent cantons; and under this pretence, took By another clause, the senate resolved, that on occasion to carry his legions successively into acthe same day, the case of the armies of the re-tion. Leaving M. Antony to command at Bipublic should be taken into consideration, and all bracte5 on the right of the Loire, he himself, with who claimed their dismission, either on account the eleventh and twelfth legions, passed that river, of the length of service, or any other considera-took the canton of the Bituriges by surprise, tion, should be heard; and that this likewise plundered their habitations, carried many of the should be entered as a decree of the senate, not-people into captivity, and continued to lay waste withstanding any negative interposed to the con-the country, until they and all the neighbouring trary. Here the tribunes C. Cawlius and C. Pansa, cantons on the left of the Loire, to avert these again forbad the decree. The last clause related calamities, surrendered themselves at discretion. to the mode of carrying into execution the pur-From this expedition, in which he spent forty pose of the Pompeian law, with respect to the (lays, he returned to his quarters, and ordered nomination of propraetors to the province of Ci-the two legions, which had been thus employed, iicia, and the other eight praetorian provinces; a gratuity of two hundred sestertii, or about thirty and on this clause likewise, the two last mention-shillings a man to the private soldiers; and of ed tribunes entered their negative.4 about two thousand sestertii, or sixteen pounds, Thus the resolutions of the senate, though pre-to the centurions. This money, it is observed served in their own records, were, by the continual by the historian,6 was not immediately paid; but interposition of the tribunes, prevented from hav-was retained by Caesar as a pledge in his own ing any real effect. And Caesar, from the disputes hands, or remained as a debt due to the army, which had arisen on his account, had sufficient giving to every individual a special interest in the warning, if this had been necessary, to prepare safety and success of his general. himself for an approaching conflict. It is indeed, About eighiteen (lays after this first division of the army was brought back to its quarters, other 1 Cicero ad Familiar, lib. viii. elp. 9. 2 Ibid. 3 Ad Populuim Plebemve ferrent. Ibid. 5 Afterwards Aulgustoduinm, now Autun 4

Cicero ad Familiar. lib. viii. ep. 8. 6i Iist. de Bell. Gailico.

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CHAP. IV.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. A47 two legions were employed on a like expedition likely to commit, under the effects of this dlisposibetween the Loire and the Seine.7 The inhabit-tion. He affected unusual caution, fortified his ants of this tract were to suffer military execu-camp with uncommon care, scarcely ventured tion, upon a complaint that they infested the abroad to cover his foragers, and seemed to bc er,newly acquired subjects of Caesar beyond the tirely occupied in securing himself. Loire.

He accordingly marched to protect his The enemy, however, continued to avoid any new allies; and being arrived in the country, general action, and were satisfied with the suctrom whence they were said to be invaded, found cessful war they were suffered to make on the the supposed enemy, by the devastations of the foraging parties which were sent from the Roman preceding campaign which had ruined their towns camp. Being joined by five hundred German and villages, reduced to live in temporary huts, horse, they attacked and destroyed the cavalry, in which they withstood with difficulty the in-which had come to the assistance of Caesar from clemency of the season, and were rather objects the cantons of the Remi and Lingones,12 and on of pity than of hostile resentment. On the apwhich he chiefly relied for covering the avenues proach of the Romans, they fled to the woods, to his camp. By this loss he might have been in where they perished in great numbers, from the a little time reduced to great distress, or even effects of famine and cold. To force them to an forced to retire, if he had not procured a speedy immediate surrender, or to cut off’ all hopes of reinforcement, by ordering Trebonius, with the advatntage from delay, Caesar made a disposition two legions lately stationed at Genabum,3l and a to prevent their having any respite from their third from Avaricum,l4 to join him without delay. present sufferings. He ordered the ruins of The Gauls, on hearing of this great accession Genabums to be repaired as a place of arms, of strength to their enemy, and recollecting the quartered his legions there, and kept the horse fatal blockade and ruin of their countrymen at and light infantry in the field to pursue the na-Alesia, determined to change their ground.

They tives, to seize their persons, and to multiply the began to execute this resolution in the night, by evils to which they were exposed. In this ser-removing their sick, wounded, and baggage; but vice too, it was likely that the ariny was rewarded had made so little progress at break of day, that by the distribution of captives, the only spoils of their intention was discovered, and Caesar, besuch an enemy, and came to have a demand on fore they began their march, had time to pass the Cwesar for gratuities equal to those which had morass, and to take possession of the rising ground been granted to the eleventh and twelfth legions. in their front. This he did with the greatest deThese operations led on to the spring, when a spatch; and though he did not think it expedient more real service took place on the frontiers of the to attack them in their present position, he had it low countries. From that quarter, the people of in his power to take advantage of any movement the Remi9 hlad given information, that the Bello-they should make, and continued to awe them vaci, or inhabitants of what is now called the and to keep them in suspense.

Beauvais, with other cantons on the right of the The Gauls, therefore, instead of being able to Oise, were actually arming, and meant to make depart, as they expected before day-light, were war on the Romans and their allies. obliged to continue to front the enemy, in order On this intimation, Caesar thought proper again to cover the retreat of their baggage. They still to call forth the eleventh legion into service; and flattered themselves, that Cosar before iltght it is remarkable that this legion, though now in would be obliged to retire to his camp; but obits eighth campaign, is expressly said to have serving, that while the greater part of his army been thus employed out of its turn, in order to continued in readiness for action, he began to improve a discipline, in which, when compared entrench himself where he stood, they bethought to the other legions, they were deemed to be still themselves of a stratagem to elude his design. defective. The eighth and ninth legions, the They brought forward the wood and straw, one from the station of Fabius, and the other which remained, as usual, on the ground of their from that of’ Labienus, were ordered to join them late encampment, laid them in a continual train in the country of the Suesones,10 near the conflu-along the front, and having set them on lire, ence of the Oise and the Aisne. With this force produced such a line of smoke, as darkened the Ceesar passed the Oise; but arrived too late to whole fields between the two armies. Under surprise his enemy. The Bellovaci,1i with some this cover, they began their retreat, and before of their neiahbours, apprehending, from the fate Caesar could venture to penetrate the cloud of of the nations on the Loire, that they could not smoke in pursuit of them, had gained a considerrely for safety on their innocence, nor on the able distance. On the first sight of this uncomcare which they had taken to avoid giving offence mon appearance, he suspected their design, and to the Romans, had taken arms for their own se-began to advance; but the precautions, which he curity, and had retired with all their effects to a was obliged to take, in order to guard against an strong post. They had a hill in their front, be-ambuscade or surprise, gave the Gauls the time yond which there lay a morass, and in that situ-they wanted to effect the first part of their retreat ation they thought themselves sufficiently secure undisturbed. without any artificial work. Beibre night they halted again, about ten miles Cahsar posted himself in their neighbourhood; from their ormner station, and recurred to the tnd supposing that the superiority of their numsame means they had hitherto employed to disiers would inspire them with confidence, took tress the Roman army. They succeeded in most neasures to augment their presumption, and to of their attempts on the parties that were sent derive some advantage from the errors they were abroad by Caesar to procure him provisions; and having reduced him to the necessity of depending 7 To the country of the Carnutes. entirely for the subsistence of his army on what 8 Now Orleans. 9 Rheims. 10 The Soissons.

11 TheBeauvais. 12 Rheims and Langres. 13 trleans. 14 Bourgeu

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2418 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [Boos IV. a particular district could supply, they formed a dunum,2 a place of strength, situated on a steep desigrn, with the choice of their army, to surround rock, at the confluence of some of those streams, and cut off the parties, which they expected he which, falling from the Cevennes, torm the Gamust emplov on that service. Cesar had intelli-ronne by their junction. gence of their design, and prepared, in his turn, Here Caninius and Fabius having joined their to counteract them. He placed his army in a forces together, made dispositions to invest their proper position to surprise the great detachment enemy; %ut before their works were completed, they had made; and having thus taken or de-Drapes, while he had yet access to the fields, stroved the flower of their army, obliged the re-willing to spare the magazines which he had mainder, who were thrown into despair by so made up in the town, ventured abroad with a degreat a loss, to surrender themselves at discre-tachment, at the head of which he was surprised tion; in consequence of this surrender, he got and taken. The natives, however, who remained possession of all the cantons in that neighbourin the place, being supplied for a considerable hood. time with provisions, resolved on a vigorous deThe Belric nations being thus finally subdued, fence; and, by keeping the Roman arnly for and Ciesar having no longer any enemy to oppose some time at bay, began to raise up anew the him in the field, except a few desperate bands hopes and expectations of the nations aiounrd from different parts of the country, who, either them. Caesar thought the reduction of thin place from fear of his severity, or aversion to his go-an objectthatrequired hisown presence. Having vernment, had deserted their settlements, he de-therefore sent Labienus to the Moselle, and termined to act against them in different quarters having left M.

Antony to command In the low at once, and to cut off the retreats, which, in case countries, he himself, with his usual despatch, of distress, this remnant of the nations who lately crossed great part of Gaul, and appeared on the opposed him mutually gave to each other. He sent Garonne, equally unexpected by his own people, C. Fabius, with twenty-five cohorts, to act on the and by the enemy who were besieged in the town.eft of the Loire; the twelfth legion towards the of Uxellodunum. sources of the Garonne, with orders to cover the The place being strong by nature, and in no approaches to Narbonne from the incursions of want of provisions, could be forced only by cutting any stragglers, whom his intended severities off its access to water. For this purpose Cmsar might force upon desperate attempts on that side. lined the banks of the river with archers and He himself, with Labienus and Mark Antony, slingers, and effectually prevented the besieged proceeded to the Meuse, where the territories of from supplying themselves from thence. He the late unfortunate Ambiorix,1
beginning to be proceeded next to exclude them from the use of a repeopled, and the nation reinstated under its spring which burst from the rock in the approach former leader, were become again the object of to their town; for having got the command of his vengeance. To convince this unhappy peo-the ground, he pushed a mine to the source from ple, that they were not to enjoy peace under the which the water calne, diverted it from its former government of a prince who had presumed to direction, and, by depriving the besiegers of this circumvent and to destroy a part of the Roman last resource, obliged them to lay down their army, he renewed his military execution against arms and trust to his mercy. In this, however, them, issuing his orders, as ip the former instance, they experienced what the author,3 from whom to spare neither sex nor ace. these accounts are taken, considered as more than W’hile Cmsar himself was employed in this the usual severity of’ ancient war. Cesar, acmanner, C. Fabius being arrived at the place of cording to this historian, having given proof of his destination, between the lower parts of the his clemency,, bethought himself now of’ an exLc.ire and the Garonne, found a corsiderable ample of justice; and for this purpose ordered force in arms against Caninius Rebilus, the Ro-such as had carried arms in defence of Uxelloman officer, who was stationed in that quarter. dunum to have their hands struck off.4

And The natives had laid siege to a fortress that was this refined act of cruelty being joinled to the in possession of the Romans; but alarmed by the many barbarous executions with which the conapproach of Fabius, they withdrew, and endea-quest of that country had been achieved, thus voured to pass the Loire to the northward. In ended the war in Gaul. this attempt, being intercepted in their march, The usual time of putting the troops into winand oblieed to fight the Roman detachment, they ter quarters not being arrived, Cesar thought were defeated with great slaughter. After this proper to visit the nations upon the Adour, or calamity, about five hundred, who escaped from what is now called Gascony;5 the only part of the field under Drapes, a prince of that country, his new conquests in the acquisition of’ which he formerly distinguished in the war against the had not acted in person. He marched through Romans, took their flight in the opposite direction, this country at the head of two legions, and was and proposed to attack the Roman province of every where received with the most perfect subNarbonne, in order to compensate their losses mission. From thence he repaired to Narbonne, with its spoils. the capital of his original province, held the usual Fabius in consequence of his victory, received meetings for the despatch of civil affairs, and the submission of all the nations from the Loire made a disposition for the quarters of his army to the Seine, and quite down to the sea coast; during the winter. By this disposition two leand having taken measures to secure his conquest, followed Drapes to the southward, over-2 Supposed to be Cadenau. took him beyond the Garonne, and obliged him, 3 Hist. de Bell. Gall. lib viii. c. 44. being no longer in condition to make any attempt 4 Caesar quum suam lenitatem cwgnitam omnibus n the Ro n province, to take refue at Uello sciret. Omnibus qui arma tulerant manus precidit. in the Roman province, to take refuge at Uxelloo Vitam concessit quo testator esset pnena improborum De Bell Gall.

lib. viii. c. 44. I Now Liege, Juliers, and G elderland. 5 Aquitania

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CHAP. IV.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC 249 gions were stationed in the high country, from in order to secure their affection and their conwhich spring the Garonne and the Loire, or in fidence.10 the territories of the Limovaci and Arverni;6 While Cnesar was thus extending his influence two at Bibractd between the Soane and the in the empire, he had amused Pompey by asLoire; two between the Loire and the Seine;7 signing to him, in all their arrangements, what and the remaining four under the command of was apparently the place of honour and of importTrebonius, Vatinius, and Quintus Tullius Ci-ance at the head of affairs at Rome; as he had cero, in different parts of the low countries. To gratified Crassus likewise by leaving him to this extremity of his new conquests he himself choose the most lucrative government, while he rupalred, and fixed his quarters at Nemetocenna,8 himself submitted to be employed as a mere proin the centre of his northern stations. vincial officer, to explore a barbarous country, By this distribution of his army, Cresar formed and to make war with its natives. But by thus a kind of chain from the frontier of his original yielding the supposed preference of station to his province, quite through the heart of his new acqui-rivals, he actually employed them as the willing sitions to the Meuse and the Scheld. And by his tools and ministers of his own ambition. The seeiming anxiety for the safety of the northern former, with all his disposition to emulation and extremities of his province, and still more by his jealousy, and perhaps for some time the dupe of own distance fromn Italy, he probably lulled for a these artifices, imagined that Cesar advanced by while the vigilance or jealousy of his principal his permission, and that the present state of paropponents at Rome. His own attention, howties was the fruit of his own address. As he ever, to the state of politics was never less re-himself, for the most part, endeavoured to obtain mitted. his ends by means indirect and artificial, he was Mark Antony, a person profligate and dissithe more easily duped by those who affected to pated, but when the occasion required exertion, be deceived by him, and who were able to overdarilng and eloquent, destined to be frequently reach him. Although it was impossible for him mentioned in the sequel of this history, now benow to remain any longer insensible to the supegan to be employed by Caesar in the affairs of the riority which Caesar had acquired, or to those city; andl, under pretence’of standing for the still more important objects at which he was priesthood, was sent from Gaul, where he had aiming, yet he had not hitherto taken his part recently served in the army, to bear a principal openly nor directly against him, but contented part among the agents and emissaries of his gene-himself with employing others in ill-concerted ral. These agents were continually busied in and ineffectual attacks, which he sometimes disinagnifying his services, and in gaining to his inowned, and always feebly supported. At last, terest every person of consideration who could and in the prosecution of the measures of which in any degree advance or obstruct his designs. we have observed the beginning in the senate, he In the conquest of Gaul, they alleged that he hazarded the whole authority of that body against a.ddled to the patrimony of the Roman people a Cesar, without having provided any military territory of no less than three thousand miles in power to enforce their commands.:irculnference, and a revenue of forty millions Pompey himself, while most under the inRoman money.9 They took care at the same fluence of ambition, and when he had it most in time, in his name and by his directions, under his power to trample on the civil constitution of the pious pretence of celebrating the memory of his country, had shown a respect for the comhis daughter, the late wife of Pompev, to cajole monwealth, which kept him within bounds that thee people with public entertainments and feasts; were consistent with this species of government; andl proceeded to execute, at a great expense, the and he imagined that no man could presume to splendid works which Csesar had formerly or-surpass himself in pretensions to rise above the dered.

ordinary level. In the course of debates relating He himself, at the same time, was careful to to the present state of affairs, he generally spoke secure the affections of the army; doubled their ambiguously, or affected to disbelieve the designs pay, and was lavish in all the other articles that were imputed to Cwesar; but finding, on the which were derived from his bounty. Besides last motion which was made to recall hml from his occasional liberality to the legions in time of Gaul, that the eyes of the whole senate were the war, he gave, or engaged himself to pay, to turned upon himself, he was forced to break sieach particular soldier, what to persons of that lence; and, with some degree of embarrassment, condition was a considerable object. In the city said, that although it was his opinion, that the he even entered into the secrets of every family, proconsul of Gaul could not, in consistence with and, as has been mentionedl, gained the master justice, be instantly recalled, yet that after the by courting the mistress or favourite slave. His first of March he should have no difficulties on purse was ever open to gratify the covetous with the subject. ” But,” says one of the senators, presents, to relieve the necessitous, and to silence ” what if this motion should then have a negathe creditors of those who were oppressed with tive put upon it?” “I shall make no distinc. debt. He encouraged the prodigal to squander tion,” replied Pompey, “bet.ween Casar’s refusing their patrimonies, and freely lent them the aids to obey the order of the senate, and his procuring which their extravagance rendered necessary to some one here to forbid that order.” ” But what them. He kept a correspondence at the same if he persist in demanding the consulate while he time with dependant and foreign princes; and retains his province and his army?. ” What,” took upon him the protection of provincial towns, replied Pompey, “if my own child should offer me violence?‘ll Cha imoes and uvernpposed to 7 At Tours and After the attempt which had been made to fix Chartres. 8 Supposed to be Arras. 9 Plutarch. in Vit. Catonis, p. 268.

Sueton. in Jul. Cxs. c. 25. Between about three and four hundred 10

Sumeton. in Jul. Cmes. c. 26, 27, 28. thousand pounds. 11 Cicer. Epist. ad Familiares, lib. viii. ep. 8. 21

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250 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK IV the question of Cesar’s recall for the first of semblies at Rome than for the field, possessed March, Pompey being at Naples, was taken ill, abilities to qualify him for any station, put himand supposed to be in danger. His recovery self at the head of an army, and prepared for the gave a general satisfaction, of which he had after-defence of his province. He had set out from Rome wards very flattering proofs in his progress in May; and having had a conference with Pormthrough Italy. He was every where met by pey at Tarentum, arrived at Brundusium on the processions, found the ways strowed before him twenty-first of that month.2 with flowers, and was received by multitudes, The military establishment of Cilicia being no who appeared to be frantic with joy for the re-more than twelve thousand foot and two thouturn of his health. sand horse, Cicero applied for an augmentation Whatever part Pompey himself or his emissa-of it, and on the fourth of June was still a ries may have had in procuring these demonstra-Brundusium, waiting for an answer to this aptions of respect and affection, it is probable he plication. But finding that his request, having was highly flattered with them, and either misbeen opposed by the consul Sulpicius,3 wa’s untook them himself, or hoped that others should successful, he set sail from that place, arrived at mistake them, as the proofs of a consideration and Actiumn on the fifteenth of that month, and, power which no attempt of his rival could overset passing through Athens, reached his province on or impair. the last of July. Here he found the troops, in The principal attention of all parties, duriMrg consequence of a mutiny which had recently this summer and autumn, as has been men-broke out among them, separated from their offitioned, had been turned to the affairs of Cwesar, cers, dispersed in places of their own choosing, and the dangerous tendency of the course he pur-the men of entire cohorts absent from their sued: and they were but for a little while diverted colours, and considering themselves as exempt from this object by an alarm on the side of’ Syria. from any authority or government whatever. The Parthians, encouraged by their late success Trusting to the respect that was due to the name against Crassus, passed the Euphrates with a and commission of proconsul, he ordered M. great army, commanded by Pacorus, son to Annius, one of his lieutenants, to assemble as Orodes, under the direction of Osaces, a veteran many as he could of the mutinous troops, and to and experienced leader. They had, during the encamp at Iconium in Licaonia. There he joined preceding winter, made an alliance with the them on the twenty-fourth of August; and haing king of Armenia, and were to be joined by his intelligence of the Parthian invasion, took mincaforces in this invasion. The disaster of Crassus sures for the security of his province; marched, had rendered the Parthian name terrible at Rome; without loss of time, to Cybistra, on the frontier and this inte ligence struck a momentary panic of Cappadocia; took under his protection the in the city, as if an enemy were already at the king Ariobarzanes, who was then threatened by gates. Some proposed to give Pompey the com-a powerful faction in his own kingdomn, and by maand in Syria; some to send Caesar thither; receiving him as a prince in alliance with the and others, to send both the present consuls to Romans, dispelled the storm that had been gathe army with a proper reinforcement.’ thered against him. He accepted, at the same But before these measures could be determined, time, of the offer that was made by Dejotarus, to or before any reinforcement could be ready to join him with all his forces; and being in this join the army in Syria, the people were relieved situation when he received accounts that the of their fiars by Caius Cassius, the general then Parthians had presented themselves before Ancommanding in that province, who had obligred tioch, he supposed that his presence night be the Parthians to withdraw from Antioch; in their wanted to cover his own frontier on the side of retreat attacked them, and made great slaughter. Syria. He accordingly moved to that quarter, in Osaces in that action received some wounds, of order to secure the passes of the mountains. which, in a few (lays afterwards, he died, and the Here, however, he learnt, that the storm had Parthian army continued in their retreat during blown over; that the enemy had retired, and had the following year beyond the Euphrates; sen-sustained a considerable loss in their retreat; and sible, in their turn, that a war carried over the that Bibulus was then at Antioch. This intelwastes of that desolated frontier mightbe ruinous liSence he colnmunicated to Dejotarus, intimratto any power by which it was attempted. ing, at the same time, that his assistance was no Bibulus, the present proconsul of Syria, soon longer necessary. after the retreat of the Parthians, arrived in his The province of Cilicia had been for some province, and, according to the established prac-years subject to the Romans; but the inhabitants tice of the Romrnans, laid his pretensions to a of the mountainous parts had never acknlowtriumph for the victory which, under his aus-ledged their authority, nor even that of their own pices, though before his arrival, had been obtained national sovereigns. Cicero, on his arrival in the by his lieutenant. neighbourhood of their country, finding that the This invasion of Syria, as well as some dispeople had retired to their strong holds, and were turbances in his own province, furnished Cicero, still determined to oppose his authority, formed a at the same time, with the occasion of some design to surprise them; and, for the better exo military operations, of which we have a particu-cution of his project, made a feint to withdraw to lar account, in his letters, mand which, though not Epiphania, where he halted for a day, as ift’ to rematerial to the military history of the times, are fresh his troops. On the day following, which not unworthy of notice, as they relate to this was the eleventh of October, in the evening, he eminent personage. He hadl taken possession of put his army again in motion towards the mounhis command ill Cilicia, and however better fitted tains, and before morning arrived in the midst of uy his habits for the forum and the political ashis enemies, who by this time had returned to 1 Cicer. Epist. ad Familiares. libh. viii. ep. 10. 2 Cicero ad Famil ar. lib. iii. ep. 3. 3

Ibid.

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CHIAP. IV.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 251 their usual habitations; cut them off separately, Of those who were now elected consuls, Caius pursued suc!

as fled, forced their strong holds, Marcellus, as well as his relation and immled(iate and in about sixty days reduced some towns and predecessor Marcus Marcellus, was understood a considerable tract of country, which had never to be in the interest of Pompey. _Emilius Paubefore acknowledged the Roman government. lus, a senator of rank, and of course interested in The troops, on this occasion, saluted Cicero the preservation of the republic, the honours of with the title of imperator; which, being usually which he was so well entitled to share, was exiven to victorious leaders,4
was commonly unpected to support the measures of the senate, and derstood as the suffrage of the army for obtaining adhere to the established forms. Together with a triumph. He himself, accordingly, on this cir-internal tranquillity, the government seemed to cumstance, together with the service which gave recover its ancient severity. Appius Claudius, occasion to it, afterwards grounded his claim of late proconsul of Cilicia, and Calpurnius Piso that honour. This claim he scarcely seems to were chosen censors, and appeared to have auhave seriously entertained; he even treats it as a thority enough to carry into execution the powjest in some of his letters; yet the triumph being ers lately restored to this office by the ordinance in these latter times considered rather as the of Scipio. It was expected that these censors means of acquiring a certain rank in the com-would hold an even balance between the factions.

monwealth, than as the just reward of military Appius f:voured Pompey, and Piso, from his remerit, he submitted his claim to the senate, and lation of father-in-law to Caesar, was necessarily urged his friends to support it. His conduct as disposed to check the partiality of his colleague.

governor of a province, at a time when this sta-The hopes of the senate were likewise considertion was supposed to give a license to every spe-ably raised by the unexpected nomination of cies of rapine and oppression, did honour to his Caius Scribonius Curio to be one of the tribunes. own disposition, and to those literary studies, in Servius Pola, after being elected into this office, which he was taught to choose the objects of his had been convicted of bribery, the election was set ambition and his habits of life. In this character aside, and Curio substituted in his place. This he declined, both for himself and for his attend-young man was of an honourable family; and ants, all those presents, contributions, and even possessing talents which qualified him for the supplies of provisions, of which custom or law, highest preferments, naturally set out on a foot of had authorised the Roman governors, in passing independence, and joined those who were for through the provinces, to avail themselves.

In maintaining the freedom of the commonwealth, his command he distinguished himself by his and their own equal pretensions to honour and humanity, condescension, and disinterestedness; power. Being active and bold, as well as elowas easy of access and hospitable; open, in par-quent, the senators were fond of a partizan who ticular to all persons of literary merit and in-was likely to take upon himself much of that fagenuity, whom he entertained without ostenta-tigue and danger which many of them were wiltion. In such situations other Roman generals, ling, even where their own estates and dignities though of great merit, indulged themselves in were concerned, to devolve upon others. what was the custom of their times; they drained The new niagistrates accordingly entered on the provinces to accumulate their own fortunes, office with high expectations that or place(l their money there at extravagant in-U. C.

703. the dangerous pretensions of ambiterest. He was governed by different maxims, L..TEmilius tious citizens, particularly those of and wished to rise above his contemporaries by Paulus. and Cwesar, would be eflectually checkthe fame of his disinterestedness, as well as of his C. Claudius ed.

The consuls were possessed ingenuity and civil accomplishments.

Other.Marcellus. of a resolution of the senate, recitizens might possess greater steadiness, and quiring them to proceed to the busiforce or elevation of mind; but his fine genius, ness of C.esar’s province by the first of March. his talents, and fair disposition, of which his This resolution wanted only the consent of the weakness indeed often prevented the full effect, tribunes to render it a formal act of the executive still rendered him an important acquisition to power, of which this branch was by the constitueither of the parties in the commonwealth. And tion lodged in the senate. But one of the trias they endeavoured to gain, so they even seemed bunes having forbid the decree, M. Marcellus, to acquire, his support in their turns. late consul, moved that application might be Whilst the affairs of the respective provinces made to this officer to withdraw the negative, were thus administered by the commanders to which prevented the effect of what the senate whom they were intrusted, the usual time of had resolved. But the motion was rejected by a elections at Rome being arrived, L. ZEmilius majority5 of the senate itself; and many other Paulus, and C. Claudius Marcellus were elected symptoms of Cresar’s great influence, even over to succeed to the consulate for the following year. this order of men, soon after appeared. Soon after these elections attempts were made, This able politician, probably that he might though without effect, to carry into execution not seem to have any views upon Italy, had fixed some of the regulations devised by Pompey, in his quarters, and that of his army, in the low his late administrations, to check the corruption countries, and at the extremity of his recent conof the times. Calidius had been engaged in the quests. But instead of seizing every pretence, as last competition, and immediately upon his disap-formerly, for making war on the natives of Gaul, pointment was brought to trial for illegal means he endeavoured to quiet their fears, and to conemployed in his canvass. He was acquitted; and, ciliate their affections;6 and while he kept the in resentment, retorted the charge on Marcellus, whole province in a state of profound tranquillity, in order, if possible, to annul his election; but collected money, provided arms, and completed failed in the attempt. 5 Cicero ad Famiiliar. lib. viii. ep.

13. 4 Cicero ad Familiar. lib. xv. ep. 4. 6 Hist. de Bell. Gall. lib.

viii. c. 49.

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252 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK TV. his legions, as if preparing for a dangerous an] Curio, after he took his resolution to join Caeimportant war. His distance from Italy lullel sar, continued to speak the language of his former the jealousy of his opponents, and enabled him to party, and to act in concert with them, until he carry on his operations unobserved. He spared should find a plausible excuse for breaking with no expense in gaining accessions to his interest; them. Such a pretence6 he sought by starting and( when promises were accepted, seemed to many subjects of debate without consulting them, make them with unbounded confidence in the and. by making proposals in which he knew that means on which he relied for the performance of the leading men of the senate would not concur. them. In this he acted as on the eve of a great To this effect he devised a project for the repararevolution, the event of which was to raise him tion of the highways, offering himself to have above the want of resources, or above the neces-the inspection of the work for five years. And sity of a scrupulous faith with private persons.

when much time had been spent in fruitless deHe actually remitted at this time great sums of bates on this subject, he insisted, that a considermoney to Rome; and no less than fifteen hun-able intercalation should be made to lengthen the dred talents, or about‘289,5001, to the manage-year, to give him sufficient time to ripen his proment of the consul JEmilius alone, who was sup-jects. Being opposed in this by the college of posed to expend this money in erecting public Augurs,7 he employed his tribunitian power to buildings for the use of the city. But not being obstruct all other business, and separated himself superior to corruption, at least not to that which entirely from his friends in the senate. was addressed to his vanity, in being made agent Curio, having in this manner withdrawn himand trustee for so popular a leader as Cesar, he self from his former party, did not at once openly disappointed the hopes of his friends, and in all join their opponents; but, with professions of inthe contests which arose during his consulate, dependence, affected to oppose the errors of both; became an active partizan for the person who had and, by this artful conduct. seemed to have rehonouredl him with so flattering a trust. ceived the instructions, or to have imitated the It was likewise very early observed in these policy of his leader. When the great question debates, that the zeal of Curio, who set out withl of Cesar’s recall was revived, he inveighed, as violent invectives against Cesar, began to abate; formerly, against the exorbitant powers which that he for a while endeavoured to divert the at-had been committed to this general, and urged tention of the public to other objects;2 and at the necessity of having them revoked; but sublast fairly withdrew himself from the support of joined, that the powers granted to Pompey were the senate, and espoused the interest of Cesar in equally dangerous, and proposed, that both should every question. be ordered to disband their armies, and return to This interest was now likewise strengthened a private station.

The partizans of Pompey inby the accessions brought to it in consequence of sisted, that the term of his commission was not the disputes of the censors. These magistrates yet expired; nor that of Cwsar’s, replied Curio. concurred in expurging from the rolls of the If either is to be disarmed, it is proper that both senate such as were of servile extraction, and should be so; if only one army be disbanded, we many even of noble family, on account of some are certainly the slaves of that which relmains. infamy or blemish in their character,’ But Ap-There were probably now three parties in the plius, having carried his affectation of zeal beyond state; one devoted to Casar, another to Pomwhat the age could bear, and being suspected of pey, and a third that meant to support the repartiality to Pompey’s friends, gave offence to public against the intrigues or violence of either. Piso, who, by protecting many citizens who were The latter must have been few, and could not stigmatized by his colleague, gained them to the hope to be of much consequence, except by join. interest of Caesar. Froln these several causes ing such of the other two, as appeared by the this party became very numerous even in the character of its leader least dangerous to the senate, and continued to suspend any decrees commonwealth. Caesar had shown himself in that were proposed to deprive Caesar of his com-his political course, a dangerous subject, and an mand, or to recall the extraordinary privilege arbitrary magistrate. In the capacity ofa subject, which had formerly been granted to him. he had supported every party that was inclined It was afterwards discovered, in the sequel of to commit disorder in the state, or to weaken the these transactions, that Curio, some time before hands of government.

In that of a magistrate he openly declared himself for Caesar, had been he spurned every legal restraint, acted the part actually gained by him. This young man, like of a demagogue, supporting himself by popular the youth of that age in general, had dissipated tumults, and the credit of a faction, against the his fortune, and contracted immense debts. His laws of his country; and it was the general opipopularity was the effect of his profusion; and nion of considerate persons, that his thirst of the load of his debts made himn a verv uncertain power and emolument was not be satiated withfriend to government, and to laws which support-out a total subversion of government: that if,’ in ed the just claims of his creditors against him. the contest which seemed to impend, his sword He readily listened to Cresar, who offelbred t,. relieve should prevail, a scene of bloodshed and rapine him of this burden, and actually paid his debts to would ensue, far exceeding what had yet been a great amount;3 according to some reports, to the exhibited in any calamity that had ever befallen amount of ten millions Roman money;4 accordthe republic. The description of his adherents,8 ing to others, of six times that sum.5 and the character of persons that crowded to his standard, justified the general fear and distrust 1 Appian. Plutarch. which was entertained of his designs. All who 2 Cicero ad Famnliar lib. viii. ep. 6. had fallen under the sentence of the law, all who 3 Pl:itarch. Die. Saieton.:‘ppias. 4

Velleitus, lib. ii. c. 48.-80,72l/. See Arblthnot’s 6 Dio. Cass. lii. xl.

c. 61. Appian de Bello Civile. Tables. 7 Cicero ad Familiar. lib. viii.

ep. 6. 5 Valerius Maximnus, lib. ix. 8 Cicero ad Atticum, lib. v.: 7.

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CHAP. IV.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC.‘253 dreaded this fate, all who had suffered any dis-sar too had a like reception in the towns of the grace, or were conscious they deserved it; young Cisalpine Gaul; but it is likely, that of these men who were impatient of government; the three pretenders to popularity, Pompey was populace who had an aversion to order; the bank-most elated with his share of the public favour, rupt, to whom law and property itself were ene-and the most likely to mistake these appearances mies; all these looked for his approach with of consideration for the stable foundations of Impatience, and joined in every cry that was Qower. Under this mistake probably it was, that raised in his favour. then one of his friends asked him, with what Pompey, the leader of the opposite party, had force he was to oppose Casar if he should march never ceased to embroil the state with his in-into Italy with his army? “In Italy,” he antrigues, and even invaded the laws by his impa-swered, “I can raise forces with a stamp of my tience for extraordinary and unprecedented ho-foot.” He was, however, greatly alarmed by the nours; yet, when possessed of power, he had motion which had been made by Curio, and by employed it with moderation, and seemed to the reception it met, both in the approbation of delight in receiving these singular trusts by the the senators, and in the acclamations of the peofree choice of his country; not in extorting them, pie. He wrote a letter, on this occasion. to the not in making any illegal use of them, nor in senate, in which he acknowledged the services of retaining them beyond the terms prescribed by Casar, and mentioned his own. “His late conhis commission. It appeared, that in nothing he sulate,” he said, “was not of his seeking; it was had ever injured the commonwealth so deeply, pressed upon him to sane the republic in the as in caballing with Caesar while he rose to his midst of great dangers; the command he then present elevation, from which he was not likely bore had devolved upon him in consequence of to descend, without some signal convulsion in his having been consul, and was given for a term the state.9 of years, yet far from being expired; but he was This comparison of the parties which were ready, nevertheless, without waiting for the exnow to contend for power at the hazard of the piration of his term, to resign with alacrity what republic, made it easy for good citizens to choose he had accepted with reluctance.”

He continued, their side. But they nevertheless naturally wished on every occasion, to repeat the same professions, to prevent the contest from coming to extremities; adding, ” That he made no doubt his relation and as in the event of the war, which they dreaded, his friend Caesar would cheerfully make a like it was scarcely possible to avoid a military go-sacrifice to the fears and apprehensions of his vernment. They considered the proposal of fellow-citizens; and that, after many years of hard Curio as a mere pretence to justify Cwesar in struggle with warlike enemies, he would now keeping possession of his army; but they saw that hasten to retire in peace, and to solace himself in there was no force in the republic sufficient to the midst of domestic repose.” resist him. They wished to arm Pompey for Pompey, for the most part, chose to dissemble this purpose; but were prevented, either by the his sentiments, and advanced to his purpose by confidence which he still gave them of his own indirect means; he was, therefore, like most artsuperiority, or by their fear of precipitating the ful men, easily overreached by persons who perstate into a civil war, by seeming to take any ceived his designs; and probably, on the present precautions against it. occasion, was the only dupe of his own artifices, Caesar would have considered every attempt to or of those that were employed against him. arm the republic as a declaration against himself; Curio, in the senate, openly attacked this part and was ready to commence hostilities before any of his character, insisting that actions, and not such measure could be carried into execution. professions, were now to be regarded: that the The proposal for disarming at once both Caesar army of Caesar was, to the republic, a necessary and Pompey, in the mean time, was extremely defence against that of Pompey; that nevertheacceptable to the popular party, who perpetually less, both should be ordered to disband, under sounded the cry of liberty against the senate, pain of being declared, in case of disobedience, and lately too against Pompey himself, who, on enemies to their country; and that an army should account of the spirit of his administration when be instantly levied to enforce these orders. “Now,” last in office, and the severity of his prosecutions said he, “is the time to reduce this assuming and against bribery and other offences, which are not arrogant man, while you have a person who can odious to the vulgar, was become in a consider-dispute his pretensions, and who can wrest those able degree unpopular, and supposed to aim at a arms out of his hands, which he never would have tyranny. With such powers as Pompey already willingly dropped.” possessed, it was reckoned an effort of courage The friends of Caesar, in the senate, offered to to oppose him. And Curio, in coming from the compromise the dispute; and provided Pompey senate, with the lustre of having acted so bold a retired to his province, and Caesar were allowed part, was received by the populace with shouts to retain the Cisalpine Gaul with two legions, and acclamations, was conducted to his house they proposed, in his name, to disband the reover ways strewed with flowers, and, like a victor mainder of his army, and to resign the other in the circus, presented with chaplets and gar-part of his provinces. ” Observe the dutiful citilands, in reward of his courageous, patriotic and zen and good subject,” said Cato, ” how ready he impartial conduct. This happened about the is to quit the northern parts of Gaul, if you only time that Pompey, as has been observed, was put him in possession of Italy and of the city; making a show of his great popularity in the and how ready to accept of your voluntary subcountry towns, where he was received with feasts, mission, rather than employ your own army processions, and acclamations, on occasion of his against you to enforce it.“1‘0 recovery from a supposed dangerous illness. Cae-In the result of these debates, the senate, upon 9

Cicero ad Atticum, lib. vii. ep. 3. 10 Plutarch. in Catone.

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254 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BooK IV. the motion of the consul Marcellus, came to a the senate might possibly pass a decree to supervote on the following questions, which were se-sede him; and that he must then depend upon parately stated, relating to the appointments both the attachment of his legions, and make war, or of Caesar and of Pompey. On the first question, submit, as he found them inclined; in this, howWhether Caesar should disband his army? the ever, it is probable he was in a great measure reAyes were general throughout the house. On solved, or had no doubt of their willingness to be. the second, relating to Pompey, the Noes greatly come his partners in a military adventure for the prevailed. Curio and M. Antony insisted, that sovereignty of the empire. the questions were not fairly put; and that they In this state of affairs he assigned to Labienus did not collect the sense of the senate; that the his station within the Alps; and seeming to Ilhave majority might be of opinion, that both should conceived a suspicion of this officer, or rather disband; and that both, therefore, should be in-knowing that he was not disposed to follow him, cluded in the same question. To this purpose, in case his commission should be withdrawn by accordingly, a third question was put; and the the senate, nor to co-operate in any act of hossenate having divided, a majority of three huntility against the republic, he wished to prevent dred and seventy Ayes appeared against twenty-the disputes which might arise on such an occatwo Noes.l Whether these proceedings of the sion, and to avoid the difficult task of determinsenate were annulled by any informality. or were ing how he should deal with a citizen, who being deprived of effect by any other circumstance, does an offender against himself, was nevertheless ill not appear. The onlyimmediate consequence they his duty to the state, and who either, by his imseem to have produced, was an order to Pompey punity or by his sufferings, might start danand Cesar, requiringeach ofthem to march a legion gerous questions, and divide the opinions and to reinforce the army in Syria, where the Parthi-affections of the soldiers. He dismissed him, ans, though repulsed from Antioch in the preced-therefore, from the army in the northern Gaul, ing year, had wintered in the Cyrrhestica, a dis-to command on the Po, a station from which he trict of that province, and threatened to repeat could easily quit the province, and join the forces their invasion in the present spring and sumnler; of the republic; and by this means rid him at and this appears to have been no more than a once of a persen on whom he could not rely, and feeble attempt to strip Caesar of two legions, of whom he would scarcely dare to punish for dewhich, when it came to be executed, he well fection. But in whatever manner we understand knew how to disappoint the effect. this separation, it is noticed, that while Ctesar While the subject of Caesar’s appointments himself remained with the army upon the Mooccupied all parties at Rome, he himself, with his selle, and made frequent movements merely to army, passed a quiet winter in Gaul; and at the exercise the troops and to preserve their health, a end of it, or early in the spring, set out for Italy. rumour prevailed, that his enemies were solicitHe employed, as a pretence for this journey, the ing Labienus to desert him, and to carry off the election to a vacant place in the college of augurs, troops that were under his command. At the which was fast approaching; and for which his same time it was reported, that the senate was friend Mark Antony was a candidate. Many preparing a decree to divest Casar of his governvotes were to be procured in the colonies and free ment, and to disband his army.

These insinuacities bordering on that part of his province which tions he affected to treat as groundless, observing, was beyond the Alps; and he made his journey that he could not believe such an officer as Lawith uncommon speed to secure them: but being bienus would betray his trust; and that for him. informed, on the road, that the election of augurs self, he was at all times ready to submit his cause to was past, and that his friend Antony had pre-a free senate. The proposals of Curio, and his vailed, he nevertheless continued his journey, and other friends, he said, had been so reasonable, with the same diligence as before he had received that the senate would have long ago accepted of this information, saying, It was proper he should them, if that body had not been under the imthank his friends for their good offices, and reproper influence of his enemies. quest the continuance of their favour in his own About the same time, Cesar received the competition for the consulate, which he proposed famous order of the senate to detach a legion to declare on the following year. He alleged, as from his army to be transported into Syria, and a reason for his early application, that his ene-employed in the Parthian war; and likewise to mies, in order to oppress him, or to withstand his restore that legion which he had borrowed fromn just pretensions, had placed C. Marcellus and P. Pompey. It is probable, that he had desired the Lentulus in the magistracy of the present year, last might be sent to him merely to take off a and had rejected the pretensions of Galba, though part of his rival’s force; and though he now. much better founded. with seeming cheerfulness, complied with tht He was met in all the provincial towns and requisition to restore them, yet he afterwards colonies of Cisalpine Gaul with more than a complained of this measure respecting the two kingly reception, with sacrifices and processions legions in question, as a mere artifice to turn his every where made by innumerable crowds, which own forces against him. In compliance with the were assembled to see and admire him; Having senate’s order, he sent the fifteenth legion, then made the circuit of this province, and sounded upon the Po, and relieved it by one from his prethe dispositions of the people, he returned with sent camp. In dismissing the soldiers of Pomgreat despatch to his quarters at Nemetocenna,2 pey, he was, under pretence of gratitude for past in the lowv countries, where he likewise wished to services, most lavish of his caresses and thanks; know the disposition as well as the state of his and as an earnest of future tavour, ordered each army; anti, for this purpose, ordered the whole private man a gratuity of two hundred and fifty to assemble on the Moselle. He foresaw, that denarii.3 By this artful conduct, while he parted with the men, he took care to retain ther affec1

Appian de Bello Ci-,…. ii. Plutarch. in Casar. p. 134. 2 Arras. 3 About 51.

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CHAP. V.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 255 tions, and sent them, together with his own le-demanded from him had not been sent into Asia, gion, as at best Lut an uncertain and dubious but were kept in Italy, and put under the com accession of strength to his enemies.4 mand of Pompey. He complained, that he was The officers who were sent to make these de-betrayed; that his enemies meant to disarm and mands, and to conduct the troops into Italy, circumvent him. “But while the republic is brought to their employers a very flattering report safe, and matters can be made up oh amicable of the state and dispositions of Caesar’s army: terms, I will bear,” he said, ” with any indignities, that they longed to change their commander; had rather than involve the state in a civil war.” 6 a high opinion of Pompey; and, if marched into While the factions that were likely to divide Italy, would surely desert to him; that Cesar the empire were in this situation, C. Marcellus, was become odious on account of the hard ser-now third of this name in the succession of convice in which he had so long employed them, suls, together with Publius Lentulus, were chosen without any adequate reward, and on account of for the following year. Before they entered on the suspicion that he aimed at the monarchy.5
office a rumour arose, that Caesar, with his whole It is in the highest degree probable, that their army, was actually in motion to pass the Alps.

crafty leader employed proper persons to hold Marcellu~, consul of the present year, assembled this language to the commissioners of the senate, the senate; laid before them this report, and and to the officers of Pompey; and to utter com-moved, that the troops then in Italy should be plaints of their commander, and of the service, on prepared to act, and new levies should be ordered. purpose that they might be repeated in Italy. His A debate ensued, in which Curio contradicted own preparations were not of more importance the report, and, by his Tribunitian authority, to him than the supine security into which he forbade the senate to proceed in any resolution endeavoured, by this and every other measure, to upon this subject. lull his enemies. On this interposition of the tribune, the consul On the approach of winter he conducted his dismissed the assembly, using, together with army back to their quarters in the low countries, other expressions of impatience, the words followand the interior parts of Gaul. Trebonius was ing: That if he were not supported by the senate, stationed with four legions on the Scheld and in the measures which were necessary for the the Meuse, and Fabius, with other four, between preservation of the commonwealth, he should put the Soane and the Loire, in the canton of Bi-the exercise of his power into hands more likely bracte, now Autun. This disposition, like that to make the state be respected: then, together of the former winter, was calculated to avoid with Lentulus, one of the consuls elected for the giving any alarm to his opponents in Italy. He ensuing year, he repaired to the gardens where himself intended to winter within the Alps, but Pompey resided; this officer being obliged, on had no troops on that side of the mountains that account of his military command, to remain withcould occasion any suspicion; only one veteran out the city; and presenting his sword, bid hinm legion is mentioned, the thirteenth, which he had employ it for the defence of his country, and with sent to replace the fifteenth; that, upon pretence it to assume the command of the forces then in of the Parthian war, had been called away from Italy. To this aidress, Pompey, with an air of his province. Upon his arrival in Italy he aflbcted modesty, made answer, ” If nothing better can be surprise upon hearing that the two legions lately devised for the commonwealth.” CHAPTER V. Return of different Officersfrom their Provinces-Decree qf the Senate to supersede CosarForbidden by the Tribunes Commission to the Consuls and to Pomnpey-Their ResolutionsFlight of the Tribunes Antony and Quintus Cassius-Speech qf Ccesar to the Legion at Rarenna-Surprise of Ariminum-March of Caesar-Flight qf Pompey and the Senate, c4c.Approach of Coesar-Embarkation and Departure of Pompey from Brundusium-Return of Ceesar to Rome-Passes by Marseilles into Spain-Campaign on the Segra-Legions of Pompey in Spain conducted to the Var. IN this posture of affairs, the officers, who had the enemy slain, coming up to the legal descripbeen sent in the preceding year to the command tion of those services for which the triumph was of provinces, were returned to Rome, and some obtained, he entered his claim: and was accordof them remained with their ensigns of magis-ingly, upon the motion of Cato, who probably tracy in the suburbs, to solicit the military ho-wished him this consolation for the mortifications nours to which thev thought themselves entitled he had received in his consulate, found to be enby their services. Bibulus, though not present titled to this honour. It had been long approin the action in which Cassius defeated the Par-priated as the specific reward of victories, obtained thians, yet being then governor of the province, by the slaughter of a certain number of eneand the advantage gained, with the number of mies, and would have been preposterous in the case of any other merit: Cicero, nevertheless, now likewise applied for a triumph, partly in emula4 Appian. de Bello Civile, lib. ii. Plutarch. in Vita tion to Bibulus, of whom he expresses some Pompeii, p. 435.alosy; and partly, that he mit ave a pre5 Plutarch.

in Vita Caesaris, p. 133, et in Vita Pom-jealousy; and partly, that he might have a prety Xi. p. 486. tence for his stay in the suburbs, and for absentI Hirtus de’lo Gallico, lib. viii. c. 46. ing himself from the senate, and from the assem

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2,5q THE PROGRESS AND TERM.11NATION [BOOK IV. blies of the people, being very much perplexed other senator, was at stake, did not seem disposed how to steer between the parties of Caesar and to act, until all the powers that were wanting to Pompey, who had both applied to him by letters gratify his ambition should be put into his hands. to join them in the present dispute.l He had, With an appearance of ease and negligence, he some time before his departure from Cilicia on went upon parties of pleasure through Italy, his return to Rome, sent an account of his mili-

~while every one else apprehended that Rome it. tary opeiations to Cato, and to some others of self, as well as Italy, must soon become a scene his friends, with an earnest request, that a thanks-of blood. At an interview with Cicero, whom, giving might be appointed for the victory he had on his way to the city, he met near Naples, he obtained. Such an appointment was reckoned himself spoke of a civil war as unavoidable.5 one of the greatest honours which a Roman offi-Upon his return to Rome, on the twenty-sixth cer could receive in absence, and might lead to a of December, he even seemed averse to any actriumph. Cato replied in terms that were polite; commodation. He declared his mind openly but carrying some degree of indirect reproof for that if Caesar should obtain the consulate, even the improper ambition which Cicero betrayed in upon laying down his arms, the state must be this request, intimating that his merit was not so undone; that in his opinion, whenever a vigorous much that of a general, as that of a humane, up-opposition appeared, Caesar would choose to reright, and able magistrate; that he had moved tain his army, and drop his pretensions to the conthe senate to pass a decree to this purpose in his sulate: but, continued he, if Casar should profavour, as thinking it more honourable than a ceed headlong, and bring matters to the decision thanksgiving, which always had a reference to of the sword, how contemptible must he appear, some event, depending on chance or the valour a mere private adventurer against the authority of an army; but that, since Cicero had chosen of the state, supported by a regular army under to put his services on the last footing, he had a my command. double satisfaction, that of having done what he To justify this security, or presumption on the thought incumbent on himself, and that of find-part of Pompey, it must be remembered that ing that the desire of his friend was gratified.2 while Caesar was forming an army in Gaul, Cicero at first received this declaration of Cato Pompey, by means of his lieutenants, likewise as a proper expression of friendship, and in the formed a great army of six complete legions, and highest degree honourable to himself;3 but on many auxiliaries, in Spain; and that if Cesar hearing of the military honours which were deshould make any attempt upon Italy, it is probacreed to Bibulus upon Cato’s motion, he was ble he intended that his army should pass the greatly provoked, and considered this conduct Pyrennees as fast as that of Caesar passed the as partial to his rival, and invidious to himself.4 Alps, occupy his province, cut off his resources, He was instigated or confirmed in these senti-and while Pompey himself received him with the ments by Caesar, who gladly seized the opportu-forces of Italy, that the Spanish army should nity to incite him against Cato. “

Observe,” he press upon his rear, and place him at once besaid, in one of his letters, which is quoted by tween two attacks. It ought likewise to be conCicero on this subject, “the malice of the man, sidered, that although few troops were then he affects to give you the commendations of actually formed in Italy, yet this was the great clemency and integrity, which you did not desire, nursery of soldiers for the whole empire, and and withholds a piece of common respect, which multitudes could, on any sudden emergency, be you had asked. This conduct,” continues Ci-embodied in every part of that country.6 cero to Atticus, “bespeaks the envy from which Pompey, with these securities in his hands for It proceeds. It is not sufferable, nor will I en-the final success of his views against Caesar, sufdure it. Cesar, in his letter to me, has not fered this rival to run his career, leaving the missed the proper remarks.” Such were the senate exposed to the dangers which threatened concerns that distracted the mind of this inge-them; and under the influence of apprehensions, nious but weak man, even while he himself which he expected would render them more foresaw a conflict, in which the republic itself, tractable, and nlore ready in every thing to comand all the honours it could bestow, were pro-ply with his own desires, than he had generally bably soon to perish.

found them in times of greater security. In the present situation of affairs, every reso-In the same strain of policy, Pompey had frelution which the friends ofthe republic could quently ventured to foment or to connive at the take was fraught with danger, and every day in-growing troubles of the republic, in order to rencreased their perplexity. To leave Caesar in pos-der himself the more necessary, and to draw from session of his army, and to admit him with such the senate and the people offers of extraordinary a force to the head of the commonwealth, was to trust and power. By the address of Cato, and of submit, without a struggle, to the dominion he other active men in the senate, ihe had been meant to assume. To persist in confining him obliged on a late occasion, when he aimed at the to one or other of these advantages, was to fur-powers of dictator, to be content with those of sole nish him with a pretence to make war on the reconsul. It is probable, that he had entertained public. The powers which were necessary to the same views on the present occasion, and perenable Pompey to resist Caesar, might be equally mitted the evils to accumulate, luntil the remedy dangerous to the republic in the possession of the he wished for should appear t.o be necessary. lie one, as they were in that of the other. This continued accordingly with votes and resolutions person, on whom the state was now to rely, even of the senate to combat Caesar, who was at the while his own consideration, with that of every head of a numerous army, ready on the first plausible pretence to fall upon Italy, to seize the 1 Cicero ad Att.

lib. vii. ep. 1. 2 Cicero ad Familiar. Jib. xv. ep. 5. 3 Ibid. ep. 6. 5

Cicero ad Atticum, lib. vii. ep. 8. 4 Cicero ad Att. Jib. vii. ep. 2 6

Cic. ad Familiar. lib. xvi. ep. 12.

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CnAP. V.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 257 seats of government, and avail himself of that debates were renewed on this subject for some name and authority of the republic, on which (lays successively, from the first to the seventh of Pompey himself so greatly relied. January. On the last of these days, a resolution Mean time, the new year corn-was framed, ordering Carsar to dismiss his army, U C. 704. menced, and C. Claudius Marcellus and by a certain day to retire from his provinces, (‘C’audius with L. Cornelius Lentulus, entered or in case of disobedience, declaring him an.Marrellus et on their office as consuls. Both enemy to his country.

The tribunes, Mark An, L. Cornelius parties were prepared for a decisive tony and Quintus Cassius, interposed with their L-ntulus. resolution on the subject of Caesar’s negative. claims. He himself for some years The hands of the senate being thus tied up by had wintered near to the northern extremity of the prohibition or interdict of the tribunes, it was his provinces. He was now at Ravenna, the moved that the members should put on mourning, nearest station of his army to Rome; but without in order to impress the people with a deeper sense any troops, besides what appear to have been the of the calamity which was likely to ensue from usual establishment of the Cisalpine province; the contunlacy of these factious officers. This that is, the thirteenth legion, which had been sent likewise the tribunes forbad; but the senate being thither to supply the place of a legion, with which adjourned, all the members, as of their own ache had been required to reinforce the army of cord, returned to their next meeting in habits of Syria, and three hundred horse, making in all mourning, and proceeded to consider in what between five and six thousand men.7 Soon after manner thev might remove the difficulty which his arrival at Ravenna, he had been visited by arose from this factious interposition of the triCurio, who, at the expiration of his tribunate, bunes. In the conclusion of this deliberation, it made this journey to receive his directions in was determined to give to the consuls and other respect to the future operations of the party; and magistrates, together with Pompey, in the characafter their conference, returned to Rome with a ter of proconsul, the charge usual in the most letter from Cresar, addressed to the senate, which dangerous conjunctures; to preserve the comwas presented on the first of January, at the ad-monwealth by such means as to their discretion mission of the new consuls into office.8 should appear to be necessary. The consul Lentulus moved, that prior to any This charge suggested to the minds of the other business, the state of the republic, and that people, what had passed in the times of the of the provinces, should be taken under con-Gracchi of Saturninus and of Catiline. The sideration; and alluding to the resolutions which tribunes, who had occasioned the measure, either were already on record, relating to Caesar’s pro-apprehended, or affected to apprehend, immediate vince, said, that if the senate stood firm on this danger to their own persons: they disguised occasion to their former decrees, his services themselves in the habit of slaves, and, together should not be wanting to the commonwealth. with Curio, in the night fled from Rome in hired He was seconded by Scipio, and was applauded carriages.” The consuls repaired to Pompey in by the general voice of the senate; but Caesar the suburbs; and, agreeably to the order of the had procured the admission of Mark Antony senate, claimed his assistance in discharging the and of Quintus Cassius, two of his most noted important duties with which they were jointly and determined partizans, into the college of tri-intrusted. It was agreed, in concert with him, bunes. These could make riots, or furnish the that they should support the authority of the pretence of violence in the city, whenever the senate with a proper military force, that they military designs of their patron were ripe for should proceed to make new levies with the execution: they were to be the executors of what greatest despatch; and in order to give effect to had been concerted with Curio, or whatever else these preparations, that Pompey should have the should be thought proper to promote Caesar’s de-supreme command over the treasury, and all th] signs. They began with threatening to stop all forces of the republic, in every quarter of the proceedings of the senate, until Caesar’s letter world. was read; and prevailed on this meeting to begin Winter was now set in, or fast approaching. with that paper. It was expressed, according to The season, although nominally in the month of Cicero, in terms menacing and harsh,9 and con-January, being only about fifty days past the autained in substance a repetition of the proposals, tumnal equinox, or about the twelfth of Novemwhich Caesar had been all along making through ber, Cresar had few troops on the side of Italy; Curio, and his other adherents at Rome, “That the force of his army was yet beyond the Alps, he should be allowed to retain the honours, and the officers now entrusted with the safety of which the Roman people had bestowed upon the commonwealth, flattered themselves that much him; that he should be left upon a foot of equality time might be found to put the republic in a state with other officers, who were allowed to join civil of defence, before his army at this season could office at Rome with military establishments in the pass those mountains, even if he should be so provinces; and that he should not be singled out desperate as to make war on the commonwealth; as the sole object of their distrust and severity.“0
which Pompey did not even, in this state of afThis letter was considered as an attempt to fairs, appear to have believed. prescribe to the senate, and unbecoming the re-When Caesar received accounts of the senate’s spect due to their authority. It was by many resolution, he drew forth the troops then at Ratreated as an actual declaration of war. The venna, and in a harangue enumerated thewrongs which for some years he alleged had been done to himself; complained that his enemies had now 7 Appian. de Bello Civil. lib. ii. p. ~447. Plut. in found means to excite against him even Pompey, ~msare. 8 Dio. Cassus, lib. xli. c. 1. 9 Cicero ad Familiar.

Jib. xvi. -D. 12. 1 11 Appian. de Bello Civili, lib. ii. Dio. Cass. Jib.

Ili. 10 Suetonius in Caesare, c. 29. c. 3. Cicero ad Familiar. lib. xvi.

el. 12. 2K

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:258 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK lV. a person whose honour he hatl always promoted ver them orders. He himself passed the day, as with the warmest afflction; that the interp)osition usual, in forming combats of gladiators, and in of the tribunes, in behalf of the armv and( of him-attending the exercises of the legion; at night he self, had been defeated by means of threats an(l of went to supper at the usual hour, and after he actual force; that their sacred persons ha1d een had taken his place, pretendiner business, or some viola:ted, in order to oppress him; that resolutions, slight indisposition, which called him away from which had never been taken but in the most dan-thile company, he mounted a carriagc that waited gerous and threatening cokjlunctures, to prevent fobr him, drove through a gate opposite to that of ruinolus t1.ws frona heirtx, ca.ried by insurrection Arirninum, and havinc travelled for a little time and violence, were now formed a_~ainst peaceable in that direction, tu’ned into the road on which magistrates, and in times of profound tranquillity; he had posted the party of horse, and having he therefore exhorted the army to maintain the joined them, marched about thirty miles before honour of an officer. un(ler whom they had now, break of day, entered Arirninum by a gate which for nine years, faithfully served the republic; the party hlie had sent before him kept open; and under whom they had gained many victories in thus without any resistance took possession of the Gaul and in Germany, and reducedl a most war-place. like province into a state of absolute submission. It was of importance, that the first report of He was answered with a shout of arplause, and hostilities at Rome should carry an account of a general acclamation from the ranks, that thevy his success; not merely of his having mnade an were readly to avenge the injuries (lone to their attempt. This circumstance may justify the general, and to. the tribunes of the people. nmeasures which he took to surprise a place On receiving these assurances from the troops which, without so many precautions, might have then present, Cesar imrnmediately despaltched an been easily reducel, though at the hazard perexpress to the qu-trters of the twelfth legion, haps of delay for a few days. He himself, indeed, which, from the tine at which it afterwar(ls in his Commentaries, makes no mention of’ any joinedI hin: appears to have been already within such measures, nor of the doubts and hesitations the Al. with orders to march.

The remainder under whin.h he is said to have halted on the of his armly being su-p-Pose.l in the low countries, hanks of the Rubicon, by the passing of which or in the lheart of Gaall, it would not hatve appear-he entered into a state of war with the common ed to an ordinary capacity, that even in case of wealth. hostilities any decisive operation could take place At Ariminum his little army, on the following before the spring. At that season, indeed, the day, arrived from Ravenna, and the tribunes, measures now taken by both parties seemed to Mark Antony and Quintus Cassius, joined him threaten a dangerous convulsion; but it is not to from Rome. He presented them to the army in be doubted that Cesar had foreseen, or prepared, the disguise in which they affected to have many of the most important circumstances of the escaped from the violence of a tyranny then present conjuncture; that he had brought his established in the city.

“Observe,” he said, “to affairs into that posture, at which he intended what extremities persons of noble birth, vested hostilities should commence; and that the seem-with the sacred character of tribunes are reduced, ing neglect with which he suffered himself to be for having supported their friends, and for having taken with so small a force on the side of Italy, pleaded the cause of an injured army.“l The was probably the best concerted preparation he occasion was suited to popular eloquence; and could have made for the war. While he brought this eminent master of every art did not neglect no alarming force towards Rome, his antagonists the opportunity. He is said to have acted his continued secure, and made no effectual provision part with great vehemence; to have torn open his to resist him. He apprehended more danger vest from his breast, and to have shed tears; frefrom the legions which Pompey had formed in quently held up to view the hand on which he Spain, than from any force then subsisting in wore his ring, the common ensign of noble birth Italy, and he made his disposition against those among the Romans, and declared, that he would legions, by placing the strength of his army be-sacrifice all the honours of his rank to reward tween the Pyrennees and the Alps. There the those who were willing to support the public army formed in Gaul, served him sufficiently in cause, and who adhered to himself on the prehis design against Italy, by securing him from sent occasion. Froni these signs, where he was any interruption on that quarter. When the not distinctly heard, it was supposed that he prowar broke out, being well aware that the effects mised the honours of nobility, and a large sum of surprise are often greater than those of force, of money to every soldier in his army.2 even if he had wished for more troops in Italy, Lucius Caesar and.the praetor Roscius, who, it is probable that he would not have awaited while the decree against Caius Caesar was detheir coming. pending in the senate, made offer of their good On the very day that he delivered the harangue offices to treat with him, and bring matters to an just mentioned to the legion that was quark red amicable accommodation, were now come withat Ravenna. he ordered a chosen body of taen, out any public commission, probably to hinder in the manner of stragglers roving for pleasure their friend froml taking any desperate resolution. through the country, and armed only with swords, They brought at the same time, a private mesto take the road separately, and without any ap-sage from Pompey, with some expressions of pearance of concert, to Ariminum, the first forti-civility, and an apology, taken from the necessity fled place of Italy beyond the Rubicon, which of the public service, for the hardship which he was the limit of his province, there to remain, supposed himself to have put upon Caesar. Pomand at a certain time of the night to seize upon pey, in this message, protested, ” That he had one of the gates. He likewise ordered a party of horse to parade at some distance from Ravenna, 1 Appian. de Bell. Civile, lib. ii. anll there to wait for an officer who was to deli-2 Sueton. in Caes. c. 33.

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(C’AP. V.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 259 always preferred the public to private considera-a dream, he seemed to perceive the whole was tions;”

and subjoined, “that he hoped Caesar illusion. Caesar paid no regard to the authority wouild not suffer any passion to carry him into of the senate, nor stood in awe of the state. He measures hurtful to the state, nor, avengling him-was at hand, with the reputation of a general self of his private enemies, stretch forth his hand equal to Polnpey, at the head of troops fresh ag ainst the republic.” from service, and inured to blood.

The republic Such professions had little credit with Caesar; was but a name; and they who composed it, but if they were to be of any weight with the though respectable at a distance, were, on the appublic, he was not likelyv, in his turn, to fail in roach of an encmvy, irresolute, disunited, and the use of theln. He desired those persons, by incapable of the exertions which such an occawholn Pompey had favoured him with this rues-sion required. Orders had gone forth to raise safre, to carry for answer, ” That the republic had troops in every part of Italy; but no great proalwwavs been to him dearer than his fortune or his gress in so short a time could yet have been made life; but that he could not suffer the honours in that service. Besides the two legions which which the Roman people had bestowed.upon him had served so long under Cesar himself, there in public, to be contemptuously torn away by his were not any forces embodied in the country. private enemies. His commission, he said, would These were justly suspected of inclining to their have expired in six m nths; his enemies, in their former general; and, instead of enabling Pompey eagerness to degrade him, could not bear even to meet the danger whlen threatened the comwithl this delay, but must recall him immediately.

monwealth, furnished him, at the head of such The Ro:nan people had dispensed with his at-troops, with particular reasons for his keeping at tendance at the elections, yet he must be drargged a distance from the enemy. In a letter to Domito town at that time to gratify private malice.

tius Ahenobarbus, ” I sent you word,” he writes, These personal insults he had patiently borne for “that with these two legions I did not choose to the sake of the public; and beine resolved to dis-be near Caesar.7 If I should retreat, therefore, at arm, requested the senate only that others should his approach, be not surprised.“‘s disarm as well as himself; that even this was re-Domitius had been appointed to succeed Caesar fused, and new levies were ordlered throughout in the government of Gaul; and, with some other Italy; that two legions which had been called off officers in the Picenuin,9 had made some progress from his own army, under pretence of the Parthian in raising troops. Their numbers, perhaps. surwar, were now retained against him; that the passed those of Caesar. If Pompey, therefore, whole state was in arms; for what purpose but had thought it possible to defend the city, he must for his destruction; that, nevertheless, he would have hastened to that quarter, and have put himsuffer any thing for the good of the common-self at the head of those troops. But he was wealth. Let Pompey repair to his province; let timorous in hazarding his own reputation, a all parties disband, and no army whatever be as-weakness from which Caesar was altogether exsembled in Italy; let no one pretend to overawe empt, and which was unworthy of the great milithe city; let the assemblies of the people and of tary talents of either. Pompey seldom committed the senate be free; and in order the more speedily his fame where the prospect was unfavourable, or to erminate these disputes, let the parties meet events extremely uncertain. Caesar, on such ocand confer together; let Pompey say where he casions, never chose to trust his affairs in any will be waited on, or let him name a proper place other hands than his own. of meeting; at a friendly conference every diffi-Pompey, acting under these motives, assembled cultv will be soon removed.“s the senate, and informed them that it was necesFrom this time forward, Caesar affected, on sary to abandon Rome; that he would meet them every occasion, to have no object in view but to again at Capua, where he proposed to assemble prevail on his enemies, by some reasonable ac-his forces; that he should consider all those who commodation, to save the republic from a ruinous remained in the capital to countenance or to witwar, and to stop the effusion of innocent blood.4
ness the violences of Caesar as equally guilty with He continually repeated his proposals of peace, those who should be found in his camp.

while he urged his military operations with un-It being unlawful for the officers of the repubcommon rapidity. He ordered new levies at lic to absent themselves from the city, the senate Ariminum, and sent Antony to occupy Arreti-passed an act to dispense with their attendance um,5 a pass in one of the branches of the Flami-at Rome, and to enable them to exercise the nian Way through the Apennines; and as fast powers of magistracy wherever the necessities of as the troops could march he seized Pisaurum,6 the state might require their presence. These Faunum, Auximum, with the town of Ancona, preparations for dislodging the government, toand all the places necessary to give him the com-gether with the actual flight of Pompey, damped mand of that district, or to open his way to Rome. all the courage that remained in any order or A general consternation spread over all the class of the people. It made Ceesar appear at once country before him; the people fled from their more odious and more terrible.l1 It was generally habitations, and communicated the alarm, with expected1’ that he would exceed either Cinna or every sort of exaggeration, to the city. Pompey Sylla in rapacity and cruelty;12 and that the city, had relied much on the name and authority of the if he should surprise his opponents there, would commonwealth, and no less on his own. Others become a scene of blood. The consuls, and most thought themselves secure while this renowned and experienced commander gave them assur-7 Meaning probably that he did not choose to give ances of safety.

Now, like a person awake from them an opportunity tc desert. 8 Cicero ad Atticum, lib. viii. ep. 2. Ad Domitium. 9 March of Anconia. 3 Ciesar. de Bell. Civil. Jib. i. 10 Cicero ad Att lib. vi. ep. 11. 4 Caesar. Appian.

in lib viii. Ad Attium, post ep. 13. ]1 Ibid. ep. 12. 22. 5 Arrego. 6

Pisaro, Feno, and Osimo. 1 Ibid. lib. vii. en. 7.

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260 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION rfBc,,t 1V. of the other officers of state, set out.with their Pompey by this time had moved frrr. Capua ensigns of power. All night the gates were to Luceria, and seemed to have taken the resolu. crowded with senators and other persons of rank tion not only of abandoning the posts that covered who fled on this occasion; some with their fami-the access to Rome, but even all Italy, to Caesar. lies and most valuable effects, others alone, and The consuls, the greater part of the magistracy, distracted by the general panic, without knowing and the senate, had followed him to Capua. whither they were to retire, or to what fate they Here was received the message which Caesar had were leaving their families. given to Roscius and to L. Caesar. It contained Caesar, in the mean time, making a rapid march several reflections and insinuations in the highest through Umbria, or what is now the dutchy of degree provoking to Pompey; and to this circumUrbino,l and the Picenum, or March of Ancot stance Caesar probably trusted, that he should not na,2 not only took possession of every place as be bound by any of the offers he had made, and he passed, but gained daily accession of strength that the odium of rejecting the peace would fall by the junction of the new levies that had been upon his enemies. But the friends of the comraised to oppose him.

Soldiers are averse to the monwealth, deeply impressed with the necessity losing side; and Pompey’s flight put an end to of their own affairs, gladly listened to any terms his military power in Italy. The praetor Ther-of accommodation. They objected indeed to the mus had, with five cohorts, amounting, if com-proposed interview between Pompey and Caesar, plete, to twenty-five hundred men, taken post at remembering the dangerous concerts which at Iguvium,3 among the Apennines, on the Flami-their meetings had been formerly entered into nian Way. Observing that Pompey’s party in against the commonwealth. general was retreating, and that Curio was ad-Pompey himself was so sensible of the disadvancingr towards him with a part of Cesar’s vantage at which he was taken, that he dissemforces, he resolved to abandon his post; but as bled his resentment of the personal reflections soon as he began to execute this purpose, and cast on himself, and consented to conditions was on the road to Romne, the troops deserted which he had hitherto rejected with disdain. him on the march, returned to the post from It was agreed accordingly that he should repair which he had removed them, and declared for to Spain, and that, his province being in profound Caesar. peace, he should reduce his military establishThe dispositions of the towns of which Caesar ment. Cmsar, on his part, besides the conditions had got possession, made it unnecessary for him he himself had offered, was required to evacuate to leave any garrison behind him, and permitted all the towns which he had lately seized in Italy; him to advance with ali his forces. Auxinum4 and it was proposed that the consuls, magistrates, declared for him before his arrival, and obliged and senators, should return to the city, and from Accius Varus, who held that post for the republic, the usual seat of government give all the sanction to abandon it. This officer was overtaken by of public authority to these arrangements. From Caesar’s advanced parties, and, like Thermus, such appearances it was not doubted that an acwas deserted by his people. commodation must follow. And in this belief At Cingulum in the Picenum, Caesar was Cato, though appointed to command in Sicily, joined by the twelfth legion, to which, on his chose to abide by the senate while the treaty refirst motion from Ravenna, he had sent orders mained in dependence. And Cicero thought the to march. WVith this accession of force, he ad-agreement almost concluded. ” The one,” he vanced to Asculum5 on the Fronto; and having wrote to his friend Atticus, ” begins to repent of dislodged from thence Lentulus Spinther, who his precipitation, and the other is sensible he has commanded ten cohorts, the greater part of these not a force sufficient to support such a war.“7
troops deserted to him. The remainder put them-Cwsar therefore was likely to be caught in the selves under the command of Vibullius, who was snare he laid for his enemies, or obliged to lay just arrived from Pompey to support the hopes aside the disguise which he had assumed in affectof the cause in that quarter. ing such earnest desires for peace. To avoid As Caesar made his principal push on the Adri-either of these inconveniences, he objected to atic side of the Apennines, the troops that were some of the conditions which the opposite party suddenly raised for the republic were, without had subjoined to his proposals, and complained any well-concerted plan, drawn together upon of the silence which they kept on others, as prothat coast. And Pompey himself had not yet ceeding from a deliberate purpose to circumvent openly laid aside the design of making head and betray him. “Pompey will repair to Spain,” against Caesar in those parts. Vibullius having he said, “but when? I am required to evacuate assembled in all about fourteen cohorts, fell back all the towns of Italy, while Pompey and the to the Aternus, now called the Piscara, and joined whole senate continue in arms against me, and L. Domitius Ahenobarbus at Corfinium, a pass while my enemies not only make new levies, but in the Apennines that commanded the Valerian employ for my destruction legions which they way to Rome. This officer having assembled have actually taken away from my own army. -venty-five cohorts, meant to have joined Pom-If Pompey be sincere in desiring a peace, why pey wherever he should be found, and had or-does he decline the personal interview which has dered Thermus to follow with five cohorts more;6 been proposed for that purpose?” but imagining probably that Pompey still intend-Ciesar had by this time, advanced with hasty ed to cover Rome from the incursions of Caesar, marches to Corfinium, drove in a detachment and that Corfiniumn was an important post for from the garrison, which he found breaking down this purpose, he determined to observe the mo-a bridge about three miles from the town, sat tions of the enemy from that place. down under the walls, and employed three days 1 Umbriam, 2 Picenum.

3 Gubio. in fortifying his camp, and in filling the maga4 Osimo. 5 Oscule.

6 Pomp. ad Cicer. in lib. ad Att. post ep. 11. 7 Ad. Att. lib. vii. ep. 14

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CHAP. V.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 261 zines with corn from the neighbouring country. Apulia, and, before sunset, accomplished a con Being joined by the eighth legion and twenty-siderable march; but while he thus urged the two cohorts of the new levies from Gaul, with war with the greatest rapidity, sent messengers three hundred auxiliary horse, he ordered proper before him to the leaders of the opposite party, posts to be seized on every side of the town, and with professions of friendship and overtures of effectually shut up those who were within from peace. any relief, or from any communication with their Immediately after the reduction of Corfinium, friends. When his works began to appear Balbus, an officer in Caesar’s army, was deagainst the place, Domitius published a reward spatchedl with a message to the consul Lentulus, to any who should carry letters to Pompey. containing earnest entreaties, that this magisDifferent messengers were despatched for this trate would return to Rome, and prevent the dispurpose, and brought for answer, that PomLpey orders that were likely to arise from the suspension disapproved of his having allowed himself to be of government. To induce him to comply with invested by Caesar, had foretold him the bad conthis request, Balbus had secret instructions to sequences of this measure, and now earnestly ex-assure the consul of a proper appointment in the horted him, if possible, to extricate himself; for provinces at the expiration of his year in office.

that it was not in his power with these doubtful The bearer of this message declared, that Caesar legions, which had been so lately drawn from desired nothing so much as to join Pompey, and Caesar’s army, or with new levies, to force the to make peace with him on any equitable terms. hardy and veteran troops of the enelny.8 And the father of this young man, one of Caesar’s This answer Domitius endeavoured to conceal retinue, wrote, at the same time, to Cicero, that from his army; encouraged them with hopes of Cesar had no object but to enjoy peace and sea speedy relief from Pompey, and seemed intent curity under Poinpey.10 But while the fame of on the defence of the place, while he was actually his clemency at Corfinium, and of this wondertaking measures to get off in person, without any ful disposition to peace was spread throughout hopes of preserving the forces he had assembled Italy, and reconciled the minds of many to whom for the commonwealth. This desimn being sus-he had been till then an object of terror;n while pected, the troops surrounded his quarters in the he hoped to amuse his enemies, and to relax the night, took him prisoner, and to ply their court, diligence of their military preparations, he adwhile they delivered up their general and surren-vanced with so much rapidity, that, in order to dered the town, made offer of their own services avoid him, they had no more than the time that to Caesar. was necessary to cross the mountains from CaUpon this surrender, Caesar took possession of pua to Luceria, to fall back from thence to Canathe gates, manned the walls, and gave orders that sium, and from this last place, without a halt, to no person whatever from his army should enter Brundusium. the place before it was day. He knew, that be-Pompey, while he moved in this direction, sides Domitius and Vibullius, there were many having sent Metullus Scipio, and his own son senators and Roman knights now shut up in the Cneus into Syria, to provide and assemble the town. These he ordered in the morning to be necessary shipping to embark his army;l2 his inbrought before him, expostulated with them on tention to abandon Italy began to be suspected, the subject of their enmity to himself, and their and shook the great authority which he still deprecipitation in hurrying the state into this unrived from his military reputation. His officers natural war. He then dismissed them with the were every where deserted on the march by the respect that was due to Roman citizens of their new levies, who returned to offer their services rank; and beina told that a considerable sum of to Caesar. His own presence kept the other money, amassed at Corfinium for the support of parts of the army together, and brought them the troops, had been seized by his people, to com-safe to the port from which it was suspected they plete this scene of unexpected moderation, by an were to take their departure from Italy. Soon exhibition of disinterestedness, as well as of cle-after his arrival at this port he effec tually verified mency, he ordered this money to be restored to these suspicions, embarking a great part of his Domitius. The fame of this wonderful mildness army with the consuls, while he himself, not and generosity, as he expected, was every where having sufficient shipping to transport the whole, diffused; and though, by overacting his part in remained with a second division to wait for the abstaining from the public money, he furnished return of his ships. every thinking person with a sufficient comment Such was the posture of Pompey, when Caesar, on the other parts of his conduct; yet many were with six legions, four of veteran troops, and two happy to understand, that, in this a!armling con-newly raised or completed from those who came test, their lives and properties were, from any over to him on the march, arrived at the gates of motives whatever to be spared.

Brundusium. Even here, he never dropt the Rome was now open to Caesar; but he thought project of amusing his enemy with proposals of the possession of it of no moment, until he had peace. Cn. Magius, an officer in the service of suppressed the military arrangements that were the commonwealth, having been taken on the making in the country, and had decided who was march, was dismissed with great courtesy, and a to have the possession of Italy. He therefore, message to Pompey containinlg a request, that on the very day on which he became master of he would admit Ciesar to an interview; and obCorfilnium, detached to Sicily, under the comserving, that differences Are soon made up at a mand of Curio, the troops that deserted to him in makiig this conquest.9 He himself set out ibr 10 Cicer. ad Att. lib. viii. ep. 9. 11 Ibid. ep 13. Si mehercule neminemo occidet, nee 8 Pomnpeius ad Domitium, lib. viii. Et ad Atti-cuiqumam quiicquam ademerit, ab his qui eum maxime ecm, post ep. 12. Cas.

de Bell. Civ timerant, miaxime diligetur. 9 Cw;sar. de Bello Civ. lib. i.

c. 25. 12 P’lutarch. in Pompeio.

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26‘2 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BooK IV. conference, which otherwise might occasion many the passage at the mouth of the harbour was journeys and messages to no purpose. still open, he prepared to embark with the reThis pacific message, as in other instances, mainder of his forces. The inhabitants of the only constituted a part in the military plan of town, being disaffected to him, were likely to Caesar, and was accompanied with effectual pregive intelligence to Caesar of all his motions; and?arations for a blockade and a siege. It did not he made no doubt that as soon as he should with. as yet appear, whether Pompey meant to trans-draw his guards, they would throw open their port all his troops, and to abandon Brundusium, gates; and expose him to be attacked in his rear, or to keep possession of this post, in order to re-and possibly to lose such part of his army as tain a passage into Italy, and to commanld both might be overtaken on shore. To provide adgainst sides of the gulf. Caesar, to try his intentions, this event, and to retard Caesar’s entry into the and either to shut him up, or to hasten nis de-town, he built up the gates with solid mortar and parture, observing, that the entrance of the har-stone, and traversed the streets with walls and hour wats narrow, and might be shut up, began large ditches, replenished with sharp stakes, which an alarming work for this purpose. He em-were masked, or hid with a slight covering of ployed numerous parties to throw stones, earth, brushwood and earth. an(l other heavy materials into the passage be-When the legions began to move towards the tween the two moles, and expected, in a little harbour, the rear guard still endeavoured to pretime, to be able to join them, and thus effectually sent the usual appearances on the ramparts, by to exclude all communication with the sea..occupying every post with archers, slingers, and In this work the besiegers advanced, for some other light troops. These being to remain in time, with great rapidity; but being come into their post while the main body was embarking, deeper water, where the materials they threw in had orders, at a signal given, to abandon the were absorbed or unsettled, and displaced by the walls, and to repair on board the transports which motion of the sea, they found it necessary to were ready to receive them. change their plan, and endeavoured to shut up The troops in Brundusium thus began to emthe harbour by means of floating rafts and hulks bark in the night, and Cfesar, having immedliate firmly anchored in the passage. In executing intelligence of it from the town, brought forward this project they were disturbed by a continual his scaling ladders, and, as soon as the ranlmparts discharge of arrows, stones, and other missile appeared to be deserted, began to ascend them in weapons from vessels in the mouth of the har-several places at once, and effected one part of bour, on which proper engines were mounted for his purpose, by gaining the battlements without this purpose. opposition; but when he was about to descend While the parties were thus, without inter-from thence into the streets, having notice of the mission, engaged at the entrance of the port, snares and obstructions which were placed in his Caesar again made a show of proposing a treaty. way, he was obliged to halt, or to advance with As he hatd received no answer to his former mes-so much precaution, that the enemy had time to sage by Magius. he affected to despair of mak-put of from the mole, and get under sail. Only ing any progress by direct applications to Pompey, two transports. that struck, and were aground on and sent into the town Caninius Relilus, one of the banks which had been formed or begun at his lieutenants, who, being in great intimacy the mouth of the harbour, fell into his hands. with Scribonius Libo, had directions to make The remainder, with the greater part of the application to him, and, in Caesar’s name, to insenate, attended by the officers of state and the treat his good offites in brincing on a negotiation; ensigns of magistracv, proceeded in their passage particularly, if possible, in procuring an interview to Epirus; thus leaving Ctesar in possession of between Pompey and himself. Representino to Italy and of the seats of government, from which Libo, that if an interview were oltained, some the world could scarcely disjoin, in their idea, the way might be discovered to stop the issues of right to command. blood, a blessing which, in that case, would for Caesar having, in this manner, surprised the ever be mentioned as the effect of so essential a republic, and in sixty days obliged all his opposervice performed by Scribonius Libo to his nents to evacuate Italy, and to leave him sole country. master of the forces which began to be mustered Pompey, upon receiving these proo,.l]s, which, against him, it is probable, notwithstanding the though addressed to Libo, were carried d rectlv question he states relating to the expedience of to himself, made answer, that. in the absence of following his enemy into Epirus, that he had,he consuls, he could not treat. In this instance, already taken his resolution to consider the rene perceived, no doubt, the insincerity of C.esar’s duction of Spain as the next object of consepacific declarations, and was not tempted to requence to that of Italy. In that province, which mit the vigilance of his defence, or the ardour was full of resources, a regular army of seven or with which he now at last prepared for the con-eight legions had been for some time formed, with test: yet he could not altogether prevent one ad-an evident purpose to keep him in awe. He was vantage which Caesar meant to reap from these threatened, therefore, with the most immediate repeated professions of moderation and desire of danger from thence. Some arrangements too peace, that of appearing in the eyes of the peo-were yet wanting for the security of Italy. The pie, not the author of the war, but a person forced professions which he had made of pacific disposito these extremities by the violence and obstinacy tions, and of zeal for the republic, were to be conof his enemies. firmed by showing a proper respect to the forms Afterthe works at the mouth of the harbour of the constitution, and by endeavouring to reof Brundusium had been continued three days, store a government which he had actually overand had made considerable progress, the trans-thrown. ports whichlhad carried the first division of Pom-For these reasons, Cresar contented himself. oey’s army returned from Dyrrachium, l:ad as for the present, with having ordered shipping to

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CHAP. V.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 263 be provided at the port of Brundusium, that he every question of state, that i; was difficult for mnight amuuse the enemy with appearances of his him to decide between them. ile had been kept intendino to continue the war on that side, or undetermined by means of a flattering corresthat he might be actually ready to do so, when he pondence, in which CTesar made repeated applihad elsewhere accomplished the purpose on which cations for his good offices towards preventing he was bent. Notwithstandilng his pacific decla-the present troubles. Being now in the way of rations, and his ostentation of clemency on every Caesar from Brundusium to Rome, he was hoo.e casion, the people still trembled when they saw noured with a personal interview; at which, says almnost every citizen of reputation and honour Cicero to his friend Atticus, I shall study rather obligedl to fly from the seats of government, and, to appear an object of his respect than of his in their place, collected from different quarters of liking. He accordingly, on that occasion, reItalyv, every bankrupt, every outlaw, and every sisted his flattery, and withstood his entreaties to pers)n of intfamn)us character.l These being at attend a meeting of the senate, which Casar had variance with the laws of their country, had ordered to be assembled by a messenger despatchflocke:. to Caesar, and were received by him un-ed from Formiae. Caesar appeared to be piqued der the denomination of the injured and the op-at this refusal: “It will be supposed you conpressed citizens, whose wrongs he was come to demn me,” he said, “and others will be led by redress. your example.” Cicero replied, “that his case With this company, still multiplying around was different from that of others who had less hin, having given orders to secure Brundusium connection with Pompey.”

“Come, then,” confro-m the sea, and posted there, and at Sipontum tinued Cwesar, “and treat of an accommodation and Tarenturn, each a le(gion; and having order-with Pompey.” ” Shall I be at liberty to do so ed ships from every part of the coasts of Italy and In my own way?” “Who will restrain you’?” Gaul, he set out for Spain, intending, while the ” Shall I move the senate then, that the war shall troops, with whom he had overrun Italy, took not be carried into Spain, nor into Greece? some repose in quarters, and while those who Shall I lament the treatment which Pompey has were destined for the service in Spain were on received?” “That, indeed,” said Casar, “I the march, that he himself should visit Rome, shall not like to have said.” “I thought so,” reand observe the aspect of his party. His father-plied the other, “and choose to absent myself.” in-law, Calpurnius Piso, although, by his relation At parting, Casar desired him to consider of the tu Cesar, hindered from following Pompey, yet matter. “If you desert me,” he said, “I must would not countenance his son-in-law so far as to have recourse to other counsels, and know not remain in the city to receive him. Marcus Le-what I may be forced to do.” 2 pidus, then praetor, was the officer of highest Upon the arrival of Caesar in the suburbs of rank who continued in his place; and beside Rome, such of the senators as were in the city the tribunes who had been the instrumeIuts in or in the neighbourhood, assembled at his sumkindlingr this war, was the only magistrate who mons. He opened the meeting by enunmeratin resigned himself entirely to the victor’s disposal. the wrongs he had received, and by loading his Amnong the tribunes, Ciecilius Metellus, though opponents with the guilt of the present war. disposed to have followed the senate, being de- ” He never had aspired,” he said, “to unprecetained in the city by the sacred duties of his func-dented honours. The office of consul was now tions, had taken his resolution to employ the again open to him by the laws of the commonnegative with which he was intrusted, in restrain-wealth; and the Roman people had dispensed ing( the violations of law and government, which with his personal attendance in suing for it. An were to be expected in such a scene as was now act to this purpose,” he said, “
had been obtained to be opened at Rome. in the fairest and most constitutional manner Cicero, upon the commencement of hostilities, Ten tribunes had concurred in proposing it. His having still the ensigns of proconsul, was apenemies, particularly Cato himself, had been pointed to inspect the levies and other affairs of heard at full length against it, and had practised the republic on the coasts of Campania and La-his usual artifice for disappointing the senate or tium. Upon Pompey’s retreat, he remained in the people, by prolonging the debates. Pompey this station with a mind overwhelmed with per-himself was consul when this act was passed. If plexity and irresolution. He a/tected respect and he disapproved of the act, why did he not oppose gratitude to Pompey, though he surelyowed him it then? If he approved of it, why rob him now no obligation, bore him no real affection, and of the privilege it bestowed’!

He reminded this blamed him highly for his flight from Italy; but meeting of the moderation with which he himself in the last perhaps he only meant to justify him-had offered to resign his command, while others self for not having immediately joined him in his were so tenacious of theirs; or while they imposed retreat; and for not having embarked with more conditions on him, to which they themselves decision in the cause. He sincerely lamented the would not submit, and chose to throw the state state of the republic, of which he now certainly into confusion, rather than abate the least of their despaired, and only wished to steer a course, the own pretensions. He observed, that his eneniies safest he could for his own reputation and his had made use of a f:alse pretence to call ol’ two person. legions fr( tn his army; that they had violated the Cwesar, in the beginning of this contest, had sacred character of the tribunes, who were guilty contributed much to perplex the resolution of of no offence, but that of protecting him against C’icero, who generally saw so many objects in the oppression of his enemies; that they had reCicer ad Att. iib. ix. ep. 19. Cave autem putis jected all ofiers of an accommodation, or even of lueinqulam hominenl in Italiam tumrperu esse,.qi a conference. hine absit. Vidi ipse Formiis universes, &c.; et Ci- “He now exhorted the senate not to desert the ter. ad Att. lib. ix. ep. 1. qui hic potest se gerere non p-erltiti vita mores ante facta ratio suscepti negotii, socii, &c. 2 Cicer. ad Atticum, lib. ix. ep. 18.

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261 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOk IV. commonwealth, nor to oppose such as, in concert objects of his disgust. Many of them, though with him, might endeavour to restore the govern-willing to be his instruments, were not yet ment; but if they should shrink in this arduous formed for his purpose. When he affected to task, he should not press it upon them. He treat them with respect, they received his adknew how to act for himself’

If his opinion were dresses as matter of right; when he proposed any followed, deputies should be now sent from the measure, they took the matter into serious consi senate to Pormpey, with entreaties, that he would deration, and affected to deliberate of what was spare the republic.

He knew, that Pompey had to be done. ” He detests the senate,” said Cuformerly objected to his having any such deputa-rio to Cicero, “now more than ever; he will tion sent to himself, considering such advances as leave them no authority. I meant te have held a concession of right in him to whom they were my commission by a fictitious decree of that body: made, or of fear in those who made them. These,” but he said, I should hold it of himself; and that he said, “were the reflections of a narrow mind; every honour, and every power should be derived for his own part, as he wished to overcome his from him.” 2 enemies in the field, so he wished to excel them Caesar, however, meant to make this remnant in acts of generosity and candour.” of a legal assembly the tools of every ungracious Such were the colours in which this artful or improper measure he had occasion to execute, man endeavoured to disguise his cause; and and, in particular, to avail himself of their auwhile he took effectual measures to maintain it thority in seizing the public money. Pompey, by force, employed likewise an insinuation, and before he lest Rome, had been authorised to draw an eloquence not less dangerous than his sword. from the measures of the commonwealth whatThe proposals of a treaty were received in this ever money he wanted for the service. At his meeting with joy; but no man was willing, after departure, he ordered the whole to be removed; having assisted at such a meeting of the senate, and the consul Lentulus was about to execute to hazard his person in Pompey’s camp. this order, when a sudden alarm of Cnsar’s apWilile Caesar, to reconcile all men to his cause, proach obliged him to desist, and left him time affected clemency even to those who were taken only to carry away the keys of the public reposiin arms against him, Pompey, supposing himself tories. Casar now moved the senate, that the entrusted with the powers and severities of the doors should be opened: and that the public law, had threatened to employ those powers and money should be issued from thence to defray the severities to the utmost extent against every per-expense of the war.3 To this motion the trison who staid behind him at Rome. Proscription bune Metellus Celer opposed his negative; ana and massacre of those who abandoned the com-Cesar, disdaining any longer to wear a mask monwealth were the ordinary language at his which subjected him to the observance of insig. quarters.l He proposed to operate in this case nificant forms, proceeded to the treasury, and orby fear alone, and had forgotten, that legal go-dered the doors to be forced. The tribune had vernment itself, on certain occasions, with all its the boldness to place himself in the way, and was authorities and powers, stands in need of in-about to reduce Cesar to the disagreeable altersinuation and of popular arts. native of being disappointed of his purpose, or of Caesar, in taking the opposite tone, and in af-rendering himself the object of popular detestafecting to commit his affairs to the issue of a fair tion, by violating the sacred person of a tribune, negotiation and treaty, relied on the difficulties from a veneration to which, he himself professed that were likely to occur in the conduct of any to have undertaken the war. On this occasion, nogotiation; or he presumed upon these difficul-contrary to his usual character, he appeared to ties in making offers which he did not wish his have lost his temper, and threatened Metellus enemies to accept. His intention was to load his with immediate death. “This,” he said, “is antagonist with the blame of a war which, it is easier for me to execute than to utter.” It was probable, he had a long time been devising. If thought, that if the tribune had persisted, not he had really meant to renew his former concerts only this officer, but numbers of the senators, with Pompey, he would have employed again the and many of the more respectable citizens, whom same concealed methods by which thos: concerts he considered as enemies and promoters to the had been formerly obtained, and would not have tribune’s contumacy, would have been involved in intrusted the mediation to the senate, a body a general massacre. ” Think not,” said Curio, which, however composed, had a natural claim to in relating these particulars to Cicero, “that his authority, and might have carried their negotia-clemency proceeds from temper, or is secured to tions farther than he proposed. He had ever you by any real disposition of his mind. It is a entertained a serious aversion to the name and mere effect of his policy; he is naturally indifpretensions of the senate.

Being altogether inferent to blood, and, if he is provoked, will make different to public interests of every sort, the me-it to run in the kennels.“4 diocrity of parts, that must ever appear in the The tribune Metellus, however, when matters majority of such a body, was to him an object of were coming to this extremity, suffered himself contempt. He had espoused the cause of every to be removed. The doors were forced open, all faction, of every tumult, of every criminal against the money was taken from thence, even the sathem; and, at one time, rather than be subject to cred deposit, supposed to have remained from the their authority, had proposed, that Pompey him-time of the rebuilding of Rome after its destrucself should transport his army from Asia to usurp tion by the Gauls, and still kept as a resource for the government. Even the few senators, who, the utmost exigency of public affairs, was now upon the former occasion, from indiffirence to carried off. I have subdued the Gauls, said public questions, or from a disposition.3 favour his cause, had renmained ina the city, became the 2 Cicero ad Att. lib. x. el 4. 3

Dio. Cassius, lib. xli. c. 17 et 18. 1 Cicer. ad Atticum, lib. viii. ep.

1.. 4 Cicero ad Atticum, lib. x. ep. 4.

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CHAP. V.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 285 Caesar, and there is no longer any need of such ance in forming an accommodation, the least provision against them. He is said, on this oc-ruinous that could be obtained for the commoncasion, to have carried off in bars, 25,0001b.5 of wealth. On Pompey’s retreat into Apulia, he gold, 35,00010.6 of silver, and in coin, 40,000,000 went into Sicily, and the province being unproRoman money.7
vided with every means of defence, he gave orAfter this act of violence, it appears that ders to repair, and to build ships in all the ports Caesar (listrusted the affections of the people. of the island, and in those of the neighbouring He had proposed to harangue them in a public coast of Italy. He had likewise order. ed all the audience, which had been appointed fobr that pur-towns to furnish their quota of troops; but nad pose; but apprehending that he might be exposed not been able to assemble any force, when Curio to insult from some one in the crowd, he declined landed at Messina, with the two legions destined that solemnity, even avoided the public view al-by Caesar to take possession of the island.

Sentogether, and having passed but a few days at sible that any attempts to resist this force would Rome, set out for Spain sullen and displeased.

It only expose the lives of a few well-affected citiwas no longer a doubt, that his victories led to zens or subjects, who might on this occasion be the subversion of the republic, and of every spe-disposed to support him as an officer of the recies of civil government whatever.8 public, he discontinued his military preparations, Marcus Emilius Lepidus, who, as’has been and withdrew from the island. observed, was at this time praetor, and the officer This officer had often disapproved of Pompey’s of highest rank then at Rome, was left to govern conduct; and on this occasion, complained parthe city. Mark Antony had the command of ticularly of the defenceless state in which he had Cesar’s forces in Italy; and by the use which he suffered the republic to be surprised in all its made of his power, treating persons of the most possessions. Caesar, who no doubt wished to respectable condition with great insolence, and have the suffi’age of such a citizen, and of his own indulging himself in all the extravagance of deenemy against Pompey, represents Cato as combauch, for which his genius appears to have been plaining that he was betrayed. that the senate peculiarly fitted, increased the dismal apprehen-had been deceived, and that the war itself was sions of the public. He is said to have travelled unnecessary.l0 The conduct of Pompey, mnt only through Italy himself in an open litter, with as a citizen, but as an officer of state and as a Citheride, a celebrated actress, followed by seven soldier, has been censured in many parts of this other carriages replenished with courtezans, and memorable contest; and it is indeed easy to spy -even attended by his wile Fulvia, the widow of faults after the event, and when experience has the late famous Clodius, who, to enjoy her hus-exposed them to view. Cesar himself is said to band’s state, and partake with him in the license have censured him for abandoning Italy; and it of his military power, connived at his infidelities, is probable would have respected him more, if in and made a part in this scandalous train.9 The executing this resolution, instead of passing into whole, a lively specimen of the purpose fobr which Maceidonia, he had gone to the head of’

his army the accomplices of Catiline, and many of the fol-in Spain. His celebrated saying, in eaving lowers of Cmesar wished to be masters of the re-Brundusium, when he was about to carry the war public, and a foretaste of the wanton caprice with into that country, implied an opinion to this purwhich this overgrown republic, so long a prey to pose, ” We go,” he said, “from this general who outrageous faction, was now likely to be made the has no army, to an army that has nlo general.” subject and the sport of a military usurpation. Cmesar’s own disposition of’ his forces, as has Soon after hostilities had commenced, Cotta been already mentioned, in assigning what aphad been sent to command for the republic in peared to have been the reason of’ his conduct, Sardinia, antd Cato to command in Sicily. Cesar, had been made with the greatest ability; and the when about to carry the war into Spain, thought more, that they gave him the appearance of a it necessary, if possible, to get the possession of person acting without design, and suddenly these islands, as well as to reduce Pompey’s forced to the measures which he embraced. In forces in every other part of the empire. Having talking of ordinary men, we may err in, imputing stationed Dolabella, with C. Antonius, on the too much to design and concert; but with recoast of:Illyricum, he ordered Valerius, with a spect to C.esar, the mistake to be feared, is not proper force, into Sardinia, and Curio, with three perceiving the whole extent of his foresight and legions, to attack Cato in Sicily. The Sardinians, plan. He at once artme(d himself with a military hearing that one of Cwsar’s officers was appoint-force, and artfully guarded the appearances under ed, in his name, to take possession of their island, which he was to use it. When the senate passed declared for his interest, took arms against Cotta, their resolution against him, he seemed to be and obliged him to fly into Africa, where he join-caught unprepared to resist; but the senate was ed Accius Varus, who had occupied that province still less prepared to attack. He had artfully in the name of the republic. avoided giving them any cause of suspicion, by Cato, some time after his nomination to cornm-any unnecessary assemblage of forces on the side mand in Sicily, and while there were any hopes of Italy, while he had sufficient strength to take of a negotiation, remained at Capua, then the the full benefit of the consternation into which quarters of Pompey, in order to give his assist-they were thrown by his first alarm. Though long meditating the invasion of Rome with an Accordi ng to Arbuthnot, cli. 18.

army, he contrived an incident, in the flight of 5 ~E678,1o5 0 o the tribunes, to make it appear the effect of a 6 94,937 10 0 sudden provocation, and of his zeal in a popular 7 322,916 13 4 Vid. Plin. lib.

xxxiii. c. 3. cause, When we consider that AIark Antony ~1,095,982 3 4 was the tribune who furnished this pretence $ Cic. ad Att. Jib. x. ep. 4.

Ibid. lib. x. et xiii. 10 Caes. de Bell. Civ. Jib. xxx. 21

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266 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION’BooxT TV. there is no doubt that Cmsar had his choice of the tremities of Lusitania2 and Gallicia; the second, time at which it should be presented to him. fiom the Guadiana eastward to the:nountaine At this conjuncture, the greater part of his of Murcia; and the third, from thence to the army still remained beyond the Alps, and in the Pyrennees. precise situation in which they were most likely Soon after the war broke out in Italy, Pompey to be wanted to encounter the first considerable sent Vibullius into Spain, with orders to these difficulty that would probably arise in the war, officers to assemble their forces, and to prepare from the veteran legions which had been levied for the defence of their province. Varro affected for Pompey, and which were stationed under indifference in the quarrel, or an equal regard to Afranius and Petreius in Spain.1 If these legions the opposite parties concerned in it. An accident, hai attempted to pass the Pyrennees, the army he said, had placed him under the command of of Cmsar was stationed in Gaul to intercept Pompey; but he had an equal attachment to Cwthcmn, and he was accordingly secure of beinfg sar. The other two, firon regard to the commonable to finish the war in Italy, without any in-wealth, or from fidelity to their commander-in terruption from thence. When this service was chief, engaged with more zeal in the cause. They effected, his army in Gaul remained in the most determined, in concert with Vibullius, to leave advantageous position, from which to enter upon Varro in the western province, while they themwhat was likely to become the second object of’ delves drew the principal part of their force his enterprise, the reduction of Spain. towards the eastern frontier; and by occupying The antagonists of Casar, without any apprethe passes of the mountains, or some strong post hension of these dispositions, and perfectly secure on the Ebro, endeavoured to defenld the country before hostilities commenced(, were completely intrusted to their care, until Pompey should eithei surprised, overwhelmed, and routed in every arlive in person to take the command on himself; quarter on which they attempted to make any or until, having rallied his forces in Macedonia, defence. Armies indeed had been formed in. he should bring the scene of the war again into Italy, according to the saying of Pompey, an ahe Taly. For this purpose, they took post at Ilerda,3 stamp qf his foot; but they were armies that a place of strength on the Segro, and albout served the purpose of his enemies, not that of the twenty nmiles above the confluence of’ this river republic, or his own; and though raised to secure with the Cinea; Afranius with three legions, Italy against Caesar, became in the reduction of Petreius with two more, together with five thouItaly itself an accession to his force, and were sand’orse and eighty cohorts of provincial inready to be sent in separate divisions to occupy fantry. different provinces of the empire in his name; Suc,‘l were the dispositions that were making insomuch, that while Caesar himself, with the in Spain, when Caesar, having expelled his rival strength of the veteran legions with which he from Italy, took possession of Rolme, and having had conquered Gaul, hastened into Spain to repassed a few days in that city, in the manner duce what was the most formidable part of his above related, set out for his army in the province rival’s power, his officers were detached with of Nairhonne. separate bodies of these newly acquired troops, Being to pass by Marseilles, he intended to take into Sardinia, Sicily, and Africa.

possession of that city; but the inhabitants were Pompey, although he had never visited his alleady disposed to favour his antagonists, and governmnent in person, nor sought for occasions shut their gates against him. This ancient Greek of war, as Caesar, in order to form his army and cotonvy, after having long defended their settlement inure them to service, had done in Gaul, had against the rude tribes in their neighbourhood, nevertheless fobrled a great military establish-had placed themselves at last under the protection ment, consisting of seven Roman legions, with of the Romans; but with a reserve of all their five thousand horse, and eighty cohorts of pro-immunities, and an exemption from all the burvincial infantry, equal in number to eight legions dens of’ a Roman province. Caesar proposed to more; and CGesar had reason to believe, that this have entered their city as a neutral place, and to great force, if the war could havre been protracted prevail on the citizens to receive him, cited the in Italy, would have come upon his rear, cut off examples of’ Rome itself, and of all the other his resources in Gaul, or obligemd him to defend cities of Italy, who had opened their gates, and hirnself on the north of the Alps. Ile accord-given a passage to his army, without taking any ingly, instead of bringing into Italy the legions part in the present disputes. To this proposal, that lay in the low countries, or the interior parts the people of Marseilles made answer, That in of his province, had moved them only to the every case where the Romans were divided among neighbourhood of Narbonne, to be near the conthemselves, every ally in their situation must so fines of Spain, from which this storm was to be far preserve their neutrality, as not to receive the dreaded; and meant, if the success of his affairs forces of either party within their walls, and that in Italy should admit of it, that these legions in the present case particularly, they lay under chould cross the Pyrennees, and fix the scene of such high obligations to the leaders of both parthe war amidst his rival’s possessions. ties, that they mnust carefully avoid giving offMnce Spain had been formerly divided into two to either. provinces, under two separate Roman governors; It soon after appeared, however, that this plau-, but the whole being united under Pompey, was sible answer was intended merely to gain timne; committed by him to three lieutenants, Varro, Vibullius had passed by Marseilles in his way to Petreius, and Afranius. Tlhe first commanded, Spain, ann had delivered to the people of that from the river Guadiana westward to the ex-place a message from Pompey, with assurances of’ support; on which they fully relied. The receipt of this message, was followed by a reso1

See pages 256, 257, the preceding parts of this chapter. 2 Portugal. 3 Now called Lerida

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CHAP. V.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 267 lution to admit the officers and men of Pompey’s and powerful escorts. Two entire legions, under party into their town, and to exclude his anta-the command of Plancus, had marched on this gonists. service, and were to be followed by a body of caDomitius Ahenobarbus, after he had been dis-valrv. After the infantry had passed the river, missed from Corfinium, no ways affected by the and the cavalry was entered on the bridlge, it lroke ostentatious clemency of Caesar, had, in pursu-down, and deprived those who were already over, ance of the senate’s appointment to the governof any communication with the camp.

The timment of Gaul, repaired to that province, raised ber and wreck of the bridge floating by the town some troops, with which he was expected to take *of llerda, gave the enemy intilation of what had possession of Marseilles, and actually, in a few happened, and suggested the design to scour the days after this answer was given to Casar, en-country on the left of the Segra, with a powerful tered the harbour of that place with seven ships, detachment, in order to interce.pt any parties who and some land forces on board. Upon his arrival, might by this accident be cut off from the main the people of this republic called in to their’assist-body of the army. For this purpose, Afranius ance the force of some neighbouring cantons from marched with four legions, and might have taken the mountains; repaired their tortificatiwals; re-or destroyed those who remained under Plancus plenished their magazines; employed many hands on the left of the river, if this officer had not rein fabricating arms; and took every other pre-tired to a height, on which he was able fihr some caution that was necessary, in case they should time to resist the superior numbers of his enemy. be attacked, to enable them to make a vigorous In the mean while, Fabius suspecting the dandefence. ger to which his detachment was exposed, deCeesar being greatly provoked, invested the spatched two legions more by the other bridge to town with an army of three legions; and having support the former. On the appearanlce of this ordered some ships to be built on the Rhone, pre-reinforcement, Afranius, whose plan in the prepared to assail it at once by sea and by land. He sent campaign was altogether defensive, thought committed the attack by land to Trebonius; and proper to retire, without hazarding an action, in that from the sea to Decimus Brutus. While he which he might be exposed to a too hasty decision was making these preparations, a report prevailed of the cause. that Ponipey was passing the seas into Africa, Two days after thlis adventure, Caesar, with and intended, with the troops which were in that an escort of nine hundred horse, arrived in the province, and a body of Numirdian cavalry, to re-camp of Fabius. Having examined the situainforce, and to take the command of his army in tion of both armies, and ordered the bridge on the Spain. It is probable that Cwesar, in like cir-Segra to be rebuilt, he proceeded as usual to act cumstances, would have even taken a shorter on the offensive, and to occupy the enemy’s atroad to the head of his army. He appears at tention with successive operations against them, least to have believed this report of his enemy, or by which he left them no leisure to form any deto have thought it extremely probable, and to have signs of their own. It was his fortune, indeed, been somewhat alarmed. As if the prospect of in this and other periods of the present war, to meeting with Pompey, having under his direction need a speedy decision, which made him take a well-appointed and regular force, had rendered measures that forced his enemies to remain on the him doubtful of the affections of his own mnen, defensive, and inspired his men with a notion of he mentions an artifice practised by himself on their own superiority; an opinion which, after this occasion, which may be considered as a spe-it has been some time received, seldom Iails to cimen of his address, and of the influence which varify itself.

he employed with his army. He borrowed mo-In a few days after his arrival, he advanced ney firom the officers, and gave it in gratuities to with his army in three divisions to the foot of the the soldiers; thus taking a pledge for the fidelity hill on which the Spanish army was encamped, of the one, and purchasing that of the others by and while they continued to observe, and endeahis bounty. voured to penetrate his intentions, he began to While Cissar was yet employed in opening the break ground, and to make a lodgerment for himsiege of Marseilles, he ordered Fabius, who com-self in that place. That his purpose might not manded his forces at Narbonne, to advance into be known, until the work was considerably adthe Pyrennees; and if the passes were open or vanced, he kept the first and second lines under slightly guarded, to penetrate into Spain, and arms, and ordered the third, without raising a occupy some advantageous station on the frontier parapet, or planting their palisades, to sink a of that country. This officer accordingly, having ditch.i ffteen feet wide, and of a sufficient length forced the passes of t.i;e Pyrennees, penetrated to to cover his front. This being done, he retired the Segra, or, as i,. was then called, the Sicoris; with his whole army behind it, and ordered them and took post on -tih right of this river, in the to lie upon their arms all night. Under cover of front -of the united armies of Afranius and this temporary entrenchment, he on the following -Petreius, who were encamped near the town of day completed the usual fortifications of his camp, Ilerda. and brought forward the tents and baggage of his Fabius, not to be interrupted by occasional a emy, which till then had remained under a profloods in his communication with the country per guard on his former ground. through which he had passed, and to keep open Being now in possession of a post within four the ordinary route from Gaul, laid two bridges hundred paces, or less than half a mile of the upon it, at the distance of four miles from each enemy’s lines; and having a view of the ground other. By these communications, he was chiefly which lay between their camp and the town of supplied with provisions; and as the Spanish Ilerda, extending about three hundred paces, and army had an easy access by the bridge of Ilerda mostly plain, with a small he;ght in the middle to intercept his supplies, it was necessary to cover oft it, he formed a project to seize the height; and every convoy and foraging party with numerous knowing that the enemy lodged their magazines

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268 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BooKn V. and stores in Ilerda, proposed to cut off their thirty miles, being exhausted, could no longer communication with the town. In this view, he furnish any supply of provisions to Caesar’s camp. drew up a body of three legions in a proper posi-About the time that the army began to feel tion, from which to execute his purpose; and or-their distress, a convoy which arrived from Gaul, dered the front rank’ from one of those legions to consisting of many carriages, escorted by a large start from their colours, and with the utmost body of Gaulish horse, and accompanied with speed to gain the height which he intended to many officers and persons of distinction, who occupy. The sudden movement of this body ex-came to witness the glories of this campaign, plained his design to the enemy, and they in-the whole,’ together. with their attendants and stantly put all the piquets and extraordinary equipage, amounting to about six thousand men, guards of their camp in motion to prevent its were attacked by Afranius, and with great loss efrects. Having a nearer way, and the advan-obliged to take refuge in the neighbouring mountage of the ground, thy prevented Caesar’s party; tains. and being in possession of the height before they In consequence of this disaster, and under the came up, repulsed and beat them back to their sense of the present, and apprehension of the main body. Here too, they pursued their advan-future distress, the modius2 of corn sold in Cetage; and as they rushed with little regard to sar’s camp for fifty denarii, or at the rate of thirty order, but with an appearance of undaunted shillings a peck. All their attempts to procure a courage, on the flanks as well as the front of the supply were frustrated by the difficulties of their legions which Cesar had advanced, they put the situation, or by the vigilance of the enemy. As whole in sorle degree of confusion, and forced the height of the floods was a permanent effect them back to the heights in their rear. of the season, in swelling every river which deWhile the leaders of the Spanish army pro-scends from mountains that retain their snow in bably committed an error in not redoubling their the summer, and as the enemy were plentifully blow, or remained in suspense. Cmsar issued supplied from their magazines in the town of from his camp with a fresh legion to support the Ilerda, or had, by the bridge of that place, an flying division of his army, obliged the enemy open communication with the fertile country to retire in their turn, and having overtaken which is now -amed Catalonia on their right, them before they could reach their camp, obliged Cesar could have no immediate prospect of rethem to take refuge under the walls of the lief. The Spanish army accordingly triumphed town. in their good fortune, and sent exaggerated acThe ground at the foot of these walls was steep, counts of their advantage to all parts of’ Spain, to and the access to it was by lanes and narrow ways. Italy, and to Macedonia. Many persons, who Thither the troops, with whom Caesar had re-had hitherto hesitated in the choice of their party, newed the action, flushed with victory, had fol-were now determined. Varro began to exert lowed the enemy, and got into a situation in himself in his province, and levied two entire new which they could not gain any advantage, nor legions in the name of Pompey. M.Iany hastened retire without loss. The parties, however, con-from Italy into Maceadonia, to be the carriers of tinued to skirmish during five hours, and being such agreeable tidings, or to have the mnerit of continually reinforced from their respective ar-declaring themselves of the party of the republic, mies, a general engagement was likely to ensue while the issue of the war yet remained in any on ground extremely unfavourable to C.asar. degree of suspense. In order to extricate himself with the least The triumphs, however, which anticipate possible appearance of disgrace, he ordered a events are often deceitful; and, by the overweengeneral charge, and having drove his antagonists ing security and confidence which they inspire, before him to the foot of the wall, he sounded a give an able enemy great advantage, even in his retreat from thence, and brought off his men, distress, or facilitate the changes. of fortune in before the enemy could rally or return to the his favour. Afranius and Petreius, while they pursuit. trusted to the ordinary course of the seasons, In this manner, Cassar retired to his camp were not sufficiently upon their guard against the with considerable loss, and foiled in his design; superior resources of so able an adversary. They but on account of the last impression he made on suffered him to build, unobserved, a number of the enemy, with some pretensions to a victory, of boats, upon a construction which his workmen which to support the courage of his troops, he had learned in Britain; having a keel in the ordid not neglect to avail himself. dinary form, and some timbers of strength on the In a few days after this miscarriage, the army sides; but, instead of plank, finished between of COesar suffered a worse and more alarming ca-these timbers with basket-work, and covered with lamity. The. summer being far advanced, and hides. These vessels being of easy carriage, the snow on the Pyrennees melting, all the rivers were transported by land about twenty smiles which are supplied from thence, rose on a sudden above Caesar’s camp; and in a first embarkation to their greatest height. The Segra carried off ferried over a party sufficient to make a lodgreboth the bridges erected by Fabius, and baffled ment on the opposite bank. Caesar continued to all the endeavours that were used to restore them. reinforce this party, until, having an entire legion As often as any attempt was made fbr this purintrenched on that side, he ventured to employ ose, the work was interrupted by the enemy his carpenters openly in constructing a bridge, from the opposite bank, or the materials were which they began at once from both sides of the swept away by the flood. Neither the Segra nor river. This work was completed in two days, she Cmnca were passable, and the country be-and again gave him access to the left of the Setcveen them, though extending in breadth about gra, where he surprised some of the enemy’s I Unius Legiorts Antesignanos. Caesar. de Bell. Civil. lib. i.

c. 43. 2 Little more than a peck.

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CHAP. V.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 269 parties, and procured immediate relief by a sup-da, to check the motions of the enemy in their ply of provisions to his own camp. rear, or if he attempted to reduce that place, to About the time that Csesar had effected this employ his forces until they themselves should change in the state of his army, he had news of have effected their retreat, and made their ara naval fight on the coast of Gaul, in which his rangements in the new position they intended to fleet, under Decimus Brutus, had defeated that take. of the enemy, and given a speedy prospect of the As their first movement in filing off from tneir reduction of Marseilles. This report, together present encampment, and in passing through the with the disappointment he had recently given to town of Ilerda, encumbered with all their bagthe hopes of his enemies, had at once all the ef-gage, was likely to detain them some time in fects of victory, and made him appear more for-presence of the enemy, and exposed them to the midable than he was supposed to be, even before attacks of his cavalry and light troops, they inthe distresses which he had lately experienced. tended no more on the first day, than to file off His antagonists, from a state of sanguine expec-by the bridge; and they fixed on a post at which tation, sunk into a proportional degree of despon-they might halt on the left of the Segra, and dency, and became so much in awe of his superior make the proper dispositions to continue their conduct, that they abandoned the country on the march. This post they sent two legions before left of the Serra to his foragers, and never ven-them to occupy and to secure. tured, except in the night, to go abroad for the Having taken these preparatory steps, they necessary supplies of their own camp. These decamped, defiled without molestation through events affected the natives of the country in a the town of Ilerda, and came to the ground on still higher degree, and brought them from every which they had taken care to secure their recepquarter to make a tender of their services in sup-tion; here they halted until the middle of the plying Casar with provisions, or in seconding night, when they again were in motion. They him in his military operations. had a plain of some miles before them, bounded In conjunction with the natives, who were now by a ridge of hills, which they were to pass in become his allies, Caesar again found himself in their way to the Ebro. They might be exposed condition to act on the offensive, and to devise to Caesar’s light troops in crossing this plain;&lut new alarms for the enemy. His first object was as soon as they reached the mountains, they to render the passage of the river at all times could, by securing the passes in their rear, effecpracticable; and as he had failed in his purpose tually prevent any farther attack from the enemy. of separating the Spanish army from the town Thither they accordingly directed their march; of Ilerda, he now proposed to extend his com-but Caesar, who had observed their intentions, mand of the country, and to form a chain of and who had so far succeeded in his operations on posts, by which he might circumscribe the town the river as to be able to ford it with his horse, itself, together with the enemy’s camp, which desent the greater part of his cavalry, in the beginpended upon it. ning of the night, with orders to hang upon the The bridge which he had lately built was at rear of the enemy, and by all possible means to too great a distance, and he experienced the in-retard their progress. security of such communications over torrents, This service the cavalry performed with so which came with such force and so much in-much success, that at break of day the Spanish equality from the mountains. Instead, therefore, army, in consequence of the frequent interrupof attempting to erect any more bridges, he protions they had received, were still to be seen from posed to render the river fordable, by separating Caesar’s camp. The cavalry, as often as the its course into many different channels; and for enemy got in motion, were observed to attack this purpose made a number of cuts, of about them, but when the enemy halted, appeared to thirty feet deep, through the plain, to receive as stop or retire, and were pursued in their turn. much of the waters of the Segra as might suffiThe army of Caesar being spectators of this scene ciently drain the principal stream. became extremely impatient, and with the greatThe enemy, as soon as they understood the est ardour pressed to be led against the enemy. purpose of these operations, were greatly alarmed. Even officers crowded to their general, and begThey foresaw that Caesar, having the passage of ged they might be allowed to try the ford; they the river secured, might comnland its opposite observed of what consequence it was, that an enebanks below, as well as above the town of Ilerda, my who had been driven with so much labour block up the bridge of that place, and, with the from one post, should not be suffered to retire in aid of the country around him, which, since the safety to another situation, from which they might late defectionof its inhabitants, was ready to sup-renew the war. port him in all his designs, might have it in his Caesar, affecting to be moved by these reprepower to prevent their supplies, and distress sentations, and to hbe prevailed upon to do what them, in their turn, for want of provisions. it is probable he earnestly desired, instantly made To remove from a situation in which they his dispositions to pass the river. He selected were exposed to so many evils, they resolved in-the least firm and vigorous men of every cohort stantly to abandon their present station, and to for the guard of the camp; placed lines of horse retire beyond the Ebro, where the people, either in the river above and below tt e ford, to break from fepr or affection, were still in their interest. the force of the stream, and to save those who They proceeded to the execution of this purpose might be overpowered by the strength of the curwith much seeming precaution and foresight. rent; in this manner he passed his infantry beHaving fixed upon a proper place at which to tween the double lines of cavalry without the loss lay a bridge over the Ebro, they ordered all the of a man. They had a circuit of six miles to boats, within a certain distance on that river and make, in order to avoid the town of llerda; but on the Segra, to be collected together for that notwithstanding this delay, and the advantage purpose. They placed aproper garrison in Iler-which Afranius and Petreius had gained by be

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270 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION rBooK IV, ginnin their march at midnight, and by their think that he had moved for want of provisions, not hemin discovered until it was day, such were and applauded themselves for having patiently the interruptions given by the cavalry;, and the waited so joyful an event. But as soon as he speed with which the legions of Caesar advanced, had got a sufficient way to his left, he changed that they overtook the enemy’s rear about three his direction, and marched with all possible speed n the afternoon, and occasioned at once a gene-to reach the mountains. They were no longer ral halt in every part of their column.

at a loss to perceive his design, or the danger Petreius and Afranius, stunned by the unex-with which they themselves were threatened. pected arrival of Cesar at the head of his whole And they instantly, without striking their tcnts army, formed on a rising ground to receive him; or packing their baggage, moved in the greatest and’ both armies seemed to prepare for immedi-haste to prevent him. ate action. But Caesar, knowing the necessity In this operation, Caesar was now become cerwhich the enemy were under of pursuing their tain of one or other of two great advantages; retreat, and the prospect he had of increasing his either that he should reach the pass of the mounadvantage on the march, did not think it neces-tains before the enemy, and so cut off their resary to attack them when in order of battle; he treat; or, if they got there before him, that he took his ground, however, so near them,’ that he should be left in possession of their camp and could profit by every advantage they gave him, their baggage. He prevailed, however, in the and in every attempt they should make to change trial of speed, got the first of these advantages by their situation, could push them into all the dlis-being before them at the ascent of the mountains, orders of a general rout. where he found a ledge or terras that was suffiIn this position of the two armies, the Spani-ciently capacious to receive his army, and which ards having some time remained in order of bat-gave him entire command of the pass. tie, again attempted to resume their march; but Afranlus, on seeing Caesar in possession of this havingr soon experienced the difficulties of that ground, sent a considerable party to try the ascent attempt with an enemy so near them, and being of the mountains at a different place, and to gain faint with hunger and the fatigue of so many te-the summits behind him; in hopes that, if this wvay dious alnd fruitless operations, they determined to was practicable, lhe might follow with his whole halt and wait for the return of night. They had army, and descend from thence to the Ebro. But now no more than five miles to pass on the plain, the party he employed on this service was, in and hoped, by a rapid motion in the night, to presence of both armies, surrounded by Caesar’s traverse this space before Caesar could overtake horse, and put to the sword. The rest of the them, or before he could oblige them to halt any army, without making any attempt to rescue their where short of the mountains, where they looked friends, beheld this scene with a kind of torpid fo: a perfect security. dejection. They dropped their arms, and stagBoth parties appeared to be fixed on their gered in their ranks. The troops of Caesar, who ground for the night, when some prisoners that well understood these signs of extreme terror, were brought to dCaesar gave information that the became to a degree of mutiny impatient for action; enemy were in motion, and must in a little time and he himself was sensible that the enenvy might be so far advanced as to reach the hills before he in that moment be attacked with the greatest adcould give them any effectual trouble. On this vantage; but as he now thought himself sure of sudden emergence, although his army was by no being able to reduce them without a blow, he was means ready to march, he ordered every trumpet unwilling to give them an opportunity, however to sound, as if he were actually in motion. This unlikely to avail them, of making their escape by feint, however slight, had its effect, the enemy the chance of a battle. While he endeavoured believed that they were to be instantly attacked, accordingly to restrain the unseasonable ardour or closely pursued on the march, when disordered of his own men, the leaders of the Spanish army and encumbered with baggage; they desisted had time to retire with theirs, and led them back from their intention, and gave the signal to halt. to the camp which they had left in the morning, Afranius and Petreius, thus baffled in the exe-and to the melancholy possession of tents and of cution of the first part of their plan, which had baggage, which they had been willing to abandon, been so reasonably formed, began to lose courage, in order to effect their escape. and remained on this ground all night, and the Caesar having left proper guards to secure the following day perplexed with irresolution and passes of the mountains, followed the enemy, and various counsels. So far, however, they deter-took post, as before, so near them, that they could mined, that before so vigilant an enemy it was not move without being exposed to his insults. safer to march by day than by night; and in this In this position of the two armies, the seritimind they remained yet a second night in the nels and advanced guards had an opportunity tc present position. talk together; they mutually regretted the unIn this interval Ciesar, having leisure to visit happy quarrel in which they were engaged, and the country over which they were to pass, found both officers and men becoming by degrees more it practicable to turn their flank and get to the familiar, met between the lines, and even exhills before them. He accordingly moved in the changed visits in their opposite camps. Officers night, and at break of day, before the enemy of the Spanish army proceeded so far as to talk judlged it safe to decamp, he appeared on their of an accommodation, and got over their scruples in right; but seeming to retire, and to leave them at treating without proper authority from their liberty t0 continue their retreat. So long as his generals, by proposing to stipulate some honour march had this appearance, they were pleased to able terms fobr them in the peace which they pro posed to conclude. 1 The want of cannon or fire-arms enabled a supe Cesar was apprised of this correspondence, rior army to remain almost in contact with that it and, however irregular, connived at a circum intended to harass. stance which he hoped his superior popularity

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Cn.AP. V.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 271 and the splendour of his fortune, would turn to and they chose the first, as promising tne nearest his own account. He flattered himself; that as and most immediate relief from their present he had been able to seduce the troops of Pompey distresses.

They accordingly, without any prem Italy, so he might now deprive his antagonists caution, decamped, and directed their march to of the army they had formed in the field to op-Ilerda. pose him. The Spanish infantry were now more exposed The Spanish generals, being intent on a work than they had been on any of their former they were executi:.g to secure their access to marches; for their cavalry had been so often diswater, remained for some time unapprized of the comfited, and had lost courage so much, that they disorderly correspondence subsisting between the could not be kept to their place in the column, two artnies; and Afranius, when he came to the and were now actually received for safety into knowledge of what was passing, seemed to ob-the c’entre of the infantry; the rear was thereserve it with great indifference; but Petreius wvas fore cruelly annoyed by Cesar’s horse, supported greatly alarmed, ran with the officers and the by the whole force of his legions. In ascending guard who usually attended his person to the the heights, which were frequent in their way, space between the lines, dispersed all those who they had the better of the enemy, by throwing were found in conference together, and put all their javelins and darts on those who attempted the soldiers of Cesar’s army who fell in his way to pursue them from below; and with this suto the sword. From thence he went through the periority they made a stand on every ascent, to camp, and with tears exacted from every leg-ion force their pursuers back to some distance; but apart fresh oaths of’ fidelity to Pompey. He af-in descending the hills, the same advantage being terwards assembled the whole at the usual place taken against themselves, they generally ran in of audience, before the general’s tent; and in a great disorder to the plains. And in this manner, speech composed of insinuation and reproach, the ground being uneven, their march consisted endeavoured to confirm them in their duty; and, of alternate steps and precipitate flights, ex to the end that he might effectually cut off all tremely fatiguing, and likely to end in a general hopes of conciliation, ordered all the soldiers of rout. Cesar’s army that could ble found within his in-The leaders of the retiring army, to prevent trenchnents to be brought before him and slain. this fatal consequence, thought proper again to Cresar, at the same time, having many officers form upon a rising ground, and attempted a and men of the Spanish army in his camp, might stratagem to amuse the enemy, and to gain some have retaliated these acts of severity; but he advance on the march before him. For thispurchose rather to contrast the characterof clemency pose, affecting to make some permanent lodghe himself had assumed, with the austere and ment in the place where they halted, they threw merciless policy of his enemies; and for this pur-up a breastwork, but neither pitched their tents pose gave their freedom to such officers or men nor unloaded their baggage, and were ready to as chose to return to their own party, and re-depart the moment their pursuer gave them an warded with preferments and honours such of opportunity, by quitting the order of march. them as were inclined to remain in his service. ~ C.esar, trusting to the effects of his late attacks, Afranius and Petreius, by the timely discovery and to the appearances which the enemy preof these irregular practices, having escaped the sented, had no suspicion of their purpose, gave disgrace of being delivered up to the enemy, to orders to pitch, and even suffered his cavalry to be treated at his discretion, or to be spared only separate in parties to forage. This was no sooner dS objects of pity at the intercession of their own observed from the Spanish army, than they inarmy, continued their plan of operations; but by stantly resumed their march. It was then about persevering in their resistance, they only enabled noon, and they ila(le some way undisturbed. their adversary to give still more evident proofs Casar seeing himself overreached, instantly of his superior skill and address. They were put his legions in motion, without striking their sensible that their present post could not be long tents or packing their baggage, and leaving orders maintained; it had been taken, in their haste to for the cavalry to follow him as soon as they could reach the mountains, from necessity, as an im-be assembled, endeavoured to keep close to the mediate respite from the attacks of an enemy who enemy’s rear. He was in this situation when the annoyed their march; and, besides other incon-cavalry rejoined him, and, by renewing with veniences, had a difficult access towater, the brook double ardour their former operations, obliged the or river from which they were to be supplied be-Spanish army again to suspend their march, and, ing exposed to the discharge of arrows, darts, and in despair, to take some respite from the continual other missiles from the enemy. Their bread, attacks with which they were harassed, by haltwhich they had calculated to serve them on the ing again in a field, which they had no time to whole route to the Ebro was near exhausted, and examine, and in which they were accordingly they had no immediate prospect of supply. They very much exposed. entered therefore into anxious deliberation on the On this ground Caesar had again a fair opporchoice of a retreat, by which they might soonest tunity to attack them, and, with little doubt of the get beyond reach of an enemy who pressed them event, to terminate the war by a battle; but he with such unremitted alarms. They hesitated persisted in his purpose of forcing this unforwhether they should return to Ilerda, where they tunate army to surrender without any loss or still had some magazines, or should attempt to hazard to himself. In this mind he continued to reach r’arraco2 on their left, at the distance of observe them with a degree of insulting indif about fifty miles. The length and difficulty of ference. They soon became sensible of the great the way, in which they would be exposed to Coe-disadvantage of the position in which they had St’s attacks, determined them against the last; halted, and endeavoured to change it, without exposing themselves to the enemy. who was so 2 Tarragona. near as to be able to disturb them in every mo

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27‘2 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK IV. tion they attempted to make; for this purpose tioned required; but acknowledged the distresses they broke ground for a new intrenchment in to which they were reduced, and implored the their rear, and retiring as besiegers advance in victor’s clemency. the attack of a fortress, changed their situation Caesar, in return, upbraided the leaders of toat under the cover of works which they successively army with their obstinate animosity to himself, raised.l and with their late cruelty to innocent men, who In these slow and toilsome operations they per-had committed no other offence:-an that of sisted all the night and the following day, and got having embraced their fellow-citizens as friends, a new position, in which they were less exposed and that of being desirous to terminate this unto the enemy; but subject to a fresh inconve-natural quarrel in an amicable manner. “That niency, till then unobserved, in the great distance army,” he said, “had been raised and kept on to which they were removed from water. foot for the sole purpose of making war upol: As soon as this defect was perceived, which him. For this purpose numerous fleets had been was probably not till after the soldier had con-equipped in times of profound peace, and seven sumed what he commonly carried in his flask, entire legions, under able and experienced officers, they discontinued their fatiguing operations; but had been kept in this peaceable province, where no man ventured abroad for water, and they re-there was not the least pretence of a war; that mained all night under dreadful apprehensions every measure was concerted for his destruction; of what they might suffer from this distress. that in order to raise one citizen to uncommon On the following day the Spanish army ad-honours and powers, a new species of arrangevanced in array to the watering-place, and, at the ment had taken place, by which a person rehazard of a general action, proceeded to supply maining at the gates of Rome, governing in the themselves with this necessary article. They city and in every district of Italy, might likewise were suffered to avail themselves of this tempo-have the command in two warlike provinces, and rary relief; but none attempted to procure any be allowed a great military establishment in time food, and they soon after, in order to supply their of profound peace; that, on the contrary, in order own immediate wants, and to lessen their con-to distress himself, the ordinary rules of the sersumption of water and forage, killed all the beasts vice had been set aside; and that to him alone of burden in their camp. While they endea-had been denied, what had always been granted voured, by means of these temporary expedients, to every citizen who faithfully served the republic, to await the event of any change that might offer the privilege of retiring, if not distinguished with in their favour, C.esar formed a design to cut off honours, at least without being loaded with inall their hopes at once by a line of circumvalla-juries and affronts; that he had borne these intion. In conducting or covering this work, his dignities, however, with patience, and mentioned legions were commonly under arms.

And the them now, not as a prelude to any severities enemy, sensible of the extremity to which they which he meant to inflict, noi as an excuse for were soon likely to be reduced, advanced in front any singular advantage he meant to take of their of their camp to interrupt him; and there might present distresses; that he demanded no more lhave decided their fate by an action upon equal than peace; his antagonists should go unhurt, terms. But they had no courage left; the habit provided they left the province, and became bound of acting upon the defensive had impressed them not to serve his enemies for the future against with a sense of inferiority, and their frequent him; that no one should be forced to take any miscarriages had made them distrust the conduct active part on his side; that all who committed of their officers. Though now in a state of suf-no injury against him should be considered as his fering, from which nothing but victory could ex-friends; and that every man now in his power tricate them, or which nothing but the blood of should be at liberty, without any other conditions their enemies could avenge, they, without making than these.” any effobrt for either purpose, retired again within It is difficult to determine whether the sword their intrenchment. or the tongue of this singular man were most In that situation, however, their distresses in dangerous to the state he attacked. It is probable a little time became entirely insufferable. After that many of his present audience were as much four days had passed in their camp without water convinced by his eloquence, as they had been or sustenance of any sort, their leaders desired an subdued by his military skill, and thought him a interview with Caesar; and, not to expose them-person no less forced to his present extremities by selves in so humbling a state to the troops of the wrongs he had suffered, than able to do himeither army, begged that their meeting might be self justice by the force of his arms. His speech held apart from both. The conference was ac was received by the late partizans of his rival cepted; but Caesar would not allow it to be held with evident signs of pleasure. To be discharged in any private place: he insisted that Afranius after a certain period of the most faithful services and Petreius should meet him in the space be-was all that a Roman soldier, in the ordinary tween the two armies; and having previously de-times of the republic, could claim. To receive manded, as an acknowledgment of his victory, this favour at the hands of a victorious enemy, by that the son of Afranius should be delivered up whom they expected to be treated as captives, as an hostage, he came to the place of meeting, gave sudden and unexpected joy. surrounded by multitudes who crowded from both After the material articles were adjusted in armies to witness the scene. this manner, some questions arose with respect Afranius pleaded in behalf of the troops he to the time and place in which the vanquished commanded, that they had done no more than army should be dismissed from their colours. their duty to Pcmpey, and no more than the ser-Numbers of them, though Roman citizens, had vice offthe province in which they had been sta-been enlisted in Spain, and were natives or settlers in that province; others had been trans-Ctsar. de Bell. Civil. lib. i. c. 81. I ported from Italy, and wished to return to thcl

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CHAP. VI.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC 273 country. It was determined, therefore, that the to that quarter, and nimself followed with an first should be disbanded immediately; the others escort of six hundred horse.

Upon the report of march to the Var, and there be set free, and not his approach, the natives, as usual, having taken lic subject to be pressed into any service what-their resolution in favour of the successful party, ever. Cesar undertook to supply them with declared for the victor. One of the legions of provisions on their march. He ordered their Varro that lay at Gades3 advancing in form with effcecs, if any were found in his camp, to be their colours, came forward to Hispldes to receive restored to them.

He paid his own soldiers a him, and made offlr of their services. Varro high price for what they were in this manner himself agreed to surrender the forces he comdesired to restore. By this measure he gained mander, both by sea and by land, and was reseveral advantages; he lightened his baggage; ceived at Corduba. Here Ciesar held a general lie made a gratification to his own men, without convention of the province; and having thanked the imputation of bribery; and he gained his late the people for the favours they had shown to his enemies by an act of generosity. The vanquish-cause, he remittedl the contributions, and withed army accordingly came to Caesar with all drew all the burdens which Varro, acting under their complaints, and appealed to him even the authority of Pompey, had imposed upon fromn their own officers. It was impossible for them. In this, as in other examples, he endeamankind to resist so much ability, insinuation, voured to dispel the fears which his enterprise at and courage. first had occasioned, and secured the attachment About a third of the captive army were dis-of the provinces by a sense of the ease and the missed from their colours in Spain; the remain-freedom which his success had procuredl them. der passed the Pyrennees, preceded by one part The fleets and armies which joined him upon of C sar’s army, and followed by the other; who, every conquest he made, enabled him to station being thus separated to the van and the rear, and troops for the security of every new acquisition, always encamping close to their prisoners, led without dividing the forces on which he was to them, in terms of the capitulation, to the frontiers rely for the future operations of the war. He of Cisalpine Gaul.2 accordingly, in the present instance, left under While the main body of Casar’s army thus the command of Quintus Cassius, five legions, conducted the remains of the Spanish legions to consisting chiefly of the troops which had been the place of their destination, Varro yet remained levied by Varro; and he himself embarking on in the western province of Spain; and Caesar, in board a fleet which had been fitted out for his order either to effect a conjunction which had enemies, went by sea to Tarraco, new Tarrabeen concerted between them, or to force him to gona, and from that place by land to Narbonne surrender, sent Quintus Cassius with two legions and Marseilles. CHAPTER VI. The Siege of _Varseilles continued-Its Surrender-Caesar named Dictator-Return to Rome-:lIutiny at Placen.tia-Ccesar with Servilius Isauricus Consuls-Forces and Disposition of Pompey-Departure of Ccesar to Brundusium-Transports the first division of his Army to Acroceraunuls-M.~essage to Pompey, and their several Operations-The Lines of Dyrrachium - Ccesar bafled in his attempt to invest Pompey-Action and Defeat of Ceesar-His RetreatAMarch of both Armies into Thessaly-Battle of Ph.arsalia. THE city of Marseilles had not surrendered to succeed Cawsar in Gaul, with the seven ships to the forces which Caesar had left under the which this officer had brought into their harbour; command of Trebonius anld Decimus Brutu, to and having manned them with mariners from the besiegre it. Brutus, accor(ling to the dispositions neighbouring coasts, they came abroad into the which had been made to block up the place by bay, in order to force Brutus from his station, and sea, as well as by land, was stationed under the to open their communication with the sea. In island at the mouth of the bay. His squadron tile beginning of the action, the Marseillians beconsisted of twelve ships, but so hastily built, that ing superior to Ctesar’s fleet in the number of no more than thirty days had elapsed from the their ships, and in the skill of their mariners, had fellir.ng of the timber to the launching of the ves-a considerable advantage. But as soon as they sels.

They were manned, however, with the suffered themselves to be entangled by the grapple, choice of Caesar’s legions; and, in order to frus-the Gaulish sailors, though of a very hardy race, trate any advantage which their antagonists could not withstand the arms and discipline of might have in the construction or management the legionary soldiers, and were defeated with the of their ships, they were furnished with contri-loss of nine of their ships. vances to grapple and make fast their gunwales This was the victory already mentioned, and to those of’ the enemy, in order to decide the conwhich contributed so much to the reputation of test with their swords. Cesar’s arms, while he lay before Ilerda; and The Marseillians had equipped ten galleys, of which, joined to the other circumstances of his which the greater number, though not all, were good fortune, procured him the alliance of so decked. These they joined under the command many nations in Spain. of Domitius, who had been named by the senate While Brutus thus kept his station in the bay of _-_ of Marseilles, Trebonius practised all the usual 2 Ces. de Bell. Civ. lib. i.

3 Now Cadiz. methods of attack to reduce the city. This place 2M

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274 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK IV beinr covered on three sides by water, and on the arrived in the bay of Tauroentum, now La fourtlh only accessible by an isthmus or neck of Ciotat. in the neighbourhood of Toulon, they land, which was defended by walls and towers of sent intimation of their coming, in order to cona great height; he opened two separate attacks, cert operations with those in the harbour of Marprobl)ally on the right and the left of the isthmus, seilles. and at each of these attacks, appears to have em-The besleged were greatly animated with these ployed the sloping mound or terrace,l which, in hopes of relief; and having already drawn from the sieyes of the ancients, where the defence detheir docks as many ships as supplied the place pended on the heigYht of the battlements, corres-of those they had lost in the late engagement, ponlded to the sap of the moderns, and was they now manned them with the choice of their calculated to conduct the besiegers, by a gradual citizens, and determined once more to try their ascent, to the top, as the other conducts them to fortune at sea. When this fleet was about tD the fti;)t (f the walls. This work was supported depart, numbers of women, and many citizens, on the Fs’es chiefly with timber, and built up who, on account of their age, could not take part with fasct mes, hurdles, and earth, rising in the in the service, crowded to the shore, and with present case to an elevation of eighty feet., and in tears exhorted the soldiers and mariners to be breadth, as was formerly observed in that em-mindful of their own and their countrv’s hoployed against the Bituriges,2 probably no less nour, on the eve of becoming a prey to their enethan three hundred and fifty feet, so as to receive mies. Multitudes of people, at the same time, a proper column of infantry in front, and to em-drew fbrth in procession, and crowded to the brace a pr)oper extent in the walls. The work-temples with prayers and supplications for the men employed in the front of this laborious success of this last effirt they were to make in approach were covered with screens, mantlets, defence ef their commonwealth. and penthouses of great length; and such was This n)ustle in the streets of Marseilles, with the consumption of timber in the construction of’ the motion of the shipping in the harbour. being the whole, that the neirlhbouring country is said observed from the camp of Trebonius, which was to have been cleared of its woodls. situated upon a height, and which had a view A mere tradlincg city, long disused to war, or into the town, gave sufficient intimation of what accustomed to rely on foreign protection, we may was intended; and Brutus was warned to be on suppose to have been ill provided, either in the his guard: but the AMarseillians, havin(g found a state of its arsenals, or in the spirit of its citizens faivourable wind, had the good fortune to clear for such an attack. But this little republic, still the bay, and, witheut any interruption from his bearing the character of an independent state, be-squadron, joined Nasidius at Tauroentum. Here ing in the neighbourhood of mountains inhabited an action soon after ensued, in which the Marby fierce nations, who looked upon its wealth as seillians made great efforts of valour; but were a tempting prize, and owing its safety to the ill supported by Nasidius, who, unworthy of the strength of its walls, and the state of its arsenals, command with which he had been entrusted, was still suitably provided for its own defence; withdrew at the beginning of the action, and and the people, although long inured to peace, fled to the coast of Spain. The Marseillians, still kept -in mind the duties which the necessi-being left to sustain the contest alone, lost nine ties of war might oblige them to render to their of their ships, of which five were sunk, and fobur country. They were now supported by the prewere taken.

sence of the Roman proconsul, and had hopes of These tidings were received at Marseilles with a speedy relief from Pompey, whom, in opposition inexpressible sorrow; but did not alter the resoluto Cmsar, who was in rebellion against the legal tion of the inhabitants to persevere in their degovernment of his country, they’considered as fence, and in the use of every possible method head of the commonwealth. They accordingly that could be employed to protract the siege, and exerted great perseverance and valour in defence to give Pompey time to devise more effectual of their wall; and by a continual discharge from means for their safety. They accordingly, with the battlements, and by frequent sallies, in which great vigour and success, counteracted the ordithey set fire to the works of the besiegers, greatly nary operations of the siege, burning and demoretarded the progress of the siege. They had lishing a considerable part of the works which engines of a peculiar force, from which they were raised up against them, and obliging the darted arrows of a monstrous size and weight, be-besiegers frequently to renew their labours. ing beams twelve feet long, and proportionally The first attack, against which the besieged thick, and pointed with iron, which none of tLe were not able to find an adequate defence, came screens or coverings, usually employed in making from a work which had not been a part in the approaches, could resist; and Trebonius was ac-original plan of the siege, but had been devised cordingly obliged to proportion the strength of by the soldiers who had succeeded each other on his. timbers and penthouses, and the thickness of the guard of the agger, or mound of approach. as his parapets, fascines, and earth, on his terrace, a lodgment or cover to secure themselves from to the weight of these enormous weapons. surprise. It was at first no more than a square Whi’.e such efforts were made on both sides at of ten yards, enclosed with a brick wall five feet this memorable siege, Pompey had detached Na-thick; but so situated, that if it were raised to a sidius with sixteen galleys from the coast of Ma-proper height, it might cope with the battlements, cedonia to endeavour the relief of Marseilles. This and greatly annoy the besieged. To give it this squadron had entered the straits of Messina by consequence, masons were employed to raise it, surprise, and, having cut out of the harbour a and great efforts of ingenuity were made to proship which belonged’to Curio’s fleet, proceeded tect them in their work. A moveable penthouse, on their destinationl to the coast of Gaul. Being of great thickness in the roof, and screened it, the front and sides with net-work made of cal)les, Agger. 2 Bourges. or the strongest ropes, was raised on beams or

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CHAP. VI.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 2-5 rafters of a proportional strength, and contrived orders in the harbour. Having the opportunity.,o be hoisted up by machinery, to keep pace with of a high and favourable wind, which made it the building, and to cover the workmen as they unsafe for the squadron of Brutus to weigh, or rose on tle successive courses of masonry which to quit their anchors in pursuit of him, he ent.lle laild With these precautions, a tower was deavoured to escape from the bay. In this atgradoally raised on the foundation of the original tempt two of his vessels were taken, the third. brick wall, to the height of six stories; and being with himself on board, got off; and reserved hint furnished with ports or embrasures on every floor, to take that share which yet remained for him in gave the besiegers, by means of their missiles, the the growing misfortunes of his party throughout corninind of all the space from thence to the this disastrous war. rami,arts. They accordingly, under the cover Such was the state of affairs when Caesar arof engines, that made a continual discharge from rived from Spain, and expecting, in the present this tower, filled up the ditch, and pushed up a contest for empire, to profit as much by the regallerv to the foot of the wall. In this position, putation of his clemency, as by the terror of his notwithstanding all the efforts of the besieged, by arms, listened to the supplications of the people a continual discharge of heavy stones from the of Marseilles, and took possession of the town battlements, to destroy or overwhelm the supports without any act of resentment or severity whatof their gallery, they undermined the foundation ever. While he was vet at this place, he had of the rampart, and brought some part of it in accounts from Rome, that his party in the city ruin to the ground. had procured an act of the people to vest him The inhabitants, greatly alarmed at the sight with the power of dictator. The ceremony of his of a breach, which might soon be enlarged to ad-nomination had, in the absence of both consuls, mit of being stormed, made some signals of been performed by Marcus,Emilius Lepidus, truce, and sent to beseech Trebonius that he then prretor in office, who, though a person of would suspend his operations, and wait for the mean capacity, was, by the chance of his situaarrival of Casar, in whose clemency they hoped tion, involved in many of the greatest affairs that to find some protection against the fury of followed; and, though but a single accomplice in troops, who had already threatened the inhabit-the crimes of this guilty age, escaped its violences, ants with a massacre. to become almost the only example of an ignoTrebonius, accordingly, moved by these in-miny and disgrace, which so many others had treaties, and by the instructions he had received merited no less than himself. from Caesar, not to deliver up the town, in case Ciesar, being, thus raised, though by an irreguit fell into his hands, to the rage of the soldiers. lar step, to a legal place in the commonwealth, suspended his operations, and supposing the pe-hastened to Rome, in order to be invested, for tition of the inhabitants equal to an offer of sur-the first time, with the character of dictator. In render on their part, entrusted his works to his way he was stopped at Placentia by some slender guards, who, in their turn relying on the disorders which threatened a mutiny among the submnissive professions of the people, were pro-troops who were assembled at that place. The portiona!ly remiss in their duty. The citizens, legions, elated by victory, and filled with a sense tempted by the opportunity which was thus of-of their own importance, in a contest for the sofered them to strike an important blow, and to vereignty of the empire, were become impatient throw back to a great distance, all the posts of of discipline, and in haste to avail themselves of the enemy, made a vigorous sally from the town, that,military government they were employed to and being favoured by a high wind, which blew establish. In entering Italy they treated Roman directly on the works of the besiegers, set the citizens as their subjects, and the country as their whole on fire, and reduced to ashes, in a few property. Being restrained, they resented the hours, what had been the labour of many months seventies which were practised against them, ento erect. tered into cabals, and even talked of abandoning As Trebonius had already exhausted the great-Ciesar, and of declaring for Pompey. Here, er part of the materials which the country around however, the usual courag, and ability of this him could furnish, it appeared difficult for him to singular man supported him. He brought the resume the attack. But he himself, as well as the mutinous troops, under arms, before him, and put troops under his command, being greatly exaspe-them in mind how much he had ever coveted, rated by the late breach of faith in the town, and been anxious to obtain the affections of the made every effort of ingenuity and courage to soldiers; but assured them, that it was no part of repair their losses. They substituted brick work his intention to earn those affections by making for timber in supporting the sides and galleries himself an accomplice in their crimes. ” Shall of their terrace; and advanced with so rapid a we,” he said, ” who profess to be the deliverers of progress in their new approach, that the besieged, our country from oppression, become ourselves now greatly spent with toil, and disappointed in the greatest oppressors? Shall I, who am intheir hopes of relief, were struck with fresh and trusted with the command of a Roman army, bemore alarming apprehensions of what they nlight come the patron of licentiousness, and in order expect from the resentment of troops whom they to indulge for a moment the passions of my solhad incensed with a recent and just provocation; diers, suffer them to ruin their own fortunes for and they returned to their suit for mercy, with ever? What should induce me?-The fear of more humble and more sincere intentions of sub-violence to my person, or the danger to which mission. my life may be exposed?-If my life were atWhile messages were passing to this effect, tacked, there are enow to defend it. But what Domitius Ahenobarbus, sensible that he could is life compared to the honour of a Roman ofno longer serve the cause of his party at this ficer, which I am concerned to maintain? There place, embarked with his attendants and friends are persons who have said, that they will desert on board of three galleys which still waited his my cause, and go over to Pompey. Let them.

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‘76 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATIt N [BOOK IV. They shall’ soon have an opportunity to do so. Many being supposed to hoard great sums ot If Pompey be my enemy, what is there I should money, as the only means of preserving it from morir earnestly wish than to find his cause en-the violence of the times, or being unwilling to trusted with such men? men who make war on lend on such securities as were then to he had, their friends, and disobey their officers. He had Caesar procured another act, by which any per. been slow,” he said, “in proceeding to the fatal son was forbid to have in his possession, at once, extremes which were now become necessary.

above sixty thousand Roman money.2 The guilty,” he continued, ” had been long He obtained a general act of indemnity, from known to him; but he had endeavoured to conwhich Milo alone was excepted, restoring persons ceal their offences, in hopes that remorse and of every denomination, who, at the breaking out shame, or the fear of justice, would have matc of the war, lay under the censure of the law, and the actual application of punishment unnecessa-were in exile for corrupt practices in the state; ry; but that he must now, though with the greatand, in pursuance of this measure, procured a est reluctance, proceed to the last of remedies.”

pardon for all the disorders which had been comIn order that he might not involve the whole mitted in opposition to the late government; but of those who were present in the same desperate for none of the irregular efforts that had been cause, he affected, in this harangue, to treat the made in support of it. He opened the city at offence he was to punish as the crime of a few. once to all the inhabitants of the Cisalpine Gaul, They were now to be set apart, he said, and and by a single vote gave them a title to be entheir punishment should purge the army, and rolled with the people of Rome as members of the retrieve its honour. In pursuance of this plan, republic.3 In these, and in other affairs of less he affected to believe, that the ninth legion were moment, while his troops were in motion through the principal authors of this mutiny. He ordered Italy, he employed a few days in the city, and a few of them for immediate execution, and being ready to depart, resigned the power of dicboldly dismissed the whole of the legion from his tator. This resignation, made by a person posservice. The remainder of the army, having sessed of a military force, and hitherto victorious, thus obtained an implied exculpation, in token was considered as an evidence of his moderation, of their own innocence, vied with each other in and served to dispel the fears of those who exapplauding the justice of their general. Even pected to see the immediate establishment of a the legion, which was dismissed from the ser-miiitary government. He was now about to asvice, detesting as a punishment on themselves, sume the office of legal magistrate, and to appear what they had threatened to execute as an act of in the character of Roman consul against those resentment agsainst their commander, beset him who, lately trusting to the name and authority of with humble and earnest intreaties, that he might the republic with which they were vested, had be pleased to receive them again into his service. treated himself and his adherents as rebels; but He affected great difficulty in granting this re-who now, in their turn, might appear to incur quest; but, after much solicitation, suffered all the disadvantages of that imputation which he himself to be gained by their professions of was about to retort upon them; and with the adpenitence.’ ditional charge of an attempt to dismember the With a considerable accession of authority, empire, and to arm so many of the provinces acquired by his success in quelling this mutiny, against the sovereignty of the state. Caesar proceeded to Rome, where he assumed The competitors in this famous contest were the title and ensigns of dictator; being the first in, or but a little past the prime of life: Pompey example of any person, since the abdicatiorof was fifty-seven, and Caesar fifty. The first had Sylla, entrusted with this alarming power. It been early distinguished as an officer, and for was said to be conferred upon him, however, many years had enjoyed a degree of consideramerely in compliance with form; and that there tion, with which that of any other Roman citizen might be a proper officer, in the absence of both was not allowed to compare. His reputation, the consuls, to preside at the elections. His own however, in some measure, had sunk, and that object, at the same time, being to gain to his of Casar rose on the first shocks of the present party the authority of legal government, and, in war; but the balance was not yet absolutely sethis conduct, to give proofs of clemency and mo-tled, and the minds of many were held in anxious deration, without any intention, for the present, suspense. Cwasar, wherever he had acted in perto perpetuate or even to exercise any of the high son, had always prevailed; but where he was not powers of dictator, he proceeded to hold the elec-present, his affairs wore a less promising aspect. tions, and was himself, together with Servilius His forces under Curio had acquired an easy Isauricus, chosen consul for the following year. possession of Sicily; and this officer, encouraged In the interval that followed, before their installa-by his first success, transported two legions into tion, he continued to assemble the people in the Africa, found Varus encamped near Utica, character of dictator, and obtained some laws obliged him to retire into the town, and was prerespecting the’imes, and the distracted state of paring to besiege it, when he received intelligence public affairs. Credit and trade were at an that?uba, king of Numidia, was advancing to alarming stand; he procured an act to facilitate its relief with all the powers of his kingdom. the recovery of debts, by delivering the effects This prince had been induced to take part in the of the debtor to be divided among his creditors, war by his attachment to Pompey, and by his upon an estimate of what the different subjects personal animosity to Curio, who, in his tribunmight have been sold for at the time that the war ate, had moved for an act to deprive him of his broke out. kingdom. I Dio. Cass. lib. xli. c.

27 35. Appian. de Bello 2 About 5001.‘iv. lib. ii. p. 547. Sueton. in Cres. c. 69. Lucan. lib. v. 3 Dio. Cass. lib. xli. c. 36, 37, 39. Cmas. de Bell. Civ p.‘244. lib iii

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CHAP. VI.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 277 Curio, upon this intelligence, wisely withdrew of Macedonia, two thousand foot and seven thoufrom Utica to a strong post in the neighbourhood, sand cavalry. Dejotarus sent him six hundred and sent orders into Sicily to hasten the junction horse; Ariobarzanes five hundred; Cotus, a of the troops he had left behind him in that island. Thracian prince, five hundred; the Macedonians While he waited their coming, some Numidian furnished two hundred; five hundred being the deserters arrived at his camp, and brought ac-remains of Gabinius’s armvy, had joined hir; his counts that Juba, with the main body of his army, son brought eight hundred from his own estates; had been recalled to defend his own dominions; Tarcundarius three hundred; Antiochus Comand that only Sabura, one of his generals, with a magenes two hundred: amounting to fifty-five small division, was come to give what support he thousand legionary troops, eight thousand irregucould to the party of Pompey in Africa. lar infantry, and ten thousand six hundied horse. Upon this information, Curio formed a design In all seventy-three thousand six hundred.6 to intercept the Numidian general before he could He had likewise assembled a numerous fleet; be joined by Varus; and for this purpose, leaving one squadron from Egypt, of which he gave the a guard in his camp, he marched in the night to command to his son Cneius; another from Asia, attack the enemy, where he was informed that under Lelius and Triarius; one from Syria, unthey lay on the banks of the Bagrada. His ca-der Caius Cassius; that of Rhodes, under Caius valry being advanced, fell in with the Numidian Marcellus and Coponius; that of Achaia and horse, and put them to flight. Encouraged by Liburnia, under Scribonius Libo and M. Octathis advantage, he hastened his march to com-vius: the whole amounting to above eight hunplete the victory; and Sabura, by whose art the dred galleys, of which Bibulus had the chief last intelligence had been conveyed to him, like-command, with orders to guard the passage from wise, after a little resistance, fled before him. By Italy to Greece, and to obstruct the communicathis means, Curio was gradually ensnared into tions of the enemy by the Ionian sea. the midst of Juba’s forces, was surrounded, and Pompey had likewise formed large magazines attacked on every side. He attempted, in vain, of corn from Thessaly, Asia, Egypt, Crete, and to take refuge on a height which he had in view, Cyrene. The principal resort of his land forces and, with the greater part of his army, was put was at Berrhcea. on the fertile plains between the to the sword. The few who escaped, with those Axius and Haliacmon, that run into the Bay of who h.ad been left in the camp, endeavoured to Therma. The Roman senate was represented find a passage into Sicily, and, being disappointed, at Thessalonica by two hundred of that body, surrendered themselves to Varus, by whom they who, together with the two consuls, held their aswere treated with clemency; but being observed, semblies, and assumed all the functions of the and distinguished by Juba, who arrived at Utica Roman state. The Roman people were likeon the following day, were claimed as his cap-wise represented by the concourse of respectable tives, and put to death. citizens, who repaired to the army or to this About the same time, Dolabella, to whom Cae-place.7 But though so many members of the sar had given the command both of his sea and government, thus violently expelled from Rome, land forces on the coast of Illyricum, was, by considered themselves as the real constituents of Marcus Octavius and Scribonius Libo, expelled the commonwealth, they suffered the usual time from thence; and Caius Antonius, attempting to of elections to elapse, and did not attempt to presupport Dolabella, was shut up in a small island, serve in their retreat the succession of officers, in and, with his party, made prisoners.4 opposition to the elections that were made at The principal storm, however, with which the Rome. Claudius Marcellus and L. Cornelius new government was threatened, appeared on Lentulus, at the expiration of their year in office, the side of Macedonia. In this country, Pom-took the several commands allotted to them, as pey himself was now at the head of a great force. usual, under the title of proconsul. He had transported five legions from Italy; and, The general had been extremely active in since the middle of March, when his last division forming, as well as in assembling this powerful sailed from Brundusium, he had been in the quiet armament. He intended, early in the spring, to possession of Greece, Macedonia, and all the take possession of Dyrrachium, Apollonia, and eastern part of the empire. He had sent his the other towns on the coast, probably with a father-in-law, Cornelius Scipio Metellus, into the view to fall upon Italy, with a weight which now provinces of Asia and Syria, to collect the forces appeared sufficient to ensure the high reputation and the revenues of those opulent countries; and as a commander, which his successes, on other despatched his own son Cneius with instructions occasions, had procured him. to assemble all the shipping that could be found Caesar, on his part, had drawn all his army to on that coast. He likewise sent general orders the coast in the neighbourhood of Brundusium; to all the Roman officers in different parts of the but it was not likely that he would attempt to empire, and to the allies or dependants of the Ro-pass a sea which was commanded by the enemy’s man people, to join him with every power they fleet, or venture upon a coast where he had not could raise. Seven thousand citizens of rank a single port, and in the face of a superior army, hadl followed him from Italy.5 Numbers of vete-now completely formed and appointed, under the rans, who had been settled in T*lssaly, repaired command of an officer, whom no man was ever to his standard. He was joined by one legion supposed to excel. The formality of entering on from Sicily, another from Crete, and two from the office of consul, to which he had been elected, Asia. He had two legions under Scipio in Syria. it was supposed, might detain him at Romne till 6id assembled three thousand archers, and as after the first of January; and Pompey according many slingers; had hired, in the neighbourhood ly made no haste in taking his intended stations 4 Dio. Cass. lib. xli. c. 41 and 4-.

6 Caesar. de Bello Civile, lib. iii. 5 Plutarch in Poinpeio. 7 Dio. Cass.

lib. xii. 43.

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278 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK IV. on the coast of Epirus, from which he might the fortunes and the hopes of both were nearly either act on the defensive, or invade Italy as the equal; if that time were allowed to elapse, and occasion might require.’ either should obtain a distinguished advantage, It was difficult, however, to foresee what such who could answer that the victor would be equal. an enemy as Caesar might attempt. Having ly tractable as both were at present? staid no more than eleven days at Rome, while “But since all former endeavours to procure a he acted in the character of dictator, and obtained conference, or to bring on a treaty between the his election as consul, without waiting for his leaders themselves, had failed, he proposed, that admission into office, he set out in December for all their differences should now be referred to the tBrundusium. At this place twelve legions and senate and people; that, in the mean time, each all his cavalry were alrea(tv, by his order, assemof them should solemnly swear, at the head of bled. IHe found the nutnl-ers of his army con-their respective armies, That, in three days, they siderably impaired by disease, being come from should disband all their forces, in order that, bethe more healthy climates of Spain and Gaul to ing disarmed, they might severally be under a pass the sickly season of autumn in Apulia. In necessity to submit to the legal government of anv other hands than his own, an army so retheir country; that he himself, to remove all diffiduced would have scarcely been fit for the defence culties on the part of Pompey, should begin with of Italy against such forces as were assembled to dismissing all the troops that were under his cominvade it; and his march to Brundusiurn would mand, whether in garrison or in the field.” 4 have appeared altogether a defensive measure, It appears that Caesar, if these declarations had and(
intended to counteract the operations of his been accepted, might have been somewhat emenemy from beyond the seas. The season too barrassed for evasions; but equally bold in all his appeared extremely unfavourable to any hostile measures, he risked this event, or rather foresaw attempts on Greece. Cwesar, however, had de-it could not happen, as he was sure that this offer termnined to prevent the designs of his enemy, and of peace, like the former, would be rejected; and to keep him involved in all the disadvantages of the rather, that it would be considered as an effect a defensive war. of his weakness, and of the danger into which he No more transports were collected in the har-had fallen by his rash debarkation with so small bour of Brundusium than were sufficient to re-a force. At any rate, there is no doubt that his ceive about twenty thousand foot and six hundred message was intended, in the usual strain of his horse.

Caesar, nevertheless, immediately on his policy, to amuse his enemy, or to remove the arrival, informed the troops of his intentions to blame of the war from himself. As he usually embark, and of his resolution to fix the scene of accompanied such overtures of peace with the the war in Greece.

lHe cautioned them not to most rapid movements and the bold(est resolutions, occupy transports with unnecessary baggage and the moment Vibullius set out, he disembarked his horses, and exhorted them to rely on the conse-troops, and in the night despatched the transports quences of victory, and on his own generosity, on their return to Brundusium to bring the refor a full reparation of any loss they might sus-mainder of his army. taill by leaving their effects behind them. He His landing on the coast was the first intimaetmllharked seven legions in the first division, and tion received by the enemy of his intentionl to wvith these he himself sailed onl the fourth of Fe-pass a sea, which they supposed sufficiently bruary. He turned from the usual guarded by their fleets, and of his purpose to U. C. 705. course, and steering unobserved to carry the war into a country, in which they C. Julius the right, arrived next day where thought themselves secure by the superiority of Cesar, P. the enemy, if they had really been their numbers, and of their other resources.

BiServilius ap)rise( of his embarkation, were bulus, upon this alarm, put to sea, and came in Isauricus. least likely to expect him, on what time to intercept about thirty of the empty transwas reputed a very dangerous part ports on their return to Italy. These he burned; of the coast, uinder a high and rocky promontory, and, sensible of his orwn remissness in suffering that was calledl the Acroceraunus. so great a body of the enemy to pass, he disAs soon as the fleet had come to an anchor, tributed his ships along the coast, and deterCaesar having Vibullius Rufus, one of Pompey’s minred, for the future, to keep the sea in the face officers who was taken in Spain, till now detained of every difficulty, and under every distress. as a prisoner, he dismissed him with a message In the mean time, Caesar marched directly to to his greneral in the following terms: “That both Oricum, where Lucius Torquatus, on the part parties had already carried their obstinacy too of Pompey, was posted, with orders to defend far, and might learn, from experience, to distrust himself to the last extremity. But Caesar, as their fortunes; that the one had been expelled soon as he appeared in the character of Roman from Italy, had lost Sicily, Sardinia, and Spain, consul, preceded by the ensigns of office, prewith one hundred and thirty cohorts (or thirteen vailed on the garrison to desert their commander, legions);2 that the otter had sustained the loss and to surrender the place. Without stopping of an army in Africa, cut off with its general,3 here, he proceeded to Apollonia, was received in and had suffered no less by the disasters of his the same manner by the inhabitants, in opposiparty in Illyricum; that their mutual disappoint-tion to the officer who cosnmanded for FPmpey. meints might instruct them’how little they could In consequence of these examples he was acrely on the events of war; that it was time to knowledged by all the towns of Epirus, and consult their own safety, and to spare the repub-continued his march with the greatest despatch lic; that it was prudent to treat of peace while towards Dyrrachium, where Pompey had collected his stores, and formed his principal magp1 Appian. de titiio’Civile, lib. ii. zines. By his unexpected arrival he had hopes 2 The armies of Aframius, Petreius, and Varro, &c. 3 The army of Curio and C. Antonius. 4 Ca&s. de Bell. Civ.

lib. iii.

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CHAP. VI.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 299 of being able to surprise that important place, I the truce, to procure some supply of provisions and to make himself master of it, before a suffi-and water, rejected the offer, and returned to his cient force could he assembled to cover it. camp on the Apsus. Pompey, in execution of the plan he had form-Pompey had advanced from Dyrrac.hium, an.’ ed, was on his march from Macedonia towards took post on the opposite bank of that river. the coast of Epirus, when he was met by Vibul-Dion Cassius and Appian agree that he made lius, and received from him the first intelligence some attempt to pass the Apsus, and to force of Caesar’s landing. He was not amused with Caesar in this post; but that he was prevented by the message which this officer brought him, nor the breaking of a bridge, or by the difficulties of did he attempt to retort the artifice, by afficting a ford. According to Caesar;s own account, the o be deceived. He even expressed himself in armies continued to observe each other, andi the termns harsh and impolitic, “That he neither troops, separated only by a narrow river, had frechose to return to his country, nor to hold his life quent conferences from the opposite banks. It by the concession of Caesar; and, without rewas understood that in these interviews no hosturning any answer, detached some parties to-tilities should be offered. Of the two parties, wards the coast where the enemy was landed, that of Caesar was the more engaging to soldiers; with ordersto lay waste the country, break down notwithstanding his own affectation of reward to bridres, destroy the woods, and block up the the civil constitution of the republic, his miilitary highways with the timber they felled.5 He sent retainers still hoped to remain in possession of expresses to Scipio, with an account of Caesar’s the government. He therefore encouraged the arrival In Epirus, and with orders to hasten his communication of his men with those of tile oppassage into Europe, with all the forces he had posite party. On this occasion Vatinius, by his been able to assemble in Asia. He himself ad-direction, went forward to the bank of the river, vanlced with great diligence; and being informed and raising his voice, complained of the harsh onil the march, that Oricum and Apollonia had treatment lately offered to Casar, in the contempt alreadly fallen into the enemy’s hands, he has-shown to all his overtures and advances to peace. tened to save his magazines and stores at Dyrra-May not one citizen, he said, send a message to chiurn, and without stopping, night or day, another when he means only to prevent the marched in such disorder, that many deserted shedding of Innocent blood? He proceeded to as from a cause already ruined or desperate. He lament the fate of so many brave men as were arrived, however, in time to prevent the designs likely to perish in this quarrel; and was listened of Caesar on Dyrrachium; encamped under the to with profound silence by many of both armnies, walls, sent a squadron of ships immediately to who crowded to the place. retake or block up the harbour at Oricum, and These remonstrances on the part of Caesar, door(lered such a disposition of the fleet as was most livered by an officer of high rank, and appearing likely to prevent the passage of a second embark-to make so deep an impression, on both armies, qtion from Italy. whetn reported at Pompey’s quarters, seemed to C sar, finding himself prevented at Dyrra-be too serious to be slighted. An answer, therechium, halted on the Apsus; and, in order to fore, was given by the direction of P xompiev, that cover Epirus and wait for the second division of on the following day A. Varo should be. sent to his troops from Italy. prepared to intrench him-any place that should be agreed upon as safe beself on the banks of that river. Having accord-tween the two armies, and there receive tle proingly secured the main body of his army in this positions that should be made to him.‘The post, he himself returned with a single legion to parties accordingly met at a place appoillted, and receive the submission of the towns in his rear, multitudes from both armies crowded around and to provide for the supply of his camp. them. Pompey, considering the whole as an arIn the mean time Bibulus, on the part of tifice to gain time, or to find an opl)ortunity to Pompey, blocked up the harbour at Oricum, and debauch his men, probably gave instructions to commanded the passage from Italy with his fleet.

break up the conference, in a way tlhat for the Calenus, on the part of Caesar, who hadil or-future should keep the troops at a greater disders to lose no opportunity of transporting i;s taince fronm each other. Soon after the otficers army from Brundusium, actually embarked and met, some darts, probably by his directiomns, were put to sea; but being met by a packet from thrown from thecrowd. Both sides being alare ed Caesar, with intelligence of the dispositions which by this circumstance, they instantly parted, and had been made by the enemy to intercept him, he withdrew under a shower of missiles, in which returned, suitering one of the vessels that had numbers were wounded. accompanied his fleet to keep on her way, in The fate of the war seemed to depend on the order to carrv an account of his motions; but she vigilance of the fleet, and on the difliculties with was taken by the enemy and destroyed. which Caesar had to contend in bringing any Bibulus, who commanded the fleet which lay reinforcements or supplies from Italy. Biibulus, before Oricumn, being precluded from the land by from the effect of fatigue, was taken dangerously the parties which Caesar had posted along the ill; but could not, upon any account, lie pershore, forced to bring his daily suppllies of wood, sanded to leave his station, and died on shipboard. water, and other necessaries at a great disadvan-There being nobody appointed to succeed him tage from Corcyra, and reduce9 to great distress, in the conlllund at sea, the leader of each of the endeavoured, under pretence of a negotiation, to separate squadronls acted for himlself without any obtain a cessation of arms. But Cesar, who concert. Scrihonius Liho, with fifty galleys, set came in person to Oricum, on hearing of this sail fromo the coast of Epirus, steered towards,roposition, supposing that the design of Bibu-Brundusiumi, where lie surprised and burlit some bus was to find an opportunity, under cover of trading vessels, one ill particular laden with corn for Caesar’s carnp. Em’lur!aredc by these suc5 Appian. lib. ii.

cesses, hle anchored unlder the island which co

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280 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK IV vered the mouth of the harbour: from thence he Coponius expected easily to weather the headt kept the town in continual alarm, landed in the lands that were to leeward of his post; and, night parties of archers and slingers, with which though it rose considerably after he set sail, he he dispersed or carried off the patroles which the still continued to struggle against it. As soon as enemy emploved on the shore; and thus, master Antony observed this enemy, he crowded sail of the port of Brundusium, expected fully to ob-and made for the nearest harbour; being in the struct that outlet from Italy, and to awe the bay of Nympheus, about three miles beyond Lisneighbouring coast. To this purpose he wrote sus,l on the coastof Dalmatia. This bay opened to Pompey, that the other divisions of the fleet to the south, and was very accessible, though not might (o into harbour; that his squadron alone, secure with the present wind. He chose, howin the post he had taken, was sufficient to cut off’ ever, to risk the loss of some ships, rather than from Cesar all reinforcements and farther sup-fall into the enemy’s hands; and made directly plies. But in this he presumed too much on the for this place. Soon after he entered the harfirst effects of his own operations. Antony, who hour the wind shifted to the south-west, from commenmlded the troops of Cesar in the town of which his ships were now sufficiently covered, Brundusium, by placing numerous guarls at every and he debarked without any loss. At the same landing-place on the contiguous shore, effectually time the wind, in consequence of this change, excluded the squadron of’ Lihbo from any supply blowing more directly on’he land, and more vioof wood or water, of which his ships, for want of lently, bore hard on Cop:,tiius, forced him upon stowage, could not have at any one time 1 consi-the shore, where the greater part of his galleys, derable stock; and he reduced them to such disbeing sixteen in number, were stranded and tress for want of these articles, that they were wrecked.

obligekd to abandon their station, and to leave the Such of Antony’s transports as got safe into harbour again open to the sea. the bay of Nympheus landed three veteran leIn the mean tirne, pressing orders arrived from gions, with one of the new levies, and eight C:esar to hasten the embarkation of the troops. hundred horse. Two of his transports, one with Dion Cassius and Appian relate, that he himself two hundred and thirty of the new raised troops; being impatient of delay, embarked alone in disthe other, with somewhat less than two hundred guise on board of a barge, with intention to pass veterans, being heavy sailers, fell astern; and it to Brundusimln; that, after he had been some being night before they arrived, nlistook their way, time at sea, the weather became so bad, as to de-and, instead of the bay of Nympheus, came to an termine the master of the vessel to put back; but anchor before Lissus. Ottacilius Crassus, who that being prevailed upon by the intreaties of was stationed with a body of horse in that place C-esar, he continued to struggle with the storm to observe the coast, manned some small boats, for many hours. They farther relate, that the surrounded these transports, and oflired the mariners being likely to faint, the passenger at troops who were on board favourable terms if last discovered himself, and encouraged them to they would agree to surrender. Upon this sumpersist, by telling them that they carried Coesar mons the new levies accordingly struck; but the and his fortunes; that, nevertheless, he was veterans ran their vessels ashore, and having forced to give way, and afterwards entrusted his landed, fought their way, with the loss of a few orders to a messenger; but that he returned to men, to Nympheus, where they joined the main camp before it was known that he had been ab-body of their army that was landed with Antony. sent. EIe himself slys, that some months being The colony of Lissus had been settled by Cae past, and the winter far advanced, he suspected sar, as a part of the province of Illyricum, and that some opportunities of effecting the passage now appeared to favour his cause; Ottacilius of his second division had been lost; that he was therefore thought proper to withdraw with his become highly impatient, and wrote to hasten the garrison; and Antony having stationed some of embarkation; informing his officers, that they the transports at this place to enable Cresar to might run ashore any where between Oricum embark his army for Italy, if, as was reported, and Apollonia; as the enemy’s fleet, having no Pompey should attempt to remove the scene of harbour in those parts, were frequently obliged, the war into that country; and havinl sent the by stress of weather, to depart from the coast. remainder back for the troops which were still Upon these orders, the troops with great ar-left at Brundusium, he despatched messengers to dour began to embark. They consisted of four Caesar with the particulars of his voyage, and an legions and eight hundred horse, under the-con- account of the place at which he had landed. mand of Mark Antony and Calenus. The wind The fleet, with this division of the army unbeing at south, and no enemy appearing in the der Antony, had been seen on the coast, from the channel, they set sail, and steered for the coast of stations both of Pompey and of Caesar, steering Epirus, but were drove to the northward; and on to the northward; but it was not known for some the second day passed Apollonia, and were dis-days what was become of them. Upon the arricovered by the enemy from Dyrrachium. As val of the intelligence, that they had effected a they were far to the leeward of that part of landing to the northward, both palties determined the coast on which Caesar had instructed them to to move to that quarter. Pompey decamped in land; and as it was vain for them with this wind the night, and knowing the route which Antony to attempt getting to the southward, they chose was likely to take, placed himself in his way, to give way at once, and steer for some conve-giving orders that the army, without lighting nient harbour, northward of all Pompey’s stations.

fires or sounding their trumpets, should remain But in Pfilowingr this course, as they passed by in profound silence. Antony, however, having Dy:r achium they were instantly chased by Quinl-intelligence of this disposition of the enemy, did tus Coponius, who commanded Pompey’s squad-not advance. Caesar, in the mean time, to favour ron at that place, chielly consisting of Rhodian galecys.‘TImi wind at first was moderate, and 1 Caes. de Bell. Civ. lib. iii. c. 26.

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COAP. VI.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 281 his junction, was obliged to make a considerable provinces, on the legions which were soon excircuit, ascended on the banks of the river Apsus pected to land from Asia on the eastern shores to a ford at which he passed; from thence con-of Macedonia or Thessaly. tinued his march to the northward, and seemed to Scipio, being the father-in-law of Pompey, had advance on Pompey’s right, while Antony re-been employed in assembling the forces of Asia, mained in his front.

In-this situation, Pompey, and had, by severe exactions, availed himself of apprehending that he might be attacked on dif-the resources of that opu’ent province. He was ferent sides at once by Ceasar and by Antony, still occupied in this service at Ephesus, when he thought proper to quit his station; and leaving received from Pompey an account of Cws;nrb their armies to join, fell back to Asparagium, a arrival in Epirus, and an order without delay to strong post about a day’s march from Dyrrachium.

transport his army into Europe. He accordingly, Cwesar having obtained this great reinforce-soon after the arrival of Casar’s detachments at ment, was no longer so anxious as he had hitherto their several places of destination, debarked in been for the preservation of his possessions upon the bay of Therme, or of Thessalonica, and the coast. His enemies, by the superiority of penetrated into Macedonia, directing his march their fleets, could prevent his receiving any regu-towards the quarters of the two legions whlch lar supplly of provisions from the sea. It was Cesar had sent thither under the command of necessary for him, therefore, in order that he Domitius Calvisius, and gave a general alarm on miglht have some other resource, and be in con-his route; but beinrr arrived within about twenty dition to act on the offensive, to extend his quar-miles of Domitius, lie turned on a sudden into ters by land. and to cover some tract of country Thessaly, as thinking Longinus, who was stafrom which he could subsist his army. For this tioned in that country with one legion of raw purpose he removed from Oricum the legion that troops, might be made an easier prey. was stationed at that place; taking such precau-To lighten his march, he left his baggage untions as were necessary to secure his shipping in der a guard of eight cohorts, commanded by Fathe port from any surprise by sea. He drew the vonius on the Haiiacmon, a river which separates greater part of the vessels on shore, sunk one in Macedonia from Thessaly, and iroceeded with the mouth of the harbour, and placed another at great despatch towards the quarters of Longinus. anchor near it, mounted with a considerable This officer, greatly alarmed at his sudden aptower, and manned with a proper force. Being proach, and mistaking, at the same time, for an thus securedl on the coast, he sent numerous deenemy a body of Thracian horse which were tachinents in different directions: L. Cassius coming to his own assistance, hastily withdrew Longirnus, with a legion of new levies, into by the mountains, and continued his retreat to Thessaly; C. Calvisius Sabinus, with five co-Ambracia. Scipio was about to pursue Longinus horts andl a party of horse, into XEtolia; Cn. on the route he had taken, when he was recalled Donlitius Calvisius, with two legions, the eleventh bty earnest representations from ]Favonius, tha and twelfth, into Macedonia; giving strict charge officer he had left to guard his baggage; infbrmto each of these officers, that they should collect ing him, that his post was in the utmost danger all the forage and provisions which those or the of being forced bv Calvisius, who was on his neighbouring countries could furnish.

march through Macecdonia for that purpose. As Pompey had relied much on the authority Scipio accordingly returned with all possible deof government, with which he was vested at the spatch to the Haliacmon, and arrived at the post beginning of the war, and which he believed gave of Favonius, after the dust which arose from the his party a dispensation from the exercise of those march of the enemy had appeared on the plain; popular arts, with which Cwesar thought proper and thus came barely in tinm to sustain his party, to recommend his cause, he threatened to punish and to rescue his baggag3 the refractory more than he encouraged or re-‘he armies continued to occupy the opposite warded the dutiful; and he often therefore ex-banks of the Haliacmon; and as Scipio, by the torted services from the provinces, neglecting the flight of Longinus, was become master of all necessary attention to conciliate their affections; Thessaly, Calvisius continued in possession of and such were the effects of this conduct, that the Macedonia:, and from thence secured a considerdetachments which now appeared on the part of able source of supply to C’esar’s army. Caesar were every where favourably received. It would have been of great monment to PomSabinus Inade himself master of JEtolia. Lon-pey’s aflhirs, and not inconsistellt with the dilaginus found the people of Thessaly divided, and tory plan lie had formed for the conduct of the was joined by one of the parties. Calvisius, war, to have risked an action between these seupon his arrival in Macedonia, had deputations parate bodies on the Haliacmon, rather than to from many towns and districts of the province, have sufiered his enemy to retain the command with assurances of favour and submlission; arid of so many posts of consequence; and Scipio acby these means the possessions of Cresar, even in cordingly passed the river with a view to bring on those countries on which his antagonists had an engagement; but after some stay on the plain, chiefly depended, began to be equal to theirs. finding no opportunity to attack the enemy with It was thought an unpardAhable error in Pom-any hopes of’ success, he repassed the river, andpey, thus to suffer his quarters to be overrun by having occupied his former station, there passed an enemy who had but recently acquired a foot-some partial encounters between such as were ing on the coast, and whose army was, in nun-advanced on the different sides, but without any ber of cavalry and light infantry, as well as of’ considerable event. regular foot, greatly inferior to his own. Pom-While so many large bodies, detached from pey, however, knowing the interest which Cae-the principal armies, were thus contending in sar had in bringing the contest to a speedy de-Thessaly for the possession of the country, Pomcision, did not choose to divide his forces, and he pey remained to cover the ground, which was of r’ticd for the security of the southern and inland greater importance to him, in the neighbourhood 2N

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282 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [Book IV. of the sea, and the port of Dyrrachium. Having, to avoid any immediate risk of his fortunes in a at the distance of about a day’s march in his single action. rear, this town and harbour as a place of arms, Crasar, on the other hand, being disappointed at which he had deposited his magazines and in the design he had formed to exclude the enemy stores. and from which he received his ordinary from their magazines in the town of Dyrrachium, supply of provisions, he had taken his measures and seeing no likelihood of being able to bring to protract the war; and trusting to his own su-the war to a speedy decision, his own communiperior resources, both by sea and by land, did not cation with Italy being entirely cut off; and the doubt that by waitinog until the countries which fleets he had ordered from thence, from Sicily, Caesar had occupied should be exhtusted, he and from Gaul.

having met with unexpected demight force him to retire from the contest without lavs, sent an officer, named L. Canuleius, into the risk of a battle. To hasten this event, he en-Epirus, with a commission to draw into mafadeavouretd every where to straiten his quarters in zines all the corn that could be found in that or the country, and to block up or destroy all the the neighbouring districts, and to secure them at harbours he had on the coast. proper places for the use of his armv. This, Cn:eus, the eldest of Pompey’s sons, command-however, in a country that was mountainous and ingr the Egyptian fleet, in execution of this plan barren, itself commonly supplied with corn from which hatd been laid to harass the enemy, with-abroad, and lately on purpose laid waste by the out exposing their cause to a general hazard, at-enemv, was not likely to furnish him with any tacked Caesar’s principal naval station at Oricunl, conaidderahle supply, or to enable him for any raised the vessel that had been stink at the mouth tilme to support a dilatory war. His genius was of the harbour, forced the armed gallev that was there.flre at work by some speedier course to stationed before it, and carried off or destroyed all harass his enemy, and to hasten the end of the the ships that were laid up in the port. Froi contest. thence he proceeded to Lissus, burnt thirty tran-In these circumstances, however, he (lid not sports which Antony had left in the harbour; nerlect his usual artifices to amuse and distract but having made an attempt on the town, was his antaioniAts with great professions of n moderarepulsed with loss. tion, and with overtures of peace. On hearing C.esar, on the opposite part, seniible of the in-of Scilio’s arrival in Europe, aftecting to have terest which he had in bringinin the war to a despmaired of obtaining peace by any farther direct speedy decision, advanced upon Pompey, forced a applications to Pomlpey himaself, and willing to place of some strength that covered his front, and appeal to the reasonl of the father-in-law against encampe(l in his presence. The day after he the obstinacy of the son. he sent Clodins, their arrived in this position, either to b)ringT on a common friend, with letters and instructions, to general action, or to gain the reputation of brayv-inform Scipio of the great pains he had taken to ing his antagonist, he formed his army on the obtain an equitable accommodation, ”’ all which, p.ain between the two camps; but as Pompey he presumed, had hitherto failed, through the.cntinued firm or unmoved by this insult, and unhlappy timidity of those he entrusted with his as the recent losses which Caesar hal sustained messages, and from their not having courage to in his shippitl, and on the coast, rendered his deliver them properly to their general. But sub prospect of future supplies or reinforcements joined that, through the mediation of Scipio every day less secure, he projected a movement, who could deliver himself with so much freedom, by whichll he oroosed either to force an enaagre-who could advise with so much authority; and menlt, or to) preclude the enemy from all his re-who, being at the head of a great army attached sources in the town and harbour of Dvrrachium. to his person, could even enforce what was just, For this purpose, and that Pomnpey might the he might expect a different issue to propositions less suspect any important design, he decamped so fair and so reasonable. And that in this event in the day, and( having a large circuit to make, Scipio would have the honour of tbeinr the redirected his ilarch at first from Dyrrachium, and storer of tranquillity and good order to Italy, of was thourht to retire for want of provisions; but peace to the provinces, and of prosperity to the in the niaght he changed his direction, and with whole empire.” Clodius was received with regreat diligence advanced to the town. Pompey spect; but on delivering his message, it appears havi-l inrtellihrence of the change which Caesar that all farther communication was refused him had mnlcle in his route during the night, perceived as a person who came to insult or amuse with his dlesin; and having a nearer wayv to Dyrra  false pretensions. Caesar, indeed, was himself, chiunn, still expected by a rapid march to arrive as usual, so far from trusting to the eflect of before him. But CTesar having prevailed on his these propositions, or so far from remitting his me!l, nl)twithstandinr the great fatigues of the own operations in order to confirm his pacific preceding day, to continue their march with little professions, that he even redoubled his efforts in interruption all night, was in possession of the that very quarter which was entrusted to Scipio; only avenue to the town. when the van of Pom-and as he had already possessed himself of Epipe.v’s army appeared on the hills. rus, Acarnania, and:Etolia, he carried his views Pompey thus*shut out from Dvrrachium, still farther on that side, aind sent Fusius Calenus where he had placed his magazines and stores, to be. joined by Longinus and Sabinus, and to anil fromn the only harbour he had on the coast, endteavour, by the isthmus of Corinth, to penewas obliged to take possession of the Petra, a trate into Achaia. smnall promontory which covered a little creek or He himself at the same time engaged in a prob-Iav not far from the town, and there endeavoured ject, which to those who do not recollect the to Su ppily the loss of the harbour, by bringing ships amlazing works which A ere fre] aently executed of burden ta unload, and by procuring supplies bv Roman armies, particularly trv that of Caesaf:n boats from his magazines and stores in the himself, will appear so vast, and even romantic, t)wn; and in thls manner was still in condition as to exceed belief: this project was no less than

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CIAP. VI.J OF THE RO(MAN REPUBLIC. 283 to invest Pompey in his camp, though at the But as Cesar could present his whole army in head of an army superior to his own, and ollire many places to cover the works he was execut him to recede from the coast, or submit to be ing, it was impossible, without risking a general invested with lines, and completely shut out action, which Pompey avoided, entirely to stop fiorn the country.

For this purpose he occupied his progress. several hi ls in the neighbourhood of Pompey’s In the course of these operations, it appears, camp, strengthened them with forts, joined those from the text of Cmesar’s Commentaries, though forts by lines of communication across the val-incomplete, that the armies changed the ground leys, and soon appeared to have projected a com-of their principal encampments as well as the plete chain of redoubts, and a line of circumval-disposition of some separate posts, and mutually lation. harassed each other with frequent surprises and Pompey, to counteract this daring project, took alarms. And Ctasar mentions no less than six possession of some heights in his turn, fortified capital actions which happened in one (lay at the and joined them in the same manner, and while lines of circumlvallation, or under the walls of the one endeavoured to contract, the other en-Dyrrachium; aend in most of them it is probalble deavoured to enlarge, the compass of their works. that Pomnpey had the advantage, as he acted on The archers and slingers on both sides, as in the the strinLr, or smaller circumference, while his anoperations of a siege, were employed to annoy tagonists moved on the bow, or the wider circle. the work!nen. The armies lay under arms, an(] Polnpev completed his own line of circunivallafought in detail for the possession of advan-tion to a circuit of fifteen miles, havino a chain of tageous grounds. When forced from one heigrht four-and-twenty redouhtg on the difterent hills which they attempted to occupy, they seized over which it was carried. By this work he upon another that was contiguous, anl still con-obliged Cwsar to recede half a mile beyond him, tinued their line, th6ugh obligred to change its and to extend his compass to about seventeen direction. miles in circunmference. In these operations, a campaign that begran in The extremities of both their works termiJanuary with the landing of Caesar on the coast nated on the shore; andl CTesar having no boats of Epirus, already drew on to the middle of sum-or ships to oppose to the numerous craft of his mer, and both parties had undergone great la-enemy, ought, perhaps, by the consideration of bour, and were exposed to peculiar distress. this very circumstance, to have been diverted at Casar’s army, already inured at the blockade of first from his project. But as he sought nlerely Alesia, and the sieges of Marseilles and of Ava-for occasions of action, he was contented with the ricurn, to toils like those in which they were now hopes of finding them even under such diisadvlanengaged, flattered themselves with a like glorious tages. While he was obliged to remain with the issue to their present labours. They were in strength of his army at that end of his line which want of bread, and obliged to substitute in its was nearest the town of Dyrrachium, illn order to place a kind of root boiled up with milk; but prevent the access of Pompey to his nlagazines, were comforted under this hardship with the he proposed to fortify the other extrenity of it prospect of fields which were replenished with with double works, and had already thrown up, ripening corn, and which gave the hopes of a at the distance of two hunlred varcls from each plentiful ha.rvest. They not only continued their other, two entrenchments, consisting of a parapet coutntervallations with incredible toil, but turned ten feet high, and of a ditch fifteen teet wide; one or interrupted all the rivulets or springs that facing the lines of Pompey, the other turned to formerly watered the grounds on which the ene-the field, in order to (ruard against any surplrise my were now encamped. from parties which, coming by water, ni(Tht land Pompey’s army, on their part, were less inured in his rear. He was likewise about to join thesse to such toilsome operations. They had plenty entrenchments by a traverse or flank, to cover of bread, which came to them with every wind, him from the sea. from the different coasts that were still in their Before this work was completed, Pompey mad(l possession, but were in great distress for want a disposition to force hinm at this extremity of his of water andl forage: many of their horses had lines, and of consequence to open a wtay to his died; the men, too long confined to the same rear over the whole extent of his works. FIor ground, and to the same air, which was infected this purpose he brought in the nitht six entire with filth, and the exhalation of putrid carcases, legions, or sixty cohorts, to that part of his own being reduced to the use of bad water, were be-works which fiiced this place. He emblarked a come extremely sickly. numerous body of archers, slingers, and other Pompey, nevertheless, held his enemy at some light troops, having their helmets and shields fordisadvantage by the superiority of his numbers, tified, as it seems was the custom, with basket and by the extent of line which he obliged him work, to break the fbrce of the stones which were to form arcd to defend; and it appears that he likely toshowerfromthe enemy’s parap(ets, an( furavailed himself of these advantages with all those nished with great quantities of fasciles and other abilities of a great officer’, which he was justly materials proper to fill up the ditch. This ernsupposed to possess. He ndt only forced Cmesar, barkation was effected in the nilght; and the ofwithout hazarding a general action, to recede ficer who comnnmanded it had orders to land part from many of the heights which he attempted to of the troops in the rear of both C:esar’s enoccupy, and obliged him, with great labour, to trenchments, and another part between them widen the compass of his lines; but likewise where the work was still incomplete. These alarmed him by various attacks on the works separate divisions were to be supported by tlhe which he had already completed, and in some whole frce of the legions in front, who were to places forced open the bars which the enemy had take advantage of anyv eflfect which the mnissiles placed in his way, and recovered his own corn-from their boats might produce on tzhe flank or munication anew with the country before him. the rear of the enemv.

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THE PROGRESS AND TERbMINATION [BOOK [V. These attacks were accordingly made at day by cutting it off. to recover part of the credit he break, in three different places at once, and had had lost in the late action.

While. to amuse the all the consequences of a complete surprise. enemy, he ordered his men to continue the work They fell with the greatest effect upon the sta-in which they were engaged, he himself marched tion of the ninth legion, of which the piquets with twentS-three cohorts, in two divisions, unand other guards being instantly routed, the der cover of the wood, came to the ground unob. whole legion was put under arms to support served, and with the division which was led by them; but soon infected with the panic, was himself, mixed with the enemy, who had already carried olf in the flight. Antony, who occupied taken possession of the exterior lines, and drove the nearest station on the heights, appearing in them from thence to the interior intrenchnlent, that instant with twelve cohorts, and a better with great slaughter. The other division being countenance, stopped for a while the pursuit of in the mean time to attack the same works at a the enemy, and furnished a retreat to the troops different place, mistook the line of communication that were routed. which covered the access from the campn to the The alarm was conveyed to Cesar himself, by river for the entrenchment of the camp itself, and fires lighted on all the hills, and he hastened to before they perceived their mistake, had run alonlg the ground with as many cohorts as could be this line to a great distance in search of an enspared from the posts in his way; but he came trance; when observing, at last, that the line too late, Pompey had already forced the entrench-along which they ran was not defended, the inments, had burst fromn his confinement, and was fantryv went over it first, and were followed by all beginning to encamp In a new position, where, the cavalry; but the time which they had lost by without losing his communication with the sea, their former mistake gave Pompev an opportunity he rendered abortive for a long time Cnsar’s pur-to come to the relief of his detachment. As soon pose of excluding him from the supplies of neces-as he appeared, Cesar’s cavalry, finding themsaries or conveniences which were to be derived selves entangled between the line of conlmlnunicafrom the land, and was now in a posture to comtion, the entrenchment of the camp, and the river, mand a free access to water and forage, from the began to retire with great precipitation, a-n(d were want of which he had been chiefly distressed in followed by the foot, who fell into great confusion. his late situation. That part of Pompey’s detachment, which, in the Thus C.esar, far from reaping the fruits which beginning of the action, had been deft’atedl by he expected from the labour of so many months, Casar, seeing themselves likely to be supported, began to incur the censure of a visionary pro-rallied in the rear-gate of the camp; and the party jector, who* presumed to practise on the ablest which Casar himself commanded against them, captain of the age the arts with which he had observing the precipitant retreat of the other disucceeded against ignorant barbarians, or, at vision, saw dangers and difficulties accumulating most, against generals of mean capacity. on every side. Imagining that they were about These circumstances, however, probably made to be surrounded, or shut up within the enemy’s no impression on Caesar himself, nor greatly works, they betook them to fligTht, crowded back altered the confidence of’ his army: he presented to the ditch, and, in attempting to repass it, were himself again before the enemy in their new killed in such heaps, or were trodden under foot position, and pitched his camp in their presence, in such numbers, that the slain filled up the ditch, still determined to act on the offensive, even in and made a passage for those that folloiwed. the sequel of attempts in which he had failed. In this state of general confusion alnd terror, An action accordingly followed, of which the re-the presence and authority of Cesar, which, on sult is evident, although it is difficult, from the other occasions, used to be of so great cffict, were imperfect text of his Commentaries, to ascertain entirely disregarded. The bearer of a standard, the detail. It appears that both armies had upon Caesar’s catchirg it, and endeavouring to changed the ground which they had taken imme-stop him, quitted his hold, and continued to run diately after the last action; that in this remove without it; a rider, whose horse he had seized Pompey had taken possession of the camp which bythe bridle, dismounted, and ran off on foot. The Caesar had left; and as his arnly, being more rout was complete; but the ditches and works, numerous, occupied more ground than that of amongst which the action began, as they embarCaesar had done, he made a second entrench-rassed the flight of the one party, so they retarded ment, quite round that which had been formerly the pursuit of the other; and Pompey, who did occupied by Caesar. This camp was covered by not expect such a victory, remained in suspense. a wood on one side, and by a river, at the distance He mistook the flight of Caesar’s army for a feint, of four hundred paces, on the other. to draw him into some ambuscade. In this he While Pomnpey lay in this position, he had was governed, probably by the high estinlation thrown up a line of communication from the for discipline ant valour to which Casar’s army flank of his camp to the river, in order to cover was so justly entitled; but which no troo!,s can his access to water. But after he had taken this uniformly support at all times: and if it he true, precaution, he thought proper to chal.,e his as is probable, that the flight of an army in actual ground, and had nmoved about the distance of rout may be always distinguished from a con half a mile on his march to occupy a new situa-certed retreat, he on this day committed an un tion, when, for some purpose that is not ex-pardonable error; and C sar, who may be inclined plained, he thought proper to send back a legion, to exaggerate the oversights, though not the ador large detachment of his army, to resume the vantages, of his enemy, owns that he himself lost possession of the catlp he had so recently left. about a thousand men, with above thirty standCaisar, on his part, being occupied in fortifying ards or colours, and owed the preservation of his a camp in the last situation he had taken, and army to the excessive caution or incapacity of observing this detachment sent off from the ene-Pompey. He himself acted indeed like a person my, thought it gave him a favourable opportunity, defeated, instantly abandoned all his famous lines

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~HAP. jI.] DF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 285 of Dyrrachium, and a,. us outposts; and to of the opposite party and of its abettors.2 Every make head against the victor, brought all the one considered the use which he himself was to scattered parts of his army together. make of the victory, not how it might be secured Pompey, in the mean time, lost the decisive or rendered complete. noment, or was not sensible of his advantage till The shock which Ciesar had received in so after the time for improving it was past.

But critical a time and situation, was, not without this victory, although it had not been perceived reason, supposed to be decisive; he had abandoned in the precise moment in which a signal advan-his lines, and called in all his outposts. His,age could have been made of it, was presently army appeared to sink under the weight of their afterwars greatly exaggerated. Pompey had misfortunes. Inferior to the enemy in numbers, from his own army the usual salutations of tri-greatly reduced by their losses, and fallen in their umph, or received the title of Imperator, which own estimation, they were not soon likely to rehe continued to assume, and sent his accounts of cover courage enough to contend for the field the action, by expresses, to every part of the again with so renowned and so superior an adempire; but had the moderation to abstain from versary. the practice that was usual in the case of victo-Caesar, however, was not overwhelmed by ries obtained over foreign enemies, that of bind-these appearances; he knew what was the force ing his fasces and his despatches with laurel. of an army which had been taught, by the expeCaesar, by carrying the war into Macedonia, rience of many years, to repose the utmost conhad put himself in a very arduous situation. He fidence in themselves and in their general, and had passed over a sea on which the enemy were which was not likely to sink, without hopes of masters, and had invaded a country of which recovery, under any single event. He considered they were in possession, with forces greatly supe-their apparent dejection as a symptom of indignarior to his own: but this daring adventure, which, tion, and of rage more than of’fear or debasement; even in its first successes, excited astonishment, and, instead of blame or reproach, soothed them now exposed him to censure, and his attempt to with consolation, and with the apologies which invest so great an officer as Pompey, at the head he industriously framed for their late miscarriage. of an army superior to his own, appeared altoge-He bid them recollect their former actions, and ther wild and extravagant. The merit of all his not be dismayed by a single accident which befel former campaigns, as is common, began to be them in the midst of a career sustained with a questioned by those who, after the event, can in-spirit so much superior to that of every enemy struct anld correct every general; and the glory they encountered: “If fortune has crossed us he had gained in the former part of the war was for once,” he said, “we must retrieve our losses entirelk obscured. He was even said to have by diligence and resolution. Difficulties only gained the Spanish army by corruption, and to excite the brave, and awaken their ardour; you have purchased with money the surrender which have formerly experienced difficulties, and every he pretended to have forced by his address and soldier who was at Gergovia will remember the his sword. People returned to their first appre-effects of perseverance and courage.” hensions, that Pompey was the greatest general He was sensible, however, that some particuwhich any age or nation had ever produced; that lar officers had set a shameful example; and he he had effectually put an end to the present con-supposed that by singling out these for punishtest, and had left nothing for his party to do but ment, he might seem to exculpate the soldiers, to reap the advantages of the victory he had ob-and reinstate them in their own esteem. Fol tained for them. this reason he dismissed, with infamny, some Some time before this event, and while the bearers of standards, who, he alleged, had misled minds of men were yet in suspense, Cato, in one the troops, whose object it is never to part from of the councils which had been summoned by their colours. By these means the sullen dejecPompey, observed that Caesar had acquired much tion of the legions was changed into rage, and popular favour by his ostentation of mercy, and an ardent impatience to retrieve their honour. by the hopes of protection which he held out to They did not presume to importune their geneevery man who did not actually take arms against ral to be entrusted so soon again with his for. him; while Pompey and his followers, by pub-tunes; but they imposed voluntary tasks, by wad lishing threats against all who did not actually of penance, on themselves, saying, that they ha. espouse their cause, had rendered the army of deserved to be loaded with hardships. Many of the republic an object of terror; he therefore the superior officers gave it as their opinion to moved that a proclamation should be issued, con-Caesar, that whatever resolution he might have taining assurances, that every town not actually taken for the future plan of the war, so favourin arms should be protected, and that no blood able a disposition in the army, and so Li;r an opshould be shed but in the field of battle. A re-portunity of yet ending the contest with honour solution to this purpose had been accordingly on the very ground on which they had incurred published;i but in the present exultation of vic-their late disgrace, should not be neglected, nor tory was forgotten. The times were said to resuffered to escape. Caesar, however, did not quire exemplary justice, and to’justify executions choose to stake his fortunes on the chance of a and forfeitures, not only of those who were ac-feverish ardour, which still had some mixture of tually in arms against their country, but of those consternation, nor to rely on a fury which had likewise who had betrayed its cause by a mean more of despair than of rational confidence, and profligate neutrality. The favourites of against the impetuosity of a superior army recentPompey already, in imagination, sated their re-ly flushed with victory. Nor was he safe to revenge, and gratified their avarice, at the expense main in his present situation, without any posts 1

Plutarch. in Vita Pompeii, p. 494. 2 Caes. de Bell. Civ. lib. iii. c. 88.

3 Ibid.

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286 THE PROGRESS AND-TERM1INTATION [BooK IV. n his rear to secure his commnr!llication with the the places he held on the coast. And having country, and without any immediate prospect of already one cohort at Lissus, placing three at supplv for the subsistence of his army. Oricum, and four at Apollonia, he continued his For these reasons, Cfesar determined, without route from thence to the southward. He proloss of time, to decamp and to remove to some posed, without delay, to penetrate into Thessaly, distance frol the enemy.l In the first night and to occupy, for the subsistence of his army, as after this resolution was taken, and as soon as it much as he could of that fertile country. He was dark, the sick and wounded, with all the flattered himself, that if Pompey should follow baggage, under the escort of a legion, were sent him thither, to a distance from his magazines and off; with orders that they should not halt till they his supplies by sea, the war might be continued reached Apolloria, being a march of about thirty between them upon equal terms. If he attempted miles. At three in the morning the main body to retake Oricum and the towns on the coast, he of the army, observing a profound silence, turned must expose Sciplo and the body under his comout of the camp by different gates, and took the mand, in the eastern parts of Macedonia, to be same route. Two legions yet remained for the separately attacked; or, if he wished to preserve rear-guard. These, after a proper interval, being Scipio and his army, he would be obliged to quit ready to depart, sounded the usual march to his design upon Oricumin order to support them. make the enemy believe the van of the army was If he should pass into Italy, it was proposed to then only beginning to move, and the whole being follow him by the coasts of Dalmatia. And this thus already on their way, and without any in-last alternative of carrying the war into Italy, cumbrance, they soon gained a considerable dis-from the difficulties, the delays, and the discredit tance from the enemy, who was likely to pursue to which it might have exposed Cwsar’s cause, them. appears to have been the preferable choice for Pompey, as soon as he was apprised of this Pompey. It was accordingly debated in council, retreat, drew forth his army, and followed with whether, being master of the sea, and having great expedition. After marching a few miles abundance of shipping, he should not transport he overtook, with his cavalry, the rear of Ctsar’s his army, recover the possession of the seat of army at the passage of the river Genusus; but government, and strip his antagonist of that aubeing received by the enemy’s horse, interlined thority which he derived from this circumstance? with infantry, could make no impression, and or, whether he should not stay to finish the resaw them effect the passage of the river without mains of the war in Macedonia? The advanany considerable loss.

tages likely to result from his return to Rome in Caesar, having completed an ordinary march, the capacity of victor, after he had left it with took possession of the lines which he had formerly some degree of disgrace, were obvious. But the occupied at Asparagium; but not intending to war appeared to be so near its conclusion, that it remain on this ground, gave orders to the legions was reckoned improper to leave any part of it to rest on their arms. He sent forth his cavalry unfinished. It was argued, that, by quitting the by the front gate in sight of the enemy, as if with present seat of the war, Caesar would be left to intention to forage; but with orders to turn round recover his forces in a country yet full of resources, the camp, and enter it again by the rear. _ Poln-and would only exchange the western part of pey supposing, from these appearances, that the empire for the east, from whence Sylla had Cresar had concluded his march, and that the been able, and from whence Pompey himself was business of the day was over, followed his exam-now about to recover the city and the possession ple, pitched in the same lines, which he likewise of Italy. hai fotrmerly occupied at this place, and suffered But what weighed most of all in these delivers his men to stray in search of forage anl’ wood; tions, the safety of Scipio required the present. many also who, in the hurry with which they of Pompey in Macedonia. If he should remov decamped in the morning, had left their baggage his army from thence, this officer, with the forces behind them, were now allowed to lay down recently arrived from Asia, would fall a sacrifice their arms, and returned to Dyrrachium in search to the enemy. of it. Upon these motives both armies, having their Caesar, who waited only until the halt he had several detachments in Thessaly, and separate bomade should produce this effect in the camp of diesto support or torescue from the dangers which the enemy, again put his army in motion about threatened them; the generals determined to noon, and without interruption on the same day march into that country, and calculated their recompleted a second march of eight miles; while spective movements, so as to cut off the enemy’s Pompey’s army, having already laid aside their parties, or to sustain their own. Caesar, by his arms and encamped, were not in condition to march to Apollonia, had been turned from his follow. Caesar continued his retreat during some way; and having the discredit of a defeat, and of the subsequent days in the same order, having being supposed on his fliglht, was harassed or ill his baggage advanced some hours before him: received by the country as he passed. The mesand Pompev, having lost some ground by the sengers, whom he had despatched to Domitius, delay of the first day, and having harassed his were intercepted; and this officer, while both ararmy in attempting to regain it, on the fourth mies were advancing, having made some moveday entirely discontinued the pursuit. ments in Macedonia in search of provisions, and This respite gave both parties leisure to con-having, with the two legions he commanded, sider the plan of their future operations. Caesar fallen into Pompey’s route, narrowly escaped, repaired to Apollonia to lodge his sick and and only by a few hours, being surprised and wounded, to pay off the arrears of his army, and taken. to make a proper disposition for the security of Cwesar, having arrived in time to rescue Dorni-…. - tius, and being joined by him as he passed the 1 Cas. de Bell. Civ. lib. iii. mountains into Thessalyi continued his march to

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CHAP. VI.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 287 Gormphi. The people of this place having re-diately ordered, as a signal of battle, a purple enfilsed to admit him, he scaled the walls, gave the sign to be hoisted on a lance in the centre of the town to be pillaged; and, intending, by this ex-camp.3

Appian says, that he likewise ordered ample, to deter others from retarding his march the pales to be drawn, and the breastwork to be by fruitless resistance, he put all the inhabitants levelled in the front towards the enemy, that his to the sword. When he arrived at Metropolis, army might not hope for a retreat, not ev7en bethe people, terrified by the fate of Gomphi, threw hind their intrenchments.4 open their gates; and Cresar, to contrast this with It was evidently Pompey’s interest to avoid a the fbr.ner example, gave them protection. From battle, and to wait for the effect of the (listrcrsses thence to Larissa, where Scipio, having fallen to which Casar’s army must have been exposed back from the Haliacmon, then lay with a consion the approach of winter. But this is the most derable army, the country was open, and Caesar, difficult part in war, requiring great a bilitv in the or his parties, were every where received without general, together with tried courage and discipline opposition. Having passed all the lesser rivers in the troops. A general may be qualified to fight which fall into the Penius, he took post on the a battle, but not dexterously to avoid an enemy Enipeus, which runs through the district of Phar-who presses him; an army may have that spesalia. Here he commanded extensive plains, co-cies of courage which impels them in action. but vered with forage and with ripening corn; had a not that de(gree of constancy which is required to very fertile country to a great distance in his rear; support them long unemployed in the presence and being joined not only by Dornitius, but pro-of an enemy. In whatever degree Pompey himbably likewise by the legion which Longinus self was qualified for the part which the service commanded in iEtolia, in all amounting to ten required of him, he was attended by numbers of legion’s, he was in a condition to renew his offen-senators and persons of high rank. who, thinking sive operations. themselves in a civil or political capacity, equal Pompey directed his motions likewise towards with their general, bore the continuance of their the. same quarter; but although he had the more military subordination with pain. They said, he direct route, and was every where received as was like Agamemnon among the kings, and provictor in the late action, was still on his march. tracted a war that might have been ended in a Scipio’advanced from Larissa to receive him; day, merely to enjoy his command. INursed in and being joined, they took post together on a luxury, and averse to business, petulant in safety, height near Pharsalus, and in sight of Ctesar’s useless in danger, impatient to be at their villas station, at the distance of thirty stadia, or about in the country, and their amusements in the three miles.2 The armies being some time fixed town; and anticipating the honours and sucin this position, Caisar drew forth, in the frontofI cessions to office which they iinagined due to his intrenchment, to provoke his antagonist. It their high merits in the present service, they was evidently not Pompey’s interest to give an railed at the conduct of their general, affected enemy, wuom he had brought into considerable courage by urging him to fight, whilst in reality straits, an opportunity of relief by the chance of they only wished to terminate the suspense and -a battle. But as this was a defiance, and had anxiety of a campaign, which they had not the some effect on the minds of the soldiers, it was resolution to endure. Many of the allies, then proper to return it; and both sides, during many also present in the army, who were princes of days, continued to turn out in the front of their high state in their own dominions, were imparespective lines. Caesa advanced, on each suc-tient of longer delay; and the troops of every cessive day, still nearer to Pornpey’s ground; but description, in imitation of so many respectable there were some difficulties in the way of his far-examples, were loud in their censures of so much ther approach, in which he did not choose to en-caution in their general. gage himself in the presence of an enemy, nor Pompey, urged by the clamours of his army, did Pompey choose to quit the eminence on which thought himself under a necessity to come to a he had hitherto formed his line of battle.

speedy decision, and had prepared for battle on The summer being far spent, and all the forage the morning of that very day on which Caesar and corn of the neighbouring plains being con-was about to decamp. Although he was sensible, sumed, Caesar began again to suffer for want of that in this conjuncture, it was not his interest to provisions, and having no hopes of bringing the hazard a battle, it is probable, that he did not enemy to a battle on this ground, he determined think the risk was great.

He too, as well as to change it, for some situation in which he could others of his party, became elated and confident more easily subsist his own army, or by moving upon his late success.6 His numbers greatly surabout, harass the enemy with continual marches, passed those of Caesar, especially in horse, archers, and oblige them perhaps to give him an opportu-and slingers; and he trusted, that, by this part nity to fight them on equal terms. Having re-of his army, he should prevail on the wings, and solved on this plan, and having appointed a day carry his attack to the flank. and even to the rear on which the armies should move, the tents beingr of the enemy. Having the Enipqus, a small already struck, and the signal to march given, river with steep banks, on his right, which suffiwhile the van was passingr through the rear-gate ciently covered that flank,6 he drew all the caof the canp, it was observed that Ponpey’s army, valry, amounting to seven thousand, with the being formed according to their daily practice, archers and slingers, to his left, expecting that had advanced farther than usual before their the event of the battle would be determinedl on lines. Caesar immediately gave orders to halt, this wing. He himself, therefore, took post to saying to those who were near him, ” The time we have so earnestly wished for is come; let us 3

Plutarch. in Vita Pompei. see how we are to acquit ourselves.” He imme-4

Appian. de Bell. Civ. lib. ii. 5 Cicer. ad Familiar. lib. vii. el. 2

Appian. de Bello Civ. lib. ii. 6 Appian. de Bello Civile, lib. ii

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288 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [Boox IV. second the operations of the cavalry, at the head which motion alone could give. The action be of the two famous legions which he had called came general near about tthe same time over the off from Cesar at the beginning of the war. vwhole front.

Pompey’s horse, as was expected, Scipio was posted in the centre, with the legions in the first charge, put Casar’s cavalry to rout, from Syria, having the great body of the infantry and, together with the archers and slingers, were divided on his right and his left. The right of hastening to turn the flank of the enemy. But the whole was covered by a Cilician legion, and as soon as they opened their view to the rear, bethe remains of the Spanish armly which hadl ing surprised at the sight of a body of infantry joined Pompey under Afranius. Thle whole which was drawn up to oppose them, and being, amounted to one hundred cohorts, or about forty-probably, from their confidence of victory, neglifive thousand foot, drawn up in a line of ten gent of order; in their attemptsto recover it they men deep.’ were thrown into the utmost confusion, and, Caesar, observing this disposition, formed his although there was not any enemy in condition army in three divisions; the left was commanded to pursue them, fled to the heights. The archers by Antony, the right by Sylla, and the centre by and slingers, being thus deserted by the horse, Cn. Domitius. The tenth legion was posted on were put to the sword. And Pompey’s left, on the right, and the ninth on the left of the whole. which he expected the enemy could not resist He had eighty cohorts in the field; but these so him, being flanked by the cohorts who had deincomplete, as not to exceed above twenty-two feated his cavalry, began to give way Cwesar, in thousand men. He saw the disparity of his order to increase the impression he had made, horse and irregulars on the right, having no more brought forward fresh troops to the front of his than a thousand horse to oppose to seven thou-own line; and while his reserve turned upon the sand of the enemy. In order to reinforce and flank, made a general charge, which the enemy sustain them, he draughted a cohort from each no longer endeavoured to withstand. of the legions in the right to form a reserve, which Pompey, on seeing the flight of his cavalry, an he placed in the rear of his cavalry with orders to event he solittle expected, either thought himself sustain them, or to repel the enemy’s horse, when betrayed, or despairing of’ the day, put spurs to they should attempt as he expected, to turn his his horse, and returned into camp. As he enflank. This body formed a fourth division of his tered the prwtorian gate, he called to the guards army, not placed in the same line with the other to stand to their arms, and to provide for the divisions; but facing obliquely to the right, in worst. “I go the rounds,” he said, “and visit order to receive the cavalry that was expected to the posts.” It is likely that surprise and mlortiturn the flank, and to fall obliquely on the rear. fication had unsettled his mind.

He retired to He himself passed along the front of the right his tent in the greatest dejection, and yet he wing, and earnestly entreated them not to engage awaited the issue.a His army, in the mean time, till they got the signal from hi’mself. He rebeing routed, fled in confusion through the lanes minded them of his continual attention to the of their own encampment. It was noon, and the welfare of the army, desiring them to recollect victors, as well as the vanquished, were greatly with what solicitude he had endeavoured to bring fatigued; but Caesar seldom left any refuge to a on a treaty, in order to save both armies to the flying enemy, not even behind their intrenchrepublic; andl how far he had always been from ments. He ordered Pompey’s lines to be stormed, any dispo.tion wantonly to shed the soldiers’ met with some little resistance fromn the guards blood. He was answered with shouts that ex-that were placed on the parapet, but soon prepressed an impatience to begin the action. Pom-vailed. The rout and the carnage continued pey had directed the cavalry and archers assembled through the streets and the alleys of the canmp, to on his left to begin the attack; and instructed the rear-gate and passages through which the them, as soon as they had driven Cresar’s horse vanquished crowded to recover the fields, and from the plain, to fall upon the flank and the from which, without any attempt to rally, they rear of his infantry. continued their flight to the neighbouring hills. These dispositions being completed, a solemn When Pompey’s army drew forth to battle, pause and an interval of silence ensued. The their tents were left standing, as in full contisame arms, and the same appearances presented dence of victory; and the plate, furniture, and themselves on the opposite sides. When the equipage of the officers were still displayed, as if trumpets gave the signal to advance, the sounds intended for show.

Notwithstanding this cirwere the same; many are said to have shed cumstance, Caesar had authority enough to retears.2 Being so near, that they had only space strain his troops4 from plunder, and continued the enough in which to acquire that rapid motion pursuit. Seeing crowds of the vanquished had with which they commonly shocked, Cwsar’s occupied a hill in the rear of their camp, he made army began to rush forward, while Pompey’s haste to surround them, and to cut off’ their agreeable to the orders he had given them, re-farther retreat. But they themselves having obmained in their places, expecting that the enemy, served, that the place was destitute of water, if they were made to run a double space in com-abandoned it before they could be surrounded, ing to the shock, would be disordered, or out of and took the road to Larissa. Caesar having orbreath. But the veterans, in Cesar’s line, sus-dered part of the army to keep possession of the pectings the intention of this unusual method of enemy’s camp, another part to return to their receiving an enemy, made a full stop; and, hav-own, he himself, with fbur legions, endeavoured ing drawn breath, came forward again with the to intercept the fugitives in their way to Larissa. usual rapidity. They were received with perfect order, but not with that resistance and equal force 3 Cass. de Bello Civ.

lib. iii. c. 94. 4 The spoils of an enemy were commonly secured I Frontinus de Stratagematis. by the Romans In a regular manner, to be equally di-‘2 Dio. Cassius, lib xli. c.58. vided.

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CHAP. VII.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 289 He had the advantage of the ground; so that senators and persons of rank, withdrew in the after a hasty march of six miles, he got before night, and made their escape; the rest surrender them; and, having thrown himself in their way, ed at discretion.

Persons of distinction, who had obliged them to halt. They took possession of a been formerly prisoners, and who had been set at height over a stream of water, from which they liberty, were now put to death. Some were ]oped to be supplied. Night was fast approach-spared at the intercession of their friends, to ing, and the pursuers were spent with fatigue; whom Caesar permitted that each should save one but Cwsar yet prevailed on his men to throw up of the prisoners.6 The private men took oaths some works to prevent the access of the enemy of fidelity to the victor, and were enlisted in his to the brook. WVhen overwhelmed with fatigue army. Coesar, having ordered such of his men, and distress, these remains of the vanquished as had been on service all night, to be relieved army offered to capitulate; and while the treaty from the camp, he himself marched with a fresh was in dependence many among them, who were body the same day to Larissa. CHAPTER VII. Comparative Loss on the diferent Sides in the late Action-Pompey’s Flight  is Death-Arrical of Cesar at Alexandria-Cato, with the Fleet and Remains of the Armyfrom Pharsalia, steers for Africa-State of Italy and of the Republican Party-Adrentures of Ccesar in Egypt-Victory over Phcirnaces-Arrival in Italy liutiny of the Legions-C
sar passed into Africa-HIis Operations and Action with the Horse and Irregulars of the Enemy-Post at Rjuspina-Siege of Uzita-Battle of Thapsus-Death of Cato. IN the famous battle of Pharsalia, Caesar, by to save this part of his family from fa.lling8 into his own account, lost no more than two hundred the hands of his enemies. Having taken them on men, among whom were thirty centurions, of-board, and being joined by some galleys of the ficers of distinguished merit. He killed of the fleet, after a delay of some days, occasioned by enemy fifteen thousand, took twenty-four thou-contrary winds, he set sail, continued his voyage sand prisoners, with a hundred and eighty stand to the coast of Cilicia, and from thence to Cvof colours, and nineteen Roman eagles and le-prus. He meant to have landed in Syria; but gionary standards; and on this occasion he cut being informed that the people of Antioch, upon off many senators and many of the equestrian the news of his defeat, had published a resolution order,6 the flower of the Roman nobility, who to admit none of his party, he dropt that intention, were the most likely to bear up the sinking for-and contented himself with what aids and reintunes of the commonwealth. forcements he obtained on the coasts of Cilicia Pompey, whln he was told that Caesar’s troops and Cyprus. He seized the money which was had already forced his intrenchments, changed found in the coffers of the farmers of the revenue; his dress, mounted on horseback, and having and having borrowed, or otherwise procured, conpassed through the rear gate of the camp, made siderable sums, he armed two thousand men, and his escape to Larissa. On the road he fell in having shipping sufficient to transport them, conwith about thirty horsemen who joined him. At tinued his voyage to Egypt. the gates of Larissa he received what he wanted The late king, Ptolemy Auletes, had been infor his journey, but declined entering the town, debted to the Romans and the patronage of Pomsaying, That he would do nothing to make a pey; and the kingdom being now on a respectbreach betwixt the inhabitants of that place and able footing, having a considerable military force the victor.7 From thence he passed by the valley in the field; this Roman leader, though of a van of Temp, e to the coast, and rested only one night quished party, flattered himself, that in the gratiin a fis’lerman’s cottage. Next morning he put tude of the Egyptian court he might find some off from tile shore in a small boat, with a few means to reinstate his affairs. of his attendants, and coming in sight of a trading On tile death of Ptolemy, who had been revessel, made signals, and was taken on board. stored to his throne by Gabinius, two factions had In this ship he steered to Amphipolis, came to an arisen in Egypt. The king leaving four children, anchor before that place, and, probably to conceal Ptolemy the elder, Cleopatra, Arsinoe, and Ptohis farther intentions, issued a proclamation ad-lemy the younger, had by his will bequeathed his dressed to all the districts of Macedonia, and re-crown to Ptolemy the eldest of his sons, together quiring new levies to be made, and all the youth with Cleopatra the eldest daughter. This brother of the province to assemble forthwith at this and sister being by the laws permitted to marry, place. But having received some supplies of were in the capacity of husband and wife assomloney, lihe remained only one night at Amphli-ciated on the throne. But the council of the polls. HIis wife Cornelia, and Sextus the young-young king proposed to set aside the will by ex est of his.Jons, were at Mitylene, in the island of cluding Cleopatra. In execution of this design, Lesbos; thither he proposed to sail, and, without having obliged her to leave the kingdom, and to having settled his plan any farther, was anxious fly for protection into Syria, they had taken post with a great army at Pelusium to prevent her return, she being said to have assembled a numerous 5 Dio. Cass. lib. xli. c. 62.

6 Appian. (te Bell. Civ. lib. ii.’ Dio. Cass. lib. xlii. c. 2.: 8 Cesar, Appian, Plutarch.‘20

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29-0 TI-E PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK IV. force in Asia for that purpose.’ Pompey observ-Thus died Pompey, who for aoove thirty years ing this army upon the shore, concluded that the enjoyed the reputation of the first captain of his kin;g was present, camne to anchor, and sent a age.

The title of Great, originally no more that messagce with inrtimation of his arrival, and of his i a casual expression of regard from Sylia, condesire to join h’; forces with those of Egypt. tinued. in the manner of the Romans, to be The council,ff Ptolemy consisted of three per-riven him as a mark of esteem, and a name oi sons, Achillas, who commanded the army; Pho-distinction. lte attained to more consideration. tinus, a eunuch, who had the care of the finances; and enjoyed it longer than any other Roman and Theodotus of Samos, who was the preceptor citizen; arid was supplanted at last, because, fot or literary tutor of the young king. These coun-rn-ncry years of his life, he thought himself too sellors, knowing that the Romllans had been higi to be rivalled, and too secure to be shaken lnamed executors of the late king’s will,2 and in in i-s place. His last defeat, and the total ruin this capacity might restore Cleopatra to her share which ensued upon it, was the consequence )f an in the throne, arld that Pompey, in name of the overweeningconfidence, which left him altogether republic, might assume the supreme direction in unprepared for the first untoward event. The Egypt, were greatly alarmed upon receiving his impression of his character, even after that event message, and came to a resolution to )put himn to was still so strong in the minds of his enemies, death. By this atrocious action they exi:ected to that Caesar overlooked all the other remains of rid themselves of one dangerous inl;iuder, and( to the vanquished party to pursue their leader. merit the favour of his rival, who by this decicive The accounts which Cesar received at Larissa stroke was to become the sovereign of the empire, made him believe that Pompey must have passed and fully able to reward those who took a season-into Asia; and he accordingly, on the third day able part in his quarrel. after the battle of Pharsalia, set out in pursuit of With this intention Achillas, with a few of his him with a body of horse, ordering a legion tc attendants, came on board in a small boat, de-follow. In passing the Hellespont, he was salivered a message from Ptolemy, inviting Pompey luted bv some galleys which guarded the Straits, to land. In the mean time some Evlp)tian gal-under Lucius Cassius. These surrendered themleys, with an intention to secure him, drew near selves, and, with their leader, made offer of their to his shilp; and the whole arnmy, with the king at service to the victor. From thence he continued their head, were drawn out on the shore to receive his marceh by the coast of Ionia, receivingr the him. The size of the boat, and the appearance submission oi’ the towns in his way. And l ecinlg of the equipage which came on thaisi errand, come into Asia, lie had intelligence of Pomlpey’s seemed disproportioned to the rank of Pompey; operations in Cyprus, of his departure fronm and Achillas made an apology, alleging, that thence, and of his continuing to steer for the deeper vessels could not go near enough to land coasts of Egypt. In order to be in condition to him on that shallow part of the coast. Pompey’s follow him hither, he put into the island at friends endeavoured to dissuade him from accept-Rhodes, where he provided transports sufficient ing of an invitation so improperly delivered; but to embark the legion which he ordered to follow he answered by quoting two lines from Sopho-him from Thessaly, and another from Achaia, cles, which implies, that whoever visits a king, with eight hundred horse. To these he joined a thoulgh he arrive a free mant, must become his convoy of ten armed galleys of this island, and slave. Two of his servants went before him into some Asiatic ships.4 the boat to receive their master; and with this With this force Caesar set sail for Alexandria, attendance he put off from the ship. His wife and arrived, after a passage of three days.5 Here Cornelia, and Sextus the youngest of his sols, lie learned the catastrophe of Pompey’s life; and with some other friends, remained upon deck, had presented tohim by the courtiers of Ptolemy, sufficiently hmunbled by the preceding strokes of who were impatient to recomnmend their services, fortune, anxious for the future, and trembling the head of the deceased severed from thel body, under the expectations of a scene which was act-Iwith his seal, which was known throughout the ing before them. Soon after the barge had left empire, being that with wh;ch his signature was the ship, Pompey looking behind him, observed put to all letters, acts, and public writings: but among the Egyptian soldiers a person whose Caesar either really was, or affected to be, seized countenance he recollected, and said to him, with a momentary compunction; is said to have Surely, fellow soldier, you and I have somewhere turned away from the sight, and to have wept.6 served together.

While he turned to speak these This able actor probably had tears, as well as words, Achillas beckoned to the other soldiers, words, at command; and could sanctify, under who understanding the signal to put the Roman the most specious appearances, the evils which his general to death, struck hint with their swords. ambiticn had produced. From this event, howPompey was so much prepared for this event, that ever, which he thus afiected to regret, and no he perceived the whole of his situation at once, sooner, he became secure, and seems to have and sunk without making any struggle, or utter-dated the termination of the war. He according one word.3 This was donD in the presence of ingly landed without precaution, and being dethe king of Egypt, and of his army, who were tained at first by the usual periodical winds of ranged on a kind of amphitheatre formed by the the season, became entangled in difficuities, or shore. The vessel m which the unhappy Coy-engaged in pleasures, which occasio)ned( a very nelia with her family was left, and the little unaccountable stay, suspended the expectations squadron which attended it, as if they had received a signal to depart, cut their cables and fled. 4 C0s. de Bell. Civ. libi. iii. 5

App. de Bell. Civ. lib. ii. The two legions which he led in this service amounted only to three thousand! 1 Casare, de Bell. Civ. lib. iii. 2 Cs sate, ibid. two hundred men; so much had the army in general 3 App. de Bell. Civ. lib. ii. Plut. in Pomp. Livii suffered in their late campaigns.

epitomie, lib. cxii. 6 App. ibid.

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CHAP. VII.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 291 of the, whole empire, and gave to those of the For these, perhaps, and other reasons which are opposite party leisure to:onsult their safety in not mentioned, Cato-landed at BerenicE: and different ways from thence conducting his army, then consisting Cato, upon the march of Pompey into Thes-of’ ten thousand men, in small d(ivisions, through saly, had been left to command on the coast of the deserts of’ Barca, ~n(1 round the bay of the Epirus; and his quarters, after the battle of | Syrtes; and havingr, (luring thirty days, encounPharsullia, becanle a place of retreat to mi-any tered with manvn difficulties from the del th of who escaped fiom the field, or who, at the time the sands and the scarcity of water, he eflected of the action, had been detached on (lifFeirent ser-his march to the frontier of the Roman province.8 vices. He-asse,-llledl great part of the fleet at Caesar, when he passed into Macedonia, had Corcyrl; and, with his sea and land forces united, left Italy and the western provinces in a state not still preserved the aspect of a vigorous party. liliely, in his absence. to create any trouble. But Cicero,, Cnreus the eldest son of Polnpey, Afrl-the uncertain, and even unfavourable aspect of nius, Labi’nus, and other persons of distinction his affiirs, for somne time after his landing in Epihad j )iried him. Among these Cicero, as beinng rus, had encouraged those who were discontented ti’e first in rank, wvas olfered the command; an’d to question the validity of his acts, and to disrehavinor decline(d it, narrowly escaped with his eard his arrangements. The army in Spain havlife fromn the fury of young( Pompev, who consi-ing mutinied, deserted from 0Q. Cassius, and put dlered }lis refusal as a desertion of the cause, and themselves under the command of M. Maarcellus as an ar:t of perfidy to his father, whose fate was tEserninus, who, however, (lid not openly declare yet unknown.7 Cicero, beinlg protected by Cato himself for either party, till after the event was and others, who were present, escaped into Italy; decided in favour of Caesar. and declmininc the command of an army, re-At Rome, it is probable that few had remained served, for scenes in which lte was better quali-besidles those who were inclined to C sar’s party, fled to act, talents which had been, on former or at least such as were indifferent to both; and occasions, of so much use to his fellow citizens. that some persons, even of the last description, It appeared that Cato had even disapproved of thought they had an interest in his success, as his having joined either party in this war, and being their only safety against the menacing dewished him to have devoted his life and his abi-clarations of his adversary, who, in all his proclalities entirely to ti,,Ae services which he was mations, treated neutrality between the parties as better qualified to render to his country, in the treason to the conmmonwealth. But the uncertain senate, and in the popular assemblies, than in state of his fortunes, while the event of the war the field. remained in suspense, and still more after his deIt is probable that Cato had already taken his feat at Dyrrachilnm, encouraged or templted nuamown resolution not to submit to Cresar, nor to hers, even in the city of Romne, to declare for survive the fall of the commonwealth; but he Pompey. Marcus Caelius, who, in the preceding treated with great candour such as chose to year, had, upon disgust, or hopes of proimoting makettheir peace, and to retire from the storm. his own fortune, gone with Antony and Curio to Having staid a sufficient time at Corcyra, to join Caesar, and who was now, by the influence receive on board such of the vanquished army as of the prevailing party, elected one of the praethose to take refuse in the fleet; and having af-tors; being moved by afresh disgust from the parterwardrs put into Patrae, near the mouth of the ty he had joined, or by its apparent decline in the Gulp’l of Corinth, for the same purpose, he still field, openly declared himself against Cesar’s meagave every one his option to continue in arms, or sures. offered protection to debtors against the to retire. He seems to have supposedl that Pom-execution of his laws relating to bankrupts, drove pey was gone into Egypt, and he determined to his own colleague Trebonius by force from the follow him; hoping, that after the junction of prwetor’s tribunal, and gave such an alarm, that this great reinforcement, he might, either there the senate thought themselves under the necessity or in the province of Africa, renew the war with of giving the consul Isauricus the usual charge to advantage. Bein(g, in pursuance of this design, guard the commonwealth as in times of extreme arrived in the Afrlican seas, but west of the fron-danger. Upon this decree the consul took arms tier of Egypt, he met the unhappy Cornelia, with to preserve the peace, and Crelius was obliged to the young Sextus Pompeius, who had recently leave the city. About the same time Milo, who beheld the death of the husband and the father still lay under sentence of banishment, ventured, near the shore at Pelusium. The account which at the head of an armed force, to land on the he received of this event determined him not to coast, and attempted to make himself master of continue his voyage any farther to the eastward; Capua. While he was enrigaged in this enterbut to return towards the Roman province of prise he was joined by Crelius; but both were Africa, where the friends of the republic under soon after surrounded and cut off by the tbores Varus, in consequence of the defeat of Curio, and which Cesar had left for the protection of Italy.9 the alliance of Juba, still kept the ascendant, and These disturbances, and every appearance of lately received an accession of strength by the opposition to the party of Cesar, were again junction of Scipio ant l of Labienus, who had easily suppressed upon the news of his victory escaped from Pharsalia. But the periodical winds at Pharsalia.

The populace, who generally range which about the same time began to detain Ccesar themselves on the victorious side, and who are at Alexancdria, mande it imipossiblle, or at least equally outrageous in every cause they espouse, dangerous, for him to continue his voyage along celebrated the occasion, by pulling down the a coast that was covered to a great extent,. ie st;tues of Pompey and of Sylla. There was famous shoals and sand-banks of the Svrtes. 8 Strabo, lib. xvii. p. 836. 7 Plutarch. in Vit. Ciceronis. Dio. Cass. Jib. xlii. 9 Liv. Epitome, lib. cxi. Dio.

Cassius, Jib. xlii,.. -12 c.. c2. B

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29‘2 T”E PROGRESS AND TERMI gATION [BOOK IV. either no senate, and no assembly of the people given express permission, to set their foot in to resist the torrent with which fortune now ran Italy.2 on the side of military government, or the names Such was the state of affairs at of senate and people were, without debate or dif-U. C. 706. the end of the year of Rome 705, ference of opinion, put to decrees, by which the and beginning of the following year supreme power of life and death over the sup-C. Julius which is dated in the dictatorship of posed adherents of the vanquished party was-Ccsar Dict. Caius Cesar. While he himself committed to the victor. By these decrees, the AIteonius still remained in Egypt, the govern power of making war or peace, and of naming lag. Eq.

ment of Italy continued in the hands commanders and governors in all the provinces, of Antony. All orders of men vied, was committed to Casar. He was, by a new in demonstrations of joy, for the success of the and unheardof l solution, made consul for five victor, and for the ascendant which his party had years, dictator for twelve months, and vested gained.

They still probably hoped to have the with the sacred character of tribune for life. He form of the republic preserved, while no more alone was appointed to preside in all public as-than the administration of it should pass from sembllies, except those of the tribes, in which the the ruined party to those who were now in power: other tribunes bore an equal part with himself. but in the first steps of the present government When these decrees were presented to C sar, they found themselves disappointed.

The usual then in Egypt, he assumed the ensigns and power election of magistrates, which, even in the height of dictator, and appointed Antony, who com-of the war had never been omitted, now at the mandedl in Italy, general of the horse, or second end of it, and when no enemy any where apto himself in the emrpire. The reputation of peared to alarm the party, were all of them, exCmsar’s clemency had encouraged many, who cept that of the tribunes, entirely suspended or had recently opposed him, to lay down their laid aside. All government centred in the perarms, and to return to their habitations, trusting son of Antony, and the adhninistration was altoto this character of the victor, or to other consil-gether military.

He himself, immersed in (lederations more particularly applicable to them-bauch, past the greatest part of his time in the selves. Cicero returned to Italy, and waited for company of buffoons and prostitutes; frequently Cresar in the neighhourhood of Brundusium. shifted the scene of his frolics from the town to Gails Cassius, who had commanded the fleet the country, and travelled through Italy with a which had been assembled for Pompey from the field equipage, and a numerous train of carriages. 3oasts of Syria and Cilicia, having sailed to filled with courtezans and their retinue. In these Sicily, while the army yet lay in Pharsalia, sur-processions he himself is said to have sometimes prised and burnt the shipping, amounting to appeared in a carriage that was drawn by lions.1
thirty-five vessels, of which twenty were decked, In this tide of success, as he was ungracious and which Casar had assembled at Messina, and arrogant to citizens of the highest rank, so he was about to have forced the town to surrender, was indulgent to the troops, and deaf to all the when he was informed of the defeat of Pompey cbmplaints that were made of their violence and in Thessaly, and set sail for the coast of Asia.

rapine. Being equally apt to set the example of Here he waited for Cresar at the mouth of the disorder and license in his own practice, as he Ctydnus, without being determined, whether he was to indulge them in others, his retainers fredrould attnempt to destroy or submit to the victor. quently alarmed the city with rapes, robberies, Fronl the correspondence of Cassius with Cicero, and murders, and made the pacific inhabitants of it ap)ears, that, like this distinguished senator, Italy expect, with the arrival of Ctesar, a conhe wvas ablout to withdraw from the ruins of a tinual increase of such disorderly masters to sport party which he could no longer support. Cicero, on the ruins of the commonwealth. nevertheless, afterwards ascribes to him a design The worst men, as usual, were the most forof killinr C.esar at this place, if the prey had ward in paying their court to the party in power. not escaped him by going to a different side of The nearest relations became spies or informers the river from where he was expected to land. against each other. Fears or complaints uttered Upon this disappointment Cassius made his sub-were reported as crimes. A general silence andl nmission, and delivered up his fleet.l Quintus distrust ensued, and all parties wished or dreaded Cicero went to Asia, to make his peace with the arrival of Cnsar, according as they expected Cassar; and many, expecting him in Italy, re-to lose or to gain by the fall of the commonwealth. sorted thither on the samne errand. In this num-In this interval of expectation, men discovered ber, it was reported that Cato and L. Metellus their gloomy apprehensions, by propagating meant to present themselves as persons who had strange fictions of ominous appearances, or by (lone no wrong, and who came openly to resume magnifying things natural into alarming presages their station in the commonwealth. Cesar fore-and prodigies.4 saw the difficulties that might arise to himself The daily expectation of Cesar’s arrival for from the presence of such men; that they would some time, suspended all the usual factions in greatly embarrass his government by opposing it, the city, and suppressed the hopes and designs or, in order to rid hi:nself of such troublesome of his opponents in all parts of the empire: but guests, reduced him to the necessity of pullin(r off his unexpected stay at Alexandria. and the unthe lmask of moderation andl clemency, which he favourable reports of his situation, which were had hitherto assumed. For these reasons, he chose sometimes brought from thence, began to turn rath(tr to prevsent their comingr, than to contend the tide of popularity at Rome, and encouraged with them after they were come; and sent posi-the remains of the late republican party, now tlve orders to Antony, to forbid Cato, Metellus, an1d every other person, to whom he had not 2 Caesar. de Bello Civil. lib. iii. ep. q et 7. __3 Plut.

in Vita Antonii, p. 74, 75. I Casar. de Bello Civil. lil. iii. 4 Dio.

Cass. lib. xlii. c. 26

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CHA.P. VIIT.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 293 forced to take refuge in Africa, again to lift up chose to leave him behind on the coast. Scipio its head.5
adopted the same conduct with respect to this Dolabella, a young man of patrician extrac-partizan of the commonwealth, and joined to the tion, observing the roads which others had taken, motives of jealousy, which actuated Pompey, a by becoming tribunes of the people, to arrive at distrust of the inclination recently shown by the power in the commonwealth, procured himself, in army to prefer him in the command. In order imitation of Clodius, to be adopted into a plebeian that he might not’ interfere in his counsels, he family, to the end that he miight be legally quali-assigned or suffered him to take a separate station fled to hold this office; and having accordingly at Utica, where he continued to be the principal succeeded in this desien, revived the wild projects support of the cause. The inhabitants of this by whi,‘h the worst of his predecessors had endea-place were obnoxious to Ponlpey’s party; and voured to debauch the lower ranks of the people. having formerly received Curio with the forces Ile proposed an abolition of debts, and a reduc-of Ctesar, and ever favoured his interest, were tion of house-rents. Being opposed by Trebonius, now doomed to destruction, but saved at the inone of his colleagues, their several retainers fre-tercession of Cato, who, in this extremity of poquently, as usual, proceeded to violence in the litical evils, wished not to increase the suflirins streets; anid although the senate passed a decree of mankind by unnecessary actsof revenge and to suspend every question or subject of’ debate cruelty. until the arrival’

of Ciesar, these tribunes con-The spirit of the republic thus reviving in tinued to a:sc-inltle the people, kept them in a Africa, and the party being in condition to referment bv opposite motions, and filled the public ceive all who fled to thent for protection, and places with tumult an(d bloodshedl.6 Mark An-having the alliance of Juba, the most powerful tony, second ill comlallnd to Caesar, under pre-prince of that continent, soon becasme formidable tence that such disorders could riot be restrained both by sea and by land; and if they had chosen without a military force, took pIossession of the to invade Italy in the absence of Casar, were in city with an arnlv; and while he sometimes condition to have regained the capital of the emfavoured one party, and somretimes the other, pire. Young Pompey having, at the romne. time, continued to govyrn the bhc!e at discretion.7 passed into Spain, was favourably received by The trooaFs about thensame time became muti-his father’s adherents and clients in that province, nous in their quarters; and these disorders rose and profiting by the misconduct of Quintus or fell according to the reports that were propa-Cassius in those parts, was likely to assemble a gated from Asia or Egyp-relating to the state of considerable force. Casar’s atfiirs. T’he spirits and hopes of the Gabinius, who commanded for Casar on the late repub!ican pa.ris, which yet had some foot-coast of Illyricum, attelnpting to penetrate by ing in Aft’rica and S;pain, likewise fluctuated in land into Macedonia, was cut off’ by Octavisis, the.alme mannier. it is highly probable, that if who had assembled a remnant of Pompey’s lrmin C’esar had pursuet, the other remains of this on the confines of that kingdom. Dollitius Cal paity with the same ardour with which he pur-visius, whom Cnsar had appointed to comrnmnd sued Pompey in pccso-n, or if he could have re-in Bithynia, had received a defeat from Plharturned to the capital ir-ediately on the death of naces the son of Mithridates; and in general, his rival, they never would have attempted, or the state of his affairs in other parts of thle empire would have been able to renew the contest; but was such, while he himself continued uniheard of the leisure which he left them, and the ill aspect in Egypt, as to raise a suspticion of some misforof his own affairs, for some time encouraged and tune, supposed to be the only way of accountino enabled them to recover a strength, with which for his long stay in that country, alnd for the they were yet in condition to dispute the domi-seeming neglect of all the advantages he hadl nion to which hie aspired.

gained by a conduct hitherto in every instance Cato, who, with the remains of the republican decisive and rapid. Pompey had f:allen by treacheparty from Elirus, had arrived on the coast of ry in Egypt, and so might Cesar.

It was now Africa, being informled that Varus still held the the middle of June, aid there was no intirnation Roman province on this continent in the name received in Italy of the timle at which he mnight of the republic, that Scipio was there, and that be expected to return. EIe had written no letthe kinr of Numidia persisted in his alliance ters since the middle of December, nor had any against Cesar, determined to join them. At his one come from him at Alexandria since the mrid arrival, Sci)io and Varus being on bad terms, he dle of March.8 received an offer of’ the command from the gene-The imperfect accounts which remain of what ral voice of the army; but his acceptance being passed in Egypt dluring this i.ttrval, are as follikely to increase, rather than to appease aninmo-lows: Cmsar, at his arrival, had found the young sities, and the prefeirence being constitutionally king under the direction of Pothinus; andl Arsidue to Scipio as of consular rank, Cato had no no’, the sister of the king, ill the keeping of doubts in declillins( it. Neither Pomlpey nor Ganimedes, two eunuchs who had the care of Scipio ever consitdered him as their personal their education. From his manner of receiving frienld; his services they knew were intenlded to the present of Pompey’s head, these officers conthe republic, and would turn against them when-jectulred that they had gained nothing by the ever they came to Ill ke that use of their adlvan-nmurder of one of the rivals, who were engaglTed tatres to whllich it is likely they were both inclined. irk this contest for the Roman empire; an(l thlat Poms[pey was accordingly ever jealous of Cato, this action, although it freed Cesar of’an enemy and il the last part of’ the campaign in Thessaly whom he respected and feared, was not to be publicly avowed or rewarded by him. They 5 Cicero ad.Attic. lil). xi. ep. 1ti. 6

Eigtht hrn;lred citizens were killed in these frays. 7 Dio. Casss. lih, xlii. c.‘2:. 8 Cicer. ad Att. lib. xi p. 1.G et 17.

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394 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [Boos IV dreaded the interposition of this dangerous man I supposed to betray the interest of their master, in in their affairs, more than th y had dreaded even whose name they appeared, were by the.orders that of Pompey. of Achillas seized and slain.

Caesar, hwa ever, The troops now in Egypt, were the remains hbeing still in possession otf Ptolemy’s peisot,, res of that army with which Ciahinius had restored presented Achillas as a rehel and anll outlaw, and the late king, and which he left to secure his still, in the name of the kiing, issued repeated establishmient. They were recruited lby desert-orders and piroclamations aopainst him. er. from the Roman prov’inces, and by banditti Achillas being arrivedl at Alexandria, entered from Syria and Cilicia. Tlhey retained the fobrm the city, and enldeavoured to foirce Cwasar’s luarof the roman legion; but had prclurded them-ters; but being repulsed, took posssssion oft that selves from any prospect of return to!lie Roman part of the town which Ivas open to him, and service by a mutiny, in which they had murdered blocked uip the remainder both byv sea and land. the two sons of Bibulus, then proconsul of Syria. The city being thus divided, the’ErVpytiaisti and Numbers of the men were married, and had fiomi-Romians foutht in the streets, anrid from the lies in Egypt; they were in the practice of dis-houses whic[i they severally occupied.

Cesar, posing of the lives and properties of the people, as he despaired of being able to receive any sucf the otfictis attzourt, antd of tihe crown itself at cours by land, endeavoured to keep open his their pleasure. A party of this insolent rabb!e, communication by sea, and sent Ipressini o’lers then in earrison at Alexarcia, and in the cha-to Syria, Cilicia, Rhodes, and Crete, for rifircteracter of guards to the pmrson of the kidn, took inents of men and of ships. Having early (lisoflne acit the parlade wvith whlich Ciesar landed, covered that Pothinus, who was still in his lwer, awli were oflendmdl with the number and show of corresponded with the enemyv, he rdered l imi to his lictors, by which hlie seemed to encroach on be put to death, cotinueild to strenithlen ihis diithe ilmajesty of their sovereign. Frequent tu-vision of the town bv additional Ibarri rs; ranI in mults arose oni this account, and numbers of Cn-order to prevent surprise, deilolishiied and cleared sar’s attendiants were murdered in the streets. away many of the buildinigs p.ioiinri ti his Tie westcerly winds were then set in, and lie works. Achillas, findinr so, uiuch unliexpit’tccd. tfinmiim himself ietained in a place where he was resistance, sent fr reinlorcemcient, aindl a sutljly exposed to so inuch insult, ordered a reinforce-of stores and warlike cenuines, from every part of nIrit of tiroops from Asia, andl employed Mithri-the kingdom. Hle traversed, witlh breast waorks, dates of Perganius to bring all the tfhrces he could the streets leading to C isar’ s quarters, andtI deasst;btle tltee to hi. retlief The party of Cleo-inolishing the houses in his way, effected a chain patra -applied to lhim for his protection; she her-of works parallel to those of Cmsar, consisting of stlf; bo’ili still in Syria, ventured to pass into a parapet and frequent towers.

Heexlhorte! the ait, c;mme to Alexandria by sea, and is said to Egyptians to exert themnselves for the indepenbhavse blll (carried, wrapped up in a package of’ dlency of their kingdom; represented to them, carpet, to the pre esic of Cmesar. “That the Romans were gradually assuming In this nc’uirr, it is preteincid that Ctesar be-the sovereignty of Egyp)t; that Galbinius had cames aIc uaine with the perfson of thils celebrated come asa, u cure m acqcmmnten it It Ie nerson of fhiis celebrated come as an auxiliary, lbut acted as a master; that wonian, thenin the bloon of y(;uth, arid possessed Pompey on being defeated in Thessaly, came o’:those alluremenio ts by wlhiclh she mnade dilferent into Egypt,l as to a property which he had a coniquerors cf’ thie word, in their turns, for a rigiht to employ in repairing his ruined fortunes; wli!le renounce the pursuits of amnbition for those that Pompey hadi fillen in vain, if Cmsar were of I lansure. She is supposed at this time to I taiely suficred to succeed him; that if this intruhaie become the mistress oi’ Cmsar, and to Ihave tier were allowed to keep possession of the city, made him, thoughi turned of fifty years, to foruet until his succours should arrive from Asia, all the enipire. the reicpublic, the faictions at Rotme, EgTypt for the future must expect to be the slaves and the aramies which in Africa and Spain were of the Romians.” assembling ageainst hlin. Urder thle dominion of The dange r to which Caesar was exposed, his passion for Clepatra, he took a resolution to arose no less from the remains of the republican carry into execution the destination miade by the party now assemblinu agrainst him in Africa than late, king, and in the quality of Roman consul it did fron the force with which he was actually and representative iof the Roman people, to whomc assailed in Egypt. If Scipio had been apprised this ofnice had been entrusted by the will, he of his condition in that country, he might in a conmmanded both parties to lay down their arms, few days have sailed to Alexandria, and in conandi to subimit their claims to his own arbitration. junction with the Egyptians, who would now Pothinus, fi aring the total exclusion of the have accepted of any assistance against Cesar, younn king, his pupil, in favour of’

Cleopatra, have recove redn the fill of their party it Pharsacalled Achillas wvith the army to Alexandria, in lia; but the best opportunities are sonictimes lost, order to defeat Csar’s Ia s urpose, and obligned him because it is not suipposed that an ememiy could to leave the kingdom.

This armcy consisted of be so rash as to furnish them. twenty thousand men inured to bloodshed and [he smceie in Egypt was frequently chanoing violence, thcough long divested of’ the ordter and by the intrigTues and the treachery of cdifterent discipline of Romain troops. C sar hearinmr of parties in the court. Ganimedtles who had the their approach, and not heing in condititon to charge of the young princess, ArsinoP, being hIimeet them in the fiehl seized ancd fortifiled a therto loded in the quarters of Caesar, found quarter of the town, in wlhich he proposed to de-mIeans to make his escape, together with his fend himnself. The voung Ptolenmy being in his ward; and findint the troops disposed tolay hold po’wer, was Iprevailed on to despatch two persons of Arsinoc, as a branch of the royal famnily, em-:f distiniction with a message to Achillas, signify_ing the king’s pleasure that he should not ad-;ance; but the bearers of this message, as beiig 1 Hirtius de Bello Alexandrino.

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CHAP. VII.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 295 ployed assassins to put Achillas to death; and, Itenance mnis own cause, or to discredit that of his in name of the princess, took on himself the enemies; but the king being extremely averse to command of the army. His abilities as an officer, this use being made of his authority, and desirous which were very considerable, and his bounty, to recover his liberty, entered into a concert with secured to him the afifction of the soldiers. H:e some officers of his army, to find a pretence for rontinued the attack on Cwsar’s quarters, in all his release.

In pursuit of their design, they conthe ways which were already begun by his pre-veyed secret intimation to Cwsar’s quarters, that tecessor.‘The town being firnished with water the troops were greatly disgusted with Ganinedes, Dy subterraneous passages from the neighbouring and that if Ptolemy should make his appearance neights, hlie uncovered the conduits which led to in person, they would certainly submit to his orCiesar’s division of the town; and, to render tiers, and conmmnit the whole settlement of the kingthese conduits unserviceable, forced into themi dom to the arbitration of Cmsar. The kin, was great quantities of brine from the sea. The loss instructed to afiect a great dislike to this prolposal, however was soon supplied from wells, in which, and with tears intreated that he might be alloawed at a moderate depth, the besiegers found plenty to remain in the palace. Cesar, etther being deof fresh water. ceived by these professions, or believing the name WVhile Cawsar thus counteracted the arts which of the king to be of little consequence, conisented were employed to distress him, the eighteenth le-to let him depart; but this artful boy, as soot as gion, with a considerable supply of provisions, he was at liberty, laid aside his disudise, lIuaughed military stores, and engines of war, being arrived at the sulpposed credulity of those hie had deceived. on the coast, but unable to reach Alexandria on and urged the attack on the IRoman quarters account of tihe winds, he thought proper to em-with lreat animosity. bark and put to sea, in order to cover this rein-While afftirs at Alexandria were in this situafbrcement, while they made for the port. On this tion, accounts were brought that Miitlnidtcs of occasion he was attacked by the E1gyptian flecet; Pergamus, whom Casar had sent to prtc(lt’ sucbut gained a victory, dcstrovyed a great part of the cours from Asia, was actually arrived at Ic eusium icieiy’s ships, and brought his own reinforce-with a considerable force; that he hid rntu,‘ed ment saft into harlbour. The Egyvptians, with that place, and lonly waited fi)r instructiols fromrn great ardour, set to work in all the dlocks on the Casar how to procleed. Trhese accourts were Nile, to repair the loss they had now sustained, brought to both parties about tlhe saue finc, and and were soon masters of a flett, cotsistingr of both determined to put their fo;rces iil itition. twenty-t wo vessels of four tire of oars, lfve of five Ptoleniy leaving a proper ruard’ on his works, tire. al i manv of smaller dimtlensions. Cnsa r enbarkied Ihis arnlv on the Nile, havi.g’ a cnhadl to oppose thtem, ni galleys frtiomn Rhodes, sidlerable navieation to niake lby the ltfil;rent eirfht from Pontus, five fromn Lycia, and twelve branches of thlat. river. Cesar, at the salom limed frill the coast of Asia. Five were of five tire of’ put his army on board in the harlour, ald tlaving oars, and ten of ibtlr tire. The remainder were an open course by the coast, arrixedi it it hltisium smaller ditnensions, andt most of them open. before the kingi; and tbeing joinetd v bithrilites, With these fbrces, having once more engaged was in condition to take the Iiell totinst the off thle mouth of the harbour, the Egyptians Egyptian army.

Ptolemy, to prevent the return were againi deteated, with the loss of one galley of Cmsar by land to Alexatndria, haI taken a of live tire of oars, another of two tire taken, and strong post on one of the branches of the INTile three sunk. The reinsmder retired under cover but here, after a few skirmishes, he was ftitacked, of the molt, and of the towers of Phlaros.

defeated, and driven from his station. EndtctavourSoon after this action at sea, C sar attacked ing to make Iis escape by water, the btargee the Pharios, fbrced the eneniy to fly from thence, which carried him being overloaded sunk, and most of t heit swimmiting across the harbour, killed himnself; with all his attenidants, perislhei. many, and took six hundrecd prisoners. He forced Immediately after this action, in wvhich the them at the satne time to abandon thle tower, Egyptian army was routed and dispersed, Cfsar, which cominatlided the entrance of the mole on escorted by a small party of horse, returnedt to that sitde. As hite pursued them in their flight, Alexandria, and having received the submission anti is tihe mole itself became crowded with his of thc inhabitants, inade such arrangements as lihe soldiers, whio ladvanced to push the attack, or who tfhiought proper in tIhe succession to the kingdom. camnt untarnietid tronl the ships, and all the stations He placetd Cleopatra on the throne, in conjuncaround, to witness thlis scene; the Egyptians see-tion with her vounger brother, and to remove any ing these crowds, laid hold of the opportunity, farther occasioni of disturbance to this settlement, mounted the mole, threw those who were Ulpon it hlie ortdereci her sister Arsino/
to be transportet into ciitc?.ion, forced them over the quay.nto to Rome.

He left great part of the arnlmy to the water, or into their boats. Cwsar himselfen-support this new establishment in Egypt, and deavouredt to escape in this manner, and finding he himself; after this singular interilue, in that the boat into which he went, bcing arround the nmitdst of the conquest of the Romani tecmpire, and ovcrlotadcd, could not be got ofl; he tirew him-marched with the sixth legion by land into, Syria. self into the water, anid swam to a ship. In this At Antioch he receivet such reports }f t}e statl tumult, he lost four hundtred men otf tile legions, of aflairs as required his presence ia (,il’krcnt and lin equal numberof the flcet. The Egyptians uclarters. Nine months were elapsed, since any recoveredl all the ground they hadl lost, got pos-corders or directions had been received froin hin. session agrain of the tower at the head of thie moleI Durin thlis time, the factions of the cit tlhe reand of the island whtich secured their ships. haxation oft discipline in the arny, and tilt threas In such operations, with various events the of invasioni frtomn Africa, had placed his aflairs in parties in Egxypt passed the winter and spring. Ca-san still retained the pherson of Ptolemy in his possession, and made use of his name to coun-Hirt. de Bello Alex.

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296 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATICN [BooK IV. such a state of hazard, as to urge his immediate principal inhabitants of Cilicia, and from thence appearance in Italy and at Rome; hut he thought marched into Cappadocia, stopped at Comrana to it of consequence to his authority to leave no make the necessary arrangements in’hat proenemy behind hiln in the field,L nor to suffer the vince, and continued his route to the frontiers of remains of disorder in any of the provinces Galatia and Pontus. Hither Dejotarus, who had through which he was to pass. Pharnaces, the espoused the cause of Pomnpe, who hlad fought son of Mithridates, to whom Pompey had asunder his banners in Pharsalia, and who, b3 sig-ned the kingdom of the Bosphorus, imagininc the gift of that unfortunate officer, still rethat the ci\hil wars, in which the Romans were tained the sovereignty of Galatia, camue to make en(ao-ed, m.tade a favourable opportunity for the his submission. He laid down his diadem, and recavery of his father’s dominions, had passed the ensigns of royalty; and, presenting himself with an arimy into Pontus, andl from thence in-in the habit of a suppliant, pleaded, that, in the vaded the lesser Armenia and Cappadocia, which late war, the eastern part of the empire, being had been sepiarately allotted by the Romans to subject to Pompey, the princes of that quarter Dejotarus and to Ariobarzanes. At the instances had not been free to choose their party; that he of these princes, Dornititus Calvisius, who had wTas himself not qualified to decide in a question been ldespatched lby Cesar after the battle of on which the Roman people was divided; that he Pharsalia with three lesrions to receive the sub-thought it his duty to follow the Roman standard nission of’ the Asiatic provinces, hitherto in the wherever it was erected, without considering by interest of Pompey, despatched to Pharnaices a whom it was carried. Cwesar, rejecting the plea messenger, requirinr him instantly to withdraw of ignorance or incapacity, insisted, that allny his troops fi’omn Armenia and Cappadocia; and, prince in alliance with the Romans could not be in order to _rive the more wei(rht to this meessa(Te, irnorant who were consuls in the year that suche hiinself ilt tle same time took the field with cecled the consulate of Lentulus and 3Ma-rcellus, one Roomln leTioil, tioethler with two lesions that and wvho were actually ill the administration of had bleen f)rlnmedi by Dejotalrus in the Roman the state at Rome; that they could not be ignorant mallner, a1nd two hundred Asiatic horse. 1-HI at who was at thle head of the republic, and in posthe salme tillle ordiceridl Puliliis Sextius andl C. session of the capital, and of the seat of emlapire; Pi-ftorius to linirr upt) a le(rioni which had been andi who of consequence was vested with the aulately raised in TIolitus, anid.

Patinsius to ioin thority of the commlonwealtlh. But that he himhim with some lihllt troolps from Cilicia. self, in the capacity of a private man, was willinl, These. fortces lcinl assembhledi at Camana in in consideration of this prince’s age, his chiaracCallla docia, the minessellerr, who had been sent to ter, and the intercession of his friendis, to forelive Pharinacs, retturned with an answer, that tle the part which lie had taken against lhim. fHe kincr was wil!inro to \evacuate Cappadocia; but desired himl, therefore, to resume the crown and that, has inc a just clvaim to Armenia, in right of other ensigns of’ royalty, and to keep possession of his filther, lie w’ould keep possession of that prohis kingdorm, reserving the discussion of the title, vince until the arrival of COxsar, to whose de-by which he held anly particular territory, to a cision hlie was willinc to submit his pretensions. future day. Dolmitius, not hleiiln satisfiel with this answer, Being joined by a legion which Dejotarus had put his armyn in mnotin tiowardls Armenia.

While!ately fornmed in the Roman manner, Cwasar’s he advancedl, Pharnaces enideavouredt to amuse foirce now consisted of this, together with the relli!n with neimoiaitioon, aRIil to )put hiln off’ his mains of the two let’ions that escatied with Dogtuard. by pernmitticl the country to receive him i nitius froir -i cupolih”, anld of tile sixth, which witll all the apipearanices of peace and 1security. had accoilipani(id himself fromL Es,ypt, nouw reBeinl arrived at Nictopolis, tlhe capital of Arnie-ducedt by the sworid, and by the fatigues of’ ser nil, tie there received orders from Cesarto march vice, to no more thlll a thousand 1e1. n ith into Egypt; but lbeing uniwillin( to quit his supthis army he advanced towards Pontus. Upon posedl prey, risked a battle with the forces of Phar-his approach, Pharnaces sent forward a messennaces, was (iei’ated, and oblifged to fly with the ger to present him, in honour of his late victories, rcleainls of’ his army, by the route of the moun-with a crown of gold, and made otifeis of subtains which separated Armenia from the Roman nlission, expecting to aIppease him, or to fill up province. the time until Cesar should te obligeld, by the neElated with this victory, Pharnaces, at the time cessity of his afftirs, to give his presetnce elseof Cmesar’s departure from Egypt, had returned where. “Come not against ne,” he sail, “as an into’ontuis, had talken possession of the prinlcipal enemy: I never took part with Pomptey, nor detowns, and with great severity exercised the so-clared war against Cwsar. Let me not be treated vereignty of the kimgrdom. Abiout the niiddle of with more severity than Dejotarus, who did July, Cesar, haviiig despatched Trebonius from both.” Caesar replied, that he woul( listen to Antioch iwith an account of his own operations, Pharnaces when he had acted up to his profesand with inistructions to those who cornmande.l in sions; that he had forgiven I)e jotarus, and 1iany Italy,2 wenlt himself by sea to Tarsus, where he others, with pleasure, the injury done to himself; received, as has been mentioned, the submission but that he could not so easily overlook ihlsults of Caius Cassius, who waited for his comiiilln; which were oftHred to the Romaun state; and that and who, according to the account of Cicero, till he did not pardon wrongs done in thie provinces thenl was undetermnined, whether he should make of the Roman empire, even by those of his own his peace with the victor, or attempt to assas-partyr. ” Your not having joined with Ponmpey,” sinate him. he said, ” has saved you firon beiing a I;artner in At Tarsus, CGesar held a convenrtion of the his detfeat, lbut was not the cause of llv visctory.”

_______________________________________ With this reply to the imessages of PIharnaces, 1 Hirt ite Bello Alex. Cmesar demanded the instant surrender of the o Cicer. adl Attic. lib. xi. ep. 23 1 lkinrgdom: of Pontus, and full reparation of all the

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CI.AP. VII.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 297 damages sustained by any Roman citizen settled had been promised to Pompey, or of forfeiture in that province. Pharnaces professed an intenfor offences’ comnmitted against the victorious tion to comply with these demands; but under party. various pretences delayed the performance of his Cwsar, having issued his orders for the contripromise. He hadl fixed on a hill in the neigrh-butions to be levied in Asia, set out by Galatia ourhood of Ziecla, a place that became famous and Bithynia towards Greece, in his way to by the victory which his fattier Mithridates had Italy; he landed at Tarentum, having been near there obtained over a Roman army, under the two years absent from Rome. Many citizens had comcland of Triarius: and in order to secure waited near twelve months at Brundusiurim, in himself, repaired his father’s lines, and seemed to anxious expectation of his coming, and under be determined to maintain this post. great uncertainty of the reception they were to Cesar, having lain for some days within five meet with.

Cicero, being of this nmnber, set miles of the enemy, advanced to an eiminence out for Tarentunl as sooin as he heard of Cwcsar’s separated from the camp of Pharnaces only by arrival, and met him on the road. When he a narrow valley sunk between steep) banks. He presented himnself; Cwasar alighted froml his carcame upon this ground in the night, and began riage, received him with marks of respect, and to intrench himself as usual, having a party un-continued to walk and to discourse with him der arms to cover the workmen. As at break of aside for soime time. There is no particular acday the greater part of his army appeared to be count of what passed between them in this conat work, this seemed to be a favourable opportu-versation. On the part of Cicero, probably, were nity to attack them; and Pharnaces beran to form stated the reasons which he assigns, in a letter for this purpose. -Cmsar, imagining that he only to Atticus, for his conduct before the battle of meant to give an alarm, and to interrupt his work-Pharsalia, bearing, that he had Ibeen averse to the men; even after he was in motion, did not order war, that he thought thle republi(c had nothing to the legions to desist from their work, nor to arm: gain by the victory of either party, and that he but seeing him descend into the valley, and at-joined Pompey, more influenced by the opinion tempt to pass it in the face of his advanced guard, of others, than decided in his own.7 Under these he sounded to arms, and was scarcely formed impressions, though courted by Cesar, who when the enemy had passed both banks of the wished to have the credit of his name ill support vale to attack him. of the measures now to be taken at Rome, he The troops of Pharnaces began the action with chose to withdraw to a life of retirement, and dean ardour that was suited to the boldness with voted his time to literary amusements and studies. which they had advanced; and CTsar’s contempt At this titne he probably coImposed most of his of their designs had nearly exposed him to a de-writings on the subject of eloquence, as he did feat. But the action, which was doubtful every solme time afterwards those which are termed his where else, was dlecide(l by the veterans of the philosophical works.8 6ixth le(rion, before whom the enemy becgan to Crmesar arrived at Rome in the give way, hurried with pre(ipitation (down the U. C.;70;). end of the year seven hundred and declivity, and fell into a general rout. Phar-sis of the Romnan era, in which lie naltes fled with a few attendants, and narrowly’Enailins had been named a second tile (licescaped beingf taken.3 This victory gave Cmsar Lelpidus. tator. This year, as has been rean opportunity to compare his own glories with lated,, he had passed chiefly in those of Sylla, of Lucullus, and of Pompey; and Egypt. Being( eiected, together with Mvi.

JEmiwas on this account, probably, regarded b)y him lius, consul fotr the following year, he applied with singular pleasure. ” EFow clleap is fame,”

himself, for a little time, in the capacity of civil he sai.l, “when obtained by fighting against such nimagistrate, to the aftluirs of state; endeavoured to an enemy?“4 And in the triumphs which he restore the tranquillity of the city, which had afterwards led in the sequel of these wars, the Ibeen disturlbed in his absence, and to wipe away trophies of this particular victory were (listin-the reproach which the levities of Antony had guished by labels, containing these wor(ds, “I brought on his palrty. He stifled the unreasoncame, I saw, I van(quished.“5 able hopes of a general abolition of’ debts, with Fromn the peculiar ostentation of the ease with which Do)labellal had flattered the more profligate which this victory was obtained, appearing to part of the community. -lie told the people, on Cesar as a measure of his own superiority to this occasion, that he himself was a delbtor; that Sylla and Pompey, we may suspect that vanity, he had expended his fortune ill the public service, not less than ambition, was the springr of that and was still oblireod to borrow ilonev for the emulation tfrom which he had raised such a flanme same purpose.

WVith resipect to the rentcial policy in the empire.6 Having, by this dc-feat, extin-of the city, andl the case of insolvent debtors, he guished all the hopes and pretensions of Phar-revived the laws whlich he himself ha-ld procured, naces, he restored Domitils Calvisius to his coln-about tnwo years blflore, in his way frolnl Spain to mand in that quarter, and to a general inspection Epirus. But while lie alppeared to be intent on of affairs in Asia. This province, which hadi tlese particulllrs, his thougllits were cr i li ocfurnished a principal supply to the public reve-cupied in irepalring to meet the warr wilichl the nue of the state, as well as to the private fortune remains of’ the ancient senate atndl of thel( re muliof Roman adventurers, was now made to pay can party were resunling araiinst hilm in Africa. large contributions in name of arrears of’ what. This province, in which Varus, suppll!ortted by the kinge of Numid(ia, had been hit:hc rto ablle to keep his station as an officer of the conmmon3 Ilirtiiis de Bello Alex. Velleius. Florus. Liv. wealth, was now become the sole or ihe prilcipal Epitiome, &c. 4 Appian. de Bell. Civ.

lib ii p. 183. 5 The famous words, yt:ni. vidi, tici. 7 Cicer. ad Att.

liti. xi. ep. 1I. i Sileton. in Vit. Cwesaris, c. 47. 8 Ibid. lib. xv. ep.

13.‘i P1)

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298 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BooK IV. refuge of the republican party.

Three hundred of commanding mere soldiers of fortune, taught citizens, many of them aenator. and exiles from to divest themselves of civil principle, or regard Italy, as well as settlers in that province, had as-to public duty, was likely to perish in a mutiny sembled at Utica, and considering every other of his own army, and to end his career by the part of the empire as under the influence of a swords which he himself had whetted against violent usurpation, stated themselves as the only the relpublic. free remnains of the Roman republic; held their The legions, which after the defeat of Pompey meetings in the capacity of senate and people; had been ordered into Italy, beconiing insolent in authorized, under these titles, the levies that were the possession of a military power wiich they made in the province, and contributed largely to saw was to be formed on tihe ruins of t’he comsupply the expense of the war. Many officers monwealth, and feeling their own impiortance, of name and of rank, Labienus, Afranius, Pc-especially in thIe absence of their leahiir, would treius, as well as Scipio and Cato, with all the not be commanded by subordinate oflicers; nor reanains they had saved from the wreck at Phar-did they. on the return of Cfesar hinlscif disconsalia, were now ready to renew the war on this tinue habits of’ disorder and license which thelty ground. The name of Scipio was reckoned had sanme time indulged. Being stationcid in the ominous of success in Africa, and that of Cato, neirhiourhood of Calpua, from whence it was even if the origin or occasion of the present con-expected they should embark for Africa, they test were unknown, was held a sufficient mark decamnped without orders, and marched towards to distinguish the side of justice, and the cause Rome; paid no regard to the authority of Sallust, of the republic. who, in the capacity of pritor, with which lihe These leaders of the republican party having a had been vested by C sar, endeavoured to stop considerable force at sea, andi having access to thelm, i killed many officers and persons of rank all the ports, not only of’ Africa, but likewise of who ventared to oppose them, and threw the city Sicily, Sardir inia, and Spain, had furnished tihemni-into gereat consternation. On the aliproach of selves plentifully with all the necessaries for war.l this ibriiidable bodl, Casar himiself is said to They had mustered ten legions, which, accord-have iwaveret in his resolution. He h:i] some inc to the establishment of’ that time, may have troops attendin his perso, and there was a leamounted to fifty thousandl Romnan thot. They giin w hich Antinx hacd stationed in ti:e city on had twenty thmousand African horse, a great bodl occasion of the late commiotions. WVith thoi;s he of archers and slin(ercs, with a hundred and at first proposed to meet and resist the inuiinv; twenty eledphants. They expected to be jointed ibut lie rccollected, that even these tri e1:s iiight by the king of Numidia, who, to the established lbe inficted with the sanie spirit of disoil:idxncee, character of his countrymen for stratagem and and tihat if he twere not able to conmniard iil. his valour, joined the glory of his late victory over authority, and were forced to draw the swvord Curio; andI was supposed to muster, at this against his own armx, the whole fbundatiiins of tine, besides numerous bodies of horse, of’ arch-the power he had erect(ed i iust fail. VIilebhe ers, of sliungers and a great troop of elephants, was aiitatted bly these rellections, he scnt ani ofthirty thousand fbot, armned and nmarshalled, for ficer xith orders to inqluire tiir what puirpose the the most part, in the manner of the Roman le-I mutinous leciculs advanced? This olficmr was gion. 2 told, “That tihey would explain thenmselves to The army already in Africa, as well as the re-Cmsar. Having tlhis answver, and expecting mains of’ the sea and land fohrces of Polimpey, their arrival at the gaites, he chose that they who were lately arrived from M2lacedonia, were should appear to do bv his perinission, what they willinig, as hias been mentioned, to have placed were likely to do without it; he therelore se:nt Cato at their head. But the established order them anotiiher niessage, ifbriinir themni thait they of the comnxonwealth, for which all the pIarty had his leave to enter the eit with their arms. contendted, requiring that Sciio, who was of TJhey accordingcly caune in a body, and took posconsular rank, should have the lireference, Cato, session of the fir d of \lars.

Ihere, contrary who had no more than the ranki of praetor, and to the advice of his friends, they were rececied by who could not be accessary to the infringement Caisar hinmself in person. Beingt raised on a conof any established or constitutional fotrm, declined spicuous place, they crowded around himm; and, the ciommland. By this circumstance we are de-from many diftlerent quarters at once, complained prived of an opportunity to judge how far the of the scanty rewards which they had reccived, militarv abilities of this great man kept pace with enumerated their services and thei Ihardships they his interrity, juidgment, and courage, in civil and had suflired, and with one voice deimiandcd their political allhirs.

instant discharge. Casar knowing that they Sci}io beinc the officer of hi!rhest rank in the only meant to extort some concessions, ywhich republican partvy aind having the sipTreme coimI-they hoped the consideratmon of thie axr, w hicih maid of their imrces, notwithistandingr that the was still imopendingc in Aifica, would oblige him coasts of Italy were exposed to his attenmpts, and to make; tht they weret fiar from wisiltg to be nitwithstandinci that the condition of C(sar dismissed, or to resign those armmms to iwhichi they himself, if his situation at Alexandria had been owced their own conisequencem, amt oin wx hich they kinowvn, gave suffiiemnt oipportunities for enter-groundied their presenlt Ihtitmluption, ahlictied to prist, took all his measilres for a defmnsive war. compily with their Irequest, owlnedl that their deSuch was the state of affalirs in Africa when imadl was highly reasonable; ailding, tihat the Cresar wh), with all his military ciaracter and service for whliiih they Iaid been hitmherto retained authoriy, firequently cx:,ericimie l the difficulty was now at an end, andl tihait lie wasi scaible they were worn out anid unfit to contend with n:ew fatigrues. I Di. Cass. lib, xii. c. 5. fti Atpian. de Bello Civi’e, lib. ii. firt. de Bello African. 3 Dien Cass. c. 51 55.

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CHAP. VII.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC.‘299 Casar, in concluding a speech which he made for to effect his passage into that provilice. LIe to this purpose, employed the appellation of knew that the enemy’s fleet could not continue Quirites, or fellow citizens; and observed how to cruize for any time to observe his motions; arid proper it was, that all who had served out the le-that he might escape them with the advantlag e of gal time should receive the accustomed dismnission. a favourable wind, he had chosen the same-oppforIn speaking these words, he was interrupted by a tunity, and in the same season, two years bbfore, general cry, that they were no Quirites, but sol-to transplort his army into Macedonia against diers, willing to serve. It is alleged, that the Pompev, who trusting to the numbers and v-iiname of Roman citizens,4 though the most relance of his fleet, suffered himself to e. surprised, spectable form of address in the political assem-and to be dispossessed of a country which he ocblies of the people, carried contempt to these cupied with so superior a force.

Cresar having military adventurers, and insinuated a state of de-gairned so much on that occasion, bmy the rapidity gradation from that in which they affected to of his motions, now made war with mlany acaustand. An officer who was prepared for the oc-mulated advanta(res of reputation and power, casion, or who wished to improve this sentiment which increased his boldness, and facilitated his’in favour of Casar, desired to be heard; made success. an apology for what was past, and offered to Having ordered troops and shipping from difpledge himself for the duty and future obedlience ferent quarters of Italy to assemble at Lillv-murm, of the troops. He was answered by Cresar, from whence he had tile shortest pas.sage to That the services of this army were now of little Africa, he himself arrived there on what vwas n1omoment to himn; that as they desiredl their dis-minally the seventeenth of December, bult in mission, while by their own confession they were reality no more than the thirtieth of Septclis.er; yet in condition to serve, he had taken his resolu-and although he found no more of his armiy artion, anl should instantly dismiss them with the rived than one legion, or five thousand men, of usual rewards. ” No man,” he said, ” shall com-the new levies, and six hundred horse, hie ordlered plain that inl time of need I employed him, and these, notwithstanding, to embark on board succh now at my ease forget the reward that is due to ships as were then in the harbour; alndf if eh him. Such as conltinue in the service until the wind had served, woulmd have instantly sailed, public tranquillity is fully restored shall have set-even with this small force, trusting that hle mlight tlements in land; such 1as have received p)romises be able to surprise somne port on the opposite of money at any time dmuring-the war, shall be shore, and prepare a safe landing-place bfor the paid now, or in a little timle hereafter with in-troops that were to fbllow. But while lie conterest.”

Ee -concludled, however, with saying, tinued wind-bound at Lillybeumn, he was joinled “‘UIhat as he asked no mlan to remain in the ser-successively by a number of leg(ions, which lie vice, so he should lot retject the duty of those who ordered to embark as fast as they arri ed; anld, were willinl to albide by their colours; that he that they might be ready to put to sea wvith the ow[ed this indulgence to their present requests, first hair wind that servedl, sent the transports to and to their mrerit on former occasions.’ The lie under an island near the mouth of the harbour. whole with one voice desired to be coulpret:nmded Being in this state of readinless with six lein this act of indulgence, and went headlong into gions, or ahbout thirty thousand ioo’, together all the extremec of submission, as they had lately with two thousand horse; and the winid cominimg gone into every excess of disorder and insolence. faiir on the twenty-eighth of December, or, as it Crsar was thus again in full possession of his is cornmuted, on the twelfth of October, ke. himpower; but he did not venture to punish the au-self went on board, and leaving orders for the thors of the mutiny. It was safer to reward such troops that were still in llotion towards Lillyas were conspmicuous in any particular merit; he bTrum to follow him without delay, he set sail i:or therefore selected a few to be distinguished by the nearest land in Africa. Not knowing of any immediate eftects of his bounty, and put the re-port to which he might securely repair, hie could mainder in motion towards Africa, where they not, as usual, assign a lplace of general resort in might have an opportunity of earning future re-case of separation, arind only gave orders to the wards and the pardon of past ofiences; and where fleet to keel) close together; and deferred tihe they might spend against enemies that fury which, choice of a landing-place till after lhe should haiave at every inlterval of’ leisure to recollect their pre-observed tile coast, anld seen in what part of it the tensions and their consequence, they were so enemy were least guarded against a descent. likely to turn against their leadler.’ Sooll after he got to sea a storm arose, wllicl The year was now, according to the vulgar tdispersed tile fleet; he hilnself; with thie ships computation at Rome, and in consequence of the that still kept him company, after being tossed usual intercalations being neglected, nominally four days in a passage of no more thanl twenty advanced to the middle of December, but was in ieagues, got undler the land of tile promlionltmy of reality little pIast the autumnal equinox,6 or was iXlercurv, andl from thence, to avoid the trc-es of in the end of September, when Cmasar, having the eneminy which were statioled il near Utica alld made the proper arrangements in the city, andl il round the bay of Carthage, steered to the soouththe manner related, appeased the nlutiny which ward. threatened to deprive him of his army, was again Tlle coast of Afrlica, from this cap;e )cr licoinin motion to carry the war into Africa. The tory to the bottoml of the grelat Syrtes, over t.llhree season which was thought unfit tbr operations at degrees of latitude, or albout twiv hulndreid mliles, sea, and which hadl actually forced his antagonist’s extends directly to the south. It labounds w ith ships into port, gave him the opportunity hewished conlsiderable towns, which, oil acc(ount of their colmmlerce, were anciently calledl the El)to3ii3m; 4 ~Qlliritest Rolnan citizens and by their wealth, temliptinlg the raipacity blth 5 l)iotCass. 1ib. xCii. Cass 5155. ib. ii. c 5 1-55. te Ullldiall of trhe Cm arti llmeintim, li Plut.

in Vita Caesaris. v. 154. 1were 1ontT a subject of cor.tenltiowa between ttlceoe

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300 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [Boos IV. powers. Adrumetum lay on one side of a spa- (den appearance of a force wLhr’. -ame to attack clous bay, bounded by the head of Clupea on the them, were thrown into sonie confusion, and north, and that of Vada on the south. The Considius, instead of taking measures to crush southern coast of this bay contained, besides so inferior an enemy before he should receive any Adrumetum, toe following seaports: Ruspina, reinforcement, thought of nothing but how to Leptis, and Thapsus; the bay itself extending secure himself from surprise; shut his gates, from the first of these places to the last about manned his walls, and placed all the troops under thirty-six miles. Scipio had secured Adrumetum his command at their posts of alarm. Caesar, to and Thapsus, being the extremity of this line, confirm him in this disposition, sent him a sumwith considerable forces. In order to render the mons to surrender at discretion; and afterwards, province unfit for the reception of an enemy, he at the suggestion of Plancus, who had been in had laid waste the country, and had collected all habits of intimacy with Considius, endeavoured the provisions and forage into these and other to corrupt or to gain hinm by an insinuating mesplaces of strength for the use of his own army. sage; but this officer, being more a man of inConsidius beinr stationed at Adrumeturn with tegrity than he had shown himself to be an able two legions, and Virgilius with a proper force at cgeneral, ordlered the bearer of the message to be Thapsus, the ports of Ruspina and Leptis, as put to death, and sent the letter unopened to well as many of the inland towns, were entrusted Scipio. to the keeping of their own inhabitants. But Caesar having received no return to his mesthese, on account of the general devastations sage, and suspecting that his attempt to corrupt lately committed by order of Scipio, were ex-the commander of the forces at Adrumetum tremely disaffected to his party, and inclined to might betray his weakness, after only one night’s favour any enemy against him. stay in this dangerous situation, determined, on Cato was stationed at Utica as the last retreat the day after he landed, to remove to some place of the Roman senate, the centre of all their re-of greater security. WVith this view he mlarched sources, and the seat of their councils.’ to the southward, and though harassed in his Scipio had collected the main body of his army rear by the enemy’s horse, continued his march near to the same place, supposed to be the prin-without any considerable interruption or loss. cipal object of any attempt that might be made As he advanced to Ruspina, a deputation from from Italy. the inhabitants of that place canme forward to Labienus and Petreius had separate bodies, at meet him, nwith offers of every accommoldation it proper stations, to guard the inlets of the coast was in their power to supply, and of an ilromeround the bay of Carthage; and were so disposed diate reception into their town. He encamped of, that they could easily join and cross over land one night under their walls; but being inclined to the bay of Adrumetum upon any alarm of an to see more of the coast, and not beingr in conenemy, from that side. dition to divide his little force, he proceeded with Varus had the direction of the fleet. He had the whole to Leptis. Here he was received with kept the sea (luring summer and on the approach equal favour; and having entered the town, took of autumn, but had then withdrawn to Utica, measures to protect the inhabitants from the li. and laid up his ships for the stormy season. centiousness of his own people. Caesar, however, according to his custom of This was a convenient post for the reception takinos olpportunities when his enemies were likely of his transports; and a few of thel accordingly, to be off their guard, venturing to sea, even in having some cohorts of foot and troops of horse this season, seems to have had no information to on board, it beinc now the third day after he himdirect himn on his approach to the coast, besides self had debarked, or about the twentieth of Octhe general report that the enemy were strongest tober, put in to the harbour of Lelptis. By the and mnost to be avoided in the bayof Carthage. report of persons who came in these ships he In this belief he passed the headlands of Clupea learnt, that numbers of the fleet, after they had and Neapolis, and stood in to the bay of Adru-parted company, appeared to be steerinr for metum. Being seen from the shore, he was fol-Utica; a course by which they must either run lowed by Cn. Piso from Clupea, with three thou-into the hands cif the enmemy, or lose much time sand Numidmian horse, and was received at Adru-before they could correct their mistake, or recover me tum by Considius, with a force greatly superior their way to the southward. to that which he himself had brought to the coast. In a state of anxious suspense, occasioned by Ba t s;, little had he attended to the strength of these circumstances, Caesar seems to have delithe eney’, or so much was he determinied to berated, whether it were not proper for him again brave it, that he landed near Adru-to embark; and in consequence of his doubts, N. C. 6. metumn on the nominal first of Janu-p)robably, though under pretence of the want of Jul. CLasar ary, or about the middle of October, forage, he still kept his cavalry on board, and Dictat. 3tie with three thousand foot anda hun-with great difficulty continued to supllyx them Jf. sm7;il. dred and fifty horse. This hazard-with fresh water froim the.latd. But as soon as Lepidus,m. ous step his high reputation seemed he determined to keep his t;)otingr in Africa, he to require or to justify. The enemy landed his cavalry, and took the necessary nicamight not be apprised of his present sures to procure supp)lies of provisions biy sea. weiakness, it beinrg occasioned by the accidental He sent back the empty transports to receive any separation of his fleet. They were likely to be troops that nmight be arrived at Lillyb’eum, and awed by his name, and to remain at a distance ordered ten galleys from the harbour at Leptis to long enough to let him be joined by the remainder cru: for thle missing ships of his last embarkaof his army.

In the mean time he supported the tion, He despatched expresses to Sardinia and courage of his own people, by proceeding against other maritime provinces, with orders to hasten the eneiny with his usual confidence. the reinforcements of troops and the supplies of The rgarrison of Adrumetum, upon this sud-I provisions which were expected from thence;

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nHAP. VII.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 301 and having intelligence that the enemy had some 1 reinforcements by sea; but he was far from.limitmagazines in the island of Cercina, near the I ing his plan of operations to the defence of this coast of Africa, he sent thither’rispus Sallustius, place.

On the fourth or fifth day after his landthe celebrated historian, now Irving in his army, ing, although by his own account he had yet no to endeavour to secure those magazines for his intelligence of the enemy’s motions, he thought use. proper to continue the alarm he had given, and Being determined to keep both the ports of marched from Ruspina with a body of thirtv coRuspina and Leptis, which the enemy seemed horts, or about fifteen thousand foot, and four to have abandoned to him, he was now, by the hundred horse, to penetrate into the country to arrival of the cohorts which joined him at Leptis, observe its situation, or to extend the source of in condition to garrison the town with three his supplies.

After he had begun his march for thousand men, while he himself returned with this purpose, and was about three miles from his the remainder of those who were landed, to keep camp, the parties that were advanced before him his possession, at the same time, of Ruspina. fell back on the main body, and informed him This place being unprovided of every necessary that they had been in sight of an enemy. Soon for the support of a garrison, he determined to after this report clouds of dust began to rise from try what provisions could be foundf in the neigh-Lie plain, and about noon an army appeared in bourhood to subsist his troops till they could be o, ler of battle. To observe them more nearly, otherwise supplied, or enabled to penetrate far-Cesar, after he had made the signal for the cother into the country. For this purpose he ad-horts to form, and to be covered with their helvance(l with the whole of his little army to forage, mnets, went forward with a small party to view followed by all the carriages that could be assenm-the enemy. HBe saw bodies of cavalry in every bled, and had them loaded with corn, wood, and part of the field; and from the imperfict view other necessaries, to form some species of maga-which could be had of them, as the air was zine for the troops he intended to place in the clouded with dust, he supposed their line to contown. As soon as he had effected this service, sist entirely of horse. He thought himself secure it appeared that he had taken the resolution to against such an enemy, provided he could sufligo in person in search of the transports, on board ciently extend his front and cover his flanks; and of which the greater part of his army was dis for this purpose he divided his small body of persed. And with this viev~ having posted ten horse to the right and the left; and that he might cohorts at Ruspina, he himself, with the seven not be outlined, diminished the depth to increase others, that made the whole of his strength now the length of his ordinary column. In mnaking an shore, went down to the harbour, which was this disposition, howe;ver, he had mistaken the about two miles from the town, and embarked in enemy’s force; it did not consist, as he supposed, the night. entirely of cavalry, but of troops of horse interT’he troops that were to be left at Ruspina, spersed at intervals with bodies of foot, and he witl,mcn the leader, in whom their confidence was had not observed that considerable detachments chiefly reposed, were aware of their danger; so were sent under cover of the hills to turn his few, surrounded with numerous armies -who flanks, and fall upon his rear. vere likely toassemble against them.

They had Under these disadvantages on the part of (Cenow been three days on shore, and the enemy sar, the action began in front by a scattered had full time to be apprised of their situation and charge of the 1N’umidian horse, who came in of their weakness. The presence of their gene-squadrons from the intervals at which they were rl had hitherto supported their courage; they placed ainong the infantry, and advancing at relied on his abilities to repair the effects whether full gallop, threw their javelins and darts, and of mistake or temerity; but in his absence they presently retired to their former situation. In lost all hopes, and expected to become an easy this retreat, under cover of the infantry whose prey to their enemnies. intervals they occupied, they instantly rallied, Cesar, however, fully determined to put to and prepared to repeat the charge. sea, having patst the night on board, still continued While Caesar’s infantry was occupied in front at anchor; when at break of day being about to with this unexpected mode of attack, his horse weigh, some vessels came in sight, and were were defeated on the winrgs; and the enemy, in known to be a part of the fleet which le so anx-consequence of the disposition they had niade, iously looked for. These were soon followed by were already on his right and left, even began to other ships which appeared successively, and close on his rear, and, by the superiority of their brought himn the greater part of the six legions numbers, were enabled to continue the impreswith which he had originally sailed from Lilly-sion they made on every side; his men giving baum.

Being thus prevented in his intended way, to shun the arrows and darts of the enemy, excursion, he returned to Ruspina, and took post were pressed from the flanks to the centre, so that between the town and the shore.

they were forced into a circle, without any disIn the mean time it appears, that Labienus tinction of front or rear, and were galled with a and Petreius, commanding the horse and light continual discharge of missiles, which did great troops of Scipio’s army, in the angle that is formed execution.l by the promontory of Clupea, between the bays Caesar, who so far had suffered himself to be of Carthage and Adrumetum, having intelli-surprised and overreached, in this difficult situa. gence that Caesar was landed, with the utmost tion, took the benefit of that confidence which his diligence assembled their forces, and marched to-known ability and presence of mind ever prowards the coast from which they had received cured him from his troops. Recollecting that the alarm. the enemy must have weakened their line in Causar had taken a defensive station behind the towrn of Ruspina, the place which he chose for 1

Casaris copiis in orbem compulsis, intra cancelloa the resort and safe reception of his convoys and omnes conjecti pugnare cogebantur.

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30`2 TUE PROGRESS AN_ rERMINATION [BooR 1V. every part, by attempting to stretch it over so of Lragfe or pasture, and his horses reduced to great a circumference, he prevailed on his legions fez 1 on sea weed, which was steeped in fresh again to extend their raTtks, ordered the cohorts water.

in ordler to purge it as much as possible of to face a’.ternatelv to the right and the left, and its salt. makintl a front in )both (lirecti)ons, charged the To encourage the hopes which Scipiio enterenemry on the opposite sides. and drove them in tained from all these circumstances, the king of both ways to a distance fronm the ground. With-Numnidia. with a powerful armv, was on the out attemptrine, however. to inmprove his advan-march, and likely to join him before Cmnsar could t’lre, or to urcre the pursuit, he took the opportu-receive any considlerable addit.ior to his; present nitv of, the l enemv’s flirlht to (tlect his own retreat, force; but whatever milmht have i’ee n the conseanl! fi11 back to the (alllp behind Ruspila, from quence of this junction, if’ it had really taken whichll he had moved in the nmorning. place, it was delayed for some tilmej bv one of The sppedy narcllh of Llabienus and Petreius, those strokes of tortune to which human’ foresiaht from ai distance which could not beh less than cannot extend. Publius Sitius, a Roman citizen, eightv or a hundred miles, accomplished by the who had been an accomplice with Catiline in fourth or fifth day after the arrival of Ctesar, and his designs adainst the republic and who, on this their disosition on the day of battle, to avail account, had fled beyond the reach of the Roman themnselves of their nulnbers and mansner of fight power, had assemnbled a band of warriors or lawinKr, was able and spirited. But the event is suf-less banditti, at the head of which he made hirmficient to show that the use of nmere mnissile self of consequence on the coasts of Africa, and Weapons in the open plain, acrainst troops *who was admitted successively to join the forces of are arlned and disciplined for close fi(ht, althou(gh different princes in that quarter. Being now ill it may harass and distress an enenmy, cannot thie service of Bogrud, king of Mauritania, and have any decisive effect. beirinr disposedl to court the faivour of C’asar, or In about three days after this encounter, Cwesar hoping to Iimake his peace at Rome by means of a had intellirence that Scipio himself was advanc-person so likely to be at the head of’ the Roman miu, withl the whole force of his infantry, consist-state, he p)ersuiaded the king of Mauritania to ing( of ti(rht legionls, or about forty thousand men, take advantage of Juba’s absence, an(l with such allld four thousand regular horse: an arlny which troops as he had thenl on foot, to invade the kinghe was not in condition to oppose in the field, dom of Numidia.

Juba being about to join and which obhligred him, contrary to his usual Scipio near Ruspina, when the news of this inpractice, to adopit a plan of defence. Rluspina vasion of his own country overtook him, found lay along the coast, and at the distance of two himuself obliged not only to return on his march, miles from the shore. As his army lay behind but to call off from his allies great part of the the town; covering part of the space between it Numidian light troops, who were already in their and the sea with the fortifications of his camp, he camp. threw up an intrenchmlent from his camp on one Scipio, though thus disappointed of the great side, and from the end of the town on the other, accession of force which he expected to receive quite to the shore: so that, by means of the town by the junction of Juba, and though even some. in front, the fobrtifications of his camp and these what reduced in his fornmer numbers, still con.

lines in fllank, the whole space between Ruspina tinued to act on the oflensive; and in order tc an(l the sea was covered with works. And the brave his enemy, and to receive some species of harbour was thus secured from any attempts of triumph from supposed ofilers of battle, repeatedly the enlemy. In order to man and defend these forned his army on the plain betweenl the two fortifications, he landed his engrines from the gal-caminls. In repeating these operations, he adleys, and brought the mariners to serve them on vanced still nearer and nearer to Caesar’s enshore. trenchmlerits, and seemed to threaten his camp The choice of this situation, cooped up in a with an attack. In return to this insult, or to narrow place, exposed to be deprived of any conm-take off’ its eflects, C’esar, knowinl the strength munication with the country, milght, in case the of his works, affected to hear of the eneimy’s apenemy had seized their advantage, or in case the proach with indifltfrence, and without, moving reinforcements which Cansar had expected from tfrom his tent, gave orders for the or(linarv guards, the sea, had by any accident been long delayed, which lay without the intrenchments, ilot to be have exposed him to the greatest calamities. He discomposemd, but. as soon as the enemy approaclhed himself would not have neglected to hem in an them, to retire behind the parapet with the utenemy so posted with a line of circumvallation; most deliberation; and Scipio, upon this recei,but the undertaking was too vast for those who tion, when seemingly most bent oil assaulting the were opnposed to him, and he was suffered in satiety lines, beilJ(r satisfied as usual with this display of to wait the arrival of his reinforcements, anld to his superiority, returned to his camnp. collect some imimediate supply of provisions froll I)urinr thlese operations, aind while J muba was the neichbouring country, as well as to receive still dLetaiiLd in Numrnid(ia by the dliversion which convoys which he had ordered from every mari-Sitius had oc(;asioned in his kingdom, C.tsar had time province.‘frequent deserters frolmn the Atrican army, ann While Caesar remained in this post, Scipio ar-received deputations fimom diflterent parts of’ the rived at Adrumletum, and having halted there a country, with professions of attachment to himfew days, joined Labienus and Petreius in the self as the relation of XMarius, whose memory station they had chosen, about three miles from was still recent and popular ill that province. the town of Ruspina. Their cavalry immediately Among these advances, which were made to him overran the country, and interrupted the supplies by the natives of the country, he had a message which Caesar derived from thence. The space from the inhabitaits of Acilla, a place situated he had inclosed within his entrenchments beina about ten miles from the coast, anld eq(ually dis. about six square miles, was soon exhausted even tant from Adrumetum and from Rtuspina, ofier

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CHAP. VII.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 303 ing to come under his protection, and inviting Ele had, in one night,::t: (e a (onsilderable hmn to take possession of their town. The peo-progress in these works, and beinr lserved at ple of this place, like most other towns of tile day-brtak, Scipio, in oder to ilnerrul-t him, province, were extremrnly disaflected to Scip)io a(tivanced into the plain, andi tiled(‘( in re’Ir of on account of the severities which he exercised, battle. about a mile in the fi’ont of this-own enby lavinrg waste their possessions on the approach caiamnln:t. Citsar, notwithsta;lninc tiis moveof Caesar; and as they dreaded a repetition of the ment of the enemy, (lid not at first tlilnk it ulecessame measure, they were (lesirous to put them-sarv to interrupt his works; but Scipi) seentiig selves in a posture of defence a(gainst him.

Caesar to colle forward with intention t1: attac.k hin, accepted of their offer, andt sent a detachment of while so great a part of his armncy nwas at work, his armyN7, who turning round the enemy’s flank, he ordered the whole undleraram-s, still keeping after a long night’s march entered the town with-the advanftagrt o1 his groulld onl tile l-eightts. Some out opposition. Considius having intelligence parties of cavalry and lighit tlroops came near of what was in agitation at Acilla, sent a detach-enoua(h t(t slirilish between the two armies, and ment at the same time from Adrunietum to se-Labienus beinr advanced on the right beyond cure the place; but comting too late, andl finding the main body of Scipio;s fo;rces, Cnasar sent a that the enemy had already entered the town, detachment roundl a viilage to attack him, and brourllht forward some more forces on the follow-oi)tliged him to ily in great dlisorder, after having ing d:ty, and endeavoured, but in vaiii, to dis-narrowly escaped beingT entirely cut off. This lod(r them. fligTht of Labienus spread so great ant larm over WVhile Caesar was thus endeavouring to ex-Scipio’s army, that the whole, with precipitation, tend his quarters in Africa, ant( to enlarge the retiretd to their camp. Caesar returned to his post, source of his subsistence, Crispus Sallustilns suc-and without any thilther inttrruption, continiiued ceededl in the design upon which he had been to execute the works lie had aleadlv begun. As sent to the island of Cercina, anti was able to soon as these were finishiied oil the iollowing day, furnish a considerable supply of provisions from he again ft, e-aed in order of’ battle, to returln the thence. There arrived at the salne tinle from rdefiance which the enemy had sooften Tiveln him, Allienus, at Lillyhaeum, a large convoy and flect while he lay iml;he lines of Ruspina; anl obof transports, hlaving on board two entire legions, serving that Seip:io remained in his (cml;np, he the thirteenth and fourteenth, together witlleight marched on to the town of Uzita, whic h lay behundred Gaulish cavalry, a thousand archers and tween the two armies. Scipio being alarined for slingrers, and a large supply of provisions. As the safetv of this place, at which he hall tiesoon as these troops were landed, the transports posited some part of his malgazines, aslcanc.d to were sent back to Lillybaeum, in order to receive sustain the troops lie had posted in the Town; the remainder of the army which was still ex-and C.‘sar, believing that anl action was likely to pected from thence. These supplies and rein-follow, mtade a halt, with the town of Uzit a`eforcenmnents at once relieved Casar’s army from fore his centre, having both his wincgs exstelli-de the distress which they suffered; and by so great beyond it to the rirht anti the left. Scipio, not an accession of strength, amounting to twelve to extendt his front tbeondl the walls of the town, thousand men, iput him inl condlition to break drew up his army in four lines, consisting of fronm the confinement in which he had some time many separate bodies interspersed with elephants; remaine]d, and to act on the oflensive. but as Caesar (lid not choose to attack the t own The first object upon this change in his affairs, supported as it was by Scipio’s army, neitheralid was to seize upon some rising grounds in the Scipio choose to expose any part of his line by neighbourhood. of Ruspina, which Scipio had advancing bevoiid it. Both armnies having reneglected to occupy, ind( from thence to pursue mained in this posture till sun-set, returnedt at such advantage as he mitht find against the ene-night to their respective camnps. my. For this purpose, he dtecamrnped after it was Cwesar still piersisting in his design to oblirge tlhe dark, on the supposed twenty-sixth of January, enemy to hazard a battle in defen e of Uzita, proor tenth of November, and turning by the shore jected double lines of alpplroach froml his present round the town of Ruspina, irrived in the night camp to the town. As the place was accessible on the ground which lie intendedl to occupy. to the enelay, and when their tlarmy slhoult be This was part of a ridge, which runs parallel to drawn up in ordler of battle, might be made a the coast, at a fiew miles distance from the shore, part of their line, it was imnpossible for C.esar to and which, on the north of Ruspina, turns in invest the town, or even to approach the walls the form of an ampnhitlleatre round a plain of without hazard of being attacked on his flanks about fifteen miles extent. Near the middle of from the field, as well as in the centre fron the this pilain stood the town of Uzita, on the brink town itself. In order to cover the approach which of a deep marshy tract, which is formed by the he intended to make to the walls, he catrried on water of some rivulets that ft:ll from the moun-from his campi oln the hills two intrencllhents on tains, and spread upon the plain in that place. the right andl the left, fbrnirlng a lane of sufficient Scipio had posted a garrison in the town, and breadth to embrace the town. Between these had occupied the ridge on one side of the am-parallel lines his troops adlvanced to the walls phitheatre beyond the marsh, but had neglected with perfect security, and under cover from any tile heights, of which Caesar now took possession. attacks that might be madle on their flanks. As It seems, that on these heights there remained a soon as this lane was effected to within the nenumber of towers, or a species of castles con-cessary distance of the wvalls, lie threwi up in front structed by the naltives in the course of their own a breast work opposite to the ramiparts of the wars. In these Cwesar was furnished with a num-town, and from thence began to construct the berofseparate lodgments, which he joined bylines, works that were usually employed in the rediucin order to continue his communication with the tion of fortified places. camp lie had left, and with the port of Ruspina. During the dependanlce of this siege, both par

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.’()4 THE PROGRESS AND TERM3INTATION [BOOK IV ties received great reinforcements. Scipio was an opportunity to decide the war. The armieG
joined by the king of Numidia. who having re-were accordlingly often drawn out in order of batpelkedt the enemy who attempted to invadle his tle, and were present at partial engagements own kingdom, now came with three bodies of of their cavalry or irregular troops, but without regular infantry, formed in the manner of the ally general action. Roman legion, eight hundred heavy armed or In the midst of the great expectations which bridled cavairy, with a great Imultitude of light or must have attended the operations of this siege, irregular troops. Cesar’s army, on the appear-Caesar had one of the many occasions, onI which ance of this new elnmy, merte much discoulrafed; he was ever so ready to commit his genius, his but on seeing that Scipio, even after he was reputation, and his life, in acts of seeming temejoined by the king of N umidia, still remained rity, which persons of inferior ability nmay admire, on the defensive, they resulled their formner con-but never can safely imitate. Varus, with a fleet filence, and were themsel ves soon after rein-of fifty galleys, had surprised and burnt the greater forced by the arrival of two more legions, the part of his shipping at Leptis, and was in chase ninth and the tenth, who on their first approach of Acquila, who, with an inferior squadron, was to the coast, miistook for an enemy some galleys flying before him to the southward. CXsar apwhich Caesar had station(ed off the harblour of prehended that the enemy, in consequence of Thapsus, and under this mistake stood off again this advantage, if not speedily checked, must to sea, where they suffered many days from sick-soon be masters of the sea, so as to cut off’ all his ness, want of provisions, and of water.

supplies and reinforcements from the coasts. hle These legions having been. the principal at-knew that reputation gained or lost on small octhors of the late mutiny in Italy, are said to have casions, often decides the gr atest afihirs; and now come without orders, intending to evince that adverse circumstances, which if sufe-rcd to their zeal, and to court their general’s favour at accumulate, may obscure the brightest ibrtlne, a time when their service might he not only ac-can, if seasonably encountered, by daring efforts ceptable, but necessary to his safety. The prin-of resolution and courage, be actually turned to cipal historian of this warr,l however, relates only, advantage. HIe instantly, therefore, went in perthat Casar having observed tribunes and centu-son to Leptis, fro)m whence he put off in a barge, rions of these legions to have occupied entire and having overtaken his own squadron, which transports with their own equipagle, to the ex-was flying before the enemy, he ordered thlcm to elusion of the troops which were then so much put about, and steer directly against their purwanted for the service, he took this opportunity suers. Varus was struck with this unaccountto execute a piece of justice, which he had able change in the conduct of his enemy, and thought proper to remit, or to defer on a former supposing them to have come in sight of some occasion. That he dismissed several officers of powerful support, he fled in his turn, and crowdthese legions from the service, with the following ing sail, steered for the port he had left.

Cwesar terms of reproach: “For you, who have incited gave chase, overtook some of the heaviest sailers the troops of the Roman people to mutiny against that fell astern, and forced the remainder to take the republic, who have plundered the allies, and refuge in the harbour of Adrumetum.

Iecre he been useless to the state; who, in place of soldiers, presented himlself with an air of defiance; and have filled transports with your servants and having given this turn to the state of his afllirs horses; who, without courage ill the field. or no-at sea, and left peremptory orders to his fleet not desty in your quarters, have been more formlidable to resign tlhe advantage which they had galined to your country than to her enemies, I judge by the enemy’s flight, he returned to the attack you unworthy of any trust in the service of the of Uzita. In such actions the fortunate often republic, and therefore order you forthwith to be succeed, because the attempt appears to be imgone from the province, and to keep) at a distance possible; and imen of’ great abilitv nmay no dloulbt from all the stations of the Roman army.” venture into the midst of’

difficulties, wtih which The other incidents, which are dated by histo-persons of inferior capacity are by no mclans fit to rians during the dependence of the siege of Uzita, contend. do not serve to make us acquainted with its pro-Cesar, notwithstanding that by this stroke of gress, or with the detail of its operations. The fortune he preserved his communication wvith the season we are told was stormy, and Cesar’s army, sea, and received considerable supplies firm thence, in order to crowd the more easily on board of the as well as froim the country around hirm, in which transports, had left great part of their equipage he was favoured by the natives; yet being greatly behind them in Sicily, and were now without circumscribed by the superiority of the oneioy’s any covering besides their shields, exposed to light troops, he suflfered considerably in his camp heavy rains and hail, accompanied with thunder from scarcity of provisions; and being in his preand appearances of fire, which, to their great sent operations against Uzita, to fight with a nuamazement, instead of the ordinary flashes of merous army, in detail, behind the walls of a lightning, became stationary, and for a sensible fortified town, without being able to engage them time continued to flame on the points of their upon equal terms in any decisive action, 7he took spears. While this storm continued, the ground his resolution to discontinue the siege, and to reupon which they lay was overflowed with water, move to a more advantageous station; or to unor washed with continual torrents from the hills. dertake some enterprise, in which he xvas more Caesar, nevertheless, persisted in the attack of likely to succeed. He accordingly decainped in Uzita, and seemed still to flatter himlself that the the night, set fire to the wood and straw that was defence of this place would lay the enemy under amassed upon the ground, left the lanes he had some disadvantage, which might furnish him with fortified with so much labour, and nmarching by the shore, placed his baggage between the colunin of the army and the sea, and thus covered 1 Hirtius. it from the enemy, who he expected were to fol.

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C(AP. VII.) OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 305 low him by the ridge of hills which overlooked tacked, and repeatedly forced to renew the same the line of’

nhis march. operations. They had already been detained The retreat of Casar was sufficient to confirm four hours in passing over a hundred paces, or the leaders of the republican party, in the hopes less than half a quarter of a mile, from the place they had formed of being able to wear him out at which they were first attacked. The sun was by a dilatory war.

They followed him accord-setting, and the enemy were in hopes of being ingly by the heights, and having observed that able to oblige them to halt for the night on a he sto;,m:ed at Agar, a town which he held by field, which was destitute of water. Scipio, for the affections of the natives, they took post on this purpose, still kept the position which he had three several heights, at the distance of about six taken in the morning, and from thence observed, miles from his camp. In this position, they were and occasionally supported, the operations of the not able to hinder him from making in the con-light troops. ti(ruous villanres and fields a considerable acqui-Casar perceived the danger to which he must sition of provisions and forage, which greatly be exposed, if he should halt on this ground, and relieved his army; but, to prevent his farther saw the necessity of continuing his march; but excursions into the country, and to secure its observing, that as often as the cavalry in his rear produce to their own use, they sent two legions, was engaged, whether they repulsed or gave way under the command of Caius Mutius Reginus. to the enemy, he was obliged to stop in order to with ordetrs to take possession of the town of Zeta, support them, or to wait till they had recovered which lay about twenty miles from Agar, and on their station, he thought proper to change his disthe right at some distance beyond their present position, brought forward the horse to the head camp..Casar had-intelligence from the natives, of his column, and substituted a chosen body of that these troops were frequently employed abroad fobot in the rear, who although under an incesin collectiner provisions and forage, and that they sant discharge from the enemy, continued to mlghteasilv he cut off, and the town be surprised. move, and enabled him, though slowly, to effect He accordilolly formed a design for this purpose; his retreat with a regular and uninterrupted pace. and witl a vitew to the execution of it, removed In this manner, notwithstanding the great danfrom the p)lain of Agar, and fortified a strong ger to which he had been exposed, he regained camp on a height nearer to the enemy. Here his camp, near Agar, with a very inconsiderable leaving a sufficient guard for his lines, he put the loss.

remainder of the army in motion in the night, Having thus got possession of Zeta, a post on passed by the enemy’s stations, and surprised the flank or rear of the enemy, C.esar formed the town of Zeta, which he entered by break of successive designs on Vacca, Sarsura, and Tysday, while the greater part of the garrison had d(Ira, places silnilarly situated round the scene of left the oplace in perfect security, and were scat-the war.

His design on the first of these places tered in fobraing parties over the neighbouring was prevented by the Numidians, who, having country. Having placed a sufficient detachment intelligence of’ his coming, entered before bin;, to secure this new acquisition, he set out upon and reduced the town to ashes. Both armies behis return, making a disposition, not to pass the ing in mlotion for some days, he forced Sarsura; enemy unobserved, which was no longer practi-but advancing to Tysdra, with the same intencable, but to force his way through any impedi-tion, he thought proper, upon observing the ment they night oppose to his march. The night strength of the place, not to make any attempt could no longer be of any advantage to him; he against it; and, on the fourth day, having reset out, therefore, by day, leading the governor turned to his station near Agar, the enemy likeof Zeta, with P. Atritas, who belonged to the wise resumed their former position. association of Utica; his prisoners, together with While Casar remained at this post, he resome p)art of Juba’s equipage, and a train of ceived a reinforcement of four thousand men, con camels, loaded with plunder which he had taken sisting chiefly of the sick, who had been lef in the place. behind the army in Italy, and who now joined The enlemy were by this time apprised of his their legions, together with a body of four hunmotions. Scipio was come out of his lines; and, dred horse, and a thousand archers and slingers. not far from Caesar’s route, had posted himself in With this accession of strength, he formed a (eorder of battle.

Labienus and Afranius, with a sign on’I Tegea, which was occupied by a detachgreat power of cavalry and light infantry, had ment of the enemy, supported by the,7whole of taken possession of some heights under which he their army, encamped at the distance of a few was to pass, and were preparing to attack him on miles behind the town; and having advanced, in his flanks, and on his rear. Casar was aware hopes to force or surprise it, about eight miles on of these difficulties; it was nevertheless neces-the plain, he was observed by Labienus and sary to encounter them. He trusted, that the Scipio, who came forward at the same time, head of his column must force its way; and he about four miles beyond their own station, in orplaced his whole cavalry to cover the rear of his der to sustain their detachment. These consistmarch. When he came abreast of the enemy, ing of four hundred horse, divided themselves on being assailed, as usual, by the African cavalry the right and the left of the town; and the main with peculiar efforts of agility and cunning, he armies being formed in order of battle, with this made a halt; and in order, by some great exer-post between them, Cresar gave orders, that the tion, if possible, to clear his way; and procure to party of horse, which ventured to show themhis people some respite in pursuing the remain-selves without the walls of Tegea, should be der of their march undisturbed, he ordered the attacked. The events which followed this first legions to lay down the loads which they usually encounter, brought into action several detached carried, and to charge the enemy. They accord-bodies, both of horse and of fobot, that were sent ingly put all + ke Africans to flight; but no sooner from the different sides to sustain the parties enresumed their march, than they were again at-gaged, but did not lead to any general or decisive Q.,

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306 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINAT’ION [BOOK IV. actioan; and both armies retire(l at night to their in the form of a cre-e:ent, terminating at both respective lines. ends in the sea, he emoraced the town, and proIn mnanv of these partial engagements which posed to encamp his army between them.

Scipio ha)ppened in this caml)aign, Cmsar’s cavalry gave was sufficiently acquainted with the ground, to;way to that of the. Africans. In one of their know, that there was near the harbour a narrow flights Casar met an officer; who was running channel, or salt-pit, w-,laratedl from the sea, by a away with his party, and aflecting to believe him second bleach or sand-bank, which it waIs ixssible under a mistak;e, took hold of lis bridle, “You the enemy might not have observed, and by are wrong,” lie said, ” for it is this way vou must which he miirht still have an entry to the town, go to the enemay.” EIven the legions stood greatly or be able to throw in his succours. He therein awe of the Numidian irregulars, by whom fore advanced mwitl his whole army; and while they were, on mlany occasions, surprised with he made a feint to interrupt Cmsar in the works some new feat of agility or cunning; and they he was carrying on, sent a party to occupy the were considerably intimidlate( by the number and sand-l,ank, or to throw themselves into the town formidable appearance of the elephants, which of Thapsus by that communication. Ciesar, they knew not how to withstand. To fortif, the however, had already taken possession of this minds of his men, and to prepare them to meet passage, and shut it up with three several insuch antaronists, Cwesar had a number of ele-trenchments or redoublts, so placed as to secure it phants briiought to his camp, armed and harnessed at once against any sallies from the garrison, as like thoewe of the enemy. He exercised his horses well as attacks from the field. in presence of these animals, taught his men in The combined army, on being thus disapwhat places to strike, where the beast was vul-pointed of any comlmunication with the town of nerable, and how to elude their fury. He like-Thapsus, remained all the day under arms, and wise malde some chancre in the usual exercise of crave the enemy an opportunity, which lie often the legion, such as niight the better qualify his affected to desire, of terminating the war by a men to baffle or repel the artful arind desultory at-battle. But Caesar, either because he had not tacks of the Numidians; and as he frequently sufficiently fortified his intrenchmehnts to secure eml)loted his regrular troops in forwarincr parties, his rear frcm the townl, or because he would not he inured thellm v de(l(Trees to dep-art frolm their choose that moment to fighlit, when the enemy usual forlls, without losing their courage, and to was prepared to receive him, mlade no advances recover from any casual dlisorder into which they to engage on that day. mihlit be thrown. To show his own confidence Scipio, remaining on the same ground all nighlit. in the superiority of his men, he frequently made took his resolution to encamp, and at break of an oiler of battle on equal ground; and, in the day appeared to ble forming the usual intrenchmaniner that was, in their turns, common to both ments. Cawsar had then probably completed his parties, drew a species of triumph from his ene-own works; and thinking the opportunity fair, mv’s declining to fight. or being determined not to suffer the enemy to In these operations the campaign drew on to effect a lodgment in his presence, he made the the middlle of Februarv, and hadl lasted about five usual signal to prepare for action; and leaving a months; durinr this time (?esar had surmounted proper force to man his intrenchments against the very great difficulties, arising from the dispersion town, drew out the remainder of his army to the of his fle t, the uncertainty of his communication field, ordered part of his fleet to get under sail, to ewith italy, and the scarcity of provisions in a turn a headland in the rear of the enemy; and country laid waste or possessedl by his enemies. as soon as the action began in front, to alarm He was now become mn ster of many towns on them with shouts, or a feint to land and to attack the coast, and of a considterable extent of territory; their rear. Having made these dispositions, he but from the many olbjects which required his at-put his army in motion, and being come near tention in ditffrent parts of the empire, he re-enough to distinguish the posture of the enemy, mained under great disadvantagre in supporting a observed, that their main body was already in dilatory war, in which it appeared that Scipio order of battle, with the elephants disposed on the and Labienus were resolved to persis. In order, wingrs; and that numerous parties were still at if possible, to break their measures, he formed a work on the lines, within which they meant to design upon Thalsus,. their principal garrison encamp. He halted an(dmade a disposition suitand seaport on the southern boundaries of the able to that of the enemy. His centre consisted province. WVith this view he decamped in the of five legions, his wings each of four; the tenth night from his station near Agar, and directing and second legions composed the right wing, the his march to the southward, arrived before Thap-eighth and ninth composed the left. Five cosus on the following day. As he had formerly, horts, together with the cavalry, were selected to in order to secure his convoys against any at-support the archers and slingers that were to betempits from thence, bloclked up the harbour with gin the attack on the enenry’s elephants.

Cesar his ships, he now seized all the avenues which himself went round every division on foot, exled to the town, and invested it completely from horted the veterans to be mindful of the high the land. reputation which they had to support, and recomScipio and Juba, greatly interested to preserve mended to the new levies to take example from a place of so much consequence, put their armies those who were already possessedl of so much in motion, and, to counteract that of Casar, fol-glory, and who were instructed by long expelowed him by the route of the hills. Seeing him rience in the arts to be practised in the day of invest Thapsus, they took their first posts on two battle against an enemy. separate heights, about eight miles from the VWhile Caesar was thus employed, the legions town.

Caesar, with his usual industry and des-of Scipio appeared to reel; they at one time repatch, executed lines both of circumvallation and tired behind their imperfect works, again changed af countervallation. By these lines, which were their purpose, and came back to their ground

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CHIIAP. VII.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC.;‘07 Manv of Ctesar’s officers, and many of the vete-pulsed with loss. When the contest was over, rani si)lliers, well acquainted with this sign of Caesar, to indlcee the town to surrender, displayed distraction alnd irresolution, called aloud for the the troplies of victory; but had no answer. On sigcnal of’ battle. But he himself, possihly to the followincr d;ixt, he drew up his army under whet their ardour, as well as to keep them ill the xwalls of the townl; and( in that place probreath, agrain and acain halted the whole line.

nounced his thanks to the legions for their behaIn this situation of the two armies, Cmsar is viour, andi, ithout any reproach for the disorder said to have been seized with a fit of the epi!epsy, and cruelty of the pre(edings day, declared what to whi-i h he was subject; a disease which, al-were to be the rewards which lie intended, at s. though it attacks the seats of understanding and proper time, for the veterans; and, by some imof senset and suspends, for a time, all the exer-mediate mark of his fitour, distinguished a few cises of them in the most alarming manner, does who had signalized themselves. He appointed not appear froim this example to impair the facul-Caius Rubellius, with three legions, to continue ties, nor to be inconsistent with their highest the siege of Thapsus, and C,:. Domitius with two measures, and their ablest exertions.

The report, others to reduce Tysdra; and having sent forhowe-er, is not consistent with the narration of wardl M‘1. lMessala, with a body of horse on the Hirtius. This historian, although he allows that road to Utica, lie hinlself followed with the rethe troops, in the last part of their motion to en-mainder of the army.l gage, acted without any orders; and( while Cwsar At Utica were assembled from every part of wished them to advance more deliberately, that the empire, all who were obtnoxious to C sar, or they fobried a trumpet on the right to sounid the who, from a zeal for the republic, had refused to usual charge, and that the whole line, without submit to his power. On the third day after the any other sigrnal, overwhelming by force all the battle, towards night, a person who had escaped officers who ventured to oppose them, continued from the field of battle coining to Utica, this unto rush on the enemy: yet he observes that happy convention of citizens was struck with the Cresar, instead of being out of condition to act, greatest alarm. Under the effects of their contook his resolution to excite an ardour which he sternation, they met in the streets, ran to the could not restrain; and, in order that he might gates, and again returned to their habitations. bring his whole army at once with united force They crowdled together in the public places, and into action, commanded all his trumpets to sound, separated by turns, and passed the night in exand hinself, mounting on horseback, rode up treme confusion. Cato represented to them, that with the foremost ranks. The battle becan on the accounts they received might be exaggerated, the right, where the enemy’s elephants being and endeavoured to compose their fears. As galled with a shower of arrows andl stones, reeled soon as it was day he called them together, and back on the troops that were posted to sustain laid befobre them a state of the place, or the works, them, trod part of the infantry under foot, and military stores, provisions, arms, and numbers of broke over the unfinished intrenchments in their men; and having commended the zeal, which rear. they had hitherto shown in defence of the repubThe left of Scipio’s armny being( thus routed, lic, exhorted them now to make the proper use the main body soon after gave xvay; and the of the means they had still of defending themwhole fled to the camnp which they hail formerly selves, or at least of making their peace in a body: occupied; but in their flight, beinmc thrown into ideclared, that if they were inclined to submit to the utmost confusion, and separated from their the victor, he should impute their conduct to neofficers, they arrived at the place to which they cessity; but if they were deterniined to resist, he fled, without any person of rank to rally or com-should reserve his sword forthe last stake of the remand them. hli this state of consternation they public, and share with them in the consequences of threw down their arms, and attempted to take a resolution, which he should love and admire. He reftile in the camp of their Nuinidian ally. But contended, that they were now to consider themthis being already in possession of the enemy, selves as assemblel, not in Utica, but in Rome; they continued their fligrht to the nearest heights; “that the force of the republic was vet great, and an(l being without arms, awaited their fate in a mi(ht still, as on former occasions, rise again from state of helpless despair. When they saw the its ruins; that the forces of Cmsar must still be troops that pursued them advance, they made distracted or separate, to make head againstenesigns of submission, and saluted the victors with mies who were appearing in different parts of a shout; but in vain. They were instantly at-the empire; that in Spain his own army had tacked by the victorious army of Caesar, who, deserted from him, and the whole province had though affecting clemency on former occasions, declared for the sons of Pompey; that Rome, the now seemed to be actuated with a paroxysm of head of the comnlonwealth, was yet erect, and rage and thirst of blood; contrary to the orders would not bend under the yoke of a tyrant; that and entreaties of their general, they put the whole his enemies were multiplyiinl while he seemed to of this unarmed and defenceless multitude to the destroy them; that his own example should insword. They are said, on this occasion, to have struct them; or rafher, that the courage which he seized the opportunity of satiating their revenge exerted in the paths of guilt and of infamy, should on some of their owvn officers who had offended animate those who were about, either to die with them. One was actually murdered, another, honour, or to secure for their country blessings being wounded, fled to Coesar for protection; and in which they themselves were to share.” At many persons of distinction, senators and Roman this assembly, a resolution was accordingly taken knights, observing their danger, thought proper to defend the city of Utica, and numbers of to withdraw to some place of concealment, till the slaves, who were set free by their masters for this present fury of the troops should abate. purpose, were armed and inrolled.

But it soon In the beginning of this memorable action, the garrison of’Thapsus had sallied, but were re-‘ 1 Hirt. de Bello Af.

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)108 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION, &c. [BOOK IV appeared, that the assembly consisted of persons procure the means of their escape, he went to unable to persist in this resolution, and who were the bath, and supped as usual, without any marks preparing separately to merit the favour of the of dejection or affectation of ease; and being reconqueror by an entire and early submission. tired to his chamber, after some time which he They soon made a general profession of this de-employed in reading, he killed himself. His atsign, expressed their veneration of Cato; but tendants, upon hearing a noise which alarmed confessed, that they were not qualified to act them, burst open the door, and would have dressed with him in so arduous a scene; assured him, the wound, but he tore it up with his hand, and that if they were permitted to send a message to expired in., making this effobrt.l Every one, Casar, the first object of it should be to intercede through the day, had been anxious to know what for his safety; that, if they could not obtain it, was the design which Cato covered under the they should accept of no quarter for themselves.

appearance of so much concern for others, and Cato no longer opposed their intentions; but said, of so little care for himself. On the first report that he himself must not be included in their of his death, multitudes crowded to the door of treaty; that he knew not of any right Caesar had his quarters, and gave the most unfeigned demonto dispose of his person; that what had hitherto strations of dejection and sorrow. The colony happened in the war only served to convict Cae-of Utica, though originally hostile to his cause, sar of designs which were often imputed to him, and still in the interest of Caesar, ordered a puband which he always denied. He will now, at lic funeral, and erected his statue in the place of least, own, he said, that his opponents had reason interment. for all the suspicions they suggested against him. Cato died in the vigour of life, under fifty; he While matters were in this state, a party of was naturally warm and affectionate in his temScipio’s horse, which had escaped from the field per; comprehensive, impartial, and strongly posof battle, appeared at the gates of the town, and sessed with the love of mankind. But in his were with difficulty, by Cato’s intreaties, hindered conduct, probably became independent of passion from putting every Roman, who offered to sub-of any sort, and chose what was just on its own mit to Caesar, as well as the inhabitants of the account. He professed to believe, with the sect place, to the sword. Being diverted from this whose tenets he embraced, that it might or might act of violence, and furnished with some money not, in particular circumstances, be expedient for for their immediate subsistence, they continued a man to preserve or lav down his life; out that, their retreat. Most of the senators, who were while he kept it, the only good or evil competent present, took shipping and escaped. Lucius to him consisted in the part which he took, as a Caesar undertook to carry to his kinsman a peti-friend or an enemy to mankind.

He had long tion from such of the Roman citizens as remained; foreseen the dangers to which the republic was and said to Cato, at parting, that he would gladly exposed, and determined to live only while he fall at the victor’s feet to make his peace. To could counteract the designs that were formed which Cato answered, ” If I were disposed to against it.2 The leader of the successful party make my peace with Caesar, I should repair to thought proper to apologize for himself, by decry him in person; but I have done him no wrong, ing the virtues of Cato; but the bulk of mankind, I am not an object of his pardon, and shall not in his own and the subsequent ages, were equally request what it were insolence in him to offer me pleased to extol them; and he is a rare example as a favour.” He, however, on this occasion, ob-of merit, which received its praise even amidst the served to. his own son, that it would not become adulation that was paid to his enemies;s and him to leave his father. ” At a fit time,”

he was thought, by the impartial, equally above the said, ” you will put yourself on the victor’s mer-reach of commendation or censure.4 cy, but do not take part in public affairs: the times do not afford a station in which it would 1 Dio. Cass. Appian. Plutarch. Hirtimus de Bello be proper for you to act.” “And why,” said Africano. the young man, ” will you not take the benefit 2 Sed ver6 laudari ille vir non potest, nisi hac orna. of the victor’s clemency for yourself, as well as ta sunt; quod ille ea, qma nunc sunt, et futura viderit, et ne fierent contenderit, et facta ne videret, vitane refor me?” “I was born tb freedom,” he said, liquerit.

Cicer. ad Att. lib. xii. ep. 4. ” and cannot, in my old age, be reconciled to ser-3 See the writings of Virgil and Horace. vitude. For you these times were destined; and 4 Cujus gloria3 neque profuit quisquamn laudaldo, t ma become you to submit to your fate.” nec vituperando quisquam nocuit, quum utrumlque t may become you to submit to your fate.” summis praediti fecerint ingeniis. Frag. Livii ex Hav;.mg passed the day in aiding his friends to Hieronym. Prolog. lib. xi. in Oscam.

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THE HISTORY OF THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. BOOK V.

CHAPTER I. Arrival of Casar at Uttca-Wreck qf the Republican Party-Servility of the Roman People  Maagnirfi.lence and Administration qf Ceesar-His last Campaign in CSpain-Death of the elder of Pompey’s Sons Casar’s Return, Triumphs, Honours, and Policy in the StateSpirit of the times-Source of the Conspiracy against Casar-Its Progress-Death of Cersar.

WHEN Csar was informed, on his march devised for the ruin of the commonwealth. Cato from Thapsus, that of all the principal men of therefore alone, of all his antagonists, he possibly the opposite party, Cato alone remained at Utica hated beyond the possibility of a reconciliation.5 to receive’ him, he was at a loss to interpret his Caemsar was in reality, according to the repreconduct, and possibly might have found it difficult sentation of his friend Curio, neither sanguinary to determine how he should deal with an antago-nor scrupulous of blood, but in the highest degree nist, whom he neither could reconcile to his usur-indifferent to both, and ready to do whatever was pation, nor treat as a criminal. The character most likely to promote his designs. As he had of generosity towards his enemies, which Cesar already sufficiently provided for the reputation of had assumed, laid him under some obligation, in clemency, he now made a freer use of his sword, point of consistency, to treat the person of Cato and in proportion as he approached to the end of with respect; and the opportunity he would have the war, or saw the means of extirpating those had, in that instance, of exercising his clemency who were most likely to disturb his government, with so much lustre, could not have escaped him. he dipped his hands with less scruple in the blood In the busiest scene of his life he had not any of his enemies. As he pursued Pompey into party object, or any party quarrel to maintain; he Egypt, under a certain impression that the death had repeatedly sacrificed personal animosity to of this rival was material to the establishment of ambition; and when he took the field against the his power in Italy, so it is likely that he now republic, he had few private resentments to grati-hastened to Utica as a place at which he might fy: he knew that an affectation of reluctance in crush the remains of the republic. On hearing shedding the blood of Roman citizens, the reverse of the death of Cato, however, he made use of an of what remained so much an object of horror in expression which served to discover the resolution the memory of Sylla, was the likeliest means to he had taken with respect to him. “I must be cover the effects of this destructive war, and to allowed,” he said, “to envy this man the splenreconcile the people to his government.. In the dour of his death, as he has refused me the honour bulk of his fellow citizens he had found either of preserving his life.” Having passed through rubbish to be removed from the way of ambition, Uzita and Adrumetum, which surrendered to or tools with which he might work in removing him on his march, and being met by numbers lt; they were the dupes of his policy, or open to who came to make their submission, he arrived the imputations of sinister designs or unreason-at Utica in the evening, and continued all night able obstinacy which he cast on his opponents. In without the gates. Cato, perhaps, alone, he found a measure of esti-Marcus Messala had already taken possession mation, which, with all his abilities and prosperous fortune, he could not neglect, and a penetration which, without management for his per-5 Et cnncta terrarum subacta procter atrocem ani son, treated his politics as a system of villany mum Catons. 309

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310 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK V..f the town. Caesar entered on the following Juba finding himself thus disobeyed, even hy day; and having ordered the people to attend his own subjects, retired to one of his country him, made a speech, in which he thanked the seats; and having ordered a splendid entertaincolony of Utica fir their faithful attachment to ment at the close of it he and Petreius fell tohis cause; but spoke of’

tlee hundred Roman gethe by their own swords. The kingdom of citizens, who had contributed to support the war Nunl Jia was converted into a Roman province, against him, in terms which suflciently showed and tae government of it was committed to Salthat he was no longer to court the reputation of lust the historian. The son of’ the king, )et an mercy.

Appian says, that as mlany of them as infant, was reserved to make a part in the profell into his hands were by his order put to death. cession of the victor’s triumph.2 The furniture Hirtius relates, that he only confiscated their and ornaments of his palaces were sold, and proeffects, and that this sentence was afterwards duced a considerable sum of money.

Great conchan ged int-a linlited fine, amounting in all to tributionls were raised at the same time inr those two hundred thousand sestertia, or about a mil-parts of Africa which had been already subjected lion and a half sterling, to be paid in three years, to the condition of a Roman province. The inat six separate payments. habitants of Thapsus were lmade to pay fifty From this general wreck of the republican thousand Roman sestertia;3 those of Adrunietulln, party in Africa, the leaders continued their flight ei(rhty thousand; those of Leptis and Ty sdra in different directions. Many who surrendered paid the quotas exacted from them in corn anld themselves were spared; Iut most of those, who, oil. in their attempts to escape, tfll into the enemy’s Caesar having, in this manner, closed a scene hands, either killed themselves, or by Cmesar’s in which he had destroyed fifty thousand of’ his order were put to death.l Afranius and Faustus opponents, who might be supposed to be the most Sylla having joined a party of cavalry that fled obstinate adherents of the republican party, and by Utica fromn the field of battle, were intercepted having joined to the empire a territory which, by by Sitius, and defendinr thenimselves, with the the report afterwards made in the assemnbly of loss of many of their partv, were taken. In a the people, was fitted to yield an annual tribute few days after this event, these prisoners, under of three hundred thousand medinlni of grain, pretence of a riot in the camp, were put to death. and three hundred thousand weight of oil,4 he Sciiio, with Danlasippus, Torquatus, and embarked at Utica, on the fifteenth of June. and Plhtorius Rustianus, endeavoured to escape by in three days after he sailed from thence, arrived sea into Spain. After being tossed some days in the island of Sardinia a part of his domlinio~ns, with contrary winds, they ventured to put into said Cicero, which he had not hitherto seen. Hippo, on the coast of Nutaidia, where they met Before his departure from Africa he had niade with a squadron of Ca3sar’s fleet, commanded by necessary arrangements respecting the army; and, Sitius.‘Their vessel being boarded, they were although he had recently availed himlself of the askedin with impatience, where is the general?

services of the legions who had mutinied in Italy, Scipio himself made answer, the general is well; and seemed to have forgotten their oflifnce, yet and in uttering these words stabbed himself, and he took the benefit of the present prosperous went headlong into the sea. state of his affairs to indulge his resentment; and Juba, with Petreius, having escaped from the that they might not communicate with factious field of battle at Thapsus, lay concealed by day, spirits in Italy, have leisure to overrate their serand continued their flight in the night towards vices, or to set an example to the rest of the army Zama, a place which, at the breaking out of the of exorbitant demands, he ordered them to be war, the king of Numidia had fortified, and made broke and disbanded in Africa. The remainder the residence of his women, and the repository of of the troops who had given him the victory in his treasure and most valuable effects He knew that country, he ordered, after receiving the nethat if he should be taken captive by a Rolnan cessary refreshments, to proceed in the voyage to general, the consequence was being led In tri-Spain, where he had still some resistance to apumph, and possibly afterwards put to death. He prehend from the sons of Pompney. had therefore provided this retreat in case of an Leaving the army therefore to pursue this unfortunate issue to the war; intending it merely course, Cwesar himself took shipping again in the as a place at which he might die in state. With island of Sardinia on the twenty-ninth of June; this intention he had raised, near to the royal and, being some time detained by contrary winds, palace, a pile of wool on which he meant to conarrived at Rome on the twenty-sixth of the folsume whatever could mark or adorn the victor’s lowing month;5 having since the time of his detriumph; and it was his purpose, while he set parture from Italy, on the expedition to Africa, these materials, and with them the whole city, on in which he had so many difficulties to surmount, fire, to commit himself and his women to the spent no more than six months. flames.

The news of Casar’s victory had bIeen some The inhabitants of Zama had some intimation time received. The principal supports of the reof this design, and, upon the approach of the public had fallen at Thapsus and at Pharsalia; king, not choosing to celebrate by such an offer-and as the sons of Pompey, though f:avourably ing the exit of a vanquished prince, shut their received by their late father’s adherents in Spain, gates and refused him admittance. They like-were not yet supposed to be in condition to resist wise had the humanity to refuse sending the the victor, the revolution in his favour seemed to women to him, on a supposition that he meant be complete, and every part of the Roman emthey should be a sacrifice to his jealousy, or be pire subjected to his power.

Nothing now reinvolved in his ruin. mained, but that he should take possession of 1 Dio. Cass. lib. xliii. c. 12. Appian. de Bello Civili, 2

Plut. in CaBs. 3 About 400,0001. lib. ii. Florus, Futropius, Hirtius. 4

Plut. in Cars. 5 Hirtius de Bell. Afr. c. 86.

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CHIAP. T.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 311 that sovereignty to which he aspired, and in deemed the equal in rank to Cato and Catulllus, which, it soon after appeared, that to him there to Hortensius and Cicero, and the equal in repuwas a charm, even in the court that was paid to tation to Sylla, to Fabius, and to the Scipios, he him, as welt as in the possession of power. preferred being a superior among profligate men, Whatever distress the surviving members of the leader almong soldliers of fortune, and to exthe commonwealth may have suffered on the loss tort by force-f’rom his fellow citizens a deference of their relations and fricnds, who had fallen in which his wonderful abilities must have made the late bloody transactions of this war, or what-unavoidable, even if he had possessed the magever mortification they may have felt on the loss nanimity to despise it. of their own,otlitical conse quence, as partners in Ctresar, soon after the distinctions now menthe elllpire of the world, lno symptoms of aversion, tioned were bestowed upon him, addressed himor unwillin( submission, appeared on the part of self to the Roman senate and people, in a skpeech the people; alll orders of men hastened to pay which, being suplposedl to proceed from a master, their court to the victor, and, by their servile adu-was full of condescension andt Ienity, but from a lations, to anticipate the state of degradation into fellow c:tizen was fraught with insult and conwhich they were soon to be reduced. tumernly. A speech (lelivered on so remarkable an In the name of the senate and people, a conlti-occasion was likely to be in slubstance preserved; nual thanksgiving of forty days was decreed for and under the government of his successors, by the late victory at Thapsus. The power of dic-whom he was numbered with the gods, it was tator was conferred on C:sar for ten years, and not likely to get abroad but with a view to do that of’censor, which gave the supreme disposal him honour. “Let no man,” he said, “imagine of honours and rank in the commonwealth, and that, under the favour of my exalted situation, I which, on account of the abuse to which it was am now to indulge myself in acts, or even in exsubject, had been some tilne abolished, was now pressions, of severity; or that I am to follow the under a new title, that of Prcefectus Morcum, re-example of Marius, of Cinna, of Sylla, or of most stored in his person. At the same time the no-others, who, having subdued their enemies, dropt, uinatio)n of some of the officers of state, formerly in the height of their fortune, that character of elected by the people, was committed to him. He moderation, under which they had formnerlv enwas, in the exercise of these powers, to be pre-rticed men to their party. I have appeared all ceded by seventy-two lictors, triple the number along in my true character, and now, in the of those who used to attend the dictators, and he heiglht of my power, have no change to make in was to enjoi, for life, many of the inferior pre-my conduct.6 The more my fortunes advance, rogratives, which, un(ler the republic, served to the more I will endeavour to use them properly.

distillnruish the first officers of state; such as that My sole object, while I endeavoured to rise above of givinM signals for the horses to start, or for my enemies, was to secure for myself a situation the othler sports to begin at the games of the cir-in whlich I might exercise virtue with dignity cus; andl that of delivering his opinion before any and safety; and I shall not now imitate the exone else in the senate. It was likewise ordered, amnples which I myselfoften have condemned, nor that he should have in the senate a gilded chair sully the splendour of my victories by an improper of state, placed next to that of the consul; and, use of mv power. as if it were intende d to join ridicule with these “As the favours of fortune are won by vlgour, extraordinary honlours, it was decreed that as the so they are preserved by moderation, and should conqueror of Gaul, in his triumphs he should be be most carefully preserved by those who enjoy drawn by white horses, to put him on a foot of the greatest share of them. I covet sincere aftecequality with Camillus, to whom this distinction tion and genuine praise; not the adulation that had been given, as the restorer of his country springs from fear and hatred. These are my from its destruction by the ancestors of that na-serious thoughts, confirmed on reflection; and tion; that his name should be inserted, instead you shall find me governed by them in all the uf that of Catullus, as the person who had reactions of my life. I do not mean to be your lord built the capitol; that a car, like that of’

Jupiter, or your tyrant, but your chief and your leader. should tbe placed for him in the same temple, and When the state has occasion for my authority, near to the statue of the god himself; and that you shall find in me a dictator and a consul; but his own statue, with the title of a demi-god, on ordinary occasions, no more than a private should be erected on a globe representing the man. earth. “I have spared many who were repeatedly in It is said that Caesar refused many of the ho-arms against me. I have shut my ears to the iniours whlicll were iecreedl to him; but in these, formations of the hidden designs of others, and which lie no doubt encouraged, or favourably re-have destroyed all letters and papers which could ceived, he sufficiently betrayed a vanity which lead to a detection of my secret enemies. To but rarely acc ompanies such a distinguished su-most of you I can have no resentment; and I do periority of understanding and courage. Though not incline to raise prosecutions againlst those in respect to the ability with which he rendered who may think they have incurred my displeamen subservient to his purpose; in respect to the sure. Live, therefore, with me from this tinme choice of means for the attainment of his end; in forward in confidence, as children with their farespect to the plan and execution of his designs, ther. I reserve to myself the power of punishing he was far above those who were eminent in the the guilty, as far as justice requires; but will prohistory of mankindt; yet in respect to the end tect the innocent, and reward the deserving. whiclh he plursue(, in respect to the passions he ” Let not these appearances of military force had to gratify, he was one merely of the vulgar, alarm you. The troops which are quartered in andt conrdess’endcd to lbe vain of titles and honours, which lie has shared with persons of the meanest capacity. Insensible to the-hor.:r of being i Dio. Can,.s. lib. xliii.. 15.

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312 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK V. the city, and which attend my person, are des-pounds.5 He at the same time distribute(l to tined to defend, not to oppress the citizens; and each private man of the army, five thousand dethey will know, upon every occasion, the limits narii or drachmas, about one hundred a5n(l sixty of their duty. one pounds sterling: to each centurion, double: ” Uncommon taxes have lately been levied in to the tribune, quadruple ~ to the people, an attic the provinces and in Italy, but not for my private mina of a hundred drachmas, or about three use. I have in reality expended my fortune, pounds four shillings and seven pence a man. 6 and contracted immoderate debts in the public The soldiers, who walked in these processions, service; and, while I myself have borne so great in chaunting their ballads and lampoonls, took the a part of’ the burden, am likewise made to bear usual petulant liberties with their leader, alluded the blame of what others have exacted.” He to the disorders of his youth and to the crimes of concluded with assurances, that the arrears which his age; and showed that they were not (deceived were due to the troops, and the other debts of by the professions which he made of a z1al for the piublic,’ should be paid with the least possible the rights of the people. “If you observe the inconvenience to the people. laws,” they said, “you shall be punished; but if In this speech was conveyed, not the indignant you boldly transgress them all, a crown is your and menacing spirit of Sylla, who despised the reward.” These appearances of freedomn in the very power of which he was possessed; but the troops, perhaps, flattered the people with some conscious state and reflecting condescension of a image of the ancient familiarity of ranks which prince who admired and wished to) recommend subsisted in times of the republic; but the license his greatness. The Roman people, in former of mere soldiers of fortune brings too often the instances of usurpation, had experienced sanguin-reverse of freedom to the people; and in whatever ary and violent treatmTnnt, and they now seemed manner those of Rome were (qualified to judge to bear with indifference the entire suppression of their own situation, it is likely that the Ipaof their political rights, when executed by hands, geants, which now entertained them, were part that refrained from proscriptions and murders. of the means which Caesar employed to reconcile But as Cesar seemed to think his present eleva-them to his usurpation, and to divert their tion the highest object of human wishes, there thoughts from the prospect of a military governwere some who thought their present subjection ment with which they were threatened. FartheI the lowest state of degradation and misery. to secure these effects, he continued to multiply ” What should I do in such times?” says Cicero shows and public diversions. I-Ie himself, at the to his correspondent, “books cannot always amuse close of his triumphs, walked in procession at me. I go into any company, affect to be noisy, the opening of magnificent edifices he had built, and laughll, to conceal my sorrow.“2 and in his return at night from this ceremony, The populace were gratified with shows, pro-attended by multitudes of the people, was lighted cessions, and feasts, and with the gratuities that by torches borne on elephants.7 At the same were given them in money. CGesar had four time he erected theatres, and exhibited dramllatic separate triumphs in one month. The first for performances in diflfrent parts of the city, and his conquest of Gaul, at which Vercingetorix, amply indulged the taste of’ the populace for enthe prince of the Arverni, by a custom cruel and tertainments of every sort. He introduced not odious in all its parts, was led in cllains, and only gladiators to fight in single combat, but rparafterwards put to death. The second for his ties on foot and on horseback to engage in convictory in Egypt, at which Arsinoe, the sister of siderable numbers on opposite sides, and to the queen, was exhibited in fetters, and by her exhibit a species of battles. Among these he youth and beauty excited a general compassion, showed the manner of fighting from elephants, which preserved her life. A third for the defeat having forty of these animals properly mounted, of Pharnaces, where the trophies, as has already and the manner likewise of fightinlg at sea. havbeen mlentioned, were marked with the words, ilng vessels on a piece of water which was formed I came, I saw, I vanquished. The last for the for the purpose. In most of these shows, the overthrow of the king of Numidia, in which the parties who were engacrged, being captives or infant son of that prince was carried in procession.

malefactors condemned to die, gave a serious exThis captive having received a literary education hibition of the utmost efforts they could make in at Rome, became afterwards, according to Plu-real fight. tarch, an historian of eminence.s Among the other articles of show and expense Although triumphs were not obtained for the which composed the magnificence of these enterdefeat of fellow citizens, and nothing in these tainments, are mentioned the blinds or awnings processions had reference to Pompey, yet the’of silk, a material then of the highest price, which effigies of many considerable senators, who had were spread over the public theatres to shade the fallen in the civil war, were carried before the spectators from the sun, and to enable theml unvictor’s chariot.

disturbed, from under these delicate coverings, to In these processions, Cesar is said to have enjoy the sights of bloodshed and horror which carried to the treasury, in all, sixty thousand ta-were presented before them. Two human sacrilents in money;4 two thousand eight hundred and fiees, we are told, were at the same timne oflered twenty two chaplets or crowns of gold, weighing up in the field of Mars, by priests specially named twenty thousand four hundred and fourteen for this service. Of this shocking cxhllil)tion, the historian does not explain thle occasion.8 Tile whole was attended by a 1tast, to which the 1 Dio. Cass. lib. xliii. c.

15. &c. 2 Cic. ad Fanmiliar. lib. ix. ep. 26. Miraris tam exhiliratam esse servitiitem nostram. Quid ergo fa-5 The Roman pondo consisted of ten ounces, about ciam?-ibi loquor quod in solurn ut dicitur, et gelnitum 800,0001. in risims maximos transfero. 6 Appian. Suet-in. 7 Dio. Cass.

Suetlnmus 3 Plut. in Cws. Dio. Cass. 4 About 10,000,0001. 8 Dio. Cass.

1i5. iii. c. 24.

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CHAP. 1.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 313 people were invited, and at which twenty thou-exercise of so much power, he became reserved and sand benches or couches were placed for these difficult to access, familiar only with persons numerous guests.9 So great was the concourse whom he himself had raised, and who had talents from the country to this entertainment, that mul-amusing or serviceable, and without any pretentitudes lay in the streets, or lodged in booths sions to alarm his jealousy.?4 Nevertheless, if the erected for the occasion. Many were trampled Romans could have overlooked what was offenunder foot, and killed in the crowds. Among sive in his manner, or illegal in the powers which those who perished in this manner, two Roman he had thus usurped, many of his acts were in senators are mentioned. themselves, as might have been expected from so This method of gaining the people, by flatter-able a personage, worthy of a great prince, and ing their disposition to dissipation and idleness, tending to reform abuses, as well as to facilitate was already familiar at Rome. It had been em-the summary proceedings of the despotical power ployed under the republic in procuring favour, he had assumed. and in purchasing votes by those who aspired to Among the first acts of Caesar’s reign, the law the offices of state. It was now intended by of Sylla, by which the children of the proscribed Cassar to effect the revolution he had in view, had been excluded from holding any office in the and to reconcile the populace of Rome, who had state, was repealed. The judiciary law, which for some time governed the empire, to the loss of had undergone so many alterations, and which their political consequence, in being deprived of in its latest form, admnitted some of the inferior a power which they were no longer worthy to class of the people15 on the roll of the judges or hold. It is probable, that the arms of Cresar jurymen, was now reformed, so as to limit the were not more successful in subduing those who exercise of the judicature to the senators and opposed him in the field, than these popular arts knights. A scrutiny was made into the titles of were in gaining the consent of his subjects to the those who had been in the practice to receive dominion he was about to assume. corn at the public granaries, and their numbers From this time forward, Cesar took upon him-were greatly reduced.‘6 Of the corporations self all the functions of government, and while he which had been multiplied for factious purposes, suffered the forms of a senate and popular assenl-many were abolished, and the original compahIres to remain, availed himself of their name and nies of the city alone were permitted to remain. authority without consulting with either, affixing Many punishments, for the better restraining of without scruple the superscription of’ particular crimes, were increased. To the ordinary punish. senators to the decrees or edicts, which he sent ment of murder, was joined the confiscation of abroad into the provinces.l0 ” My name,”

says the whole estate; to that of some other crimes, Cicero, “is often prefixed to public deeds which the confiscation of one half. The kalendar was are sent abroad, as having been moved or drawn reformed upon the princilples established by the up) by me, and which come back from Armenia Egyptian astronomers. The reckoning by lunar or Syria as mine, before I have ever heard of months, and the use of irregular intercalations, theml at Rome. Do not imagine I am in jest; which had been frequently made for party and for I have letters from persons, whose names I political purposes, had so deranged the terns, that never heard of before, thanking me for the ho-the festivals to be observed by reapers did not noor I have (lone them in bestowing the title of happen in harvest, or those of the vintage in kiing.” ” autumn. To restore them therefore to their proEqually absolute in the city as in the provinces, per dates in the kalendar, no less than an interCaesar placed whoever he thought proper on the calation of sixty-seven days, or above two months, rolls of the senate; and, without regard to birth, was required. This intercalation was made in declared some to be of Patrician rank. He re-the present year, between the months of Novemcalled some who had been driven into exile fbr ille-her and December, so that the name of Decemgal practices, andi reinstated in their ranks many her was transferred from the time of the autumnal whom the censors had derraded.l2 In all the elec-eqluingx, to that, where it stili remains, of the tions, he named half the magristrates, or in a mian-wniter solstice. date, addressed to the tribes, took upon him to di-Under the government of Caesar, sumptuary rect the people whonl they were to choose.: in the laws were fralned to restrain the expense of the table; and he himself extressed a great zeal to 9 Pllit. in Cmesitr. correct the abuse wlich pirevailed in this article. 10 It is well known, that the senatis consulta bore Being sensiblle that Italyv was greatly depopulated the names of the senators by whom they were pro-by tlre distractions ef the cornillmnwealth, and by pos11 Ante audio seatis consstui in Arenias et the devastationl ot the late civii war, he took Syriams esse perlaturn, quodl in ineam senltentiamn fc-measures to restore tie numbler’s of the people, turn esse dicatur, quiam oinino mentionern ullanl (de both by detaining the natives of Italy at home, ea re esse factasn. Atq(le lhoc nolimn me jocare paltes, and by inviting foreigners to settle. He (gave nasn mihi scito jamii, a regibtiis ultimis allatas esse literas, quibtis lmilsi gratias agant, quod se siea sententia reges appellaverinl; q!ios ego non sisodto reges 14 Cicer. ad Familiar. lib. iv. ep 9. lb. lib. vi.

ep. 14. appellatos, sed oinnino nato niesciebarn. Cicero ad Fa-15 The tribuni fI/rarii. iiliares, lib. iy. ep. 15. 16 The leaders of faction under the repllblic. and no 12 At this tis et lie with rlimclh difficulty was per-one probably niore than Ciesar himself. In order to insuaded, at the inrtercessionl of the senate, to Iermnit the crease the numbers of their partizais. I,ia t Lalalmented return of Caiuls Marcellis, who at Athenils, on his way this list, and it was uindoubtedlyl v 1)(:one a creat abuse. into Italy, was, paon motives wliich have not been ex- )ion.

Cassius sarys, it was at this ti11ne rellrced by plailled, assassinated by oine of his own attenldants. (‘tasar to one half Suletollnis spciies tile l ii number This Marcellus was consuil, 1J. C. 7()3. from three Iiihndredl andlt twenty tlhtsia ril ti one hun13 The words of Csar’s Iiiimandate were, Ctesar tred andt fifty tlhoilsand. I’liltalrct Nii Appian state dictator trib;li, &c. &c. cominsseindo vobis ilium, &c. c the rtl (lduction, so as to be url!Cersto;),i of the nimbers ut vestro sulfragio ssuam dlignitatesl tenleat. Suleton. of thie whlmle people, in comispariin thlie snuister taken iii Cutsar. before the civil war wvith the one soxw snlale. 2 R

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3J 1 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK V. premiums to those who had families: he ordered, the natives to espouse his cause. The troops on that no citizen above twenty nor under ten, ex-the continent, in the mean time, even before cept belonging to the arn.y, should remain out of Pornpey arrived to take thte command of then, Italy above three years at a tine; and that the declaread themselves openly against Cwsar, anl sons of senators, except in the family or retinue erased his name from their bucklers. They of the public officers, should not go abroad; obliged his lieutenanlt’Irebonius to fly from their that all landholders in Italy should employ no quarters, and owned T. Quintus Scapula and less than one third fxeemen on their lands; Q. Aproniusfor their general. that all practitioners of liberal arts, particularly In this posture of afilirs, young Pomlney ar foreign physicians settling at Rome, should be rived in Spain, took the command of this army, admitted on the rolls of the people; and at the and either received or forced the submission of same time he extended the privilege of Romans the principal towns. ITe was likewise strengthto whole cities and provinces in different parts of ened by the accession of all the Ronlan settlers in the empire,l by these means increasing the num-the province who retained any zeal for thle reher of Roman citizens, or at least increasing the public, and by the remains of frnmer armies who number of those who were to bear this title. had been levied by his father, especially such of Sensible that he himself had become dangerous that army which had served under Afranius on to the republic, by having his power as a provin-the Segra, as were left in Spain; and by many cial officer improperly prolonged, he took mea-officers of rank, who, having escaped fionl Thessures to prevent a similar danger to the govern-saly or Africa upon the late calanities of their ment, of which he himself had now acquired the party, had taken refuge in this country. Among possession, limiting the duration of command in these, Labienus and Varus, with as many as the provinces, if with the title of proprator to one could be saved from the massacre at Thapsus, year, or with that of proconsul to two years; a were assembling anew under the standard of regulation in which he showed how well he un-Pompey. The two brothers, Croaus mand Sextus, derstood the nature of the ladder by which he were joined together, and supported by the name himself had mounted to his present elevation, and of their father, lwhlich was still in high vene ration; how much he desired to withhold the use of it they had assembled thirteen legi(cis. Among from any one else who might be disposed to tread these, were two le:gions of native Spaniarids, who in his steps, or to dispute his continuance in the had deserted from”Trebonius;2 one that was raised height he had gained. from the Roman colonists; and a fourth which While Cesar, on a supposition that he himself had arrived from Africa, with the eilder oft the was to hold the reigns of government, was pro-two brothers. viding for the security of the power he had esta-At. Fabius IMaximnus and 0.. Pediils or T)iblisheel in the capital, and on a supposition that dius,3 the officers of Casar, being unabl)e to make he had no enemy left in the field, or that the re-head against this force, remained on the defenmains of the adverse party in the provinces might sive, and by the reports which they nmainae to their be extinguished by his oflicers, was betaking himn-commander, represented the necessity o(
lis own self to civil aflairs and to popular arts, he had represence in the province. ports from Spain which convinced him, that his The continuance of the dictatorial dnxwer in own presence might still be necessary to repress CEsar’s person, had superseded the usual suCa party, which began to resume its vigour under cession in the offices of state.

Leplidus still rethe sons of Pompey. He had sent Didius, with nmained in his station of general of horse; and, the fleet and army, from Sardinia, to secure the with a council of six or nine pra f’cts being left possession of Spain; but this service was found to conmiland at Rome, Ces;ar set out ill the to be more difficult than was at first apprehlended. autumln for Spain. I-le ordered trool;s Irom Italy He had himself, in appearance, reduced this pro-to reinforce those already employed in this servince; but many humours had broke out irn it, vice, al(nd, in twenty-seven (lays after lis departwhile he was afterwards so much occupied in ure from Rome, arrived at SacguntLun.4 other parts of the empire. Even the troops which Upon the news of Cwsar’s apt-irjach, Cnuaus had joined his standard, mutinied during the un-Pompeius had assembled all his fo-rme en the certain state of his fortunes in Thessaly and Betis, posted his brother Sextus with a proper.Tgypt; and though, upon the death of C(assius garrison at Corduba, and bimself endeavoured to Longinus, and the succession of Trebonius, their reduce Ulia, a town which still heldm out agrinst discipline was in appearance restored; yet con-him in that neighbourhood. Cwasar’s first object, sciousnless of the heinous oflence they had comupon his arrival ill Spainl, as to preserve this mitted against Caesar made them doubt of his place from falling into the enelmy’s hands. For forgiveness; and, joined with the inclination and this purpose, he detachci d eleven cohorts under respect which they yet entertained for the family the command of L. Julius Paciecus, with orders, of Pompey, determined them to take part against if possilile, to throw themselves into the towrn him. They had opened a secret correshpondence The nlight in which timey marched for this purwith Scipio, while he was yet at the head of a pose, being( stormy alid dark, they n-ass-d tihe first powerful army in Africa, and encouraged him to posts of the -)esiegers unnotic d -. When near send a proper officer into Spain to take the cmm-the gates. they \were chaillenged; 1* It the officel mand of such forces as could be raised in the pro-who leod the vain, haviingr answered in a low voice, vince. that they were a detachment orderedl to tile foot Young Pompey was sent for this purpose. In of the wall inl search of somne entry, by which, his way, he put into the island of Majorca, and under thle cover of the night, they nmimglt surlnris. was there solne time detained by sickness, or remlained in expectation that he might prevail onI 2 Itirtius de Bell.

Ttisp. 3 )io. Casmm. i)itl. e. 31. 4 ApI). dle Bell Civil. lib. i. or as Strabo xwriles. at 1 Dio. Cass. Suieton A mpian. Obulio, lib. iii. p. m;U.

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CHAP. l.j OF TEiE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 315 the garrison, they were suffered to pass, and prethen should be the last day of his life, and of senting themselves at one of the gates, upon a their services, took a place in the ranks as a signal that had beetl agreed upon, they were ad-mere legionary soldier. In this manner he remitted into the town. newed the action, and being reduced to the neWhile Caesar thus reinforced the garrison of cessity of animating his men with the example Ulia, he himself, to make a diversion in their fa-of his own personal valour, committed his forvour, marched lup) to Corduba, cut off a party that tune and his life to the decision of a contest, in had been sent tiolm thence to observe his motions, which his ability as an officer could no longer and threatened the town with a siege. Sextus, have any share; but while the event was still in who was in the place, being alarmed, sent press-suspense, Bogud, an African, commanding a ing representations to his brother, who accord-body of horse in his service, having made an atingly abandoned his lines before Ulia, and march-tempt to pierce into Pomlpey’s camp, drew Laedl to his relief. Both armies encamped on the bienlus from his post in the field to cover it. This Guadalquivir.5 The parties that were sent for-accident turned the fortune of the day. The ward by them to scour the country, or to cover troops, who till then valiantly sustained Cnsar’s their quarters, were engaved in daily skirmishes. attack, believing that Labienus deserted them, But the two brothers, being in possession of the instantly fled in disorder. The slaughter from principal stations, and in condition to protract the thence forward turned as usual entirely against war, cntinued to act on the defensive. C’ sar, those who fled. Thirty thousand fell upon the on his part, made some movements in order to field, and among them three thousand Ronlan dlisconcert them, and to fint, if possible, an op-citizens of high condition, with Labienus and portunity of coming to action; but the country Accius Varus at their head. Seventeen officers beinr hilly, and the towns generally built upon of rank were taken, with thirteen Roman eagles heights, every where furnished strong posts for or legionary standards. the enemy, and prevented his making any pro-Cwesar acknowledged, that having on other gress. The winter at the same time occasions fought for victory, he had now been C. J. Crsar, approached, and exposed his army obliged to fight for his life. He had a thousand DtC. E.

L to considerable hardships from the men killed, and five hundred wounded, before pidLS, severity of the season, and from the the enemy gave way.

Part of the vanquished.I E. Coss. scarcity of provisions. Under these army retired into the town of Munda, part into U. C. -08. disadvantages, he undertook the siege the camp, and in their respective posts prepared of Allegua, and on the twentieth of to defend themselves to the last extremity. Ca - February, after an obstinate resist-sar, on the approach of night, took possession of ance, obliged that town to surrender.6 all the avenues by which either might escape; Our accounts of these operations, which are and it is said, that the troops he employed in this ascribedl to Hirtius, and which, with his other service, instead of traverses of earth or stone to performances are annexed to Cesar’s Colnmen-obstruct the highiways, raised up mounds of the taries, being less perfecct than other parts of the dead bodies. collection, all we can distinctly learn from them Early in the morning of the following day, is, that after a variety of different movements, Casar having left the town of Munda in this which gave rise to frequent skirmishes, the ar-manner blocked up or invested, set out for Cormies in the month of March came to encamp in duba, which Sextus, the younger of the two the plain of Munda, about five miles from each brothers, upon the news of the battle, had alother; that Casar was about to leave his station, ready abandoned. when in the morning of his intended departure, Cnuaus, on seeing the rout of his own army, he had intelligence, that the enemy had been fled with a small party of horse on the road to under arms from the middle of the preceding Carteia.7 Here he had collected most of his nlig(ht, and were meditating some attempt on his shipping and naval stores; but the news of his cam’). This intelligence was followed by the defeat having arrived before himn the pot:le were sudden appearance of their army on some ole-divided in their inclinations. Part had already vated (rounds near the town of Munda; but as sent a deputation with an offir of their services they showed no disposition to come into the to Casar; part still adhered to tile famnily of plain, Caesar, after some hesitation, advanced to Pompey, and from these opposite dispositions attack them. had proceeded to actual violence and bloodshed In the army of Pompey, together with the in the streets. Pompey himself was wounded in flower of a warlike people, the natives of Spai, one of their scutfles, and expecting no safety in were assembled many veterans of the Romran 1e-a place, in which so many of the inhabitants had gions, inured to blood; many Roman citizens of declared against him, he took ship, and put to rank, now pushed to despair, or warned, by the sea with thirty galleys. He was pursued by fate of their party at Thapsus, not to expect Didius, who commanded Cassar’s squadron at safety from the mercy of a victorious enemy, Gades; andi being obliged in a few days to stop and not to have any hopes, but in their swords. for a supply of water, of which he had been ill Under these impressions, they waited for Cwesar’s provided at his sudden departure froml Carteia, approach with a proper countenance, and on the ihe was overtaken, most of his ships deustroyed, first onset repulsed and put to flight the troops by and he himself obli’ged to seek for satety on shore. whoml they were attacked. In this extremity, Soon after he landed, he dismrissed his attendCaesir ran into the ranks of his own men; said, ants, or was deserted by them; amnd liallino into they awere delivering him over to boys; laid hold the hands of the enemy, thoughrll reatly weakened of a sword and a shield, and calling out that this by his wounds and loss of blood, he continued to 5 The BTetis. 6 Hirtius de Bell Ilisp. 7 Now Gibraltar.

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316 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK V defend himself, until he was overpowered and province, he set out for Italy,l and arrived at slain. His head, according to the barbarous Rome in October.2 Although it was contrary to custom of the times, was sent to the conqueror, the practice of former ages to admit of triulmphs and exposed at Hispalis. where the vanquished were fellow-citlzens. he In the preceding transactions of the war, every took a triumph for his late victory at. MVnda; circumstance contributed to the fall of the re-and the more to amuse the people who, whatever public, and to the success of Ciesar. In the very be the occasion, are captivated with such exhibioutset of the contest, half the nobility, ruined by tions, he appointed separate triumphs, on the prodigality and extravagance, had been desirous same account, to QL.

Fabius Maximus, and to of anarchy and confusion. Citizens high in civil Didius, who had acted utnder hili ill that service. rank, and with fortunes entire, were generally These triumphs, over the supposedl last deglad to forego their political consequence in ex-fenders of the public liberty, and over the perishchange for ease and safety. Even the arms ing remains of the family of Pompev, so long which should have protected the commonwealth, respected at Rome, instead of the festi’vity which were in the hands of mere soldiers of fortune, they were intended to inspire, were attended who were inclined to favour that side from which with many signs of dejection. But none took they looked for the establishment of military upon him to censure, or was qualified to stenm government; they fought to procure great power the torrent of servility by which all ordlers of men and estates for themselves, not to preserve laws were carried. The same succession of games which gave property and the security of wealth and entertainments were ordered as in the fbrmer to others. Many of the senators indeed per-year. The senate and peolple indeed had no ceived the impending ruin, and were prevailed longer any concessions to be added to those alupon to make some efforts for the preservation ready made to the conqlueror, and it was difficult of the state, but on most occasions too hastily to refine on the language of adula;lion, which despaired of their cause. It was not thought they had so amply employed in forllle r decrees; honourable or safe for a citizen to survive his but something to distinguish the present situation freedom. Upon this principle, the friends of the of affiairs, to show the ardour of somie to pay republic, while they escaped from the enemy, their court, and to disguise the discontent and perished bv their own hands. the sorrow of others, was thought necessary on Soon after the action at Munda, Scapula, one the present occasion. A thaIllksgivimm was apof the officers lately at the head of the republican pointed, and ordered to continue for fifty days.

party in Spain, turned the practice of suicide into The anniversary of the twentieth of A pri, the a kind of farce. Having retired to Corduba day on which the news of the victory at \Alunda from the field of battle, he ordered a magnificent was received at Rome, was orderedl to be ftbr ever pile of wood to be raised and covered with car-celebrated with games of the circus. 3 Even they pets; and having given an elegant entertainment, who felt a secret indirgnation at the elevalton of a and distributed his money among his attendants single person to act as lord of the commonwealth, and servants, he mounted to the top of this concurred, in appearance, with these resolutions fabric, and while one servant pierced the master in honour of Caesar.4 They thought that the with his sword, another set fire to the pile. full cup was most likely to lliusealti and that exThus the victories of Caesar were completed by treme provocation was most likely to rouse the his enelnies; and while he gained a fresh step at spirits of free men, if any yet. retinliillmld. every encounter, they who opposed him went In the concessions whiclh were m(ade to Caesar, headlong, and abandoned their country to its whether suggested by his trinds or iby his ereruin. mies, there was no attempt to presertve anly apThe province of Spain, under a proper con-pearance of the republic, or to veil the present duct of its force and resources, if it had not been usurpation. The senate, in pre senting lheir able to stop at once the career of CTesar’s victo-several decrees, waited ulon hint inI a body as ries, vwvas surely sutficient to have given himn more subjects to acknowledl e their sovereign; were trouble than any other part of the empire. Its received by himn oti his chair of state, lnl in all natives brave, and addicted to war, were inferior the form of a royal cereimonry, stretch illg foirth his to the Romnats only in policy and discipline. hand to each as they approlached. Whilet he They had been averse to the party of Cusar, and carried the external show of’ his elevation to this would not, even in its highest prosperity, prefer it height, Pontius Acquilla, one of the tribunes, to the cause they had originally espoused. Being being seated in the exercise of his office, had sufmixed with the remains of Romanl armies which fered him, in one of his processions, to pass, had been broken andi dispersed in the field, they without rising from his place. Thllis he greatly still maintained every place of defence agailst resented. “MA ust 1,” lie said to tho)se who atthe conqlueror; and, within the walls of cities to tended him, “rtfer the groverlinent to this which they retired, defended themselves to the tribune!” And for sonle days, in grantinl relast extremity. quests or petitions, he aflkctcd to ge,:!id his anCaesar, having been employed part of the swers ironically, bty sailin, “

Pro\v;ied thfat Ponsprin, and the following summer in subduing tius Acquilla will terlit.”:5 The consulate was this scattered enemy, prepared to leave the province. lie assembled the principal inhabitants at HEspais; and having upbraided them with 1 Antony had set oIut froin oImf to mleet Caesar t l i cr in ~but to the great surprise and alarii,,fc vciv body, re their animosity to himself and to the Roman turned unexp ctedll to Rcme.

Cicero ad Att. xii. 18 people, he put them in niind of his early con-It was known afterwards, that Antony iretuinee nexion with their country, as quastor and as under the surprise ocf l orler given by Cesar to oblige pra3tor, and of his repeated good offices in the -iia to pay ior luminscs, &c bou)lllt at Pouimpey’s sale Cicer. Phil. ii. 3. Ilbid. xxxi. 2.) capacity of senator and magistrate; having made VllCius i’aterclllus.:A I)io. Cassirs. a proper establishmen t fbr the governmlent of the 4

Plutarch. inl Cs. 5 Suieton. in Ciis.. 78

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CHAP. I.) OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 317 offered to him for ten years, but he declined it, as that he never slept all the time he was in office. he destined this and the other offices of state for You may laugh at these things,” he says; “but the gratification of his friends. He himself had if you were here, you would cry.“9 assumed the title of consul in his late triumph, On the following day, Caesar, and nnmediately after resigned it to QL. Fabius U. C. 70). with all the powers and ensigns Maximus. C. J.

C’esar, of dictator, took possession of the Such, from henceforward, was to be the man-Dict. 4to. consulate in conjunction with Anner ot conferring honours under the monarchy M. E. Lepi-tony. He intended, after having of Rome. Families had become noble in conse-dus, M. E. C held this office for a few days in quence of being admitted into the senate, or in E
his own person, to resign it in consequence of having borne any of the higher Cn. Domitius favour of Dolabella, though a offices of state, such as that of consul or prator. Calvisius young man, still far short of the Instead of titles, they recited the names of an-in seqcentem legal age.

The execution of this cestot-! who had been in these offices, and instead atus7lonS intention, however, was some time of ensigns armorial, erected the effigies or images init. delayed at the request of Mark of such ancestors. Caesar, that he might have Antony, who, being jealous of more frequent opportunities to gratify his retain-Dolabella, endeavoured to obstruct his preferers, paid no regard to the custoInary establishment.

ment of the senate, and increased its numbers at Coesar himself passed the winter in assiduous pleasure, by inserting in the rolls persons of every application to civil affairs, and in forming prodescription, to the amount of nine hundred. He jects to embellish the capital, and to aggrandize augmented the number of prators to fourteen, the empire. He made some regulations for the and that of questors to forty; and even, without better government of the city. Under this title requiring that his friends should pass through may be reckoned his prohibiting the use of letters, these offices, rewarded them at pleasure with the of purple, and of pearls, except to persons of a titular honours of consular, praetorian, patrician, certain rank, and to them only at great festivals, &c.;5 and extended his munificence likewise to and on remarkable occasions; together with his the provinces, by admitting aliens separately, or reviving the ancient sumptuary laws respecting in collective bodies, to the privilege or appellation the expense of the table. For the better execution of Roman citizens. of these laws, he appointed inspectors of the In the midst of appearances, which seemed to markets, with orders to seize all illicit articles of throw a ridicule on the ancient forms of the reprovision; and if any thing of this sort were public, as well as to substitute a military govern-known to escape the inspectors, he sent officers ment in their stead, Cesar named himself, to-to seize them from the tables on which they were gether with Mark Antony, as consuls for the served. To check the luxury of the times in following year. This compliment paid to the other articles, he imposed duties on the importacivil establishment, by condescending to bear the tion of foreign commodities. name of legal office, though very illegally asUnder the ordinary pretence, that the laws sumed, flattered the citizens with hope that he were become too voluminous, he ordered them to meant to govern under some form of a republic.7 be digested into a code, with a view to simplifNothing, however, followed from these appear-and to reduce them into a narrower compass; in ances; the state which he affected, his dress, his this measure attempting a reformation which manlaurel wreath, the colour and height of his bus-kind, in certain situations, generally wish for, but kins, the very seal which he chose to make use which no man can accomplish without the posof, being the impression of a Venus armed, in session of absolute power. ostentation of his supposed celestial extraction; In the same spirit of despotical government, the numerous guards and retinue, exceeding two with which Caesar abridged the laws, he acted at thousand men, with which he was constantly once as legislator and as a judge. As instances attended;8 the satisfaction with which he seemed of his severity in the latter capacity, it is mento receive the forced servility of those whom his tioned, that he annulled a marriage, because it sword had subdued, betrayed a mind which, had been contracted no more than two days after though possessed of real superiority, had not the woman had parted from a former husband; sufficient elevation to disdain the false appear-and to this he joined his punishing senators for ances of it. extortion in the provinces, by expulsion from the On the last day of the year, Q..

Fabius Maxi-senate. mus, who had been a few months consul, died His mind, at the same time, entertained probefore he had vacated the office; and about noon jects of great variety and extent. To drain the of the same day, Caesar, who had assembled the great marshes which rendered the air so untribes, ordered them to take the form of the healthy, and so much land unserviceable in the centuries, and to elect Caninius consul for the re-neighbourhood of Rome; to cut across the isthmainder of the day. Plutarch says, that Cicero mus of Corinth, to erect moles, and form harexhorted the people to be speedy in paying their bours on the coast of Italy; to make highways court to this new consul: “for this maglstrate across the Apennines; to build a new tlieatre may be out of office before we can reach him.” that should exceed that of Pompey; to erect pubCicero himself, referring to this farcical election, lic libraries, and make a navigable canal from the writes in a letter to one of his friends,’; we have Anio and the Tiber to the sea at Teracina; to had a consulate, during which no one either ate or drank, and yet nothing extraordinary happen-9 Cicero ad Familiar. lib. vii. ep. 10. Ita Caninio ed; for so great was the vigilance of this officer, consule scito, nemine prandisse. Nihil tamen eo consule mali factum est. Fuit enimn mirifica vigilantia qui toto suo consulatu somnum non viderit. uIec tibi 6 Dio. Cass. lib. xliii. c. 47. 7 Appian.

ridicula videntur: non enim awdis. Uu’ si videris la. 9 Cicer. ad Att.

lib. xiii. ep. 52. chrymas non teneres.

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318 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [Booic V. nuild a magnificent temple to Mars. These cessarily shed.3 If he had been reluctant in the projects are justly mentioned as meritorious in shedding of blood, his mercy would have appear., the sovereign of a great empire; and it must be ed, in avoiding so destructive a contest, not in confessed, that power would be but a wretched ostentatiously sparing a ftew of the many whose possession, if there were not something of this lives his wanton ambition brought into L’. -rd. sort to be done after the toils of ambitlon were His clemencv should have appeared at the Rtoiover. con, not at (Corfinium; in leavinr his country to The measure which of all others contributed enjoy its lilerties, not mleriv in sparini those most to the honour of C sar, did we suppose whom no man in his senses would destroy!,, peohim entitled to the powers he assumed, was the ple who were willing to subm)it, and wlhon he general indemnity which he granted to all who desired to govern. had opposed him. Some he even employed in C.esar used to ridicule the resignation of Sylla the admltinistration of government, and promoted as an act of imbecility,4 and was himself tond of in the state. He placed Caius Cassius and precedence as well as of power. The (eireve of Marcus Brutus, for this year, on the list of vanity which he is said to hadl indulgr(dl inl ac prretors, and entrusted them with the higher cepting the frivolous honours which were now jurisdiction of the city. To the widows of many conferred upon him by acts of the senate, is inwho died in opposition to himself, he restored deed scarcely credible. Among these is mentheir portions, antd gave their children part of tioned a decree that he should have precedency their patrimony.’ He replaced the statues of of all magistrates, and the p)riilege of being alSylla and of Pompey, which the populace, in ways dressed in the triumphal robes; of having flattery to himself, had thrown down; ” and by a gilded chair of state, and a place of distinlltion this means,” says Cicero, “he firmly established at all the public games; that he should ibe allowhis own. ed to deposit a suit of armour in the temoiple of It appeared, on many occasions, that Caesar Jupiter Feretrius, an honour app)ropriated to meant to contrast his own conduct -with that of those who, like Romulus, had killed, with their Sylla;2 his own clemency with the blood cexe-own hands, a leader of the enermy; that his liccutions performed by the other. The comparison, tors should have their fasces always bound with no doubt, is curious, and must occur to every laurel; that himself, in comling from the Latin person who reads their story. Sylla had been festivals, should enter the city on horseback; that excited, by extreme provocations, to turn his he should have the title of Father of his Country, arms against a party in possession of the capital, and be so designed on the coins; that the anniand he drew his sword to punish injuries dlone versary of his birth-day should be kept as a festlno less to the republic than to himself. While val; that statues should be erected to him in all he was master of the state, he acted indeed like the towns of Italy, and in the temples of the city; a person who did not care how odious he rendered that the statues, without any consideration of’ his despotical power, for he did not mean to retain it. titles to these honours, should be adorned with the But he mixed with the resentment of a personal civic and obsidionary crowns; the first a badge enemy, the high views of a noble citizen, who worn by those who had saved a fellow-citizen in proposed to reform the state by clearing it of’ battle, the second by those who had delivered the many corrupted and dangerous members. When city itself from a siege.5 he had accomplished this purpose, he disdained The senate and people, observing that these the pageantry of high station, was above receiv-distinctions were agreeable to Casar, sulbjoined, in( the adulation which proceeds from servility, that his robes should be cut in imitation of that or wishing to enjoy a continual precedence in the of the ancient kings of Rome; that he should mana(ernent of affairs, which requires no extra-have an escort of knights and senators; that it ordinary capacity. Embarked by fortune on a should be permitted to swear to his destiny; that tempestuous sea, when he had conducted the all his decrees, without exception, should ibe ravessel safe into port, he quitted the helm; and tified; that, at the end of five years, a festivaJ after having been master, was not afraid to place should be held in honlour of him, as of a person himseif among his countrymen as a fellow-citi- of divine extraction; that an additional college of zen; and in this state of equality his greatness priests should be established to perform the rites of mind secured to him a distinction, which no which were instituted for that occasion; that in degree of precedency, and no measure of prero-all gladiatorian sports, whether at Rome or in the gative, could have bestowed. provincial towns, one day should be dedicated to To this character that of Cesar, in many par-him; that a crown of gold set with gems, like ticulars, may be fairly considered as a contrast. those of the gods, should be carried before him He himself had stirred up the disorders which into the circus, attended with a thensus or car produced the civil war in which he engaged. He like that on which the idols of the gods were had no injuries either public or private to resent; carried; that he shoull have the title of Julian his affected clemency, in sparing a few captives, Jove-have a temple erected for himself, in conin the beginnincg or in the course of his opera-junction with the goddess of Clemency-and, to tions, was belied by the wantonness with which complete the ridicule of these institutions, that he entered on a war, in which the blood of many Mark Antony should be appointed the priest of thousands of his fellow-citizens was to be unne-this sacred fane.6 From these particulars, which, to characterise 1

Sueton. Dio. lib. xliii.‘2 Quonium reliqui crudelitate odium effilgere non 3 It is said that 400,000 Romans perished In this potuerunt neque victoriam diutius tenere, prineter unum coontest. L. Syllam quem iinitaturus non sum. Hec nova sit 4 Syllamn nescisse literas qui dictaturam depc’uerit. ratio vincendi, ut Inisericordia et liberalitate nos Inu-Sueton. in Jul. Ca(s. lib. Ixxvii. niamus. Cicer. ad Att. lib.

ix. ep. 7. 5 Dio. Cass. lib. xli v-c 4. 6 Ibid. c. 6.

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CHAP. I.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 319 the ambition of the persorn to whom they refer, It was the custom in this festival of the Luperand the manners of the age, are selected from calia, for the first officers of state, and th(:irst of those mentioned t)y the original historian,7 it the nobles to present themselves naked in the was no longer to he doubted, that C.Tsar wished streets, carrying thongs of undressed hide, with to establish a monarchy on the ruins of the rewhich they ran through the crowd, and struck public. He himself was extremely arrogant in his at those who happened to be placed within their ehaviour, and so unguarded in his expressions reach. The stroke was thought a remedy, in as to say, That the republic was but a name, particular, for barrenness in women; and nunmthat his words should be carefully observed, for bers of this sex crowded in the wav to receive it. that ne meant every word should have the force In the ceremony now to be performed, Mark of a law. Antony bore his part as consul; and Cx’sar sat To so much arrogance and affectation of king-on his gilded chair of state in his triumphal robes ly state, joined to absolute power, nothing was to behold the spectacle. Antony stopped bef)ore wanting but the title of King. This Cuesar him-him, and presented him with a royal crown, sayself’ evidlently appeared to have the vanity to de-ing, “This crown the Roman people confer upon sire. His retainers and flatterers, on diflfrent Cwesar by my hands.” A few of the spIectators occasionls, endeavoured to surprise the people into seemed to applaud; but Cwsar, perceiving that a concession of it; but notwithstanding the powthe people in general, by their silence, gave signs ers of sovereignty, which he exercised without of displeasure, pushed away the crown with his control,.andl the honours: of divinity, which were hand; and upon this action, received from the decreed to him by general consent, his influence people, by an universal shout of applause, an unwas not sufficient to reconcile the Roman people questionable explanation of their former silence. to the name of King. One of his emissaries, To try the effect of a moderation which was so willing to suggest the propriety of bestowing much applauded, Antony threw himself upon this title, or to insinuate Cresar’s purpose of the ground at C esar’s feet, repeated his offer of assuming it, had bound the head of one of his the crown, and hoped that the people might join statues with a royal fillet. The tribunes Marul-him in pressing the acceptance of what was so lus and Ca(setius, affecting great zeal for the Inodestly refused; but with no better success honour of C0esar, as well as for the majesty of than in the former attempt. the Roman state, made inquiry after the author That the merit of this refusal, however, might of an insinuation so derogatory to both; and re-not be forgotten, or that the offer might be held ceiving infornation of the guilty person, in order equal to the actual investiture of the crown, an to check such insinuations for the future, sent entry was made in the Fasti or public records, by him to prison. This officious interposition of the the directions of Antony, “That the consul tribunes, though pretending to vindicate Cesar having, by the order of the Roman people, preai`mseif from so odious an imputation, he received sented a crown, and offered to confer the majesty with malrks of displeasure; and hearing these of king on Caius Julius C esar, perpetual dictaofficers extolled as the restorers of the public tor, he had declined to receive it.“9 liberty with the appellation of the Bruti, “Brutes The Roman republic had, for some time, subindeed,” he said they were; but took no farther sisted in a very disorderly state; the people notice of the matter. having dominion over many other nations, scarceSoon after this incident, some one, or a few in ly admitted any species of government amolig the assembly of the people, saluted him with the themselves. The inhabitants of Rome, assurntitle of king. But on hearing, instead of accla-ing the prerogatives of the collective body of Romations, h general murmur of dislike, he silenced man citizens, who now not only extended over this unreasonable piece of flattery, saying, That all Italy, but. were dispersed throughout the emhis name was Ccesar, and not king. Here too pire, generally assembled in tumults, whose prothe tribunes again interposed, and raised prose-ceedings nothing but force could regulate, and at cutions against the authors of such treasonable every convulsion gave an immediate prospect of expressions. But in this instance Caesarlost his military government. All who wished to pre patience, and complained in the senate that fac-serve the republic, endeavoured to extend the tious men, under the pretence of discharging prerogatives of the senate, and to prevent, as the public office of magistracy, propagated insinu-much as possible, these ill-formed assemblies of atious injurious to his character, and tetlding to the people from deliberating on matters of state; alarm the people with false apprehensions. Such and it might, no doubt, have been still better for offences, he said, merit capital punishment; but the empire, if the spirit of legal monarchy could he should be satisfied with degradation from of-at once have been infusedl into every part of the lice. This sentence was accordingly inflicted; commonwealth; or if, without farther pangs or andl from thenceforward it was not doubted, that convulsions, the authority of a prince, tempered Caesar aspired to the title, as well as the power with that of a senate, had been firmly established. of a monarch. But men do not at once change their habits and This opinion was still farther confirmed, when opinions, nor yield their own pretensions upon on the sixteenth of February,8 at the Lupercalia speculative notions of what is suited to the state (a festival, which being continued down from of their country. Cwesar aspired to dominion in barbarous ages, served as a monument of primae-order to gratith his personal vanity, not to correct val simplicity and rudeness), the same piece of the political errors of the times; and his contemflattery, in making tender of a crown, was re-poraries born to the rights of citizens, still conneew:! by Antony, then in the office of consul, tended for personal independence and equality, andl the chief confidant of Caesar. however impossible it might be longer to preserve 7 Dio. Cass. Iib. xliv. c. 6. 8 Cicer. Philip. ii.

c. 34. 9 Cicer. Philip. ii. c. 34.

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320 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK V any species of republic at the head of such an the many accomplishments which he possessed. empire. and together with the abilities which rendered Ever since the expulsion of Tarquin, the name him superior to every direct opposition, he was of king had been odious at Rome. The most actuated by a vanity which bordered on weakpopular citizens, as soon as they became sus-ness. Misled, perhaps, by this passion, he per pected of aspiring to kingly power, became ob-sisted in his emulation to the glory of Sylla, and jects of aversion, and were marked out as a prey would show to the world, that he who had not to the detestation of their country. Thus fell resigned his power could walk the streets of Manlius Capitolinus, the Gracchi, Apuleius, and Rome, unattended, with as much safety as the others who were loaded with this imputation. other, who had the magnanimity to restore the The Romans, accustomed to see vanquished constitution of his country; joined to this weak kings the sport of popular insolence, led in tri-ness, he had too mean an opinion of those. who umph, put todeath; or if suffered tolive, made to composed the commonwealth, greatly sunk inlanguish in poverty and neglect-accustomed to deed in their political characters, but not fallen see kings, who were their own allies, submitting into that state of personal weakness, which his their cause to the judgment of the Roman peo-security and contempt of them seemed to imply. ple, or suing for favour, considered monarchy Alove sixty citizens of noble extraction were itself as an appurtenance of servility and barba-found, who thought their late condition as memrism; and the project to give a king to the Ro-bers of the republic could still be recovered. Some mans as an attempt to degrade them into barba-had been stunned with their fall, but not quite rians and slaves. overwhelmed; others, who, on specious pretences, The maxim, which forbids assassination in had assisted in obtaining the victories of Caesar, every case whatever, is the result of prudent re-detested the monarchy which he was pleased to flection, and has a tendency to allay the jealousy, assume. In the first period of the civil war many and to mitigate the cruelty of persons who, by imagined, that the contest was to end in substiviolent usurpations, which laws cannot restrain, tuting one party for another, not, in the entire have incurred the resentment of mankind. Even subversion of the republican government; and tyrants, it is supposed,’ are cruel from fear, and they were inclined, as soon as fbrtune should debecome merciful in proportion as they believe clare in favour of either party, to be reconciled themselves secure; it were unwise, therefore, to with those that prevailed.’ But when it evidententertain maxims which keep the powerful in a ly appeared, that Cesar, by suppressing the last continual state of distrust and alarm. This pru-remains of opposition to himself in every part of dential morality, however, was entirely unknown the empire, meant to establish a monarchy in his in the ancient republics, or could not be observed, own person, a secret indignation filled the breasts without surrendering the freedom for which the of those who, upon a foot of family consequence, citizens contended. Amongst them the people or personal ability, had any pretensions to politiwere obliged to consider, not what was safe, but cal importance. To such persons the dominion what was necessary; and could not always de-of an equal appeared insufferable. Many of fend themselves against usurpations, neither by them affected servility, in conferring the extravalegal forms, nor by open war. It was thought gant honours which had been d(ecreed to Caesar, allowable, therefore, to employ artifice, surprise, as the mask of a sullen displeasure, which, conand secret conspiracy against an usurper; and scious of a tendency to betray itself, took the disthis was so much the case at Rome, that no guise of the opposite extreme. names were held in greater veneration, than those The question respecting the expedience of of citizens who had assassinated persons suspected monarchical government did not enter into the of views dangerous to the commonwealth; or deliberations of any one. If it had been urged who, by any means whatever, rendered abortive that a king was necessary; it would have )been the projects of adventurers who attempted to arm asked, Who gave the right to Cesar? If the any party against the legal constitution of their people in general were corrupt, were the bankcountry. rupts, and outlaws, and soldiers of fortune that Czesar, having attempted to join the title of formed the court of Caesar unblemished? If the king with the powers of perpetual dictator, had great, the able, and experienced citizens, who reason to distrust a people who were actuated by were qualified to support the republic, were now such conceptions. He was an object of private no more, by whose sword had they perished? or as well as of public resentment, having usurped who was to blame for the ruin that had befallen the the government over those whom he had cruelly commonwealth? If the corrupt arts, the treainjured; over the fathers, the brothers, and sons sons, the murders, encouraged or executed by of those who had fallen by his sword. He ac-Caesar, had made a chance of government neces cordingly, for some time, had the precaution to sary, the first act of that new government, for the keep a military guard attending his person; but, instruction of mankind. ought to have been to grown familiar with those he had offended, and punish the author of so many disorde; and secure in his personal courage, he dropt this pre-crimeas not to reward him with a crown. caution, and began to reign with the confidence Many of Cesar’s officers, and the nea:‘est to of alawful monarch. Although he had incurred his person, were as much in this mind as any so much resentment, he disdained to stand in other citizens; and on this supposition, so famiawe of it, and venture(l to join the confidence of liar was the thought of proceeding to the last e-. innocence with the highest measures of guilt. tremities against him, that, when Antony canle This conduct indeed was uncommon, and the to meet Caesar, on his return from Spain, Treboeffect of a daring courage, but unworthy of the penetration and skill with which he had hitherto conducted his affairs. It may serve to confirm, 1 Cicero ad Familiar. what has been already observed, that, aniongst 2 Cicer. Philip. lib. c14.

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Cns. 1P.1 OF THE ROMAN IEPUBLIC. 321 nius ventured to sound his inclinations respect-mail ed, perhaps, rather under safe custody than ing a design on Cwesar’s lite.3 Although Antony in high confidence with Caesar. He was this did lint adopt the measure, he did not betray Tre-year, together with Caius Cassius, who married bonius, nor did he appear to be surprised at the his sister, promoted to the dignity of praetor; and proposal. It was afterwards suggested, that An-though of less standing than Cassius, had the tony should be invited to a share in the conspira.

precedence by the partiality of Caesar. This circy; and the proposal was dropt only on account cumstance was supposed, at the time that Brutus of the refusal which he had already given to and Cassius were actually framing their conTrebonius; so readlily was it believed, that every spiracy, to have occasioned a breach between noble Roman would rather share in the govern-them. mcnt of his country, as an independent citizen, Cassius is reputed to have been the prime than as a retainer to the most successful usurper. mover in the design against Cesar’s life; and to It is well known, that a conspiracy accordingly have been the author of anonymous calls to vinwas, at this time, formed against the life of CT-dicate the freedom of Rome, which were posted sar, althou(rh the first steps and the consultations up or dropped in public places; and which, from of the parties are no where minutely recorded. the prevailing spirit of discontent, found a ready The principal authors of it were Caius Cassius acceptance. Labels were hung upon the statues and “Marcus Brutus, then prietors in the city; of the ancient Brutus, and billets were dropped, Decimus Brutus and Trrebonius, who had both in the night, upon the judgment-seat of the praeserved in hilgh rank under Caesar himself, and of tor of this name, exciting him to imitate his anwhom the first was destined by him to the com-cestors, by restoring the republic;‘You sleep, mand in Cis.alpine Gaul, and to the consulate in you are not Brutus;” and on the statues of his the followinrr year. supposed ancestor, the elder Brutus, was written, Caius Cassitus was early noted for a high and “Would you were alive!” These expressions impetuous spirit. It is observed, that being a boy of a secret disaffection, and prognostics of some when Svlla was at the heigTht of his power, he violent design, either escaped the attention of struck the son of the dictator for having said, Caesar, or were despised by him; but were easily That his father was the master of the Roman understood by persons who looked for a deliverpeople. The tutor of young Sylla having carried ance from the indignities to which they felt thema complaint to Pompey, the boys were called, and selves exposed. While Cassius and Marcus questioned on tile subject of the quarrel, “Do Brutus entered into a formal concert on this subbut repeat your words again,”

said Cassius; ject, numbers pined under the want of that con”and in this presence I will strike you.” He sideration to which they thought themselves ihad distinguished himself in Syria, by collecting born; many were provoked by particular inthe remains of the unfortunate army of Crassus, stances of vanity or arrogance in the present with which he repelled the attempt of the Par-dictator;5 and upon the least hint of a design thians on that province. He followed Pompey against him, were ready to join. ” I am sorry in the civil war, and commanded a squadron of you should be ill at so critical a time,” said the fleet oi the coast of Sicily at the time of the Brutus to Legarius. “I am not ill,” said the battle of Pharsalia. From thence he went into other, “if you have any intentions worthy of Asia, with a professed intention to wait for the yourself.“6 arrival of the victor from Alexandria, and to Great numbers daily acceded to the plot, of drop all farther opposition against him; but whom the following, besides Brutus and Cassius, even then, accordintg to Cicero, would have put are the principal names upon record: Cacilius, Caesar to death, if he had not dlebarked on a and Bucolianus, two brothers; Rubrius Rex, GQ. different side of the Cydnus, from that on which Ligarius, M. Spurius, Servilius Galba, Sextius he was at first expected to land.4 Naso, Pontius Acquila. These had ever been on Marcus Brutus was the nephew of Cato by his the side of the senate, or adherents of Pompey. sister Servilia; and so much the favourite of Ca-The following had acted in the war under Caesar; sar, who was said to have had an intrigue with his Decimus Brutus, C. Casca, Trebonius, Tullius mother, that he was by some supposed to be his Cimber, Minucius, and Basilus;7
thev are said in son. The father of’ Brutus, in the civil wars of all to have amounted to sixty.8 Cicero was known Sylla, had been on the side of Marius, and having to detest the usurpation of Caesar; to mourn over fallen into Pompey’s hands, was by him put to the fall of the commonwealth, over the humiliadeath. The son retained so much resentment on tion of the senate, and the diminution of his this account, that he never accosted or saluted Pompey till after the civil war broke out; when, thinking it necessary to sacrifice all private con-5 Cesar had about this time, a visit from the queen siderations to the public cause, he joined hil in of Egypt, who lived with him at his gardens on the siderations to the public cause, he joined him in Tiber. (Cicer. ad Attic. lib. xiv.) Many who overlooked Macedonia, and was received with great marks his usurpation, and the violence he dlid to the constiof distinction. This young man, either on actution of his country, were scandalized at the intinmacy count of his uncle Cato, or on account of the ex-in wvlich he lived With this woman. Being acclstomed pectation generally entertained of himself, was to the distinctions of a court, and consiulering (;esar as the monarch, sihe treated the citizens, who were held in the highest estimation. Beingi taken still admitted to him on a foot of equality, as dependprisoner at the battle of Pharsalia, he was not ants and subjects.

He himself, with all his state, was only protected by the victor, but sent into the polite. As an apology for havingmade Cicero wait province of Cisalpine Gaul with the title of too long in hs an ti-clhanloer, he accosted him vith saying, ” low can I hope to be tolerated, when even governor; where, during the war in Africa Marus’Tllius Cicero is nade to wait? If any one against Scipio and the king of Numidia, he re-coulld forgive it. he would; but the worlul must dletest mle.” Cleopatra, it is prolhable, made no such apology when she grave cause to complain of her arrogance. 6 Sueton. in (Cirsare. 3 Cicer. Philip. lib. ii. c. 14. 4 Ibid.

c. 11. 7 Appian. de Bell. Civ. lib. ii. 8 Sueton. in Cas:lr 2S

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322 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK V. own political consequence; btt he was not con-he fixed the succession to office for two subhqs sultedi in this design. The authors of it relied on quent years. Hirtius and Pansa were destined his support, in case they should be successful; to the consulate in the first; Decimus Brutus but they knew too well his ingenuity in suggest-and Plancus, in the second.4 He continued to inl(
scruples and difficulties, to bring him into increase the number of magistrates, that he might their previous deliberations on so arduous an en-have more opportunities to gratify his retainers terprize. and friends. The quastors, as has been menThe conspirators, in forming their project, tioned, he augmented to forty, the,ecdiles to six, generally sounded the minds of persons befbre the pritors to sixteen. Among the latter he they made any formal or direct proposal. Brutus nalned Ventidius, a native of Picenum, who had being in company with Statilius, Favonius, and been taken and led in triumph, while the people Labio, proposed, among other problematical of that district, with the other Italians, on account questions, some doubts concerning the expedi-of their claim of being enrolled as citizens, were ency of assassinatinmT
tyrants. Favonius observed, at war with Rome. Ventidius had subsisted by that such actions led to civil war, and that this letting mules and carriages. In the pursuit of was worse than usurpation. Statilius said, that this business he had followed the army of Cesar no wise man would engrage in so hazardous an into Gaul; and becoming known to that general, enterprise to serve a parcel of knaves and fools. was gradually trusted and advanced by him. His Labio contended warmly with both; and Brutus career of preferment continued up to the dignity changing the subject, thought no more of Stati-of consul, and he himself, as has been formerly lius or Favonius, but communicated the design observed, came at last to lead, in the capacity of a to Labio, who immediately embraced it.

victorious general, a procession of the same kind As so manv were concerned, and as they re-with that in which he had made his first entry at mained some’tine in suspense as to the proper Rome as a captive.

time.and place for the execution of their purpose, This arrangement, in which Casar. by alit its singular that the conspiracy should have ticipating the nomination of magistrates. precoale to such a heigrht undiscovered. But Cwsar cluded the citizens from the usual exercise of’

their did not en,ouragr e informers; his areat courage rights of election, made the subversion of the represerved hiln front the jealousies by which others public more felt than any of the former acts of in less d(n erous situations are guided. He his power, and gave the leaders of the constpiracy trusted to his popularity, to his muniiience, to the a great advantage against him. The prospect of professions of submission which were made to his approaching (leparture from Rome, Nwhich was him, and to the interest which te supposed many fixed for the meo.rh of March, urged the speedy to have in the preservation of his life. He had execution of their purpose. The report of a not only dismissed the guards, which at his return response or prediction, which some of the flatto Rome had attended him; and was commonly terers of Cesar had procured from the college of preceded only by his lictors and the usual retinue Augurs, bearing that the Parthians were not to of his civil rank; but had suffered the veterans to be subdued but by a king,5 appeared to be the disperse on the lands which had been assigned to prelude of a motion to vest him, in his intended them, unfurnished Italy of troops, and had trans-expedition against the Parthians, with the title, ported the greater part of the army into Mace-and with the ensigns of royalty, to be borne, if not dlonia, reserving only a small bodly under Lepidus in the city, at least in the provinces.6 in the suburbs of Rome. His own mind, though A meeting of the senate being already sumfond of appearance of superiority, it is probable, moned, for the Ides, or fifteenth, of March, the was easily satiated with the pageantry of state. proposal to bestow on Caesar the title of king, as a Hlis thoughts became vacant and languid in the qualification enjoined by the Sybils to nlake wapossession of a station to which he had struggled on the Parthians, was expected to be the prir through so much blood; and his active mind still cipal business of the assembly. This circumurged him to extensive projects of war and constance determined the conspirators in the choice quest.l He accordingly planned a series of wars of a place for the execuriuor of their design. They which were not likely to end but with his life. had formerly deliberated, whether to pitch upon He was to begin with revenging the death of the Campus Martius, and to strike their blow in Crassus, and reducing the Parthians. He was the presence of the Romnan people assembled, or next to pass by Hyrcania and the coasts of the in the entry to the theatre, or in a street througL Caspian Sea into Scythia; from thence, bf. the which Cesar often passed in the way to his own shores of the Euxine Sea, into Sarmacia, Dacia, house.7 But this meeting of the senate seemed and Germany; aind from thence, by his own late now to present the most convenient place, and conquests in Gaul, to return into Italy;2 for this the most favourable opportunity. The presence purpose he had already sent forward into Mace-of the senate, it was supposed, would render the donia seventeen lesions and ten thousand horse.3 action of the conspirators sufficiently awful an! As Cesar was likely, whatever may have been solemn; the common cause would be instantly the extent of his projects, to be employed some acknowledged by all the members of that body; time in the execution of them, he thought proper and the execution done would be justified undler to anticipate the election of magistrates at Rome, their authority. If any were idisposed to resist, and to arrange, before his departure, the whole they were not likely to be armed; and the afflir succession to office for some years. Dion Cassius might be ended by the death of Cesar alone, or says, that his arrangement was made for three without any effusion of blood beyond that which years; Appian, for five years. It is certain, that was originally intended. 4 Cicero ad Attic.

lib. xiv. ep. 6. 1 Dio. Cass. Appian. Plutarch. 5 Dio. Cass. lib. xiiv c.

15. 2 Plutarch in Cassare. 6 Zonaras, lib. x. c. 14. 3 Appian. de Bell.

Civil. lib. ii. 7 Sueton. in Ctesare.

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CHAP. I.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. m It was at first proposed that Antony, being likely from her husband, and undoubtedly from thene to carry on the same military usurpations which forward, by the passions which were likely tc (Cacsar had begun, should be taken off at the agitate the mind of a tender and affectionate same time; but this was overruled. It was sup-woman, exposed the design to additional hazard posed that Antony, and every other senator and of a discovery and of a failure. citizen, would readily embrace the state of in-But the morning of the Ides of March, the day dependence and personal consideration which on which this conspiracy was to be executed, arwas to be offered to them; or if they should not ri-cd, and there was yet no suspicion. The conembrace it, they would not be of sufficient num-spirators had been already together at the house bers or credit to distress the republic, or to overset of one of the pr etors. Cassius was to present that balance of parties in which the freedom of’ his son that morning to the people, with the cerethe whole consisted.

It was supposed that the mony usual in assuming the habit of manhood; moment Cusar fell, there would not be any one and he was, uponl this account, to be attended by left to covet or to support a usurpation which had his friends into the place of assembly. He was been so unfortunate in his person. “If we do afterwards, together with Brutus, in their capaally thing more than is necessary to sat the Ro-city of magistrates, employed as usual, in giving nlans at liberty,” said Ma.rcus Brutus, “we shall jud(ment on the causes that were brought bebe thought to act from private resentment, and to fore them. As they sat in the prntor’s chair intend restoring the party of Pompey, not the thev received intimation that Caesar, having been republic.“8 indisposed over night, was not to be abroad; and The intended assembly of the senate was to that he had commissioned Antony, in his name, be held in one of the recesses of Pompey’s thea-to adjourn the senate to another (lay. Upon this tre. It was determined by the conspirators, that report, they suspected a discovery; and while they should repair to this meeting as usual, either they were deliberating what should be done, Poseparately, or in the retinue of the consuls and pilius Lienas, a senator whom they had not enpruetors; and that, being armed with concealed trusted with their design, whispered them as he weapons, they should proceed to the execution of passed, ” I pray that God may prosper what you their purpose as soon as Cwesar had taken his have in view. Above all things despatch.” Their seat.

To guard against any disturbance or tu-suspicions of a discovery being thus still farther mult that might arise to frustrate their intentions, confirmed, the intention soon after appeared to Decimus Brutus, who was master of a troop of be public. An acquaintance told Casca, “You gladiators, undertook to have this troop, under have concealed this business from me, but Brutus pretence of exhibiting some combats on that told me of it.” They were struck with surprise; day to the people, posted in the theatre, and ready but Brutus presently recollected that he had menat his command for any service.9 tioned to this person no more than Casca’s intenDuring the interval of suspense which preceded tion of standing for aedile, and that the words the meeting of the senate, although in public which he spoke probably referred only to that Brutus seemed to perform all the duties of his business; they accordingly determined to wait station with an unaltered countenance; at home the issue of these alarms.10 he was less guarded, and frequently appeared to In the mean time Caesar, at the persuasion of have something uncommon on his mind. His Decimus Brutus, though once determined to wife Porcia suspected that some arduous design remain at home, had changed his mind, and respecting the state was in agitation; and when was already in the streets, being carried to the she questioned him, was confirmed in this appre-senate in his litter. Soon after he had left his hension, by his eluding her inquiries. Thinking own house, a slave came thither in haste, desired herself, by her extraction and by her alliance, en-protection, and said he had a secret of the greatest titled to confidence, she bore this appearance of moment to impart. He had probably overdistrust with regret; and, under the idea that the heard the conspirators, or had observed that they secret which was withheld from her, must be were armed; but not being aware how pressing such as, upon any suspicion, might occasion the the time was, he suffered himself to be detained till torture to be employed to force a confession; and Cesar’s return. Others, probably, had observed supposing that she herself was distrusted more circumstances which led to a discovery of the on account of the weakness than of the indiscre-plot, and Caesar had a billet to this effect given tion of her sex, she determined to make a trial to him as he passed in the streets; he was inof her own strength, before she desired that the treated by the person who gave it instantly to secret should be communicated to her. For this read it; and he endeavoured to do so, but was purpose she gave herself a wound in the thigh, prevented by the multitudes who crowded around and while it festered, and produced acute pain him with numberless applications; and he still and fever, she endeavoured to preserve her usual carried this paper in his hand when he entered countenance, without any sig.,. of suffering or the senate. distress. Being satisfied with this trial of her Brutus and most of the conspirators had taken own strength, she told her husbiand the particu-their places a little while before the arrival of lars, and with some degree of triumph’added, Czesar, and continued to be alarmed by many:Now you may trust me; Iam the wife of Bru-circumstances which tended to shake their resotus and the daughter of Cato; keep nve no longer lution. Porcia, in the same moments, being in in doubt or suspense upon any subject in which great agitation, exposed herself to public notice. Itoo mnust be so deeply concerned.” The cir-She listened with anxiety to every noise in the curnstance of’ her wound, the pretensions which streets; she despatched, without any pretence of she otherwise had to confidence, drew the secret 8 Dio Cass. lib. xliv. c. 15.

9 Ibid. 10 Appian. de Bell. Civil. lib. ii.

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3‘24 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BooK V. business, continual messages towards the place with whom it would have been a much greater where thle senate was assembled she asked every honour to have been able to ive on terms of person who came from that quarter if they ob-equality, he fell in the height of his security, a served what her husband was doing. Her spirit sacrifice to their just indignation; a striking exat last sunk under the effect of such violent emo-ample of what the arrogant have to fear in tritions; she fainted away, and was carried for dead fling with the feelings of a free people, and at the into her apartment. A message came to Brutus same time a lesson of jealousy and of cruelty to in the senate with this account. He was much tyrants, or an admonition not to spare, in the exaffected, but kept his place.’ Popilius Laenas, ercise of their power, those whom they may have who a little before seemed, from the expression he insulted by usurping it. had dropped, to have got notice of their design, When the body lay breathless on the ground, appeared to be in earnest conversation with Cma-Cassius called out, that there lay the worst of sar, as he lighted from his carriage. This left men.2 Brutus called upon the senate to judge the conspirators no longer in doubt that they of the transaction which had passed before them, were discovered; and they made signs to each and was proceeding to state the motives of those other, that it would be better to die by their own who were concerned in it, when the members, hands than to fall into the power of their enemy.

who had for a moment stood in silent amazement, But they saw of a sudden the countenance of rose on a sudden, and began to separate in great Lmenas chance into a smile, and perceived that consternation. All those who had come to the his conversation with Caesar could not relate to senate in the train of Cwesar, his lictors, the orsuch a business as theirs. dinary officers of state, citizens and foreigners, Caesar’s chair of state had been placed near to with many servants and dependants of every sort, the pedestal of Pompey’s statue. Numbers of had been instantly seized with a panic; and as if the conspirators had seated themselves around it. the swords of the conspirators were drawn against Trebonius, under pretence of business, had taken themselves, had already rushed into the streets, Antony aside at the entrance of the theatre. and carried terror and confusion wherever they Cimber, who, with others of the conspirators, went. The senators themselves now followed. met Caesar in the portico, presented him with a No man had presence of mind to give any acpetition in favour of his brother who had been ex-count of what had happened, but repeated the cepted from the late indemnity; and in urging the cry that was usual on great alarms for all persons prayer of this petition, attended the dictator to his to withdraw, and to shut up their habitations and place. Having there received a denial from Cesar, shops. This cry was communicated from one uttered with some expressions of impatience at to another in the streets. The people, imagining being so much importuned, he took hold of his that a general massacre was somewhere begun, robe, as if to press the intreaty. Nay, said Caesar, shut up, and barred all their doors as in the dead this is violence. While he spoke these words, of night, and every one prepared to defend his Cimber flung back the gown from his shoulders; own habitation. and this being the signal agreed upon, called out Antony, upon the first alarm had changed his to strike. Casca aimed the first blow. Cuesar dress, and retired to a place of safety. fle bestarted from his place, and in the first moment lieved that the conspirators must have intended of surprise, pushed Cimber with one arm, and to take his life, together with that of Ciesar; and laid hold of Casca with the other. But he soon he dled in the apprehension of being instantly purperceived that resistance was vain: and while sued. Lepidus repaired to the suburbs, where the swords of the conspirators clashed with each the legion he commanded was quartered; and unother, in their way to his body, he wrapped him-certain whether Caesar’s death was the act of the self up in his gown, and fell without any farther whole senate, or of a private party, waited for an struggle. It was observed, in the superstition of explanation, or an order from the surviving con the times, that in falling, the blood which sprung sul, to determine in what manner he should act.3 from his wounds sprinkled the pedestal of Pom-In these circumstances a general p,ause, and an pey’s statue. And thus having employed the interval of suspense anmd silence, took place ovei greatest abilities to subdue his fellow-citizens, the whole city. CHAPTER II.

General Consternation on the Death qf Caesar Tumultuary Assembly of the People-Declarca tions of Cinna and Dolabella-Appearance of Brutus and Cassius in the Forum  Their return to the Capitol-Meeting and Debate in the Senate-Act oqf Oblivion-Speech of Brutus to the People-Funeral qf Caesar-Insurrection of the People-Policy qf Antony-Appearance of Octavius-His Difference with Antony Both have recourse to Arms-Aspect of ThingsAntony proceeds to expel Decimus Brutus from the Cisalpine Gaul. IN
the general consternation, occasioned by it was brought by surprise. The danger of exethe death of Caesar, the authors of this important cuting the first part of their design had appeared event appeared to be no less at a loss what to do, so great, that they looked no farther, or they imthan the other members of the senate, on whom agined that with Csesar’s life every difficulty 1 Plut. in Bruto. would be ended; and that the senate and people,. Cicer. ad Famil. lib. xii. ep. I. Nequissimum occi-restored to their authority and privileges, would su esse. 3 Appian. de Bell. Civ.

lib. ii. naturally recur to their,.sual forms. Finding

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CHAP. II.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 325 themselves deserted in the senate, and not know-of Caesar’s death, expressed his wish that he himilng to what dangers they might still be exposed, self had been a partner in the glory of their acthey wrapped up the left armnn in their gowns; a tion, joined with Cinna, in proposing that these preparation which the Romans, in the habit of restorers of liberty should be invited to the assemusing a.shield, generally made when alarmed bly of the people, and that the anniversary of the with any prospect of violence. present day should be observed for ever, as a fesThe conspirators thus in a body, with their tival sacred to the restoration of the commonswords yet stained with blood, went forth to the wealth. streets proclaiming security and liberty, and invit-The partizans of Caesar, yet unacquainted with irg every one to concur with them in restoring the extent of their own danger, had absented thee commonwealth. They were joined by many themselves, and the assembly consisted chiefly of who, though not accessary to the conspiracy, persons to whom these proposals were agreeable. chose to embark with them in the present state The motions that were now made by the late of their fortunes. Of these are particularly men-praetor and the supposed consul accordingly pretioned Lentulus Spinther, Favonius, Acquinas, vailed, and the leaders of the conspiracy were inDolabella, Murcus, Peticus, and Cinna. But vited to descend from the capitol. But of this observing that the people in general did not show invitation only Marcus Brutus and Cassius took any hearty approbation of their cause; and know-the benefit.

Having joined the assembly, they ing that, besides the legion which Lepidus com-severally addressed themselves to the multitude manded in the suburbs, there were in the city with an air of dignity and consciousness of merit, multitudes of veterans, who havingjeceived grants as being the procurers of that liberty which the of land from Ciesar, either had not yet gone to people were now to enjoy, and by which they take possession of them, or having been at their were enabled to judge for themselves. They settlements, had returned to pay court to their contrasted the late usurpation of Caesar5 with the patron before his departure from Rome; and sus-free constitution of the republic; observed, that pecting that Antony, now the sole consul and with respect to themselves, unsupported as they supreme officer of state, was likely to exert the were by any military force, they could have no powers of a magistrate against them; and being intention to supplant the usurperin the possession dn every side beset with dangers of which they of his power, and could have no object besides the knew not the extent, they determined to take re-restoration of the laws and the freedom of their fuge in the capitol, and with the gladiators of country. And they exhorted the audience, in Decimus Brutus, who had already taken posses-terms rather popular, than really applicable to sion of that fortress, to wait the issue of this ge-the present state of affairs, to make the same use neral scene of suspense. of their deliverance from an usurped and violent Multitudes of the people, observing that the domination which their ancestors, at the expulpersons who had occasioned this general alarm sion of Tarquin, had made of a similar event. were themselves an the defensive, and no way They specified the merit which many person’, inclined to extend the effusion of blood, ventured had in this enterprise. particularly that of Deci forth into the streets, and many crowded to-mus Brutus, who had furnished the company of gether in the forum or ordinary plate of resort.4 gladiators, which, in entering on this business, The first person that took any public part upon made the principal part. of their strength; and this occasion was Cinna, the son of him who had observed, that, notwithstanding the splendid forbeen a leader of the Marian party, brother-in-law tune to which Decimus Brutus might have asof Caesar, and now, by his nomination, advanced pired under Caesar’s influence, he had preferred to the dignity of praetor. This relation of the the rights of his fellow-citizens and the restoradeceased, to the surprise of every one, tore the tion of the commonwealth. They turned the praetor’s gown from his own shoulders; declared attention of the audience on the case of Sexteius that in this act he then abdicated his office, as Pompeius, the only surviving son of the great having been unwarrantably obtained by the no-Pompey, niow unjustly deemed an outlaw and a mination of an usurper; and he proceeded to rebel.6 “In the person of this young man,” they make a harangue to the people, in which he re-said, “you have the last of a noble family, who, presented Caesar as a tyrant, extolled the con-in the contest for freedom, have sacrificed themspirators as the restorers of liberty to their coun-selves for the republic, even he is still beset by try, and proposed that they should have the the emissaries of the la, usurper, who, pretendproper safeguards to their persons, and be invited ing public authority, are armed for his destructo assist in the assembly of the people. tion with swords, yet red with the blood of his faDolabella, who had been nominated by Caesar ther and of his brother.” They moved the people, to succeed in the office of consul, which he him-that so unjust a war should be instantly susself was about to vacate, thinking that the inpended, and that this young man should be retended succession was now open to him upon stored to the rights of his ancestors; that the Caesar’s death, reversed the first part of Cinna’s tribunes Caesetius and IMarullus, being unjustly conduct, by assuming the robes and ensigns of (legraded by Caesar, in violation of’

that sacred consul, to which he had no title; but joined with law, which he himself, upon much less grounds, the abdicated praetor in applauding the authors had made his pretence for a civil war, should now be restored to all their dignities. 4 Appian says, that the friends of the conspirators, by distributing money. endeavoured to form a party 5 Appian.

de Bello Civili, lib. ii. Dio. Cass. lib. xliv. arnolng tile populace. The necessity of this expedient, c. 21. if real. i,s euricient to show how desperate the attempt 6 This young man having absconded for some time was of restoring demrocratical governmient to the in-after the defeat and death of his brother at Mund, habitants of Rome, composed of the refuse of Italy, had again appeared in Spain at the head of a consiand of the provinces collected to enjoy the rewards of derable firce, and defeated Asinius Pollio, who boo idleness and faction. been employed by Caesar against him.

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326 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOcK V In these fond anticipations of freedom, the and had secured an immense sum of money authors of this attempt to restore the republic, which had been deposited by him in the temple enjoyed for once the fruits of their labour, and of Ops.2 spoke to a numerous assembly of the Roman On the following day, being the eighteenth day people, seemingly unrestrained and unawed by of March, the senate assembled, as soon as it was military force. The city, however, had not yet light, in the temple of the Earth. The veterans recovered froml the consternation with which the beset the doors.3 Dolabella presented hiniself people was seized; the present assembly was not ushered in by the lictors, and took possession of sufficiently attended by persons, on whom the one of the consuls’ chairs. Antony being seated conspirators could rely for their safety. It was in the other, moved the assembly to take into thought most prudent, therefore, that Brutus and I consideration the present state of the commonCassius should return to their friends in the ca-wealth. lie himself professed great zeal for the pitol, and that from this place they should treat republic, and a disposition to peace.4 The greater of an accommodation with Antony, and with the nart of those who spoke after Antony justified or other leaders of the opposite party.

extolled the act of the conspirators, ai.l moved On the following (lay, Antony, seeing that the that they should have public thanks and rewvards restorers of the commonwealth remained in the for their services. This.

they supported by a capitol, and abstained from violence against any charge of usurpation and tyranny against Cesar. of the supposed friends or adherents of Cesar, Upon this point, however, Antony thought proventured abroad from his lurking place, and re-per to interpose; reminded the senators how sumed the dress and ensigns of consul. In this nearly many’of them were concerned in this quescapacity he received a message from the conspi-tion. “They who are to vote in it,” he said, rators, desiring a conference with himself andl “will please to observe, that if Caesar shall be with Lepidus. Antony, though, in times of re-found to have acted with legal powers, his acts laxation and security, extravagant, dissipated, will remain in force; if’otherwise, all the proceedand in appearance incapable of serious affairs;i ings that took place during his administration yet in arduous situations he generally belied must be erased from your records; and his body, these appearances, was strenuous, cautious, and as that of a traitor and a tyrant, made fast.n a able. He did not yet perceive how far the party hook, must be dragged through the streets. and of Caesar was or was not extinguished with its cast into the Tiber. This sentence would affect leader. The only military force in Italy was at the remotest parts of the empire, or would extend, the disposal of Lepidus, of whom he was jealous. in its application, farther perhaps than we shoull In his answer, therefore, he assumed an appear-be able to enforce it by our arms. Part indeed is ance of moderation and regard for the commonin our power. Many of us hold offices, or are wealth, and referred every question to the senate, destined by Ciesar’s nomination to offices, either which he had already summoned to assemble. at home or abroad. Let us begin with divesting In expectation of this meeting of the senate, all ourselves of what we now hold; and with reparties were busy in consultations, and in solicit-nouncing our expectations for the future.

After ing support to their interest. The friends of the we have given this proof of our disinterestedness, conspirators were in motion all night visiting the our allies abroad will listen to us, when we speak senators, and preparing measures for the follow-of recalling the favours granted to them by the ing day. The veterans of Ciasar, both officers late dictator.”

and legionary soldiers, apprehending that the By this artful turn, which was given vy Angrants of land lately made to themselves might be tony to the subject now under deliberation, many, recalled, went to and fro in the streets, and made who in the late arrangements made by Caesar, application wherever they had access, with repre-held places in the senate or magistracy, or, who sentations and threats. They even provided were bv his appointment destined to succeed to themselves with arms, and prepared to overawe high offices at home or abroad, were greatly disthe senate by their numbers. concerted. Some of those who were actually in In the course of the same night, Lepidus had office, as retainers of the late usurpation, resigned marched into the city with the legion he com-their powers, and laid down the ensigns of mnamanded, and took possession of the forum. To gistracy on the steps where they sat; but Dolathe people who assembled around him he labella, who, in consequence of a destination made, mented the death of Caesar, and inveighed against though not fulfilled by Caesar, had recently asthe authors of this unexpected event.

By this sulmed the consular robes, and who, being under declaration, he encouraged the partizans and re-the legal a(ge, had no hopes of being reelected by tainers of the late dictator to come abroad, and the free voice of the peolle, notwithstanding his rendered the streets and passages exceedingly declaration in favour of the authors of Cedsar’s dangerous for those who were supposed to be of death, pleaded for the necessity of sustaining all the opposite party. Cinna, who, to evince his the acts and decrees of that usur per. zeal for the reviving republic, had resigned t’le While the senators were enraged in debate on office of praetor conferred upon him by Caesar, the terms of their first resolution.

relating to the was attacked on his way to the senate, and nar-act of the conspirators and the death of Caesar. rowly escaped with his life. the people, who had assembled in great multiAntony, in that busy night, had, by his credit with Calpurnia the widow of Casar, got possession of all his memorials and of all his writings, 2 Cicero says. septics Millies fI. S.

about six millions sterling. Philip ii. c. 37. 4000 talents. rlut. in 1 If I am not mistaken, says Cicero upon this occa-Anton. sion, he minds eating and drinking even more than 3 Cicer. ad Att. lib xiv. ep. 14. Non rie omnni ratione mischief. (Cicero ad Attic lib. xiv. ep. 3. quem qui-veterani qui. armati aderant, crein presidii nos nihil dem ego mepularum magis arbitror rationemr habere, haberemlus, dlefewiienrli fuerunt’ quamn quidquam mali cogitare.) 4 Ibid. Philip. i. c. 1.

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CTIAP. II.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 327 tudes in the market-place, became impatient to utmost attention. Will the veterans, do you know what was passing, and pressed on the doors think, who have not yet laid down their arms, or of the temple where the senate was met, with not lost the use of them, of whom many thousome attempts to force or break them open.5 On sands are now in this city, will they allow themthis occasion, Antony and Lepidus thought pro-selves to be stripped of the grants which were per to go forttl, under pretence of appeasing the made to them in reward of long, dangerous, and tumult; hut with a real intention to observe what, faithful services? You have heard their voice in this critical state of affairs, was the prevailing last night in the streets. You have heard their disposition of the people, with a full resolution to menaces against the authors of our present disbe governed in their own measures, by what tresses. WVill they behold with patience the seemed to be the will of the multitude. Finding body of their favourite leader dragged with ignothe humour of the majority, and the disposition rainy in the streets? Will they bear with an of the troops such as they desired, menacing and indignity, which, though done to his memory, sanguinary against the conspirators, they endea-must involve a forfeiture of all that they themselves voured to inflame their passions, employing signs have received, or a disappointment of all they exand gestures of indignation, rather than words, pect in reward of their services? Will the Rowhich could not be heard. Among other ex-man people in general submit to have the principressions of this nature, Antony laid open his pal author of their present greatness stigmatised bosom, to show the armour with which he had by your decrees as a criminal, and to have his thougwht necessary, in the senate, and amidst so assassins rewarded with honours?-The propomany concealed enemies, to guard his life. By sal to me, in all its parts, appears wild and imthis, and other signs which he made, he insinu-practicable. Let the conspirators, if you will, ated that Caesar had fallen in consequence of his escape with impunity, provided they are sensible excessive confidence, and of the clemency with of the favour that is shown to them; but talk not which he had spared those who became his mur-of rewards to them; nor, under pretence of cenderers. suring the conduct of your late dictator, wildly From this scene, which passed in the streets, open a scene of confusion, by subverting all your Antonr returned to the senate;6 and the debate present establishments. My opinion is, that the beinff resumed, Dolabella alleging the confusion acts of Casar, without exception, should he ratiwhich must arise from a general suspension of fied, and that all affairs should be suffered to magistracy, and the disorders attending general move on in the channels in which he has left elections at so critical a time, insisted, that all them. On these preliminary conditions I will magistrates now in office should continue. Ci-submit to an accommodation, and agree that we cero pleat(ed for a general amnesty and oblivion think no more of the past.” for the past; enumerated the evils which had been In delivering this speech, Antony having perbrought on the republic, by the contentions and ceived so powerful a support in the legion which by the vindictive spirit of party; proposed that now had possession of’ the forum, in the veterans, none shoultd be questioned for Cesar’s death, nor and in the promiscuous multitudes of people who any one be called to accountfor violence committed were assembled round the doors of the senate, under his authority; that the arrangements made expressed himself with assurance and great veby Caesar should remain; that every one destined hemence. A decree was accordingly passed, by to office, should in his turn succeed according to which all prosecutions, on account of Cesar’s that destination; and that all the provisions made death, were prohibited; all his acts, for the sake for the army should lie fully secured to them.7 of peace, were confirmed; all his plans ordered After some opposite opinions on the question to be carried into execution; and all the grants of had been delivered, Antony concluded the debate land, which had been made by him to the vetewith a tone of more authority than he had hither-rans, specially ratified.8 to, assumed. “While you deliberated,” he said, This decree being to he carried to the people “on the conduct which you were to hold with for their assent on the following day, and the respect to the conspirators, I chose to be silent; accommodation of parties being so far advanced, but when you changed the question, and pro-the conspirators intimated an inclination to adposed to condemn the dead, I ventured only to dress themselves to the people; and were instantmake one objection, which being removable by ly attended by great numbers, who assembled to yourselves, ought to have been the least of all hear them on the ascent of the capital.9 Brutus your difficulties. And yet I find it is sufficient spoke from the steps. lie explained the motives to stop all your proceedings! What are we to upon which his friends and himself had thought think of the remaining objections? The whole proper to betake them to their present retreat; fabric of the empire rests at this moment on esta-and, in speaking on this subject, complained of blishments made by Caesar; at home on the the outrage which had been offered to Cinna. arrangeenients he has made in the succession to who, though not concerned in the decath of Caeoffice; abroad on the grants of possessions or inl-sar, was attacked, for having been supposed to nlunrties made by him to princes, cities, corpora-approve of what tfhey had done. He enumerated tions, and provinces, and on the several condithe distresses which had afflicted the clnnlontions he has, in return, ttipulated with them on wealth, from the tine at which Caesar comnnmencedl behalf of the Romnan people. Imagine then, upon hostilities to the present hour; ” A period, duthe sulbversion of what he has established, what ring which the best blood of’ the republic,” he scenes of confusion nmust follow. It is true, con-said, “was continually shedding, in Spain, in fusion at a distance may not aflect you; but the Mlacedonia, and in Africa, t-o gratify the amIbiscene In Italy will be sufficient to occupy your tion or vanity of a single man.

These things 5 Appian. le Bello Civ. lib. ii. 6 Ibid. 8 Appian. de Bell.

Civil. lib. ii. 7 Dio. Cass. lib. xliv. c. 34. 9 Cicer. ad Attic. lib. xv.

ep. 1.

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328 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION. [Book V. however,” continued he, “we consented to over-moderation, resolved to confirm Caesar’s will anr look, and in suffering Cesar to hold the higher to ratify all his acts, both public and private: offices of state, became bound, by our oath of they had decreed that theremains of Casar should fidelity, not to call any of his past actions in ques-be honoured with a public funeral, which was to tion. If we had likewise sworn to submit our-be conducted in the manner which his friends selves to perpetual servitude, our enemies might should think proper. have some colour for the accusation of perjury, Antony was prepared to tqke advantage of which we are told is now laid to our charge; but the these circumstances, towards preserving the party proposal of any such engagement we should of Cesar both in the army and in the city, not have rejected with indignation, and we trust that doubting that, while this party remained, he himevery Roman citizen would have done so also.

self should remain at its head. For this purpose, Sylla, after having gratified his revenge against he published Casar’s will, in which he knew that many who were no doubt his own enemies, at there were many clauses likely to gratify the the same time that they were enemies of the people, and to inflame their minds against his public, at last restored the commonwealth; but assassins. Among these, were a legacy of moC.esar, without any pretence, besides the gratifi-ney to be distributed to the inferior citizens, at cation of his own ambition, continued, in the the rate of twenty-five attic drachmas, about two city and in the provinces, to usurp all the powers pounds ten shillings a man;2 or, according to of the empire. The treasury he treated as his Octavius, quoted by Dion Cassius, 300 H. S. property, and the magistrates of Rome as his about the same sum; together with an assigncreatures, to be placed or displaced at his pleasure. ment of his gardens on the river, as public walks One of the last acts of his life, in preparing fi,r for the service and pleasure of the people. Many his departure from Rome, was to fix the succes-legacies were likewise bequeathed to private persion of magistrates fobr several years; in order sons. The inheritance with the name of Casar, that in his absence you might not, by choosing was devised to Octavius, grandson to his sister your own officers, recover the habit of exercising Julia. The succession, in case of the failure of that freedom, and of enjoying those rights, of this young man, was devised to Decimus Brutus, which he meant to deprive you for ever.” who, at the same time, together with Mark An From this account of Cesar’s usurpation, tony, was made guardian to the young Cesar, Brutus proceeded to speak of the grants which and executor of the will. had been made to the veterans.’” He acknow-Upon the publication of this will, the partizans ledged the long and faithful services which those of Antony took occasion to extol the munificence men had performed against the enemies of the and generosity of Caesar towards the Roman commonwealth in Gaul, in Germany, and in people, to blacken the conduct of the conspirators, Britain; approved of the provision which had representing that of Decimus Brutus, in particubeen made for them, and assured them of his lar, as equal to parricide; and Antony, in this concurrence in carrying this provision into full manner having secured the public attention and execution. At the same time he lamented the favour, proceeded to celebrate the funeral with suflirings of those who had been stripped of their all the honours that were due to a public benefacancient possessions, to make way fobr those new tor, and to a common parent of the people. grants; proposed that they should have a com-Casar’s body, in the general consternation, had pensation from the treasury, and hoped that the been left ior some hours on the spot where it fell. justice of the commonwealth would be employed It was at last borne on a litter by a few slaves to in equally protecting the rights of every citizen.” his own house. In this confusion, one of the This speech was received with applause; and arms, all over blood, was left hanging over the on the following day the act of oblivion being side of the litter; and this circumstance, though confirmed by the people, and the children of An-at the time in appearance unnoticed, yet remained tony having been sent’ as hostages to the capitol, with a deep impression on the minds of those the conspirators came down from thence, and who beheld it. On examining the body, there were received with loud acclamations. After were found twenty-three wounds sufficiently parties had saluted each other with mutual con-ghastly, although no more than one or two were gratulations and expressions of friendship, Cas-mortal. Antony determined to exhibit this specsius retired to sup with Antony, and Brutus with tacle to the people, accompanied with that of the Lepidus. The republic appeared to be thoroughly robes, which were pierced and torn in the strugre-established.

The nobles in general expressed gle with which Caesar fell, and all over stained their satisfaction in the present situation of af-with his blood.

He likewise ordered a solemn fairs, and extolled the authors of Caiqar’s death dirge to be performed, with interludes of music, as the restorers of freedom to their country. agreeable to the practice at Roman funerals, and Many, however, who had shared in the late suited to that particular occasion. He himself usurpation having tasted of military power, and prepared to speak the oration; and a day being being unable to acquiesce in the condition of fixed for the solemnity, a pile was raised in the mere citizens, however dignified, or to accommo-Campus Martius, near to the tomb of Julia, the date themselves to the restraints and formalities daughter of the deceased, and the wife of Pomof legal government, were likely to prove bad pey. Although it was intended that the body members of the reviving republic. Antony in should be consumed on this pile in the Campus particular considered himself as the successor of Martius, the funeral oration was to be spoken Caesar, and could not for a moment cease to think from the rostra in the forum, and a coucn was how he might grasp the sovereignty, and dispose placed there adorned with ivory and gold, on of all the dignities and emoluments of the state. which was laid the corpse with an effily of the The senate had weakly, under the show of deceased, covered with purple, and over it a tro1 Cicer Philip. i. c. 1. 2

Appian. d~ ikil. Cisili. lib. ii.

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CHAP. 11.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC 3-29 phy, on which was to be hung the robes in which sacred as that of your tribunes you declared him e was killed. The whole of this pageant was the father of his country-you showed him to the covered up, and adorned with a gilded canopy of world, adorned with the ensigns of sovereign state. In bearing it to the forum, the pall was power-your dictator, your guardian, and the carried bvy magistrates then in office, or by per-terror of your enemies. But he is no more!sons who had passed through the highest stations This sacred person is now breathless before you. of the commonwealth. But in the procession, The father of his country is dead: not, alas! of the streets were so crowded, that no order could disease not of the decline of years-not by the be kept, and multitudes who ought to have passed hands of foreign enemies-not far from his own in regular procession, hurried by the shortest country-but here within your walls, and in the ways to the pilace at which the obsequies were to Roman senate, in the vigour of health, in the be performned.3 midst of all his designs for your prosperity and Antony began the funeral oration, with an glory. He who often repelled the swords of his apology for intruding on the patience of many, enemies, has fallen by the hands of treacherous who lpossiblv took no particular concern in the friends, or by the hands of those whom his clecatastrophe of Caesar’s life. ” Had Cesar been mency had spared.-But what availed his clea private man,” he said, “I should have promency? what availed the laws with which he so ceeded to his funeral in silence; but one who has anxiously guarded the lives of his fellow-citizens? died in the first station of the republic, is entitled His own he could not guard from traitors. His to public notice. And my own station as consul, mangled body, and his gray hairs clotted with were I qualified for the task, would have imposed blood, are now exposed in that forum which he on me a special duty on this occasion; but in so often adorned with his triumphs; and near to this instance, the eulogium of the dead must prothat place of public debate, from which he so ceed from a higher authority than mine. The often captivated the people of Rome with his senate and the people of Rome have spoken, and eloquence.“4 they have left to me only the task of repeating At this passage, it is said that Antony began what they have said.” After these words, he to change the tone of lamentation’into that of read over the decrees of the senate and people, rage; that he raised his voice to indignation and enumerating the titles, dignities, honours, and threats, but that he was checked by a general powers which had been conferred on Casar. He murmur of the senators; and that he thought spoke of the lustre of his family, the graces and proper again to soften his expressions. “The accomplishments of his person, and of his singu-gods,”. he said, ” are masters of the fortunes of lar abilities; gave a general account of the wars men. It is our part to fbrget the past, to look in which he hadl been engaged; his splendid suc-forward to the future, to cultivate peace among cesses and the accession of glory and of empire ourselves, and to accompany this hero with he had procured to the Roman state: and when songs of praise to the mansions of the blest.“he had gained so far on the attention of his audi-Having spoke these words, he tucked up his ence, he addressed himself to the popular part in robe, and disengaged his arms as for some veheparticular. ” WVhen you were oppressed,” he ment action; and standing over the bier in which sai(l, “by a faction that engrossed all the powers the effigy was laid, uncovered it; but, as starting anti dignities of the commonwealth, Caesar gene-from the sight, or struck into silence, he held up rously interposed in your behalf. When this the torn and bloody garment to view, sunk again faction had withdrawn themselves from the alle-into a sorrowful tone, and prayed that it were giance that was due to the government of their possible for him to redeem that precious life with country; and when they had actually armed first his own. Belng interrupted with a general cry the provinces of Spain, afterwards Macedonia, of lamentation fiom the people, he made a pause Greece, Asia, Africa, and all the eastern parts of to hear the interlude.

At a passage of the song, the empire against you, he braved the storms of in which Casar was personated in the 1llowing winter and the superior force of the enemy; he dis-words, ” For this I spared, that they might murpersed the cloud which had gathered over your der me;” a general cry of indignation burst ftiom heads; he carried the glory of your arms into the multitude; and, at the same time, the effigy Asia, Africa, Egypt, and yet a third time into of the dead, with all its wounds and stains of Spain.

His enemies every where experienced blood, being raised to view, the people could no his valour in battle, and his clemency in victory. longer be restrained. Part ran to avenge his blood He pardoned many who were repeatedly in arms on the persons of the conspirators, and part tore against him; and when he dreaded the effects of up the benches and tribiounals of the magistrates, an excessive lenity towards those who appeared dismantled the senate-house, brought into heaps to be incorrigible, he sought for pretences to par-the spoils of the supposed enemies of’ Casar, and don his enemies under the show of gratifying his forgetting the preparations which had been made friends. for a funeral pile in the field of Mars, brought “On the subject of his administration in the the most precious combustible materials they state, I need not make any observation to you. could find to iight a fire in the forum, on which You were witnesses of his conduct. Descended to consume the body of the dead. of your ancient kings, he had more glory in re-From this brginning, the people continued fusing a crown that was offered to him, than during the whole night to bring fresh materials. they had in wearing it with all its honours.- The officers who had attended the procession, You loved him-you set him at the head of your stripped off the robes in which they were dressed, priesthood-at the head of your army-at the and cast them in the flames. W-,omen crowded head of the republic;-you declared his person to the pile, and threw upon it, as a sacrifice to 3 Sucton. in Caesar. 4

Dio. Cass. lib. xliv. c. 49.‘2 T’

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330 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [Book V. the manes of the dead, the ornaments of their recovered their favour by a vigorous exercise of own persons, the gorgets and the pretextas of his power against this impostor, gave orders that their chillren. The people, in general, appeared Ematius should be put to death, many of his acto be seized with an epidemical phrensy, of which, conmplices thrown from the Tarpeian rock, and neither the degree of their attachment to Cesar the monument or altar they had erected should in his lifetime, nor the manner in which they be razed to the ground.2 had received the first accounts of’ his death, had By these executions, the peace of the city given any adequate expectations: they ran seemed to be established, and even the commoor through the streets denouncing vengeance on his wealth itself in some measure restored. Both enemies, and proceeded to violence against every the consuls afiected the character of ordinary person who was represented as such. Helvius I magistrates, showed a proper deference to the Cinna beinc mistaken for Cornelius of the same senate, and in all things endeavoured to give saname, who, on the preceding day had declared his tisfaction to the friends of.le republic. A ntony approbation of the conspiracy, was put to death upon his return to the city, consulted the prinby the populace, his body torn in pieces, and his cipal senators upon every motion which he prohead carried in procession on the point of a spear.l posed to make, and referred the deternlination of The perpetrators of this murder being led by the every question to the free discussion of that body. retainers and dependants of Cesar’s family, He affected to have no secrets; and thoug h emsnatched lighted brands from the funeral pile, powered byv the late act of the senate to carry and attacked the houses of Brutus, Cassius, and into execution the different articles of Casar’s the other conspirators.

They even attempted to will, and to complete all his intended arrangedemolish Pompey’s theatre, in which Cesar had ments, he did not, under this description, propose been kiiied, and lighting many fires at once in any measure but what was generally known and different parts of the city, threatened the whole approved.3 with immediate destruction. In pursuance of this system of moderation, it In these riots, though projected hby Antony, the was propose(d by Antony, that Sextus, the republic disorder was carried to a greater heisght maining son of Pompey, who under the authority than he had wished or foreseen. His intention of the late dictator had been declared an out-law, was to incite a popular cry against the authors of should be restored to his country, and have a C.esar’s death, and to check the senate in any compensation in money fir the losses which had opposition they were likely to give in the execu-been sustained by his family: and, to provide tion of his own designs. But when the crimes likewise for the future safety of the commonwhich were committed began to reflect dishonour wealth, as well as for that of private persons, it on the party of CGesar, and when all persons of was proposed that a law should be enacted to property were alarmed, and the city itself was abolish for ever the name and power of dictator.

threatened with ruin, he found himself obliged, At the same time, all the honorary votes which with the authority of magistrate, to interpose and had passed in favour of Brutus and Cassius, and ut an end to tumults of so dangerous a nature. every act which had aTendency to mitigate the For this purpose, in concert with Dolabella, he animosity of Caesar’s party, to pacify the veterans, issued an edict, prohibiting the populace to as-and to incline them, without any farther disturbsemlble in arms on any pretence whatever, and ance, to settle on the lands which had been aliotposted guards in diflerent parts of the town to ted to them, had his concurrence. secure the observance of it. The senate, in order to terminate as soon as Antony having by these means restored the possible every occasion of public uneasiness or peace of the city, and dispersed all the crowds alarm, although they greatly disapproved of the which had assembled, except that which still rereward that was given to the armll, fbr having, mained at the pilace of Ciesar’s funeral. where in a manner, subdued the republic, and had reathe populace continued for somle time to feed the son to dread the precedent, yet hastened to the pile, he made a journey to the country, and re-performance of all Caesar’s engagelmelts, in order mained in Campania great part of April and lMay. to deprive the veterans of any pretence for mulDuring this time lie was assiduous in his visits tiplying their demancds, or renaininlg together in to the quarters and new settlements of the vete-armls. rans, on whomn he was fblr the future to rely fbr These circumstances had a very favourable assupport in the pretensions, which it is probable pect, anld the storm which threatened the city and he had already conceived, and which were much the commonwealth appeared to be laid. Mlany too high for the safety of’ the commonwealth. had foretold that the permlission of a public funeral In his absence, one Emlatius, who had formerly to Caesar would have dangerous consequences; assumed the nlame of Marius, and, under this and during the ate tumults and riots thought popular designation had been busy in disturbing theilselves sufficiently justified in these p-reiecthe public peace, and who, upon this account, t;ions. But their apprehensions now appeared to had by the late dictator himself been drive tfrom have been groundless, and the authors of the late the city, now again appeared, arthcted to lead ill moderate counsels, in which the senate was inthe riotous honours which were paid to the me-dluced to ternporise, and to make concessions in mory of CGesar, and, attended by the populace, such matters as were of less nonment, in order to erected an altar or monument on the spot where appease the animosity of parties, and to obtain the corpse had been burnt, and drew multitudes their consent n maters of more consequence, thither as to a place of devotionl. On this occa-were now hign ly applauded. sion, Dolabella, who had onilnded many of the All the conspiratc rs, in the height of the late more respectable citizens, by assuming, without any regular authority, the dignity of collsul, now c )io. Cass. b. xli. c. 50 et51. App de Bell.Civ _neton. in es. _ lut. _
bid. Appian __o. Cass &c. I 3 Cicero PLI-1p.lib. ii. Sueton. in Ces.

Piut. Ibid. Appian. Die. Cass. &c. 3 Cicero PL’..ip. lib. i. c. L

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CHiAP. II.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 331 disorders which arose on account of Cesar’s fune-to obtain for Lepidus the dignity of chief pontiff; ral, had withdrawn from the city, and, under dif-and, in order to cement the union of their famiferent honourable pretences which were furnished lies, proposed a marriage of his own daughter them by the senate, continued to absent them-with the son of this officer. He had been averse selves from Rome. Many of them had been to the promotion of Dolabella; and, at the death formerly named to the government of provinces, of Caesar, would have opposed his assuming the and now proceeded to take possession of their dignity of consul, if he had not been prevented lots. Decimus Brutus, in this capacity, repaired at first. by the uncertainty of his own situation, to the Cisalpine Gaul, Trebonius to Asia, and and afterwards by the countenance whlcn this Tullius Cimber to Bythinia. intruder into public office began to receive from Marcus Brutus had been appointed to the go-the senate. In these circumstances, to dispute vernment of Macedonia, and Cassius to that of the accession of Dolabella, would be to throw Syria; but thie two last being actually in office as him entirely into the hands of the repulblican prietors, could not take possession of provinces party; he thought proper, therefore, to disguise until the expiration of their year, nor could they his inclinations, antl took measure to gain him, regularly absent themselves from the city, with-or at least to set him at variance with the authors out some decree from the senate to t(lspense with of the late conspiracy. For this purpose, he their attendance as officers of state. Under the made a tender of his services to procure hl.im an present favourable aspect of public aflairs, and appointment to conmmand in any of the more adafter the consuls had given such evident proofs vantageous provincial situations. of their respect for the commonwealth, it was Notwithstanding that Cassius was already supposed that the authors of the late revolution appointed to the government of Syria, Antony, might now return in safety to the capital; and according to agreement, undertook to suptport the Cicero himself, on this occasion, was so confident pretensions of Dolabella, and to aid him in sup. of the perfect restoration of peace to the republic, planting Cassius at the meeting of the senate, that in writing to Atticus, he assures him, that which was to be held on the first of June. ” Brutus may now walk the streets of Rome with Having in this manner, with great industry and a crown of’ gold on his head.” In this, however, application, strengthened himself by his coalition with all his penetration, he had overrated the with Lepidus and Dolabella, the one at the head Lrofessions, and mistaken the designs of Antony. of the army, the other his own colleague in the This profligate adventurer, the more dangerous principal office of the state; and having secured that he was supp)osed by his debaucheries disthe attachment and support of the veteran soldiers quafified fbr any deep or arduous design, had as-recent’y settled in Italy, he no longer kept any sumed the disguise of moderation and deference terms with the senatorian party, or with the to the senate, merely to conceal his intentions, friends of the republic. Having formerly obuntil he had formed a party on which he could tained a resolution of the senate to confirm all rely. He had so far imposed on the public, by the acts, and to maintain the arrangements affecting to be alarmed with danger to his own which had been devised by Caesar, and being person from the riots which he was employed to master of the papers and memorials in which suppress after the funeral of Cwasar, that the se-these were contained, he brought extracts and nate permitted him to arm his friends; and suf-quotations from them in support of his several fered him, under their own authority, to assemble proposals, without producing the originals; and a powerful body of men, amounting to some thou-in this form commenced, in the name of the sands, chtliefly composed of officers who had served dead, a reign more arbitrary than that of the under the late dictator, and who now submitted living Caesar had been. As he had never cornto act as the guards of Antony’s person.4 Being municated to any one the papers or memorials thus strelngthened, when the return of Brutus from which these authorities were drawn, he and Cassius was mentioned to him. he betrayed expunged or he inserted whatever he thought the falsehood of his former professions.

“They proper, or even, without taking this trouble, cannot le safe,” he said, “in the midst of so framed his quotations on every subject to the many of C,‘esar’s retainers and friends.“5 purpose which he meant to serve. He made Antony wv.as greatly awed by the abilities of Casar’s memorials to teem with intended laws Brutus antl Cassius, by the respect which was and acts of the senate, and of the people; wvith paid them lby the public, by their credit with the grants and forfeitures of lands; with the pardon senate, andi by their determined resolution to of crimes and recalls from banishment; with ormaintain its authority. In order, therefore, to ders fbr levying contributions from princes, states, fi)rtify himself against them, he maintained a and private persons; with compositionsto be excontinual correspondence with the veterans of the acted from towns and corporations; for the ranlate Czesar’s army, courted their attachment, and solo of their possessions, liberties, and franchises; stated himself as their protector and leader. In and even with distinct resolutions and decisions this capacity, he made his visit to their settlements relating to matters which took’their rise after in Campania, where, it has been observed, he Caesar’s death.6 His wife Fulvia, the widow of passed the greater part of the months of April Clodius, likewise availed herself of this valuable and May. At his return, he endeavoured to mine, and sold offices and commissions, together strengthen himself still more, by entering into a with entire provinces and kingdoms,7 to those concert with Lepidus, who, in the quality of’ who were willing to pay her price. second in command to Ciesar, or general of the Among the acts of Antony, during this conhorse to the dictator, remained at the head of all sulate, is mentioned, a change which ble made in the military torces in Italy. He engaged himself the judiciary law, by which he obtained, that a 4 Appian. de Bell Civ. lib. i. 6 Cicer. Philip.

ii. c. 38. 5 Ciner. ad Familiar. lib. xi. ep. 1 7 Ti,;ien ad Atticuin, lib. xiv. p. 12.

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332 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BooK V. certain number of centurions should be entered About this time4, and alarmed by these vioon the rolls of the judges, in place of the revenue lences, Cicero, who had hitherto maintained officersl whom Cesar had excluded. Relying on some degree of neutrality or moderation between this and other artifices, which procured him the the parties, departed from Rome. He had. before support of the army, he rose every day in his the death of Cesar, intended to withdraw into presumption; and while he incited Dolabella to Greece, under pretence of superintendling the persist in supplanting Cassius in the province of education of his son at Athens, and had obtained Syria, he himself proposed to supp’ant Brutus in Ciesar’s consent, and the leave of the senate tor his nomination to the government of Macedonia. that purpose. On Cesar’s death, having hopes By this appointment, he meant to place himself that the republic was about to revive, he took at the head of the army, which Cwesar, to be in his resolution to remain in the city; but being rea(liness for his Asiatic or Parthian expedition, now satisfied that these hopes were vain; or, ill had transported into Macedonia; and it appeared his own terms, observing, “that, altho-luh the afterwards to be his design, as soon as he had tree had been cut down on the ides of’l arch, obtained the command of this army, to procure its roots were vet entire, and made vigoreius an appointment to supersede Decimus Brutus in shoots,” he resumed his former design of absentthe province of Cisalpine Gaul, and, under pre ing himself; and instead of applying to the tence of expelling him from thence, to transpon senate for leave, accepted from Dolabella, the this army again into Italy. newly appointed governor of Syria, a colmmission In order to obtain acts for so much of these of lieutenancy, which he was to eml)loy as a purposes as he was then about to execute, he pretence for crossing the Ionian sea. In execusummoned all the members of the senate2 to as-tion of this design he arrived on the twenty-sixth semble on the first of June. He had brought of June at Antium, where he found Brutus. with into the city, to overawe this assembly, great his wife Porcia, and mother Servilia, with other numbers of the veterans, on whom he himself, persons of distinction. He gave it as his opinion, besides confirming the settlements which had that Brutus and Cassius should accept of the been assigned to them by Cesar, had bestowed commissions assigned to them as inspectors of’ considerable favours. At this meeting of the the supplies of corn from Sicily and Asia, and senate, few of the members, who were inclined should repair to their several provinces foir that to oppose the consul, thought that they them-purpose.

While the company were yet deselves could with safety attend. Even Hirtius liberating on this subject, they were joined by and Pansa, though namned for the consulate of Cassius, who, upon Cicero’s repeating wlhat he the following year, and protected by the dignity had said, answered, with a stern countenance, which belonged to that destination, thought that he would not go into Sicily, nor accept as a proper to absent themselves.3
favour, what was intended as an areont. IHe At a call of the senate, so ill attended, Ancomplained, that opportunities had been lost of tony obtained for himself, without opposition, rendering effectual the first and principal step the government of Macedonia, with the com-which had been taken to deliver the colmnlonmand of the army which had been destined for wealth, and was inclined to blame Decirnus A.sia, but which, from Casar’s death, had reBrutus for some part of this neglect. Cicero mained in that province. He at the same time censured the conduct of the whole party, tor not obtained for Dolabella the province of Syria to having secured the completion of a business that the exclusion of Cassius; and by these several was so successfully begun. “You ought,” he acts stated himself and his colleague as in open said, “immediately, upon the death of C sar, enmity with the leaders of the republican party, to have assumed the government, to have called whom they had lately affected to court, but whom the senate by your own authority, and to have they now proceeded to strip of the preferments taken advantage of the spirit’that was generally and honours which had been assigned to them raised among the people for the recovery oi’their by the commonwealth. legal constitution.” Under pretence of making compensation to In the result of this conference, Brutus and Cassius and Brutus for the loss of the provinces Cassius, as well as Cicero, took their resolution of Macedenia and Syria, of which they were to depart from Italy; and the two former, with now deprived, Antony procured them appoint-so much resentment of the indignity which they ments which they considered as an additional had sufflred in their appointment to inspect the insult; that of Brutus to inspect the supplies of importation of corn, that they engaged Serviiias corn from Asia; and that of Cassius, to super-to employ her influence in having this app))ointintend the supplies of the same kind which were ment expunged from the public acts or records of brought from Sicily. the senate. Before their departure. thev m-rote a‘7hile the senate complied with Antony in his joint letter to Antony, conveyerd’i expressior: demands on these several subjects, they endea-that were guarded and polite; but demaniding an voured to restrain his abuse of the supposed will explanation of the terms in which they stood and memorials of Cesar. For this purpose they with hinm, and of the purposes for which he had appointed a committee of their own number to assembled the veterans of Cresar il such numinspect the contents of those papers, and to attest bers at Rome. Sonle timie after this letter was sent the reality of such notes and instructions as were they drew up a joirrt edict or manifesto, setting to be carried into execution under the authority forth the cause of their absence from the capital, of the senate. Antony, however, paid no regard and protesting against the violence which was to this appointment, nor even suffered the corm-dailv offered to the constitution of the republic. mittee to meet in discharge of the duty for which In answer to this letter, and to the paper with they were named. which it was followed, Antony issued a manifesto I Tribuni _Erarii.‘2 Cieero ad Attic. lib xv ep. 6. 4 The mniddle of June. 3

Ibid.‘hilit i. c. 2. 1 5 The mother of Brutus

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CHAP. II.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 333 full of inver.ive and contumely, and which he having arrived, on the last of August, found that transmitted, under a formal address, to the pra-the expectations which he had been made to entors Brutus and Cassius, accompanied with a tertain of Antony’s intentions were void of founletter in the same style. The originals of these dation; and that the outrages he was likely to several papers are lost; but in reply to the last, commit were such, as to make it extremely unwe find addressed to Antony, and signed by Bru-safe for any distinguished friend of the republic tus and Cassius, the following original preserved to come in his power. For this reason, Cicero, among the letters of Cicero: on the first of September, sent an ex;:Lse to the senate, pleading the ill state of his healtn, which ” Brutus and Cassius, prators, to Antony, obliged him to remain shut up in his own house.

consul, &c. Antony considered his absence from the senate as “We have received your letter, which, like an affront to himself, or as giving too much counyour manifesto, is full of reproach and of threats, tenance to the suspicions which were entertained and very improper from you to us. We have of his violent intentions. Under this impression done you no injury; and if we were inclined to he burst into rage, and sent an officer to require hostilities, vour letter should not restrain us. But’ the attendance of Cicero, threatening, if he peryou know our resolutions, and you presume to sisted in his supposed contumacy, to pull down threaten us, to the end that our pacific conduct his house about his ears: the ordinary method may be imputed to fear. WVe wish you all the of’ forcing those to submission, who shut themprefermnents and honours which are consistent selves up, or took refuge in their dwellings from with the freedom of the commonwealth. We the sentence of the law. He was dissuaded, howhave no desire to quarrel with you; but we value ever, from any attempt to execute his threat; and our liberties more than we value your friendship, being himself absent from the senate on the folConsider well what you undertake, and what you lowing day, Cicero ventured to take his seat, and, can support. Do not be encouraged so much by in the absence of the consul, delivered that orathe length of Cesar’s life, as warned by the short tion which is entitled the first Philippic. In this duration of the power he usurped. We pray to speech he accounted for his late retirement from God, that youi designs may be innocent; or, if the capital, and for his present return, in terms they be not innocent, that they may be as little strongly reflecting on the conduct and adminishurtful to yourself as the safety of the common-tration of the present consul. wealth can permit.“3 Antony, in his turn, greatly exasperated by These altercations led to an open breach.

The the accounts he received of Cicero’s speech, prepritors wrote to Decimus Brutus, Trebonius, pared to reply at a subsequent meeting of the and Cimber, to put their several provinces in a senate; and delivered himself accordingly with state of defence, and to make what farther progreat acrimony against his antagonist. These vision they could of men and money as for a mutual attacks, thus made in the absence of the certain war.7 Cicero, in continuing his voyage to parties, produced from Cicero that famous oration Greece, had arrived on the sixth of August at which is entitled the second Philippic; a model Leucopetrae, beyond Rhegium; and had set out of eloquence in the style of ancient invective; but from thence; but being put back, was met by which, though put in the form of an immediate some citizens at Rhegium, just arrived from reply to imputations supposed to be made in his Rome, who brought him copies of the edicts or presence, never was at all delivered, and is to be manifestos issued by Cassius and Brutus, with a considered as a mere rhetorical pleading in a ficreport, that a full meeting of the senate was ex-titious case. The offence, however, which was pected on the first of September; that Brutus and given by the publication of this invective, made a Cassius had sent circular letters requesting the principal part in the quarrel, which the parties attendance of all their friends; that Antony was never ceased to pursue, till it ended with Cicero’s likely to drop his designs; that the cause of the life. republic, having so favourable an aspect, his own While the consul Antony in this manner threw departure was censured, and his presence was off the mask of a legal magistrate, and acted in earnestly wished for. some measure as a person who succeeded to the Upon these representations, Cicero took his military usurpation erected by Caesar, a new acresolution to return to Rome, and arrived again tor appeared on the stage of public affairs, from at Pompeii, on the nineteenth of August.8

Here, whose youth nothing important, it was thought, among the accounts of what had passed in the could, for some time, be expected. This was senate on the first of that month, he was informed Caius Octavius, the grand nephew of Julius that Piso, the father of Calpurnia, and father-in-Caesar, by his niece Attia, and the son of Octalaw of the late Caesar, had, notwithstanding this vius, who, in the course of state preferments, had connection and his interest in the remains of the arrived at the dignity of praetor; and in this rank, late usurpation, vigorously opposed the measures having governed the province of Macedonia, died of Antony; and, on that occasion, had acquired suddenly on his return from thence.

His widow great distinction as a man of ability, and as an up-the mother of this young man, married Philippus, right citizen; but that not being properly sup-a citizen of moderate parts, but upright internported in the senate, he had declined any farther tions. In the house of Philippus the young ac. struggle, and had absented himself on the follow-tavius was brought up, and passed his early ing day. years, while his grand-uncle was engaged in the Cicero, though not greatly encouraged by these most active parts of his life, and while he was inreports, continued his journey to Rome; and sinuating himself by intrigues, or forcing his way at the head of armies to the sovereignty of the Roman empire. Elevated by his connection with 6 Cicer. ad Fam. lib. ii. ep. 3 Dated 4th of August.this relation to a high situation and to higher Cicer. ad Att. lib. xvi. ep. 7.

8 Ibid. views, he had followed him in the late campaign

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334 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BooK V. against the sons of Pompey in Spain, and was 1 Rome, young as he was, employed all the caution intended, though a minlor, to succeed Lepidus, and wariness of age for the security of his person, under the dictator, as general of the horse. lest any disguised enemies should have insinuated Upon the return of Caesar into Italy, and after themlselves among a multitude of professed friends, the army destined for the war in Asia had been who were yet generally unknown to him. At transported into Macedonia, the young Octavius Terracina, about fifty miles from Romne. he rewas sent to Apollonia, as a place at which he ceived a report, that the consuls hiad stlperlseded might continue his studies, and his military ex-Brutus and Cassius in the provinces of M:;c,,cvdoercises, and be in the way to join the army, and nia and Syria, and had assigned them. inf;lrior to attend his uncle in the irojected expedition to stations, by this account, at Cyrene and Crete; the East.

that many exiles were recalled, p)articularlv SexAfter Octavius had been about six months at tus Pompeius; and that, under pretence of exeApollonia, a messenger arrived in the beginning cuting the intentions of Carsar, many new memof the night with accounts of Cnesar’s death, hers were admitted into the senate.l bearing, that he had fallen in the senate; but Octavius, upon his arrival at Rome, found his without determininng whether he fell by the hands stepfather and his mother under great alpprehenof a few, or in the execution of a general resolu-sions from the power of the senate, and from the tion of the whole body. The young man was general dispositions which appeared in the late greatly ldejected and perplexed in his thoughts. act of indemnity that was passed in favour of The military men then about him adlvised him to those who had borne an active part in Caesar’s repair to the quarters of the army in Macedonia, (eath. And these apprehensions were strongly and to put himself at their head. But his step-confirmed by the neglect of Antonv, who took father Philippus, and his mother Attia, in their no notice of his arrival, and did not pay that atletters, had cautioned him against this or any tention which might be thought due to th.e name other ambitious resolution; they advised him to of Ctesar; but he neither desponded nor exposed return into Italy in the most private manner, and himself by any hasty act of presumlption. He warned him to avoid rivin!r any utnhr-are to the said, “That, being so young a man, anti in a i’npartizans of the republic, who had now got the vate station, he could not expect that the trst ascendant at Rome, and would not allow any advances should be made to him front the Roman person whatever to tread in the dangerous steps consul; that he would soon convince the selate of his late uncle. of his dutiful intentions towards them; that all Octavius accordingly embarked for Italy; and the world must applaud in him the endeavwurs as he knew not what mnight be the disposition of he should make to bring the authors of hls father’s the troops who were then stationed at Brundlu-death to justice; that the act of indemnlitvy, in tasiulnm, he chose to land at Lupia, a place at some vour of the assassins, had passed when there was little distance, and on the same coast. Here he no one to oppose it; but that a charg(e of lurder, received farther accounts from Rome, with par-when directly brought, 2 could not he slighted by ticulars of the conspiracy; the proceedings of the the senate, by the Roman people, nor even by senate; accommodation of the parties; the tu-Antony himself-that to decline the inheritance mults that arose at Caesar’s funeral; the will, and which was left him, would be disrespectful to the his own share in it: but his friends still persisted memory of Cesar, and injurious to the Roman in recommending a private station, and advised people, in whose behalf he was nlade executor of him even to drop his pretensions to the name and his father’s will. Ceesar,” he said, ” has distininheritance of Caesar. But this young man, guished me, and honoured me; anti [ had rather though only turned of eighteen, took upon him die, than appear unworthy of such a father.” to decide for himself in this matter. He sent an His friends were silenced by the appearance of officer to sound the disposition of the garrison at so much discretion and resolution. They broke Brundusium; and finding that they were in-off the conference with an advice which already clined to revenge the death of their late favourite appeared to be unnecessary, That he should do leader, and that they resented the other proceed-nothing rashly, nor embrace violene measures, ings of the republican party, he proceeded in per-where prudence might equally gain his purpose. son to Brundusium in the most public manner, Next morning this young man, attended by ia and was met at the gates by the troops, who re-numerous company of his friends, repaired to the ceived him with all the honours thought due to forum, and presented himself before the prastor the son of Caesar. C. Antonius, in order to declare in form his acFrom this time forward, Octavius assumed the ceptance of the inheritance of his late uncle, and name and designation of his late uncle. He was in order to be invested with the name of Caesar.

soon after attended by persons of all ranks from From thence he went to Pompey’s gardens, where the neighbourhood of Brundusiun, and sent forAntony then resided; and after bleing rmade to ward to Rome with a retinue, to which, as he wait, for some time, in a manner that sufliciently passed on the way, he received continual acces-expressed, on the part of’ Antony, a dislike to his sion of numbers. The veterans, in general, who visit, he was admitted to a conferelnce. had grants of land, flockedl to him; complained The young Octavius, having been educated as of the remissness of Antony in suffering the the nearest relation to Caesar, and destined to in assassins of his own friend and benefactor to go herit his fortunes, had conceived the extent of unpunished, and declared their resolution to be his own importance from the height of Caesar’s revenged as soon as any person appeared to lead power; he considered the sovereignty of the emthem. Octavius thanked them for their grateful pire, in some measure, as his birthrignt anlla his respcct to his father’s memory, but exhortedI own interest as the central point to wh;hh all theml to moderation and submission. He wished public transactions should tend.

In thiL coolerto know the state of parties more exactly before he should declare himself and on his “mrney to 1 Appian. de Bello Civile, lib. ii. 2

Ibid

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CHAP. 11.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 335 ence wit.h Antony, he is said to have betrayed all Cmesar’s a -ts, and consequently precluding all more of this character than suited his present inquiries into this, or any other part of his adnmicondition, or than could be reconciled with the nistration; but as Antony could fabricate acts of discretion with which he had acted on other oc-Casar, when wanting, to his purpose, so he casions.

Hie entered with the consul on a review could set aside or evade real acts when they steoo of his con(duct as an officer of state, from the in his way. death of Caesar to the present moment; thanked In the mean time the friends of the republic him for the regard he had in some things shown rejoiced at a breach which seemed to weaken to his father’s memory, and with equal confidence their enemies, and gave them hopes, that a cormceinstJr.l,, and arraigned him in others. “You petition for the succession to Cesar’s power did weil,” he said, “in opposing the thanks which would divide the army, and shake the foundation the senate was about to decree to the murderers on which that power was supported. In this of lmy fathier and of your own benefactor and contest Antony, by his age, his authority, and by friend; an(l oll (lid well in depriving Brutus and his great influence in the commonwealth, having Cassius of thie important provinces of Macedonia so much the advantage, they thought it safest to and( Syria; but why preclude my just resent-promote the interest of his antagonist, who was ments l)v atl act of indemnity? Why assign in a private station, a minor, under the direction any provinces at all to those assassins? Why of relations inclined to moderation, and strongly suifl’r Decirnus Brutus, in particular, with so possessed with deference tothe senate. Antony, great a force to keep possession of Gaul? This by his arrogance, and the public contempt with Is not onlv to spare but to arm them against me.” which he treated the heir of Caesar, gave offence He concluded by demanding restitution of the to the party from which he hoped for support. monev which Antony had seized in the temple of Having already obtained all the ends which he Ops, 3 to the end that he might, without delay, proposed to himself in courting the senate, he pay off to the Roman people the legacies be-pulled off the mask, and set them at defiance.

queat’hed to themli by Caesar. Octavius, on the contrary, while he endeavoured Octavius, in this first specimen of his boldness to supplant his antagonist in the favour of the and address, although he ventured to insult the people, affected great deference to the senate and Roman consul, paid court to the army and to the regard to the commonwealth. He even changed people; and perhaps wished for the reputation of his language in public respecting the conspiraha.ving qutarrelled with Antony on the subject of tors, and to their friends affectcd a desire to be his remnissness in avenging the death of Cwsar, reconciled with them. Being at the countryandtm of his own impatience to pay off the contents house of Philippus, near to that of Cicero, he of his will. Antony, being surprised and piqued took this opportunity to pay his court to a person at the arrogrance of his speech, and of his preten-of so much consideration in the republican party; sions, endeavoured to check his ambition, by put-accosted him with the title of father, and menting hinm i mind, that although he was named tioning his friends of the conspiracy with respect, the heir of C0isar’s estate, he must not pretend to affected to put himself entirely under his protecinherit his diTgnlities; that the Roman constitution.4 Cicero being either the dupe of these tionl a;?knowledted no hereditary powers; that he artifices, or willing to encourage Octavius against ought to remeimber in whose presence he stood; Antony, seemed to listen to his professions; notthat the Roman consul must be equally indiffer-withstanding that Philippus, who was interested ent to his approbation, or to his censure. ” To to save the republic, at tile same time informed me,” he said, ” it was owing that your uncle was him that he did not believe this artful boy was not declared a usurper and a tyrant; conse-sincere.5 quently, to me it is owing that you have any While the young Cmesar thus strove to ingraother inheritance’ by him besides the disgrace of tiate himself with the party of the senate, his being related to a traitor, whose body had been chief reliance was on the people. He opened an dragged through the streets, and cast into the office for the payment of the late dictator’s legacy Tiber. As to-any money which may have been to every one who claimed a share of’ it; and as lodged in the treasury, of that,” he said, ” Caesar these liberalities were ascribed to the deceased, had already diverted too much to his own private and could not be made a charge of corruption uses; that when his receipts came to be examined against himself, he did not scruple to extend them and the sums not accounted for to be claimed, beyond the letter of the will. He erideavoured much public money might be found among his at the same time to make it be believed. that by eftects; that Czesar himself, if living, could not the oppressions of Antony he was strautened for refuse to make up his accounts; and that a pro-means to perform his duty in this respect to the posal was actually in agitation to have them people; recommended to his agents to hasten the stated and examined.” sale of his own effects at any price, and continluFrom these altercations, Octavius and Antony ally brought new articles to the market in order parted on very ill terms, and were publicly known to raise money.~ Being introduced by one of to have quarrelled. Octavius, from an affected the tribunes, he delivered a harangue to the peoseal to put the people in possession of the legacy pile, in which he declared his intention to exhibit bequeathed to them by his father, brought his shows and theatrical entertainments in honour of own effects to sale. Antony, on his part, pro-his late father’s memory.7

HIe proposed to have moted the inquiry into the applications of pulblic seated himself at the theatre in his chair of state; money, and gave out, that the heirs of the late dictator would have great sums to refund, and little reversion. These heirs, in return, pleaded 4 Cic. ad Attic lib.

xiv. ep. 11. Rod venit Octaviu the late decree of the senate and people, ratifying ii proxirnam villa hilipli, mini teLis deditus 5 Ibid. lib. xii.

ep. 15. 6 Appian. de Bell. Civ. lib. ii. 3 Plut. in Antonio. Appian.

dt.q-ll. Civ. lib. ii. 7 Cicer. ad Attic. lib xv. en. 1.

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336 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [Boar’V. but in this particular had the mortification of The officers whom Antony had assembled as being forbid by the tribunes.’ a guard to his person, ventured to expostulate Although the senators in general promoted the with him on a breach which was so likely to reclaims of Octavius, and considered him as a zea-duce their force, and they exhorted him to act in lous confederate against Antony, who was the concert with Octavius, at least until they had principal object of their fears, the conspirators obtained a just revenge against the assassins of saw in him the representative of their late ene-Caesar. On this occasion Antony entered into my and the leader of Caesar’s army. They en-the reasons of his past conduct, and accounted for deavoured to put their friends on their guard the concessions which he had made to the senate against him, and by all means in their power to as necessary, to obtain the conditions on which counteract his popular arts. For this purpose the present flourishing state of the party dethe public entertainsrents, which were this year pended. He reminded his friends that it was by to have been given by Brutus in the quality of his means that C.esar’s acts had been ratified; prictor, were provided and exhibited in his ab-that it was by his means that, notwithstanding sence with great splendour. These entertain-the late act of indemnity, the conspirators had ments, from animosity to the family of Caesar, been expelled from the city, and stripped of their rather than from a regard to Brutus, were con-provinces. ducted by C. Antonius, the brother of the pre-For the future, he assured them, that being sent consul, who presided in the place of his possessed of a proper force, he would appear uncolleague the absent praetor, and who was desirous disguised, and give sufficient proof of his regard on this occasion to divide with Octavius the po-to Caesar’s memory, and to the interest of his surpular favour even in behalfof Brutus, with whom viving friends. he was not on good terms.2 Antony, in’

compliance with the intreaties As such entertainments were intended bv the which were now made to lrim at this conference, Roman officers to ingratiate themselves with the had an interview with Octavius; at which they people, so the reception they met with was conwere, in appearance, reconciled to each other: sidered as an indication of their success or disap-but their pretensions were far from being suffipointment in any object they had in view. On ciently adjusted to render the agreement of long the present occasion the Tereus of Accius being continuance. Octavius aspired to a degree of brought on the stage, and every sentiment of consequence which Antony by no means thought liberty applicable to the times being greatly ap-necessary to admit in so young a person. His plaudetl, this was considered as an intimation of undoubted title to the inheritance of Ce.;ar, and popular favour to the deliverers of their country, the attachment of C.Tsar’s personal friends, made and to Brutus in particular, the giver of the feast. Antony consider his advancement as altogether His friends thought this a favourable opportunity incompatible with the success of his own designs. to make trial of their strength; and as the Roman Effects of their jealousies and animosities accordpeople, still supposed to be the sovereigns of the ingly soon after appeared, such as rendered an world, were accustomed, like other despotical open breach again unavoidable. masters, to decide on the greatest affairs as mat-A vacancy having happened in the college of ters of private passion, and in the midst of their tribunes,4 Octavius, though far short of the legal pleasures, the aristocratical party raised a cry, age, was presented by his friends as a candidate that the restorers of public liberty should be re-for this station. Antony, without declaring himcalled to their country.3 This cry was not re-self openly against them, published an edict, turned by the audience, and the performance threatening with prosecution any person who itself was stopped by the clamo)urs of the opposite should make a proposition to ttie people contrary party, until the proposal now made in favour of to law; and by these means prevented their farthe conspirators should be withdrawn. ther proceeding in this design. Brutus and Cassius finding their party among Soon after this act of authority, on the part of the people so little able to support them, saw no Antony, to check the ambition of the vounr C(esecurity but in the possession of provinces which, sar, men arilled as for an assassination were disin case of an open attack from their enemies, covered in the consul’s house. They were not might supply them with money and arms for brought to any public examination; but;t was their defence. They determinet, therefore, not-given out that they had been suborned by Octawithstanding the late arrangements, by which vius. Whether this plot was f:abricated,‘n order they were superseded, to repair to the provinces to load him with the odium of it, and to justify of which the command hadl been originally in-the measures which Antony himself medlitaterd to tended for them; Cassius to Syria, and Brutus to take against aperson supposed to have mamed at Macedonia and Greece. They were encouraged his life, or whether it was by Antony actually in the pursuance of this resolution by the divi-believed to be real, is uncertain. It occasioned a sions and quarrels which arose in the opposite considerable ferment in the city, an(d the parties party; observing that the adherents of the late reasoned upon it as they were severally inclined. Caesar were ranged on different sides with Octa-The friends of Antony persisted in accusing vius or with Antony, and that the army itself, Octavius, and others recriminated, urgring as a though extremely averse to disputes which tended proof of Antony’s design on the life of Cmes ar. his to disturb their possession of the government, having recourse in this manner to a forgerv, were likelv to balance or hesitate in the choice of which was evidently intended to exasperate the their leader, they left Italy with some hopes, that army anmd the people against his antagonist, and the republic might revive in the dissenlsion of its to justify the violence which he himself, with the enemies. first opportunity, meant to employ.5

Cicero, 1 Cicer. aid Attic. lib. xv. ep. 2. 2 Appian. de Bell. Civ. lib.

ii. 3 Cicer. ad Attic. lib. xvi. ep. 2. i 4 Appian. de tBello Civil. lib.

ii.; Ibid.

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CHAP’II.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 337 however, says, that people of judgment believed cause of the republic, and affected to put himself the plot on the part of Octavius to have been entirely under the direction of Cicero, now the real, and that they approved of it.6 most respectable member of the senate that was In the late interval of military usurpation, the left. He intreated this experienced counsellor to senators in general, though willing to resume the favour him with an interview at Capua. ” Once government, were actually unable to bear the more,” he said, in his letter upon this occasion, load which it was likely to lay on their shoulders.

“save the republic.” At their conference it was They rejoiced at the breach between Octavius deliberated whether Octavius should throw himand Antony; but if these adventurers should con-self into Capua with three hundred veterans who tinus to quarrel about the spoils of the cornnmon-had joined him, and there stop Arintny’s march wealth, the greater part of those who had any to Rome; or should cross the Apennines, to give interest in defending it were no more than a prey the legions, who were marching from Brundusito the conqueror. Clouds hung over their coun-um, an opportunity to execute the project of decils nn every side. The officers who had served fection, which he believed they were meditating under Caesar in the late civil war, were posted at in his favour. In this question he affected to be the head of armies in the most advantageous situa-determined entirely by Cicero, who advised him tions. Asinius Pollio had the command in the to move with all the force he could assemble farther province of Spain, Lepidus in the nearer; towards Rome.8 Plancus commanded in Gaul, and Antony in In compliance with this advice, Octavius hayMacedonia. The veterans remained in the ing assembled ten thousand men, without waiting neighbourhood of Rome with swords in their to array, or even to have them completely armed, hands, anxious for the settlements which had advanced by hasty marches to prevent Antony, been lately assigned to them by Cesar. These who about the same time had marched from they did not believe to be secure, without the de-Brundusium, and was hastening to advance in struction of every law and of every form which the same direction.9 could be cited to favour the claims of the former The city was thrown into a great alarm by proprietors. this unexpected approach of two hostile armies. Antony made rapid advances to the military Some expressed their fears of Antony, others of usurpation he had some time projected. Having Octavius, and some of both. It was uncertain availed himself so far of his nomination to the whether they advanced in concert to oppress the government of Macedonia, as to get possession republic, or in competition to contend for its of the numerous and respectable army which spoils. Many appearances favoured the latter Cesar, on their way to the Parthian war, had supposition; and the late reconciliation gave some transported thither, he proceeded to exchange credit to the former. that province for the Cisalpine Gaul; and, un-Octavius, having the advantage of a shorter der pretence of expelling Decimus Brutus from march, arrived before his antagonist; and being thence, had ordered the army of Cwsar to be within two miles of the city, was received by transported back into Italy. Soon after the de-Canutius, one of the tribunes, whom he soon aftection of the supposed plot of Octavius he de-ter sent back into the city, with assurances, that parted from Rome, and set out for Brundusium. he had assembled his party not to second, but to The troops which he had ordered from Macedo-oppose the designs of Antony; and that his purnia were already arrived at that place; and as he pose was to employ all the force he could raise had intelligence that Octavius had his emissaries for the defence of the commonwealth. The triemployed to seduce them, he hastened to prevent bune Canutius, in reporting what pIassed with the effect of this design, and to secure his own Octavius, exhorted all who wished to preserve the authority. He professed to employ this army republic to lend their assistance in execution of merely in gaining possession of the province this design.

which had lately been decreed tohim by the peo-Upon these assurances, delivered by a tribune ple. But in the desire of occupying, with an of the people, the gates were thrown open to arnly, that very station from which Ctesar had so Octavius, and he entered the city, though not successfully invaded the republic; and which, in a miliary form, yet followed by a numerous according to the expression of Cato on the nomi-band of attendants, who concealed their weapons. nation of Cesar to that province, was in reality With this company he took possession of the the citadel or commanding station which gave temple of Castor and Pollux, and prepared to possession of Rome, he sufficiently evinced the explain himself to a numerous concourse of peodesigns which he had formed against the republic, ple, who were hastening into the area or court and no less alarmed the heir of Coesar, who ex-before the temple. Being introduced by the tripected to be the first victim of his power, than it bune into this assembly, as a person who had threatened the senate with a new and dangerous matters of great moment to communicate respectusurpation. ing the state of the republic and the designs of Under these impressions, while Antony took Antony, he began his speech by commemorating the road to Brundusium, Octavius repaired to the merits of his late adoptive father, and the inCampania, and, by large donations7 in money, gratitude and injustice of Antony; declared, that engaged the veterans who were settled at Cala-although he had assembled his friends nlerely in tia, Casilinum, and Capua, to declare for himself. his own defence, he was ready to employ them iln With this powerful support, he published his in-the service of his country, and submitted hirnmsei tention to withstand the consul, and took measures entirely to such directions as he should receive to procure the authority of the senate against their from the powers established by law in the coin common enemy. He professed great zeal for the monwealth; observed, that they could not possi 6 Cicero ad Famil lib. xii. ep. i3. 8

Appian. de Bell. Civ. lib. ii. “Five hundred Denarii, i. e. about 16. 9

Cicero ad Art. lib. xvi. ep. 8 2U

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338 THE PROG(RESS AND TERMINATION [BooK V lvly doult of his inclination to be employed at least What hopes, in the mean time, could be formed against his personal enemies. for the state? Could senators entrust the age or It was probably in this speech, that Octavius, the intention of this crafty boy, nursed, as they being to nmake a solemin asseveration, pointed to ob)served, in the midst of usurpation; andl who, the’statue of Julius Cwsar, with these words, by arnling himself without any leTgal authority,‘So may I arrive at my father’s honours!“T He had given evidence of an assumling and audacious had two opposite and irreconcilable parties to spirit? T’hey stood in awe of Antony, and were ]lease oil this occasion, and had not learned that afraid to provoke him by an open declaration the only safe course in s’uch cases is silence. Hie Octavius did not yet appear to be in condition to oftendedl the palrtizarns of the repulblic by the veene-cope with the Romani consul; and if he wNere in.

ration he expressed for Casar, and by his wish to condition to do so, would be likely to form designs tread in his steps; andu in this, perhaps, commit-equally dangerous to the commonwealth. Antoted the only Ipublic indiscretion with which he is ny, with a numerous army, had all the authority charea ble in many part of his conduct. But what ot government in his hands. The dispositions was in reaiity a more d-inwerous effect of this of Pansa and Hirtius, the consuls named by Ceerror, lie oilnded the military part of his audi-sar for the ensuing year, were yet unknown.ence by the regard he afitected to entertain for the Althoug(h many things were transacted in namf civil ggovernment of the state, and by his open of the senate, this order of men scarcely ventured declaration of war against Antony. By this de-to resume their ordinary functions, and shook claratiol, military men found themselves not inunder the rod which Cmsar had lifted over them, vited to enter, as they expected, on the secure even while it hung in suspense between clifferent possession of the rewards and honours which divisions of his remaining party.5 Fiso, the fahad been promised to them; but cailted upon to ther-in-law of Cmsar, had ventulred to oppose fight for (np0ire against their late fetliow-soldiers, Antoiiy.

Cicero and Publius Servilius aftercomlnaildid _bv an) oftliir froml whorn they - wards followed this example. “But all that we, high expectatiols as a friend, and much to fear have gained,” said Cicero, “is no more than this, as an eneiyii. that the Roman peolle may perceive, that whoSohlidrs (ft’ ifrtune being thus disappointed of ever contends for liberty is not safe at Rome.” the spoiis whicll thley expected to seize, and of These senators. therefore, together with L. Cotta, the rew 0ards which wvere now become due for L. Casar, mtll L. Sulpicius, lad in despair, upol former services, some of them abtsolutely resceing Aintolny put himself at the head of an1 nounlled the party of Octavius; ot.hers, under army, abscnted themselves from the public aspretence of provid(ing arms and necessaries for semblies. the field, or pleadirng various excuses, desired It was evident from every circumstance, that leave to return to tiheir own habitations. The the fate of the empire was to be determined by greater part of the veterans actually withdrew: the sword. The troops feeling their consequence, but Octavius, young as he was, did not sink unaffected indifference to every interest lut their der this untoward state of his affiirs. He had own, and presumed to treat with equal contempt, ordered levies in Etruria, and in the district of in their turns, the different persons who assumed Ravenna. These levies, upon the reputation of the command of them. Of the five legions which the ascendant he ha(l gainled in the city, succeed-had been quartered in Mlacedonia, four were landedi apace, andl inducedl military adlventurers from ed at Brundusium when Antony arrived at that every quarter to) espouse his cause. place.

They turned out on his coming, but did Many wlho had served under Julius Cesar, not receive him with the usual acclamations andl being iaccustomed to the life of a soldier, though shouts. They closed in profound silence round settled as landholders in italy, were not yet rooted the platform from which he was to speak, as hayin the condlition of citizens, or in that of husband-ini suspended their judtgment, until they shouldl men.

They had yet fresh in their memories the know what gratuities they were to recvive ini relicense and the spoils of war. They saw them ward of their services. When he mentioned ofilred anew under the auspices of a leader who four ihundred sestertii, or between three and four bore the name of Cesar, and whose munificence pounds a man.6 This being mfr short of the rewas known. Many, therefore, who had recentlv wards that were expected for giving a new nlasleft Octavius, beino unwilling that others shouldl ter to the commonwlealth, he was answered with reap the harvest in which they themselves had signs of derision. In return to this insolence, been invitedt to partake, again repairedl to his Antony assumed a tone which tended rather to standard; and, as fast as they arrived, were sent exasperate than to overawe his audience. He to Etruria, into different quarters, to lie armed, reproached these legions with ingratitude for the arrayed, and furnished with all necessaries for the favour he had recenltly done them, in changing field.2 their destination from Parthia to the Cisalpine Octavius from thenceforward conducted him-Gaul; and with treachery, in having suilfred to self between the parties with great address: to the remain anong them the emissaries, whom he veterans he talked of’ avenging Cwsar’s death: to knew that a presumptuous boy had employed to the friends of the republic he. set forth the danl-debauch them from their duty. “T’Lhese,” he gerous designs of Antony, affected to sacrifice all said, “shall not escape me; in the mean time private reseintment to his zeal for the common-prepare yourselves to march into the province wealth,3 even promoted the election of’ Casca into which is allotted for your station.” the colleague of tribunes,4 and affected in all things Antony, while he yet continued to speak, had to be governed by the senate. the mortification to see entire cohorts, with their I Cicer.

a” tit. lib. xvi. c. 15. 5 Cicer. ad Att. lib. xiv. ep. 5 et 6. Iaid. ad Dolabel. 2 Dio. (‘ass. Iib. xlv. c. 12. Ap-.3ell. Civ. Jib. ii. lain, post 17. 3 Cicer ol Att. Jib. xv. ep. 12.; Dio. Cass. lib. xlv. c. 13. or according to Appian 4 Ibid. iib. xvi. ep. 15. 100-lois.

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CrtAP. IT.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 339 officers, withdraw from his presence, uttering tacus, as having, without any legal altllority, words of contempt and of scorn. Seeing the t(e-presumed to levy war against the state;s ibut, as sertion likely to become general,7 andl being he entered the porch of the senate-house, a mesgreatly provoked, he dismissed the audience, sen-senger arrived with accounts that the Legio.enced three hundred officers and private men to Martia had d(eserted with its colours to Octavius. immediate death, and stood by while they perish-Before he had recovered this shock, another imes-‘ed un(ler the hands of the executioners. Fulvia, s(ener came with a like account of the fourth who had attendled him in his journey to Brutlu-legion. He entered the senate, but aery much siulm, is said to have been present likewise at thllis dlisconcerted, andt unprepared to act in circumscene, and to have satiated her -evenee of the ini-stances so dibfrent fiom those with which he laid sults oflbred to her husband, with so near a view his account. IHe avoided the mention of Octaof the executions, as to have her clothes stained vius; and piretendine to have called the assemwith blood.8 bly, without any particular business, he made a The ofience that was taken at these cruelties short speech and adljouned. From this meeting. gave ample encourargement to the agents of Oc-hearing that one of the revolted legions had taken tavius, w-ho, notwithstanding the threats of An-post at Alba, he instantly relpaired to that place, in tony, still continued to negotiate in the quarters hopes of reclaiming them; but was received with of his army. Papers were dropt and handed a discharge of arrows and stones from the battleabout, containing a contrast of Antony’s parsi-ments, and obliged to retire. Fearing that tht mony with the liberality of Octavius.

A search remainder of the army would follow this example, was maite for the authors of these libels; but the he ordlered them an additional (gratuity of five badl success with which it wxas attended, served hundred sestertii, or about four pounds a man. only to shoxv the general disaffection of the army. And, to give theni an immediate prospect of acThe accounts, at the same time, which were tion, which is often the most efiectual means of brought of the progress which Octavius made in stifling dangerous hurnours in any army, he dethe settlements of the veterans, and of his recep-clared his intention to make war on Decimus tion at Rome, gave Antony a just sense of his Brutus, in order to dislodge him from the prodanger, and made himt change his tone. In a vince of Gaul. In pursuance of this intention, second address to the army, he made an apology he ordered his equipage for the field, and set up for his late severities.

They knew, he said, his his standard at Tibur, to which place he expected character, that it was neither sordid nor severe; that all his friends and adherents would repair. that the sums he had mentioned were no more Antony, being joined by the last of the troops than a present to signalize their meeting, and an from Macedonia. had still three legions belonling earnest of his future munificence. He did not, to that army; andt these, together with the vetehowever, at this tilne, make any addition to his rans settled in the neighbourhood of Tilbur, who former bounty, lest it should appear to be extorted came with their ensigns and colours to offer their from himn by fear. services, amounted in all to four legions, besides The soldiers, in appearance, satisfied with these the ordinary attendance of irregular troops, and declarations, accepted with respect the sum which the crowds of people that flocked to his standard. had been offered to them; submitted to the WVith this formidable power, having for a a few changes which had been made among their of-days overawed the city, and drawn around him ficers) and marched off in divisions by the coast the greatest part of the senate, and of the equesof the Adriatic towards Ariminum. Antony trian order, with many of the people who Ilad so himself, with an escort of cavalry and infantry, lately declared fbr his rival, and who, in the concomposed of men the bravest and most attached tests of such parties, ever yield to the present to his person, whom he had selected from the power, and are the property of him who can best whole army, set out for Rome. At his arrival, work on their fears; he set out on his march to the horse were quartered in the suburbs; he him-Arimninum, the last place of Italy on the frontier self, attended by a body of foot, entered the city, of Gaul. had a regular guard mounted in the court of his Octavius, at the same time, had assembled his own house, ordered centinels to be posted, gave forces at Alba, consisting of the two legions who the parole, and made every disposition to prevent had lately come over to hinl from Antony, one surprise, as in a military station.

Being still legion of new levies, together with two of the vested with the office of consul, he summoned veterans lately enlmbodied, which, not being full, the senate to meet on the twenty-fourth of Sep-were completed with the choice of his new-raised tember; and, in the proclamation or summons, men. He made a report to the senate of the declared, that if any senator absented himself on number and description of the troops he had thus that day, he should be deemed an accessary to assembled, and received their thanks and congrathe plot against the consuls life, which had been tulations. It is nevertheless probable, that his lately discovered, and an accomplice in the other services were received by this body with great wicked designs known to be in agitation against distrust of their own situation, and of his designs. he republic. Had the senate been free to choose on whose -Notwithstanding this pompous threat, Antony swords they were to rely for the defence of their himself did not attend at the time appointed; cause, those of Cassius and Brutus, with the but, by another proclamation, he again summoned other conspirators, originally drawn in behalf of the senate to meet on the twenty-eighth of the the republic, must have appeared the preferable same month. He interled, on this day, to ob-choice. Uncertain, however, of the effect of any tain a decree against Octa:us; whom, in all his direct or public resolution in favour of those who manifestos, 1e qualified with the name of Spar-were the authors of Caesar’s death, they left the correspondence to be maintained with them to private persons; and senators accordingly wrote 7 Cicer all Att. lib.

xvi. i. ep 8. C Itid. Philip. iii. c. 2 at 4. 9 Cicer. Phlilip. iii. c. 8.

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340 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BooK V. in their I rivate capacity, to recommend perse-I who deserted from Antony, to stand by the comnverance and the utmost exertion of their zeal. monwealth; and in the present crisis to exert “Such is the state of the republic,” says Cicero himself to the utmost, without waiting for the to Cassius; “even in the calmest times, scarcely orders of the senate.2 able to support itself. What must it be in the Cicero had already proclaimed his animosity to present storm?

All our hopes are in you. But Antony, and besides his zeal for the republic, had If you have withdrawn yourselves merely for a particular interest in abetting any party that your own safety, we cannot have hopes, not even was formed against this dangerous enemy. Hearin you. If you intend any thing worthy of your ing that he was gone from the city, and that all own character, I wish I may live to see the effect. the forces in its neighbourhood had declared for The republic, at any rate, must revive under Octavius or for the senate, he himself ventured, your efforts.”’ He adjured Decimus Brutus, on the ninth of December, to return to Rome,’ by the example of Octavius, who, though in a and proposed in the senate that they should deprivate station, raised armies for the state; he ad-cide on the plan they were to follow in this ar jured him by the example of the faithful legions duous state of their affairs. CHAPTER III. Situation and Address qf Octavius Meeting of the Senate-Progress qf Antony-His ma-ch into Gaul Message of Octavius to Decimus Brutus-N-ew Consuls Hertius and PansJ-.Meeting of the Senate-Deputation to Antony-His Answer-Declared an enemy-Advance of Hirtius and Octavius to raise the siege of MIutina-Brutus and Cassius confirmed in the command of all the Eastern Provinces-Progress of the War in Gaul-Siege of Mlutina raised-Junction of Antony and Lepidus-Consulate of Octavius. WHEN Antony left Rome to take possession from their fears of Antony, and determined them of the Cisalpine Gaul, Octavius was in arms at on the part they were to act. the gates of the city, and, though a mere youth The senate, under pretence of taking measures under age, was furnished with every art which that the succeeding consuls might enter on their age itself could bestow, to qualify him for the office in safety, being assembled by one of the part he was to act. He had gained upon the tribunes on the nineteenth of December, a maniarmy by donations and promises; upon the festo was produced from Decimus Brutus, of senate by public professions of duty and of zeal which no copy remains, but probably stating his for the republic; and, on particular members, by right to the province of Gaul, and representing attentions and flattery.

The legions, which had the injustice of Antony in attempting to dislately come over to hire from Antony, having ex-lodge him by force. Octavius was at the same hibited a mock fight, he ordered them, on that oc-time introduced by the tribune, and pronounced a casion, a special gratuity of five hundred sexter-panegyric on Brutus.6 Cicero, in a speech which tii, or four pounds a man; saying, that as this is still extant, extolled the conduct of the young was but the representation of a battle, the reward Cresar in arming the veterans, as a generous was proportional; but if he should ever have effort made at the hazard of his own life, and of occasion to employ them in real fights, they his private fortune, to defend the republic. He should have as miny thousand(s.4 In this situa-applauded the two legions who had lately detion, it became necessary for the senate, either to serted from Antony; and warmly urged the authorise and’ to avail themselves of this ultrane-senate to support Decimus Brutus in his proous support; or, by refusing it, to drive the vete-vince. He moved, that thanks should be given rans, and all the military party which still revered to these officers, and to the troops who adhered the name of Caesar, into measures immediately to them; and that the consuls, on the first of fatal to the republic. January, should move the senate farther to conUpon the march of Antony towards Gaul, sider of the rewards that were due to the army, Octavius had already sent a message to Decimus for the faithful services which they had rendered Brutus5 with assurances of his aid in defending to the commonwealth. These public propositions that province, and of his co-operation every he blended with a continual and vehement inwhere else in supporting the authority of the vective against Antony.7 He obtained decrees senate. Hitherto men stood in awe of Antony, of the senate to the several effects he had proas being vested with the authority of consul, and posed; and having carried those decrees to the threatening to treat his opponents as rebels to the comitia or assembly of the people for their approcommonwealth. Even Hirtius and Pansa, des-bation, there likewise he supported them with a tined to succeed him in the consulship, it was repetition of the same topics, and with the usual supposed, would scarcely venture to take posses-force of his eloquence.8
sion of the office without his consent, and the In the mean time, Antony, being arrived on usual form of his abdication; but the prospect of the frontier of Gaul, despatched an officer to Dea vigorous support from Octavius, relieved many cimus Brutus, with a copy of his own commission from the Roman people, and with an order to evacuate the province. To this message he had I Cicer. ad Familiar. lib. xii. ep. 2. 2 Ibid. lib. xi. ep 7. 3 Ibid. ep 5. 4 Appian. de Bell. Civ. lib. ii. 6 Cicer. ad Famil. lib.

xi. ep. 6. Ibid. Philip. iii. c. 5 5 Dio. Cass. lib. xlv. c. 15. 7 Cicer.

Philip. ii. 8 Ibid. Philip. iv.

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CHAP. III.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 341 for answer, that Decimus Brutus held his cornm-lic thanks to the troops that have drawn their mand by authority of the Roman senate, who swords against him; you have extolled the genealone, by the laws, were entitled to dispose of the rous magnanimity of a young man, who, without provinces; and that he would not surrender what waiting for your commission, brought a hasty the laws of his country had enjoined him to de-power to cover the city from his violence; and fend. Antony, after having to no purpose ex-are you now deliberating whether you are to changed repeated messages on this subject, con-soothe his fury with negotiation, or to meet it tinued his march into the province, and forced with force?2 If you send deputies to his camp, no Brutus, with two legions and some new levies, matter with what message, you will appear to sur that were under his command, to throw himself render; you will appear todistrustyour own cause; into Mutina, where he had formed some maga-you will damp the ardour of your own troops; zines from the stores and provisions he was able and you will shake the faith of the provinces.” to collect in the neighbourhood, and where he Such was the purport of Cicero’s speech reproposed to wait for the succours which he was specting the conduct of Antony, the merits of made to expect from Rome. Antony advanced Decimus Brutus, of Lepidus, of Octavius, of the to Bononia and Claterna, took possession of legions, and of the veterans; and of L. Egnatuthese places, and having invested Mutina, began leius the tribune, who led the Legio Martia in the to besiege it in form. late choice of their party. In the close of the Such was the posture of affairs speech, he moved, That suitable honours should U. C. 710. in the end of December, about be decreed to each; that the senate should ratify C.

Vibiues ten months after the death of all the proceedings of Brutus in defending the Pansa, C. iir. C.esar.9 On the first of January, province of Gaul; that Lepidus should have a tius, both the consuls Pansa and Hirtius, statue erected to him; that Octavius should have killed. Octa. being to enter on the exercise of the rank of proprietor, be confirmed in his present Pvis succeeded their office, proceeded to the se-command, and be entitled to sue for the offices his resigna-nate from the temple, where they of state before the legal age; that three years of tion, C. Cari-had offered the usual sacrifices; the age appointed by law, should be dispensed nUs succeeded and acrreeably to the order of the with in behalf of Egnatuleius; that the veterans, Octavius. Q. Pedies susc nineteernth of December, moved who had taken arms under Octavius, and the cecded Hir-this assembly to take under conlegions, who had deserted from Antony to join the htus. Venti-sideration the present state of the standard of the commonwealth, should have the:dus succeeded republic.10 Pansa having stated gratuities that were promised to them by OctaPdieds whofi. the subject, called upon his father-vius; and at the end of the present war should in-law, Q. Fusius Calenus to de-have grants of land, and a perpetual exemption liver his opinion. This senator to themselves and their children from every mili being disposed to favour Antony advised, that tary service. In his encomium on Brutus, he inthey should not rashly, take any violent resolu-sinuated the praise that was due to him, as a tion; that they should send a deputation to the partner in the conspiracy against Caesar; but, late consul, with instructions from the senate to not to offend the partizans of Octavius, declined lay down his arms, and to return to his duty. entering fully on that subject. He pledged himThis motion was vehemently opposed by Cicero, self for the future behaviour of Octavius. ” This who, in a speech still extant,ll insisted that An-admirable young man,” he said, “having once tony was already in effect declared an enemy, and tasted of true glory, having found himself held ought to be reduced by force, not gained by ne-forth by the senate, by the people, and by all orgotiation and treaty. He recounted the violences ders of men as a citizen dear to his country, and committed by him in his late consulate, particu-as the guardian of the commonwealth, never can larly the acts which he promulgated under the place any other species of distinction or honour pretence of CIesar’s memorials and will. ” From in competition with this. If Julius Caesar had the foundation of Rome to this present hour,” found himself, at so early a period of life, in such he said, “Antony alone has had the impudence an illustrious point of view, he never would have to present himself in this assembly, escorted by a sought for preferment by courting the populace, military force. The kings never attempted it. nor have betaken himself to measures incompatiThe boldest adventurers, and they who were most ble with the safety of his country.

The mind of forward to revive the kingly power, never ven-this young man is perfectly known to me. Love tured so far. I remember Cinna; I have seen of the republic, respect to the senate, deference to Sylla; and last of all, Caesar. These were the good men, the desire of real glory are his ruling persons, who since the expulsion of Tarquin, passions. I will therefore venture to pledge my made the greatest advances to kingly power.

I honour in the most positive assurances to you, do not say that they were unattended in the se-to the Roman people, and to the commonwealth. nate; or that their retinue were always unarmed; I promise, I undertake, I engage that C. Caesar they were followed only by a few, and with con-will continue towards the republic this conduct cealed weapons. But this daring assassin paraded which he now holds, and that he will always be in the streets with a military power, moving in what you wish, and what you would choose that cohorts under arms, with all the forms of a regu-he should be.” lar march. He posted a body of archers with Octavius, we may suppose, had, in some ineatheir quivers full, and even chests of spare ar-sure, blinded Cicero with his flattery; yet in this rows for immediate and continued action, on the panegyric there was probably more of what the very steps by which senators were to ascend into orator wished to recommend to Octavius, than of the temple of Concord; you have ordered pub-what he believed to be his original intention; but this designing young man was not to be caught 9 Appian. de Btll. Civ. lib. ii. 10 Ibid.

lib. iii. 11 Cicer. Philip. v. 12 Cicer. Philip. v.

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342 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [Bce.i-V. in such snares. He knew too well how to retort indeed the enemies of the republic; but he did these artifices, even at an ace, when others not move for any formal declaration against thenl. scarcely knew that such arts are practised; and The times,”

he observed, ” will not suffer us to do the ex [erienced Cicero, with all the penetration all that ought to be done.” He moved only that and wit for which he was eminent, was the dupe messengers should be instantly (lespatched to all of a youth who possessed the deepest of all artifices, the parties at war in this unrfrtunate contest; that of sufferin(g himself in appearance to be (le-that all of them shouhl be required to lay down ceived, while in reality he employed the cunning their arms, and to submit to the dec(isions of the of others to his own purpose.l senate; that if any one of them should dlisobey, it L. Piso, with a considerable party in the senate, would then be full time to declare him a publlic eneinclined to moderate the resolutions that were my, and to give to the consuls the usua, and re.ular proposed against Antony. He contended that powers to guard the safety of the commonwealth no Roman citizen could be condemned unheard; and to reduce disorderly subjects to their duty.3 that the senate could do no more than apploint Such are the ablses of an admired art, as vile him a. day of trial, and cite him to answer for and odious ill its falsehoods, as in the genuine himself. The time of the first meeting beiiigr effusions of truth it is noble and respectable; and alreadly spent. in this debate, the senate adjourn-this speech, conmpareed with some of the former, ed; and the subject being resumed on the tollow-which were delivered relating to the samlie peringr day, it is said2 that Fusius Calenus, with a sons, may serve to exhibit the variety of colours torrent of cbuse and reproach, retorted on Cicero with which the same subjects and characters niay the invective which, on the preceding day, he had ibe covered ill debate, and by which public assernpronounced against Antony.

He reproached blies may be perplexed in their councils. The him with the obscurity of his birth, and accused majority of the senate were aware however of Anhim of a preesumption, which was supported only tony’s desicns, and knew the danirer of’ suftfring by a talent for declanmation, often employed bv hima to get a military establlishmentl, and the )oshim against the best citizens, never in brinaring session of a formi(iable army mwithlin thc Alps; real criminals of state to punishment ” WVhat and they would probably have conle to a severe have you done,” he said, accosting Cicero, resolution, if one of the tribunes lhad Iiot inter”either at hoine or abroad, to merit the high deposed (1 fr that day, and forbid their proceeding gree of consideration to which vou lay claim? In any farther on the sulbject. what war have we ever plrevailedl under your The senate was ag;lin aljourned untilthe next auspices? What accession of te.rritory have you niorninT, anr in the mean time the relations land ever gained to the Roman state? Eveii in respect family of Antonv, his nlother, his wifl, his chilto your boasted talent for sl,eaking, you do but dren, and intimate frienlds went into mournling, ini)pose upon the world the labours of retirement passed the night in visiting the princilpal mleilfor the prompt effusions of eloquence; alld you hers, or in waiting for the leople, as they passed publish harangues, which you had neither the in-in the streets, to implore their plrotection. WVhen vention to conceive, nor the courage to deliver in the senate was about to assemble, this company the face of any public assemibly, or in the Illidst of suppliants took their station on the steps of the of any real affairs.” He accui-ied Cicero of’ having temple, and embraced the knees of the menmbers forced Catiline into rebellion, and of having put as they passed. to death, without any trial, Cornelius Lentulus, This solemn council, when met, on coming to and other Roman (itizens of ranlk; of having the question, took, as is comnllon on such occalighted the fire of dissension angl)ng the leaders of sions, a minddle course betweein the extremes which the iresent unhappy divisions thalt continued to were pointed out to them. They so t:r treated tear the republic, and of having blown up the Antonly as a friend, as to order a (deputation of flames which still continued to consume the state; their own members to attend him in his camp; of having meanly abandoned the cause of Porn-but the message which, they sent by this deputapey upon his defeat at Pharsalia, and of having tion, sounded more like a declaration of war, than instigated assassins to take away the life of Cesar, an overture of reconciliation or of a peace.4 They even after he himself had implored his mercy, commanded hims not to disturb in his governmlelit and accepted of his protection. He reproached Decirnus Brutus, whom they qualified with the him with a fresh instance of ingratitude, in this appellation of consul-elect; not to lay siege to attemipt to turn the arms of the republic against Mutina; not to lay waste the province; not to the late consul, to whose clemency lie himself’ was make any levies. of forces, or to presume to conindebted for his life. fHaving mixed this invec-tinue in arms against the authority of the senate. tive with the defence, and even with the praises L. Piso, Philippus, and Servius Sulpicius, beof Antony, he concluded with callintr uponr the inig deputed to carry these orders, had farther in senate to consider how absurd it would be to de-charge to signify to Decimus Brutus, and to the clare war upon a magistrate, who acted by corn-troops under his comnand, the entire aapprobation mnission from the Roman people, at the head of of the senate, and the high esteem and honouli inan army, of which they had given hinm the com-which they were held on account of their conduct. mand, and in the very province which they hadl The senate at the same time entered, on their committed to his government; and this merely in own records, the honlorary decrees which had suhpport of a young man who had presumed, with-been passedl in ftavour of Decimus Brutus, Octaout anly public authority, to levy war against a vius, Egnatuleius, and the army, in terms that Roman officer of the highest rank, and in favour had been proposed by Cicero; and resolved, thpt of a rebel who had presumed forcibly to retain a province, which the Roman p)eople had ordered 3 Dio. Cass. lib. xlv. c.

18. lib. xlvi. c. 28. him to surrender. “Such men “he said “were 4 Cicer.

ad Familiar. lib. xii-. ep. 24. im to surrender. men, he aid, were 5

Decimus Brutus was alreardv destined to succeed in the consulate of the followrrg year I Cicer. Philip. v. ” Appian. de Bell. Civ. lib. iii. 6

Cicer. Philip. vi.

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CHAP. III.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 342 the gratuities already paid by Octavius to the what countenance,” he said, “can they arralgn veltrans, and to the legions who had lately come the administration of Cwsar, while t.he sulnmit over from Antony, should be refunded from the to that of Cicero? If they allege that Cesar was’reasury; that lands should be allotted, and a an usurper, what is this Cicero, who pretends to continual exemption be given to them from all dictate to the Roman senate, and to sulspend the military service after the present war. orders of the Roman people? Let hiim know When the deputies were gone with the mes-that I claim the province of Gaul, in consequence sage which they had received from the senate, the of an appointinent from the highest authority in party of Antony at Rome endeavoured to alarm the state, and he may be assured that I shall treat the people, and to load his enelnies with all the Decinlus Brutus as a rebel, if he persist in withconsequences that were’likely to follow from the holding it from me. The life of this traitor shall late resoiutions. They extolled the happy efllects atone for that noble blood which he shed in the of moderation and peace, observed that Antonly senate-house, and shall expiate that guilt in which was a person of a daring and impetuous spirit, Cicero is fast involving the senate ilself.“ll and ought not to have been incensed; that his Antony, in this commission to his qumstor, party was strong; and in case of a rupture, would and in his public declarations, joined with the inbe joined by numbers of profligate men, for solence of the matter, aflected expressions of subwhom no attempt was too arTduous, and against mission to the senate; andl lnaue a variety of whom the friends of the republic could not be too proposals, either to gain time, or to curry favour much on their guard.7 with the army, whose interest he pretended tc Wvhile men were amused with such discourses have greatly at heart. The deputies, who had at Rome, Servius Sulpicius, one of the three de-been emlnloyed on this unsuccessfil business, inputies on whom the senate chiefly relied for the curred much public censure. It was unworthy effect of their commission, (tied on the journey. of L. Piso and of L. Philippus, it was said, to The other two were kindly received by Antony, hold any intercourse with a rebel, who refused to and admitted without any jealousy or distrust to comply with the orders that were sent to him.12 visit the approaches he l.ad made, and the works Under this sense of the matter. at a mieeting of he had erected, against the town of M.utina. the senate, it was moved, that war should be deWVhile the siege was continued without inter-clared againlst Antony, and that every senator ruption, the commissioners were received with should assume the military habit. This motion affiected submission to the orders of the senate; was agreed to even by Lucius Ca sar, uncle to were told that Antony would evacuate the pro-Antony; a (lecree was frained upon it, and passvince, disband his army, and return to a private ed without opposition, by which the army under station; that he would foi)ret the past, and agree his command were required, by a certainl day, to to a sincere reconciliation, provided that the le-lay down their arnms. 3 gions then under his command, that his cavalry Upon this resolutio n, obtained by those who and his guards were properly rewarded and ac-strove for the preservation of the coi nllonwealth, cormlumodated with grants of land, and put upon the great rejoicings wtere made over all Italy, and it sanme footinr in all these respects with the trools didl not then appear frorum whence any real danof Octavius; provided that the arrangement of ger could arise to the authority of laws, which the provinces, which had been made in conjunc-were so properly supported. The consulls, it was tion with Dolabella, should be confirmed; that observed, acted with great virour; the senate, the acts taken from the will and memoirs, of his the midndling( class. and the citizens ini general, exlate colleague should le ratified; that no account pressed great zeal.14 The people crowded to have shoull be required of the money which he had their names enrolled in the levies that were ortaken from the temple of Ops; that the septerm-dered. 5 The reputation which Cicero gained in viri, or commissioners of the treasury, should not bringing public aflairs into this situation, set him sufebr for’ what they had done in delivering it into at the head of the commonwealth; but while it his hands: that a general indemnity should pass placed the whole admlinistration of the state in his in favour of all his adherents; that his act relat-hands, it mnade him an ol)ject of’ great animosity ing to judicatures should not be repealed; that to the opposite party, and of some envy to many upon these conditions he would evacuate the persons ot principal consideration inl his own. It Gallia Togata,8 but retain the Comata,9 with six was under the ilpression of these circunmstances, legions, to be completed with draughts from the he complained that senators of the first rank were troops now under Decimus Brutus; that lie lukewarm, were timid, or ill affected to the cause should have this force as long as Marcus Brutus of the repullblic.‘s alid Caius Cassius should remlain under arms; The conduct of the war was coummitted to the and that, at any rate, he should retain his division consuls, and, jointly with them, to Octavius, in of the province for five years. tlit capacity of prooprwtor. Orders were likewise In this plan of accommodation, Antony endespatched to Lepidus and to Plancus, to codeavoured to frustrate the principal articles, by operate with these officers. The first was yet on means of the conditions which he took care to his march into Spain, through the province of subjoin; aiid, in order entirely to defeat the pur-Narbonine; the other was posted on the Rllone.l7 pose of his antagonists, he sent to Rome, in the The treasury b[eing so much exhausted by the company of the deputies of the senate, his quaes-late emibezzletmellts, that there was not money tor, of the name of Cotyla, with orders to solicit sufficient for the immediate service, it was agreed his interest, and to intrigue with the senators and principal citizens.10 Comnplaining of the ascend-II Appian. lie Bell. Civ. Iib.

iii. ant his enemlies had gained in the senate, “With 13d CiCrr. ad’ Fail liib xii. el. 4. 13 Dio. Cass. lib. xlvi. e 29, 30. Cicer. Philip. viii.

14 Cicer. ad Famil. lib. xii. ep. 4. 7 Cicer. Philip. vii. 8 Within the Alps. 15 Ibid. lib. xi. ep. 8. 16 Ibid. 9 Beyond the Alps. 10 Cicero.

Philip. viii. 17 Dio. Cass. lib. xlvi. c. 39.

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344 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK V. that all citizens should pay the five and twentieth the preceding Autumn. Brutus had passed part of all their effects; that the senators should through Lucania. Thither Porcia aceompanied pay, over and above, a certain rate for all the him, with the melancholy prospect ot parting, houses or tenements they either possessed or let perhaps for ever. While she endeavoured to to tenants, and that in aid of these supplies, re-conceal her grief, she was betrayed into tears by quisitions of money and of arms should be made the sight of a picture, which represented the through all the towns of Italy. parting of Hector and Andromach6. One of the In the mean time, Octavius, without waiting company, without observing the distress which for the authority with which the senate had lately Porcia seemed to feel, repeated from Homer the invested him, had followed Antony across the lines from which this picture was taken. My Apennines, and took post with his army at the father, my brother, and my husband are, HecForum Cornelii,’ on the road from Ariminum2 tor, all in thee.8 “But I cannot reply,” said to Mutina.3 The messages which passed be-Brutus, ” in the words of Hector, go to thy maid, tween the senate and Antony, as well as the de-and mind thy loom; for although Porcia is defilays which the consuls, under the pretence of cient in strength of body, in her mind she is winter, made in advancing with their forces, gave formed to great affairs.” 9 him some degree of uneasiness. Pansa was em-Brutus, having embarked at Elea, sailed into ployedl at Rome in conducting the new levies. Greece, where he was received with every mark Hirtius, though destined to take the field, and to of respect. Here he seemed to devote himself join Octavius, was still detained by indisposition.4 entirely to study; but had his agents employed Anitony continued the siege of Mutina without to provide what was necessary against the storm, interruption. which he had reason to expect.

He sent HerosOctavius, after having sent many pressing tratus into Macedonia to sound the disposition of messages to hasten the march of the consul, was the troops in that province, and drew about himat last joined by him at the Forum Cornelii, and self all the young Romans who were then at they advanced together; forced the posts which Athens, attending the different schools which Antony had established at Claterna and Bono-still supported the reputation of that place. nia, and encamped at the latter of these places.5 While Brutus remained in Greece, a body of Here they were still separated by the Rhenus troops, under the command of an officer, named and Lavinius from the army of Antony, which Apuleius,10 with a sum of money amounting to covered the siege of’ Mutina, and were precluded sixteen thousand talents, collected from the revefrom any communication with the town. They nue of Asia, were delivered up to him. The endeavouredl, however, to give notice of their ap-troops who had served lately under Vatinius in proach to the besieged; anil for this purpose, the Illyricum, being then at Dyrrachium, deserted country being flat, they hoisted lights on the from their commander to join him.ii Those unhighest trees; but not relying entirely on these der Caius Antonius, at Apollonia, followed this signals, they employed a dexterous swimmer, example. Part of Dolabella’s forces, who were who undertook to pass into the town by the marching under Cinna into Asia, likewise left channel of the river, and to carry the intelligence their party to join that of the republic.‘12 As of their arrival engraved on a plate of metal. Brutus was considered in Macedonia and ThesUpon this information, Brutus was confirmed saly as reviving the party of Pompey, many who in his resolution of defending the place to the last had served under that leader, and were yet disextremity, and prevailed on the garrison, under persed in those parts, flocked to his standard, so the hopes of a speedy relief, to persevere in the that the new levies lie had ordered, were soon toils and dangers of their present service.5 completed to the amount of four legions and five The senate, nqtwithstanding that they consi-hundred horse. A great convoy, with spare arms, dlered the preservation of the republic as the com-which Cnsar had provided for the Parthian war, mon cause of all those who could hope to partake and which, by the order of Antony, were then to in, its honours, and believed that the present con-be again returned into Italy, were intercepted by suls, Hirtius and Pansa, were sincerely embarked him at Demetrias. Upon the order of the senate in its cause; and( notwithstanding the confidence to put him in possession of Macedonia, the greater they placed in Octavius as opposed to Antony, part of the province, then under the command of they still relied chiefly on those who had taken Hortensius, acknowledged his authority. At his an active part against the late usurpation of departure from Athens, many of the young RoCansar, and looked to Brutus and Cassius for a man nobility made a part of his retinue, and principal support against the remains of that mili-among these, the son of Marcus Tullius Cicero, tary faction. On this account, they had annulled who, though with a genius for letters inferior to the proceedings of Antony relating to the distri-that of his father, became nevertheless distinbution of the eastern provinces, reinstated Marctis guished as a soldier in the course of the war.13 Brutus in the government of XMacedonia, and Cassius, at the same time, had gone with the Cassius in that of Syria; and, by these ap-utmost despatch into Syria, to prevent Dolabella, pointments, placed the whole resources of the who was sent by the opposite party to take pos. commonwealth, from the Adriatic to the ut-session of that province. He had received some most boundary of the empire, under their au-supplies of men and of money from Trebonius, thority.7 then commanding at Smyrna, and prevailed with Marcus Brutus and Cassius had left Italy in 8 EXTOe, rT-e ru /IO Eo-sc 75XT:e x:X ~vroTVSX

JT-er,‘Hs. xXT4-V,70vT,- Iliad. lib. vi. v. 439. 1 InIola. 2 Rimirni. 3

Now Modena. 9 For these particulars, Plutarch quotes young Bi. 4 Dio.

Cass. Jib. xlvi. c. 35, 36. bulus, the son of Porcia by a former husband, who was 5 Ciccr. ad Familiar. lib. xii. ep. 5. present. Plutarch. in Bruto. 6 Dio. Cass. lib. xlvi. c. 35, 3~. 10 Cicer.“Philip. xiii. 11 Dio.

Cass. lib. xlvii. c. 27 7 Appian. de Bell. Civ. lib. iii. 12 Plutarch. in Bruto. 13 Ibidl.

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CHAP. II.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 3415 part of the cavalry of’Dolabella, on their march general indignation. Dolabella was declared a through the province of Asia, to abandon their public enemy by the senate. The conduct of the leader. With’these forces, he advanced into Ci-war against him was committed to Caius Cassius, licia, reduced the city of Tarsus, and continued who was now at the head of the armies in Syria, his march, with a respectable appearance, into his and who, together with Marcus Brutus, was auintended province. thorised by formal decrees to retain all the forces At the arrival of Cassius, the forces of Syria they had assembled, and all the resources of were divided, and the opposite parties had actu-which they were possessed, and to employ them ally committed hostilities against each other. The according to their own judgment, where the sertroops which had been stationed there by Julius vice of the republic seemed most to require their Cesar, had even, before his death, mutinied, and exertions.l6 had put Sextus Julius, a young man who com-Thus the flames of war, which were already manded them, to death. They submitted them-lighted in Italy, began to extend, and were soon selves to the command of Cecilius Bassus, one communicated to every part of the empire.

The of Pompey’s officers, who, having escaped from opposite armies before Mutina continued during Pharsalia, then lay at Tyre, and in this change the winter to observe each other, and in their atof their leader, declared for the party of the re-tempts to give csr to withhold relief from the bepublic. They defeated Statius Murcus, whom sieged, had frequent skirmishes and partial Cwesar had ordered, with three legions, to reduce engagements. The chief direction of affairs at them. and made it necessary to bring against Rome, in the mean time, had devolved on Cicero, them a reinforcement of three legions more from who incited the senate and the people, with all Bythinia, under Marcus Crispus. This officer the powers of his eloquence against Antony had accordingly brought these forces, and was The soldiers in general, with their officers, were actually engaged in the siege of Apamea, to notwithstanding inclined to favour this declared which Bassus had retired when Cassius arrived enemy of the commonwealth.

Ventidius in parin Syria. ticular, who professed to range himself under There were now in this province, engaged on Octavius, was in reality warmly attached to his opposite sides, no less than eight legions. Upon rival; and, in order to serve him, formed a design the arrival of Cassius, the two legions under to surprise Cicero, and the other heads of the re Bassus declared for him; and soon after the other publican party. For this purpose, he assembled six, moved by the authority of his commission a body of veterans in the neighbourhood of Rome, from the senate, or gained by his personal cha-and advanced towards the city; but his design racter and address, followed this example. Four being suspected, and the persons against whom it more legions, who, intending to join Dolabella, was directed having taken the alarm, and withwere marching from Egypt through Palestine,14 drawn to places of safety, he turned away to Picewere intercepted, and forced to receive his orders num, and there waited the issue of the campaign.‘7 as governor of Syria. His army, by these differ-The senate, during the dependance of these ent accessions, amounted to twelve legions. operations, as in full possession of the republic, Upon the first suspicion that Brutus and Cas-devised laws, to prevent for the future those sius intended to possess themselves of these im-abuses which had given rise to the present disorportant provinces, Dolabella, to whom, by the ders. They resolved, that no extraordinary cominfluence of Antony, the command in Syria had mission of any kind should be given to any sinbeen assigned, set out from Rome, and with all gle person, or any provincial appointment propossible diligence joined some troops that were longed beyond a year.l8 While they were thus placed to receive him on the side of Macedonia, employed, separate addresses were presented to passed the Hellespont, and continued his route them from Lepidus and from Plancus, warmly to the east. In passing through the province of recommending an accommodation with Antony.19 Asia, he had an interview at Smyrna with Tre-Cicero made his observations on this conduct, in bonius, professed a friendship for him, afticted a letter to Plancus of the thirteenth of the kalends great respect for his associates in the conspiracy of April, or twentieth of March; but he dlelivers against Caesar, and a zeal for the restoration of himself’ to Lepidus on the same subject with more the commonwealth. After this conference with warmth, alluding to some recent honours which the governor of the province, he put his army in had been received by this officer, and for which motion with the most pacific appearances on the he neglected to make the proper acknowledgroute to Ephesus; and having by these means put ments. “I am glad,” he said, “that you wish Trebonius off his guard, he returned in the night, to reconcile your fellow-citizens to each other. If surprised the city of Smyrna, seized on the per-you could procure them peace without slavery, son of the governor, and, with many insults, put you would perfobrm a most acceptable service to him to the torture,‘5 continuing him under it for your country, and acquire much honour to yoursome days, in order to extort a discovery of the self; but if, under the title of peace, we are again treasure which he supposed to be hid in some to become the slaves of a profligate villain, be asrepository of the province; but on the third day, sured that every man in his senses will prefer Dolabella having satiated his mind with these death. In my opinion, therefore, it will be wise cruelties, gave orders that Trebonius should be in you to desist from a proposal, which neither strangled, his head severed from the body, and the senate, the people, nor any good man can exposed on the point of a spear, while the limbs approve.“20 were dragged through the streets. This murder, being committed on the person 16 Cier. Philip. xi.

of a Roman officer, within the very province in 7 bid. xii. Cicer. ad Failiar ib. x. ep. which he was appointed to command, raised a 18 Dio.

Cass. lib. xlvi. c 39. 19 Cicer. Philip. xii. 14 Dio. Cass. lib. zxlvii.

c. 26, 27 28. 15 Ibid. c. 29. 1t, er. ad Familiar. lib. x eF 6 -‘27 2X

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B46 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [Bno( V. Notwithstanding these sentiments, publicly the wrongs which are intended to nmyselfand to declared by a person, then supposed to be at the my friends, t, e carried into executio0t. If in head of the republic, numnbers in the city an’d in this I am su )rted, and succed, lit will be the senate espoused the cause of Antony. P1: o, sweet if’ I fall, the thought of what vou are to at whose house the witfe and chlidren of’this sup-I s,,it,‘r, fronm the very partty ou are now endeaposed public enemy were entertained, openly i ouring to raise up acainst me, will eveni then he corresponded with himn.

The consul Pansa pro-some consolalin. If the fiction of IPompey he posed a tresh dieputation to him with overtures of so insolent in its ruin, I choose that you ratllher peace, and his party in the senate insidiously of-than I, should experimnce the eflect of its recovefered to devolve the honour of this deputation ri, and of its return to ipower.” upon Cicero himsell; who reiectedt the ofl,r, with Antony, in all his discourses affictet to be in proper animadversion on the danger to which his good understanding with Lepidus lian with life must be exposed in the camp of his enemy, Plancus, who, he insinuated, were ili concert and discussed with his usual eloquence the with himself; anid embarked in the saine cause.i weakness of the council itself, as well as the But whatever serert correspondence thcse ofticers great impropriety oftlis being employed in it. mav have held together, they and Pollio likewise While this recasiure was in’gitation, Ilirtius proitssead the highest duty to the senate, and afand Octavius -a.-it1enr to have sent a joint mlessage fiection to the commonwealth. Plancus having, to Antony, inbrfoingr him of what had been pro-for some time after the commencemenlt of the posed in the senate, and desiring a cessation of war, declinied any open declaration, now intifrnied arms, with liberty to convey some supply to the thile senate in a public addlress, That he had higarrison (of Mutina, until the event of the senate’s th erto been takini n measures to render the decladelilierations should be known. Antony replidI ration hlie should naie of real montent to the in termils calcmlated to insilnuate himself into the republic; that he had remained silent so long, not fi.vour of th be tate C sar’s party, andl to c:utin the from any hesitation in the choice of his party, but affection of the artry; but full of reproach and ftron a tiesire more efliectually to serve that Iarty cont:eciey avoainst those who piretendled to eswhich he hnd hon_ since embraced; that before pouse the cause of the conilonwcalth, and he dclaredtt himself; he haid secured the co opteraa.,ainatt the authors of the present councils it tion of his officers, the iaf’ctions of’ his arnly, and Rome. These had recently procured a decree of the whole proViuce ill whichl he was stationed; of the senate, full of indignaitioii aainst the tur-that ihe was now at thI head of five comlehte ledeers of i”Trebonius, and hald firished Marcus aions well afiected to the republic, and,l iil conseBrutus and Caius Cassius with a cormmissioni quence of his liberalities, attached to himself; antd warrant to execute;ublic justi e ageainst Do-that the whole province was unanimous in the lahbella on this account. In reference to thiese same cause; that the peIople, with a zeal which a circumstances, “1 I know not (saidl Antony, in his cocern lfor their own fi(eedom or safitv could not answer to Hirtius and Octavius) whxethier I surpass, had taken arms in support of the Roshould receive more satisfaction fromn the death nman republic; that he was ready to obey the orof that villain Trebonius, than I feel indign ation ders of the senate, either to retain his commannd, at the unjust sentence passed against I)olabella. or to resign it to any persnn they should apploint That the Romann senate should value the lifi of to receive it from hinim; tlhat he would remain in that vile fillow Trebonitis, more than they did his tpost, or advance upon the enemy; and by that of Ca.sar himself, thet fither of his country, the last of these imecasures, if it shoull be thought is surely provoking enough; but whalt t tit It exipedient, draw upon himiself the whole weight feel, when I see you Hirtius, whom Caisar has of the war; that provided thlie could, by tv any means, raised and adlorned so mucinth, that I amn persuaded re-estalblish the commonwivealth, or ietbfr its ruin, you scarcely know yourself; arid when I see you, the manner of doing it was indiftirent to him. young man, who have no pretence to consietira-O)thers, lie said, hut declared theunselves for the tion besides the name of Camsar, which you have senate, while that body, being’greatly alarmed, boldly assumed, contributing all in your power to was lavish of its coimimendations and of its reblast the memory of Cawsar, and when I see you wIards; but thalit it’ if had mIissed the titie in both eitdeavourinr to oppress his friends, cor-which his services were likely to have been most oittingr yourselves, with all the powers of the highly valued, he had chosen tile occasion which commonwealth into the hands of Marcus Brutus pIromisedl from themin the greatest benefit to the and of Caius Cassius, who were his murdterers; commonwealth, a.consideration which should be anti when I see you joined aurainst me to rescue to hint a sufficient reward for the highest service from justice this assassin, Decinmus Brutus, who lie coull pertform.2 had so aggravated a part in the samne crime But Pollioi, at the same time, wrote to Cicero, exthe camp and the head quarters of IPompey it pressimg a violent hettestation of Antonyv’s party, seems are to be formed anew, and to bear the andi of the desitgns of their cleader. To tie conname and the authority of a R-itan senate, anti nectedl with such a tperson iii any cause, lihe said, the exile Cicero is to be set upi at the he ah of this would be grievous; ev’el to have actred under Ce’eviving party. sar, being contrary to his disposition and to ihis “You are employed in avengin?4 the tdeath of principles, ivas, nitwithstantinii the circumTrebonius, 1 anm employed in aventring that of stances which obligicdl him to it, now hiecone sufCresar; we, who were once the friel ts of C(ssar, ficitent matter of regret. T’he experience of his are like a troop of gladiators to part, mun from condition utinder that usurper had madte him more opposite sides to fight and to cut oune anotthe.r’s sensible of the value of freedont, and of tlie misery throats under the direction oft (~ict-ro, who is lie-of dependence and servitude.

“If any one for come master of thle show But tor ine, I have taken my resolution, and will ineither sutfer tlhe veterans to be stripped of their just rewards, nor I1Cicer. Philip. xiii. 2 Cicer. ad FaInil. Ib. x. c.8

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jAP. III.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 3417 the future,” he continued, “shalll pretend to turn, into the same snare which he himself, a usurp such powers,‘he shall find in me an open few hours before, had so successfully laid for hi~ and declared fbnem) There is no danger to enemy, was accordingly surprised and defeated which I will not expose myself in the cause of with great slaughter, and with the loss of the freedlom.“‘3
eagles or standards of both the legions, and of While the party of the senate appeared to gain sixty ensigns of the cohorts. After this disaster, such accessions of strength by the declaration of he himself, having fled with the cavalry, arrived so many military officers in the different pro-about ten at night in his camp about Mutina,4 ainces, Decimus Brutus was reduced to great from thence sent detachments abroad to collect straits at Mutint; and waited, under many cir-the remains of his scattered party, or to facilitate cumstances of distress, for the opening of a cam-their retreat.5s paign, in which he expected that his own fate, Pansa having been carried to Bononia on acand that of the republic, might soon be deter-count of the wounds he had received, Hirtius mined. On the approach of the proper season, took the command of his division of the army, the consul Pansa, with the levies he had made, and efiected its junction with his own, and with amounting to four legions, marched towards Gaul, d that of Octavius. and being arrived at B3ononia on the foburteenth In this state of affairs, Antony being considerof April, was next day to have joined his col-ably weakened by his loss in the late action, and league, who had taken post with Octavius, to ob-the enemy greatly reinforceed by their junction, serve and to impede the progress of the siege. he determined to keep within his lines, to conTo facilitate their junction, Hirtius had detached tinue the blockade of Mutina, and to await the the legion which was called the Martia, with two efftct of the distress into which he had already pritorian bands, to occupy the passes, and to reduced the besieged. The danger to which Destrengthen the van of Pansa’s army, in case they cimus Brutus, with the garrison, were exposed, should be disturbed( on their march. Antony, at at the same time hastened the endeavours of Hirthe same time, having intelligence of their route, tius and Octavius to force the besiegers to battle marched in the nright with two chosen legions, For this purpose, or in order to relieve the town, the second and third, two prnetorian cohorts, they made a feint to throw in succours on a side being veteran and experienced troops, with a nu-which the besiegers had deemed inaccessible, and merous bodly of irregulars and horse. He took which, on this account, they had but slightly post at a village, which was cal!ed the Forum Gal-guarded. Antony, alarnled by this attensptt to lorum, and postingj the horse and irregulars in render abortive all the labours lie had sustained open view in the field, at some distance from the in the preceding blockade, drew forth his army village:.

he placed the legions and irregular infan-to oppose them, and by i., s movement exposed try in ambuscade under the cover of the houses. himself to the hazarld of a rentlll enrageelnnt. When Pansa’s army, led by the detachment WVhile he was making his disposition to receive which Hirtius had sent to receive thelm, cale the enemy in the field, his lines were attacked by in sight of Antony’s horse and irregulairs, they a sally from th0 town, ansd it becamne necessary to could not be restrained until the posture alnd( divide his forces. He himself, with that part strength of the enemy were examined. They of’ his army which remlained with him to make broke from their ranks, and without waiting till head against Hirtius and Octavius, was defeatthe villagre shou’d be visited, they rushed through ed, fled to his camp, and, being pursued thither, a defile in a wood or morass to intercept the ene-Icontinued to give way, until the action ellded by my, who, appearing to consist of’ horse and light the death of the consul EIirtiuls, who, after he infantry alone, could, as they apprehendedl, have had forced the intrenchnlents of the enemy, was no hopes of safety but by endeavouring to escape, killedl, and fell near to the pragtoriumn or headwhich it was necessary by an irmediate attack quarters of their general. to prevent. As the foremost of Pansa’s army Upon this event, Octavius, not having the were passing in the most disorderly manner from qualities of a soldier which were necessary to this defile, ill pursuit of their supposed prey, An-repllace tile consul, suffered the victorious army, tony, with the lesions, placed himlself in tlheir thus checked by the loss of their commandil er, to way, and forced them to fly with great slaughter. be drivenl back from the ground lhey had gained, Pansa himself was slangerously wounrded, andl and left Alltsony again in possession of his works. his army obliged to take refuge in the camp fromi The vanquished iarty, however, feeling all the which they had marched in the morning. Here efletts of’ a sefeat, and not being in condition to too Antony attempted to force them. but was recontinue the siege, resolved to dlecamnp in the pulsed; and fearin( that his own retreat might night; and they executed this resolution unobbe cut off, took his resolution to retire, andl enserved and unmolested by their enelliies, either deavoured, without loss of time, to rejoin the fromt the town of Mutina or the camp. ()ctavius main hody o. his army which lay before Mutina. hadt a c(ourage and ability mnore fit for the council Antony was soon justified in his apprehensions than for the field; and Decimnus Brutus, though of the dannger to which the farther pursuit of his at break of (lay he observed that tile lines of the victory over Pansa might have exposed him; for besiegers seemned to be evacuated, yet, as he h ad lHirtius, having intelligence of the movement he no intelligence from t.he camip, remnained all that had made in the night, though too late to prevent day in suspense. Even after lihe had received its effects, had left his camp with twenty cohorts information of what hal passed, of the various of veterans, arrived at the Forum Gallorum, and events of the action, and of the consul’s death, was in possession of the very ground on which and foundl, that he was froim thenceforward to Pansa had been defeated, when Antony, return-depend on Octavius for suppsort and.go-operation inga from the pursuit of his victory, fel, in his 4

Cicer. ad Familiar. lib. x. op. 30 3 Cicer. ad Famil. lib. x. c. 31. 5

Appian. de Bell. Civ. lib. iii.

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34S THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION BooK V. in the war, being greatly alarmed by the neglect by Pansa.5 He refused to co-operate with Deci which this young man had shown in not joining mus Brutus in pursuing the late victory against him the moment the communication between Antony, and had influence enough with difthem was open; and not being in condition to ferent bodies of the army, particularly with the act alone, having neither cavalry nor baggage-fourth legion and the Martia, to hinder their horses, and the troops being greatly reduced by obeying the orders they had received from the hardships they had suffered, he was obliged Rome.6 to remain inactive while the enemy continued In this manner, as the respect which was paid their retreat undisturbed.1 to Octavius by the senate vanished with the ocOn the second day after the battle, Decimus casion which they hail for his services; so all the Brutus, being sent for by Pansa to Bononia to professions he made of concern for the republic, concert the future operations of the war, he and of zeal for its restoration, disappeared, with learned, on his way, that this consul was dead the interest which.

led him to make those profesof his wounds. sions. And Decimus Brutus, the person now By these delays, Antony had got two days acknowledged by the senate as consul-elect, and march a-head, and, without halting, reached the head of the republic, for whose relief Octavius fens of Sabatta on the coast of Liguria. Here affected to have assembled his forces, was left by the country being of difficult access he thought him to finish the remains of the war against himself secure, and made a halt, to consider of Antony, at the head of such troops as had( any his future operations. At the same time Venti-degree of attachment to the cause of the redius, who, upon the news of the defeat of his public. friend at Mutina, had passed the Apennines by Decimus -Brutus, when the war broke out, had hasty marches, followed and joined him at this a military chest of forty thousand sestertia, about place.2 three hundred and twenty thousand pounds; but In the first accounts of Antony’s defeat that the whole was now expended, and his own credit were carried to Rome, it was reported, that his likewise exhausted. He was, from this time forarmy had been entirely routed; that he himnself ward, ill supported at Rome, all motions made in had escaped from the field of battle with only a his favour being opposed by the party of Octavius, few broken remains of his infantry unarmed; as well as by that of Antony. The troops that and that to recruit his numbers, he had broken adhered to him amounted to seven legions; these open the workhouses, and set loose and enlisted he subsisted by such resources as he himself the slaves.3 could command. He advanced to Dortona on Upon these representations the senate were the fourth of May;7 and from thence continuing greatly elated; and, amidst the acclamations of his march till within thirty miles of the enemy, the people, ordered a feast of thanksgiving, which he received intelligence, that Antony, in a speech was to last for sixty days, and renewed the pro-to his army, had declared his intention to pass clamation in which Antony, and all who had the Alps, and to cast himself entirely on the served under his command, were declared to have friendship of Lepidus, in whose disposition he forfeited all the rights of citizens, and to be ene-professed to have great confidence; that this protnies of their country.4 posal being disagreeable to the army, they had The commonwealth being deprived of its legal declared their resolution to remain in Italy, and head by the death of both the consuls, Decimus exclaimed, *That there they would conquer or Brutus, as next in succession, according to the perish; that Antony had been disconcerted by arrangement which had been made for the en-this declaration, and had continued a whole day suing year, became the principal object of con-undetermined as to his future operations; but sideration with the senate; and being supposed in order to conform himself to the inclination most deeply interested in the preservation of the of the army, and, if possible, to keep his footing republic, was the person on whom they chiefly in Italy, he was about to surprise Pollentia, a relied for the support of their cause. The sena-fortified place on the Tenarus, and had dletors, accordingly, seemed to drop at once the tached Trebellius with a body of cavalry for this high regard which they had hitherto paid to Oc-purpose. tavius, and overlooking his pretensions and his Decimus Brutus, upon this intelligence, sent influence over the army, gave to Brutus the forward three cohorts to prevent the design on cammand of all their forces, whether in Italy or Pollentia; and these having effected their march -ni Gaul. in time to secure the place, the enemy, by this Thus ended the connexion of the young Cm-disappointment, notwithstanding their late resosar with the friends of the republic,-an alliance lution to’ remain in Italy, were under a necessity which had, on both sides, probably been equally of passing the Alps.8 They undertook this diffiinsincere. The young man, pretending to have cult march so ill provided with every necessary, his eyes opened by this conduct of the senate, that, according to Plutarch, they had no subsistand supposing that the party of Ar.tony was less ence but what was found on the route, consisting hostile to himself than that which had now chiefly of wild herbs, fruits, and anirmals not gained the ascendant in the commonwealth, he commonly used for human food; but Antony slighted the instructions which were sent to him himself discovered a patience and a force of to take his orders from Brutus, retained the cotn-mind which no man, judging by his usual way mand not only of the troops which had followed of life, could have expected from himn; and, by his own standard, but the command likewise of his own example, supported the spirits of his mert a legion which had been raised for the republic through the greatest distresses.9 5 Cicer. adl Familiar lib. xi. ep. 20. 1 Cicer. ad Familiar. lib. xi. ep. 13. 2 Ibid. 6

Ibid ep. 10. 19. 7 hbid. ep. 10. 3 Ibid. ep. 10 4 Dio. Cass. lib. Zlvi.

c.:9. 8 Ibid. ep. 13. ( Plut. in Antonio.

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CHAP. 1II.].‘F THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 349 Lepidus, in consequence oft e.

senate’s instruc-i them in a speech, in which he repeated his protions, or of his own desire to Ie at hand to take fessions of dutl to the republic, and urgedl a such measures as the state of the war in Italy vigorous exertion in the war. It had not yet apmight require, had discontinued the march of his peared to what point these professions were teldarmy into Spain, and returning through the pro-ing, when he was answered with exclamations, vince of Narbonne, had passed the Rhone at its which he probably expected, from some leading confluence with the, Soane; and now, hearing of persons among the soldiers, in which they deAntony’s march, descended on the left of these clared the wishes of the army for peace. Two rivers, and took a situation to intercept him, not Roman consuls, they said, had been already far from the coast at the Forum Vocontium, on killed in this unnatural quarrel. The best blood a small river called the Argenteum, which emp-of the republic had been spilt, and the most reties itself into the sea at Forum Julii.10 spectable citizens declared enemies of their counIn the mean time Antony had passed the Alps, try; that it was time to sheath the sword; ” fol and on the fifteenth of May arrived with the first our parts,” they said, “we are determined that division of his army at Forum Julii, four-and- our arms, from henceforward, shall not be emtwenty miles from the station of Lepidus.

Yen-ployed on either side.“18 From this audience the tidius having followed about two days’ march in army of Lepidus proceeded to invite Antony into the rear of Antony, and having again joined him their camp, and presenting him to their general at this place, their forces consisted’

of the second as a friend, terminated the war between them by legion entire, with a considerable number of men, a coalition, in appearance forced upon Lepidus, but without arms; the broken remains of many but probably previously concerted with himself.’ legions, together with a body of cavalry, of which, Antony was now joined with Lepidus in the this part of the army having suffered least in the command of the army which had come to oppose late action, Antony had still a considerable force. him, and by his popularity, or superior ability, But in this position many deserted from him, and soon got the ascendant of his colleague. He found his numbers were daily diminishing; Silanus and himself again at the head of a great force, comCuleo, two officers of rank, were among the deposed.of the remains of his late defeat, three le. serters. gions that had joined him under Ventidius, and Such was the posture of affairs, on the twenty-seven of which the army of Lepidus consisted.19 first of May, when Lepidus gave to Cicero the Plancus, being still upon his march, persisted strongest assurancesl2 of zeal for the commonin his intention to join Lepidus notwithstanding wealth. Plancus, at the same time, had taken he had received an order or instruction from himpost on the Isere,13 had thrown a bridge over that self to the contrary; but having, at last, received river, and waited for the arrival of Decimus Bru-positive information of his defection, and contus, whom he expected to join him by the most sidering the danger to which he himself must be ordinary passage of the Alps:14 but while he lay exposed with an inferior force against two armies in this position he received a message from Lepi-united, he returned to his post on the Isere. and dus, informing him of Antony’s approach, and sent pressing instances to hasten the march of expressing great distrust of many in his own Decimus Brutus, and of other succours from army, whom he suspected of a disposition to join Italy.20 the enemy.

Upon these representations, Plan-Lepidus, even after the reception of Antony cus marched on the twentieth of May, as appears into his camp, addressed the senate in a solemn from his despatches to Rome of this date, expect-declaration, still asserting his affection to the com ed to join Lepidus in eight days, and hoped, by monwealth, and representing the late change of his presence, to secure the fidelity of the army, his measures as the effect of necessity imposed which began to be questioned. He wrote, with upon him by the troops, who, in a mutinous great confidence, of the zeal and affection of his manner, refused to make war on their fellowown troops, and was pleased to say, that he him-citizens. While he made these professions, he self, unsupported by any other force, should be recommended to the senate the example of the able to overwhelm, as he expresses himself, the army, exhorted them to drop all private animosibroken forces of Antony, though joined by the ties, to make the public good the rule of their followers of that muleteer Ventidius.15
conduct, and not to treat as a crime, the humane In the mean time, the armies of Antony and and merciful disposition which fellow-citizens Lepidus remaining in sight of each other, fre-had exercised towards each other.2’ quent messages passed between the leaders; and At the same time despatches arrived from as no hostilities were committed, the soldiers con-Plancus and Decimus Brutus, both treating the Wersed freelv together, though without any appretended mutiny of the army in Gaul as a,arent effect. 6 Lepidus still professed to govern mere artifice of their general to conceal his own himself by the orders )f the senate, and to employ defection.22 The city was greatly alarmed, even his army’ in support of the commonwealth. But the populace, affeicting a zeal for the authority of while he preserved th,,e’ appearances, he sent an the senate, demolished the statues which had been order to countermand tie junction of Plancus; lately erected to Lepidus. The senators, incensed and havina convened his own army, as usual, not only at his treachery, but at the false profesaroundl the platform, from which it was the sions with which he presumed to address them custom to harangue the troops, he addressed on the subject, proceeded to declare him a public enemy, and resolved, that all his adherents, whi& j1 Frejus. 11 Cicer. ad Familiar. Jib. x. ep. 17.

did not return to their duty before the first c 12 Ibid. 13 Isura. 11

Probably bi, Mount Cenis, or the channels of the Dorea Baltea and the Isere.’ 18 Cicer. ad Familiar. lib. x. ep. 21. 15 Cicer. ad Familiar. lib.

x. ep. 13. 19 Appian. de Bell. Civ. Jib. iii. 16 A’ pian. de Bell. Civ.

lib. iii. 20 Cic. ad Famil. lib. x. ep. 21. 17 T.-e;uggestuin, most commonly raised of turf.‘21 Ibid. ep. 35. 22 Ibid.

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350 TIlE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BooK V. September, should be involved in the same sen-Though trained up under Cmsar, and( not postence. Private instructions were sent, at the sessed of any remarkable share of political virtue, same time, to Marcus Brutus, and to Caius Cas-they were men prohably of mo(lerate amrlition, sius, urqgng( them to hasten the march of their tenacious of the dignities to which thev thermforces for the defence of the capital.l selves and every free citizen might aspire, but not During these tranlsact.’)ns, Octavius remained covetous of more. They were. likely, therefore, inactive on the frontiers of Italy. The demise to acquiesce in the civil estalhlishment of their of the two consuls opened(
a new scene to his country, and by the dlignity of their characters, ambition. This event camne so opportunely for to overawe the more desperate adventurers. wh}-Ioec his purpose, and his own character for intrigue vierws and successes were inconsistent wvith the was so much established, that he was suspected safety of the commonwealth. of having had an active part in procuring the If the consuls, Hlirtius and Pansa, had lived death of those officers. It wTas said, that he ern-even with such abilities as they possesseid, they ploved some emissaries:o despatch Hirtius in the might have kept Lepidus within the hounds of heat of battle; and that Pansa’s wound, not he-his duty, they might have prevented3 Antonll from ing mortal, he suborned the person who diressedl recovering the defeat which he had lately received it, t.o render it so by an injection of poison. A at Mutina, andt obliged Octavius, if no(t to drop surgeon named Glyco was actually taken into his ambitious designs, at least to def.er the execucustody on this account; the suspi(cion remained tion of them to a more distant period. But, immcagainst Octavius till the last moment of his life, diatelv after the death of these magistrates, it and even made a part in the grievous reproaches became evident, that this youngr mall was dissawith which -his memory continued to be loaded tisfied( with his situation and with his party, he after his death.2 It was rejected, however, at -not only kept at a distance from Decimus Brutus, the time, even by Marcus Brutus, who warmly but seemed determined not to take any part in interceded with Cicero in behalf of Glyco, as a the farther operations of the campaign. The person who was himself a great sufferer by prisoners that were in his hands he treated as Pansa’s death, and who bore such a reputation friends, and by suffering them, without any exfor probity as ought to have secured him against change or ransom, to join their own army, gave this imputation.3 The testimony of Marcus hopes that lie was rea(ly to treat oil reasonable Brutus, when given in favour of Octavius, must, termls of a reconciliation iwithi their general. no doubt, be ad mitted as of the greatest authority, lile at the same tiime took steps wnith the senate and may be allowed, in a great measure, to rethat seemed to prognosticate a rupture, made move the whole suspicion.

application for a triumplh, in which neither Octavius himself gave out, that Pansa, when lis age, his rank, nor hlis slare in the late dying of his wounds, desired to see him in pri-actiol or in tle vitory obtained ovel Antoly, vate, gave him a view of the state of parties, a an nd avilg advised him no longer to remain the tool of those tidled in this attempt, lie declared his intention z’ to sue for the office of consul. who meant only to demolish the party of Cesar, Octa ius, wlien lie offered himself as a candiin order that they themselves might rise on its dlite for tie consulate, accordini to Dio casruins. But from the dletail of’what passed in the iUs, n iffeted to insist that Cicero5 slonld be interval between the battle of Mutina and the -associaLted with hli in the office,6 and sio1lilt death of Pansa, of which Decimus Brutus sent take the whole administration on hlimself. an account to Cicero, it does not appear that Oc-For his own part, lie said, that, in this associlatavius could have seen Pansa. And it is proal-tioii, lie aspired on!ly to the title of AIioistrttc; ble, that this pretended advice of the dying con-thlait ill the world ]must know, the whole anisul was fitricated afterwards, to justify the part thlority of governmnent, and all the loryv to which Octavius took against the senate.4 The be reacped in tile public service wn-ould iedl nild supposed adlmonition of Pansa, at any rate, was to lis colletne; tllat in tis request, anld il probably not necessary to dissuade Octavius from tlhat lie hIiad miiade for a triumph, lie lad nio continuing to support the republic longer than oliect but to gnai a sitiatioii ill wichl lie his own interest required. This was the great miit lay downl blic attest itiol i belfr, aof Ihirule of his conduct, and if, until that hour, he erch bl tttt be f of i continued to believe, that the senate intended to Cicero, accordilr to the testimony of the raise him on the ruin of Antony’s party, in order saiie histol iani, feil into tle, snare that w that he might become their own master and iaid for himil by this artful boy, supported sovereign of the commonwealth, he fancied surely!iis pretensions, and was willing’ to becomie what was not probable, and what they never pro- }ile colleague tlnd the tutor of this revivini fessed to be their intention. The restoration of Ctsatr. the republican government, and of the senate’s Octavins afterwards boasted of the artifice lie authority, implied, that individluals were to be ia’d emlployed in this piece of fl:ltterv to Cicero, satisfied with receiving the honours of the re-as the onily nielans lie lihad left, at that titiie, to sepublic in their turn; and with this prospect, Oc-ce the continiuance of his Imilitary commanlll d.8 tavius himself affected to be satisfied, so long as it But the senitors, and the partizans of the coispisuited with the state of his fortulles, to act the ators, in particullr, were gre:atly exasperated. parsuited with the state of hi s fortunes, to act the The propositionl appeared so strange, that no tripart of a republican. bune, no person in any office, not even any private The commonwealth undoulbtedly sustained a citizen, could be fotnld to move it.9?Tile anigreat loss in the death of the two consuls. 1 Appian. de Bell: Civ.

lib. iii. 5 Dio. Cass. lib. xlvi. c. 42. 2’I’acit. Annal. lib. i. c. 10. 6

Appiaii. (de Bell. Civ-. li. iii. 3 Cicer. ad Brutum, ep.. edit. Olivet.

tom9. 7 Cicer. ad Brutrmn i-p. l(. S Pint. in Ciceor. 4 Cicer. ad Familiar. xi. ep. 13. 9 Cicer. ad 3rututim, el). 18.

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CRAP. III.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 351 mi)sity of Cicero to Antony had already, they they should send deputies to the senate with prothought, carried him too far in supporting the per representations on this subject.

pretensions of this aspiring young man. If he A number of centurions were accordingly seshould prevail on the present occasion, all that the lected to carry the mandate of the army to Hmne. senate had hitherto done to restore the constitu-As they delivered their message in the name of tion would be fruitless. A person, who presumed the legions, without any mention of Octavius, to claim the office of consul at an age so impro-this was thought a favourable opportunity to neper, and so far short of that which the law pre-giotiate directly with the troops, without consultscribed, was likely, when possessed of this power, ing their leader; and the senate accordingly sent to set no bounds to his usurpations. In order, a commission for this purpose, with the hopes therefore, to elude his requisition, they were that they might be able to detach the whole obliged to defer the elections, and, in the mean army from their general, or that at least they time, appointed ten commissioners under pretence might be able to engage, in their own cause, of inquiring into the abuses committed in Anto-those legions in particular, who had deserted ny’s administration, and of distributing to the from Antony, with professions of zeal for the army the gratuities, and of’ executing the settle-commonwealth. ments devised for their late services, but probably Octavius, to counteract this design before the with a real intention to vest these commissioners commissioners employed in the execution of it with the chief direction of atLairs, until it could arrive(l, drew forth his army, and in a speech be determined who should succeed in the office complained of this and of the former injuries he of consul, and who should be intrusted with had received frtom the senate:, “

Their intention,” the safety of the republic. The partizans of lihe said, “is to cut off separately all the leaders the commonwealth were now, in appearance, of Cesar’s party. When they have accomplished superior to their enemies, but far from being this purpose, the army too must fall at their feet.15 secure in possession of the superiority they had They will recall the grants of land which have gained.10 been made to you, and will deprive you of the The senate, in order to exclude Octavius from just reward of all your faithful services. They this commission, without giving him any particu-charge ime with ambition; but what evidence is lar reason to complain of their partiality, at the there of my ambition? Have I not declined the same time left out I)ecimus Brutus; and by this dignity of praetor, when you offered to procure it equal exclusion of persons at the head of armies for nle? My motive is not ambition, lbut the from the management of affairs, in which the love of my country; and for this I am willing to armies were so much concerned, they enabled run any hazard to which I myself may be exOctavius to fill the minds of the soldiers with disposed; but cannot endure, upon any account) trust of the civil power, and to state the interests that you should be stripped of what you have so of the civil aind military factions as in opposition dearly bou-ght by your services in the public to each other.1l He no longer, therefore, dis-cause. It is now become evident, that in order guised his aversion to the senate; complained, to prevent the most dangerous lowers from that they treated him disrespectfully, called him coming into the hands of your enemies, and in a boy, who must be ainllse1,12 deckedl out with order to ensure the rewards to which you are so honurs, and1 afterwards destroyed.l 3 ” I am ex-justly entitled, it is necessary that your friends cluded,”

lhe said, “from the present commission, should be raised to the head of the commonnot firom an7 dlistrust in mi, but from the same wealth. In the capacity of consul I shall be able motive film whici I)ecimuls Brutus is also ex-to do justice to your merits; to punish the murcluded. a renleral distrust of every person who is derers of my father, to be revenged of your enelikely to espouse the inte rests otf the army; and, rmies, and at last to bring these unhappy domestic from these exclusions, it is evident what they in-dissensions to an end.” 16 tend with respect to the clailns of the veterans, This harangue was returned with acelamaand with respect to their expectations of a just tions of joy, and a second, deputation, to be reward for their services.“14 escorted by fobur hundred men, was instantly apUpon the junction of Antony with Lepidus, pointed from the army, demanding the consulate the senate felt the necessity of paying a little fbtr their general. The officers employed in this more attention than they had lately donle to the service were repeatedly admitted to audiences in interest of Octavius. Instead of appointing him the senate.l7

In answer to the objections which to act under Decimus Brutus, as they at first in-were drawn from the defects of their general’s tended, they joined him in the commland of the age and title, they urged former precedents; that army; and in this new situation required him to of Scipio, of Dolabella, and the special act relating co-operate in’defendinv Italy against the united to Octavius himself, in whose favour ten years forces of Antony and Lepidus. of the legal age were already dispensed with. Octavius instantly communicated to the army One of the officers, in this singula r depjutation, these orders of the senate, with insinuations of while the senate proposed a delay in orlder to dethe hardships which they were now to undergo liberate on the matter, is said to have shown the on being sent on a fresh service, before they had hilt of his dagger; and some on’le o’. the pairty who received the rewards which were promised and escorted the deputies, in resuming hisa rtmls ait tie due to them for the former; and he proposed, that door of the senate-house, was heard to say, in girding the belt of his sword, if ou. wii! no con10 Appian. de Bell.

Civ. lib. ii. fer the consulate on Octaviuss, this ssAal.‘1’o 11 Cicer. ad Familiar. lib. xi. ep 20. these menacing insinuations, Cicero. who had 12

Ibid. ep. 21. jokes imputed to hinm on occasions t l:, were 13 Laudandnum adolescentern, ornandum, tollendumn. -This last wiord is ambiguous. This saying was im- - - _ puted to Cicero, blit is perenmptorily denied. 15

Appian. de Bell Civ. hIb. ii. 16 Ibid. 14 Sueton. in Octavio, c. 12. 17

Dio. Cass. lib. xlvi. c. 42

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352 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [Booa.V. equally serious to himself and to the republic, is rior force with which it was known Octaviut said to have replied, Nay, if you pray in that was prepared to assail them, the senators again language, you will surely be heard. lost hopes of being able to resist; but they fiatWhile the senate delayed giving any direct tered themselves, that the resolution they had answer to this military demand, they again sent taken to defend the city, would not be known in a deputation of their own members with money time to prevent their first message to the army to be distributed to the legions, hoping, by this from being delivered. Their concessions were means, to divert them from the project which accordingly published among the troops; but apthey had formed in favour of their general. But pearing to be forced, were received with contempt, Octavius being secretly apprised that a sum of and served only to encourage the presumption of money was.sent to corrupt his army, and observ-the soldiers, and to hasten their march. As the ing that the soldiers were impatient at having no army drew near to the city, all the approaches immediate return to their own message, chose were deserted by those who had been placed to not to await the trial of this dangerous experi-defend them, and the advanced guard of Octament, separated the legions into two columns, vius passed to the Mons Quirinalis, without bemarched directly to Rome; and on his way being ing met by any person in the quality either of met by the deputies of the senate, he commanded friend or of enemy. But, after a little pause, numthem, at their peril, not to approach the army, or bers of his own party among the people having to interrupt its march. gone forth to receive him, the streets were inUpon the news of his approach, the city was stantly crowded with persons of all ranks, who thrown into great consternation. The senate, hastened to pay their court.4 believing they had erred in offering too little Octavius having halted his army during the money to the troops, ordered the former bounty night in the first streets which they entered; on to be doubled.’

They resolved that Octavius the following day, with a proper escort, and should be admitted to the consulate; or, accord-amidst the shouts and acclamations of the multiingz to Dion Cassius, that he should have the tude, took possession of the forum. The troops title and ensigns of consul, but without the actual who had been assembled to oppose him, at the power; that he should have a place in the senate same time left their stations, and made an offeir of among those who had been consuls; that he their services. Cornutus, one of the officers who should be praetor at the first elections, and con-commanded those troops, having in vain endeasul at the following. 2 And thus having done voured to prevent this defection, killed hinmself enough to show their fears, but not to disarm, or Cicero is said to have desired a conference with to lull the ambition of this presumptuous young his young friend; but when he seemed to preman, they sent new deputies, with every symp-sume on his former connection, was coldly antom of trepidation and alarm, to intimate these swered, that he had been slow in his present resolutions. advances. Soon after this deputation from the senate was In the following night a rumoulr was spread, despatched, two legions, lately transported from that the Martia and the fourth legion, which Africa, and ordered for the defence of the city, Wnade a part in the army of Octavius, but suphaving arrived at the gates, the senators, with posed to be particularly attached to the senate their party among the people, resumed their on account of’the late honorary decrees which courage: they were even disposed to recall their had passed in their favour, had declared against late concessions, and began to exclaim, that it the violent measures of their leader; that they were better to perish in defending their liberties, offered to protect the senate and people in their than, without any struggle, to fall a prey to their legal assemblies, and iii any resolutions they enemies. Persons of every description assumed should form on the present state of the rel)ublic. the military dress, and ran to their arms. Numbers of senators believed this report, and There were now at Rome three legions, with were about to resume their meetings. Crassus, a thousand horse; one legion having been left one of the prators, set out for the Picenum, where there by Pansa when he marched towards Gaul. he had considerable influence, in order to assemble These troops were posted on the side from which what forces he could raise to secure the success the enemy was expected, on the Janiculum and of this desirgn; but before morning this report the bridge which led from thence to the city. was known to be groundless, and all orders of Galleys were ordered to be in readiness at Ostia, men returned to their former dejection and subto convey the public treasure beyond the sea, in mission. case it should become necessary to take this mea-At break of day Octavius removed the army sure to save it: and it was determined to seize from the streets of Rome into the Campus Marthe mother and sister of Octavius,3 who were tius. He did not suffer any acts of cruelty to be then supposed to be at Rome, and to detain them committed, or make any inquiry after those who as hostages. But this intention was frustrated had been forward in opposing his claims. He by the timely escape of these women, who, appre-affected the clemency of his late uncle; but like hending some danger, had already withdrawn him too, without any scruple, laid his hands on from the city. Their flight, or the early precauthe public treasure, made a distribution to the tion which they themselves, or their friends, had army of the sums which had been first decreed to taken in this matter, was considered as the evi-them; and engaged for himself, soon after, to add de,‘e of a lonlg premeditated design on the part from his own estate what had been successively of Octavitls. promised. Having ordered that the election Under itis impression, and that of the supe-of conIsuls should immediately proceed, he withdrew with the army, affecting to leave the people 1 Appi;ln. de BP.ll. Civ. lib. iii. l2 )io. CaSR. lih. xlvi. c. 41. 3 Appian. de Bell.

Civ. lib iii. 4 Appian. de Bello Civ. lib. iii.

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Cu.1t. 1V.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 353 to a free choice. And being himself elected, troops, -and to employ them where the necessities together with UQ. Pedius, whom, without any of the state might require;6 that his adoption into mention of Cicero, he had recommended for this the family of Caesar should now be ratified in the purpose, he returned in solemn procession to most solemn manner by the assembly of the Cuaffer the sacrifices usual on such occasions, and rim; a form which the laws of the republic reentered on his office on the twenty-first of Sep-quired in every such case, and in which he had tember, the day before he completed his twen-been formerly prevented by the intrigues of Antieth year.5 tony; that the act declaring Dolabella an enemy On this occasion the young Caesar, in the ca-of his country should be repealed, and an inquest pacity of consul, made a speech to the troops, set on foot for the trial of those who had been acknowledrirog their services; but avoided im-concerned in the death of Julius Caesar. putllng to their interposition the honours which In consequence of this establishment, numbers he had recently obtained in the city. For these were cited, and upon their non-appearance were honours he returned his thanks to the senate, condemned. Among these were Marcus Brutus and to the assemblies of the people. These he and Caius Cassius. In giving sentence against accosted as the sovereigns of the empire; and them, the judges affected to show their ballots; was answered by an affected belief of his sin-and a citizen, of the name of Silicius Coronas, cerity. being of the number, likewise held up his ballot In the same spirit of servility with which so into public view; but, in the midst of this tide of many honours had been decreed to Julius Cfesar, servility and adulation, had the courage to acquit it was enacted, that Octavius should for ever take the accused. His courage for the present passed rank of every consul, and the conlmand of every without animadversion, but he was reserved, with general, at the head of his own army; that he silent resentment, as an object of future punishshould have an unlimited commission to levy ment.7 CHAPTER IV. Proceedings of the new Consul-State qf the Eastern. Provinces-Interview qf Octavius, Antony, and Lcpidus, with their Coalition-The Proscription or Massacre-Death qf Cicero-Sequel of the lMassacre-Succession qf consuls-Severe Exaction qf Taxes-State of Sextius Pompeits-,M7ovements qf Antony and Octavius respectively-Both bend their course to the EastPostur-e and Operations of Brutus and Cassius Their arrival and progsress in EuropeCampaign at Philippi First Action and Death of Cassius-Second Action and Death of Brutus. THEI republic, of which Octavius was now, for the defence of his own province; and from in appearance, the legal magistrate, had declared thenceforward, by the state of the war in Syria open war against Antony and Lepidus; and, in was hindered, during some time, from taking any consequence of this declaration, the forces of De-part in the affairs of the west. cimus Brutus and of Plancus, as has been men-Dolabella, in consequence of his appointment tioned, had advanced to the Rhone and the Isere, to the government of Syria, after the murder of but had been obliged again to retreat, in order to Trebonius, had assembled a fleet on the coast, to avoid coming to action with a superior enemy. accompany the march of his army by land, and It was considered, therefore, as the first object of to dispute the possession of that province with the consul to reinforce that army of the republic, Cassius.9 His operations, however, began in and to carry the decrees of the senate into execu-that quarter with his receiving a great check to tion against those who presumed to dispute their his hopes in the defeat of his fleet; his galleys authority.

He accordingly marched from the havilng been dispersed, and all his transports tacity as upon this design; but it soon after ap-ken by Lentul’us, who had served under Trebopeared, that he had been some time in corres-nius, and who now commanded the fleets of pondence with these supposed enemies of their Brutus and Cassius in those seas.19

Notwithcountry; that he intended to join them against standing the defeat of his forces at sea, he advanced the sefiate, and, with their forces united, to resist by land into Cilicia; and while his antagonist lay the storm which was gathering against them in in Palestine, to intercept the legions that were the east, under the governors of Macedonia and coming to join him from Egypt, he made consiSyria. derable levies, took possession of Tarsus, reduced While the siege of Mutina was still in depend-the party which Cassius had left at sEga, and ance, Marcus Brutus had drawn his forces to-proceeded to Antioch; but finding the gates of wards the coast of Epirus, with intention to pass this town were shut against him, he continued into Italy; but having received a report that Do-his march to Laodicea, where he was admlitted; labella, then in the province of Asia, had trans-being determined to make a stand at this place, ported a body of men from thence to the Cher-he again assembled the remains of his fleet in sonesus, 8 anm that he seemed to intend the order to brine his supply of stores and provisions invasion of M[acedonia, he was obliged to return by sea.ll Having encamped and intrenched his army close to the walls of Laodicea, he threw 5 Veil. Patercuilus, lib. ii. c. 65. 6 Di.

Cass lib. xlvi. c. 39. 7 Appian. de Bell. Civ. lib. iii. 9 Cicer. ad Famil. lib. xii. ep. 12. 10 Ibid. ep 15 S Cicer. ad D3rutuam, ep. 2. 11

Dio. Cass. lib. xlvii. c. 30. 2 Y

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354 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK V. down [part of the ramparts, to open a communi-parture from Rome, leavlng his colleague, Pedius: cation between his camp and the town.1 in the administration of the city. To him he had Cassius, having intelligence of this progress riven instructions to obtain, as of his own record, made by Dolabella in Syria, and of his disposi-the revocation of the acts by which Antony and tions to secure Laodicwa, prepared to dislodge Lepidus had been declared public enemies.

He him from thence. For this purpose he advanced incited the army, at the same time, to demand a to Pallos, at the distance of twenty miles from the revonciliation of parties, and administered an oath enemv’s station. and took measures, by cutting to them, in which they swore not to draw their offhis supplies both by sea and by land, to reduce swords against any of the troops who had ever him ~by famine. In execution or this design, he sei;ed unrler Cesar. As PeUius made 0lo menend(levoured to procure shipping from every part tion of his colleague in matlin his motion in of the coast, extending from Rhodes to Alexan-favour of Antony and Lepidus, the senate, not dria; but found that most of the maritime states knowing how far it might be agreeable to O(tt.of Asia were already drained by his enemy, or vius, referred the whole matter to himself; and, were unwilling to declare themselves for either upon his havingr signified his approbation. proparty. The port of Sidon was the first that fur-ceeded to revoke their former decree of attainder.5 nished him any supply of vessels; but the officer By these means Octavius, without appearing who comimanded them having ventured to appear himself as the author of this change, transferred before Laodicwa, was unable to cope with the the imputation of treason from Antony and Le. navy which Dolabella had collected from his late pilus to Brutus and Cassius, with their adhedefeat; and, though he defended himself with rents in the late conspiracy against the life of great obstinacy, and with great slaughter of’ the Cesar. enemy, after many ships were sunk on both As soon as the state of parties was thus transsides, suffiired a capture of five galleys with all formed, Octavius congratulated the senate on the their crews.

Notwithstanding this check, Cas-wisdom of their measures, and from thenceforsius was soon after joined by squadrons from ward treated with Antony and Lepidus as friends, Tyre, Aradus, and even frorm Cyprus. The go-corresponded with them on the subject of the vernor of this island, contrary to the orders of commonwealth, and invited therm, without loss of Cleopa) tra, his sovereign, who had assembled her time, to return into Italy. fleet to support Dolabella, ventured to change Under piretence of this revolution in the ri,their destination, and to take part with Cassius.2 vernment, Plancus withdrew his forces from: the WVith this accession of’ force, Cassius being army of Decimus Brutus, and espoused the cause, again in condition to block up the harbour of which the republic itself, under the authority of’ Laodicea, presented himself for this purpose, and the consuls, appeared to avow. Pollio likewise two enrgaemnents followed; in the first of which followed this example. the advantarg e was doubtful; in the second, the In consequence of these separations, Decimus victory declared for Cassius, and rendered him Brutus was left singly to withstand the force of master of the coast. Holding his enemy, there-so many enemies who were united, and now supfiore, blocked up by sea, he continued to press ported against him with the authority of the state upon the town from the land, and, by the fifth of itself: He still had ten legions, of which the June, had reduced the besieged to great distress; four with which he had defended the city of Mubut while he seemed to rely entirely on the effects tina during the preceding winter, were not yet of this circumstance,a he carried on a corres-recovered from the sufferings of that service. pondence with the garrison, and, on a day conWVith the other six, being raw and undisciplined certed with the officer on duty, was admitted into troops, hie did not think himself in condition to the place. continue the war against so many enemies; and Dolabella, finding that the town was delivered he determined, therefore, to withdraw by 11lyriup, chose to fall by the sword of one of his own cum into Macedonia, and to join himself with men, of whom he requested the favour to save the forces which were raised for the republic in him, by this last act of duty, from falling into the that province. But ill the execution of this dehands of his enemies. The troops who had served sign he foundl, that in civil wars armies are not under him acknowledged the authority of his ri-easily retained on the losing side, and had occaval, and took the oath of fidelity usual in ranging sion to observe, that they are never hearty’in themselves under a new general. Cassius seized behalf of civil institutions against a professed inwhat money he found in the public treasury, tention to establish military government. On or in the temples at Laodicma, laid the citizens pretence of the hardships of the proposed march, under a heavy contribution, and put some of he was deserted first by the new levies, and afterthose who had been most forward in saving his wards by the veterans, with all the irregulars, enemy to death.4 who, except a few Gaulish horse, went over with Such was known, some time before the battle their colours to the enemy. Of those who reof Mutiria, to be the event of affairs in Asia; mained, he, under the deepest impressions of and the fortunes of Marcus Brutus and Cassius, despair, allowed as many as chose it to depart; they being supposed to have twenty legions under and with only three hundred horsemen who adtheir command, with all the resources of the hered to him, set out for the Rhine, intending to Eastern empire, were still in a thriving condition, make his intended retreat through Germany. when Octavius, soon after his nomination to the But, in proportion as difficulties multiplied on his office of consul, under pretence of urginc the war way, the little troop which attended him greatly against Antony and. Lepidus, had ta.ke:-:. his de-diminished; and being reduced to ten, he imagined that, with so few in his company, he might I Cicer. ad Fainil. lib. iii. ep. 13. even pass through Italy undiscovered. He ac2 Appian. de Bell. Cii lib iii. 3 Cicer. ad Famil. lib. xii. ep. 13. 4 Appian. de Bell. Civ. lib. iii. Dio. Cass. lib.

xlvi. c 44.

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CHAP,. IV.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 355 cordingly disguised himself, and returned to which chiefly distinguished this famous roalitiorn Aquileia; but being there seized, though un-was the secret resolution, then taken, to extin known, as a suspicious person, and being con-guish at once all future opposition to the Ciasa. ducted to an officer of the district who knew him, rian party, by massacring all their private and he was, by the orders of Antony, put to death.6 public enemies. They drew up a list, of which Thus, while all the military powers of the east the numbers are variously reported, comprehendwere assembled under Marcus Brutus and Cas-ing all those who had given them private or pubsius, with a professed design to restore the re-lic offence, and in which they mutually sacrificed public, those of the west were equally united for their respective friends to each other’s resentment. a contrary purpose. Antony and Lepidus having Antony sacrificeu his uncle Lucius CaeDar to the passld the Alps, descended the Po, and (advanced resentment of Octavius; who, in his turn, Aacritowards Mutina. Octavius being already in that ficed to that of Antony, Cicero, with Thoranius, nei(fhbourhood with his army, they met, with his own guardian, and his father’s colleague in five lefions of each side, on the opposite banks of the office of prator.l1 Lepidus gave up his own the Lavinus, not far from the scene of their late brother L.

Paulus; and all of them agreed to join hostile operations against each other. The leaders with these private enemies every person supposed agreed to hold a conference in a small island to be attached to the republican government, formred by the separation and reunion of two amnounting in all to three hundred senators and braiches of the river. To the end that they two thousand of the equestrian’ order, besides might have equal access to this island, bridges many persons of inferior note, whose names they were laid on the divisions of the Lavinus by deferred entering in the list until their arrival at which the island was formed. The armies drew Rome. They meant, as soon as they should be up on the opposite banks; and as the recent ani-in possession of the capital, to publish the whole mosities of Antony and Octavius still left some list for the direction of those who were to be emremains of distrust between them, Lepidus first ployed in the execution of the massacre. But entered alone into the place that was intended for as there were a few whose escape they were partheir conference; and having seen that no snares ticularly anxious to prevent, they agreed that the were laid b)v either party, he made the signal murders should begin, without any warning, by agreed on, and was joined by the other two with-the death of twelve or seventeen of their most out anv attendants. considerable enemies, and among these by the Octavius now met with Antonyin a character death of Marcus Tullius Cicero.ll They ratified more respectable than that in which he had for-the whole by mutual oaths; and having publishmerlv appeared to him, and, with the dignity of ed all the articles, except that which related to the Roman consul in office, had the place of ho-the massacre, the plan of reconciliation between nouralssigned to him. They continue(l their con-the leaders was received by the armies with ferenice (during this and the two following days;7
shouts of applause, and was supposed to be the and at the expiration of this time made known beginning of a period in which military men to their armies, that they had agreed on the fol-were to rest from their labours, and to enjoy lowilr articles: That Octavius, in order to di-undisturbed the most ample reward of their servest himself of every legal advantage over his vices. associates, should resi(nr the consulate; that the This celebrated cabal, known by the name of three military leaders, then upon an equal foot-the Second Triumvirate, having thus planned ing, should hold or share among them, during the division or joint administration of an empire five vears, the supreme administration of affairs which each of them hoped in time to engross for in the empire; that they should name all the himself, they proceeded to Rome with an aspect officers of state, magistrates, and governors of which, to those who composed the civil establishprovinces; that Octavius should have the exclu-ment of the commonwealth, was more terrible sive command in Africa, Sardinia, and Sicily, than that of any faction which had been hitherto Lepidus in Spain, and Antony in Gaul; that formed for its destruction. Lepidus should be substituted for Decimus Bru-In former times, individuals rose to the head tus in the succession to the consulate for the fol-of parties or factions, and brought armies to their lowing year, and should have the administration standard by the natural ascendant of superior at Rome, while Octavius and Antony pursued abilities; and either disdained the advantages of the war against Brutus and Cassius in the east; usurped dominion, or knew how to employ their that the army, at the end of the war, should have powers in exertions not unworthy of human settlements assigned to them in the richest dis-reason. But in this instance, persons obscure, tricts and best situations of Italy. Among the or only known by their profligacy, were followed last were specified Capua, Rhegium, Venusia, by armies who conceived the design of enslaving Beneventum, Nuceria, Ariminum, and Vibona. their country. The spirit of adventure pervaded To ratify this agreement, the daughter of Ful-the meanest rank of the legions, and every solvia, the wife of Antony, by Clodius her former dier grasped at the fruits that were to be reaped husband, was betrothed to Octavius. He was in subduing the commonwealth. If no person said to have already made a different choice, and had offered to put himself at their head, they consequently to have had no intention to fulfil themselves would have raised up a leader whom this part of the treaty;$ but the passions, as well they might follow in seizing the spoils of their as the professions, of this young man, were al-fellow-citizens.

readyv sufficiently subservient to his interest.9 Lepidus, noted for his want of capacity, being While the army was amused by the publica-in the rank of pritor when Caesar took possesion of these several articles, the circumstances sion of Romej and being the only Roman officem 6 Appian. de Bell. Civ. lib. iii. 7 Ibid. lib. iv. 10 Sieton. in Octav. c. 27. 8 Dio.

Cass. lib. xlvi. c. 54, 55, 56. 9 Ibid. 11 Appian. de Bell. Civil. Jib.

iv.

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356 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BooK V. of state who was wvilling to prostitute the dig-by the end; and human nature, when seemingly nity of his station, by abetting the violence driving to the wildest excess, after a series of which was now done to the constitution, was ell-events and struggles, settles at last in some sort trusted with power, and the command of an of mediocrity, beyond which it never ih pushed army, merely because he brought the name and but by occasional starts and sallies. The first authority of a magistrate to the side of the usur-entry of this triumvirate on the scene of their pation. The use of his name had been likewise government, indeed, was such as could scarcely convenient to Antony in the late junction or be supported in the sequel of any tyranny ot coalition of their armies; and was now neces-usurpation whatever. sary or convenient to both the other parties in The triumvirs being on their way to Rome, their this famous association, as he held a kind of ba-orders for the immediate execution of seventeen lance between them. and was to witness transac-of the principal senators had been received before tions in which neither-was willing to trust the their arrival, and several were accordingly surother. prised and murdered in their houses, or in the Antony, possessed of parts which were known streets. The first alarm appearing the more chiefly by the profligate use which he made of terrible, as the occasion of these murders was them, seeking to repair by rapine a patrimony unknown, struck all orders of men with a genewhich he had wasted in debauch; and some-ral amazement and terror. The streets were times strenuous when pressed by necessity, yet presently deserted, and hushed in silence, except ever relapsing in every moment of ease or relax-where armed parties skulked in search of their ation into the vilest debauchery or dissipation. prey, or by the cries which they raised, gave Octavius, yet a boy, only known by acts of mutual intimation of the discoveries they made. perfidy and cunning above his years; equally inPersons who found themselves pursued, atdifferent to friendship or enmity, apparently de-tempted to set the city on fire, in order to facifective in personal courage, but followed by the litate their own escape. Pedius, the consul, remains of Casar’s army, as having a common continued all night in the streets, endeavouring cause with themselves in securing the advantages to prevent the calamity of a general fire. In which they severally claimed by virtue of his au-order to quiet the minds of those who were not thority. He was now about the twentieth year of aimed at in this execution, he published the his age, had been already two years at the head names of the seventeen, with assurances that the of a faction, veering in his professions and in his executions were not to proceed any farther.1 It conduct with every turn of fortune; at one time has been supposed, that the design was no farther reconciled with the authors of Caesar’s death, and communicated to this magistrate, and that he courting the senate, by affecting the zeal of a would have opposed the extremes to which it was citizen for the preservation of the commonwealth: carried; but, on the following night, he died of at another time, courting the remnant of his late the fatigue he had incurred on this occasion, and uncle’s army, by affecting concern for their inte-the public assurances he had given were attended rests, and a solicitude for the security of the with no effect. grants they had obtained from Caesar: at variance The triumvirs marched separately towards the with Antony on the score of personal insults and city, and made their entry on three several days.

incompatible pretensions, even charged with de-As they arrived in succession, they occupied signs on his life; but reconciled to him, in apevery quarter with guards and attendants, and pearance, from considerations of interest or pre-filled every public place with armed men, and sent conveniency. Hle had already, in the with military standards and ensigns. In order transactions of so short a life, given indications to ratify the powers they had devised for themof all the vilest qualities incident to human na-selves, they put the articles of their agreement ture, perfidy, cowardice, and cruelty; but with into the hands of the tribune Publius Titius, with an ability or cunning which, if suffered to con-instructions, that they should be proposed and tinue its operations, was likely to prevail in the enacted in the public assembly of the Roman contest for superiority with his present rivals in people; and put in the form of a legal commission, the empire. or warrant, for the government they had usurped. Such was the received description of persons By the act which passed on this occasion, the who had now parcelled among themselves the supreme power or sovereignty of the republic, government of the world, and whose vices were during five years, without any reserve or limitaexaggerated by the fears of those who. were likely tion, was conferred on Octavius, Antony, and to suffer by the effects of their power. Under Lepidus; and a solemn thanksgiving being orthe dominion of such a junto, if any one were dered for the events already passed, which led to left to regret the loss of public libertyv, or to feel this termination, the citizens in general, under the state of degradation into which citizens were the deepest impressions of terror and sorrow, fallen; if any one could look forward from the were obliged to assume appearances of satisfacterrors of a present tyranny to the prospect of fu-tion and joy. ture evils; to them surely a scene of expectation As the first act of this government, two lists was opening the most gloomy that ever had preor proscriptions were delivered to the proper ofsented itself to mankind; persons, apparently ficers of the army, and posted in different parts incapable of any noble or generous purpose, of the city; one a list of senators, the other a list coveting power as a license to crimes, supported of persons of inferior rank, on whom the troops by bands of unprincipled villains, were now ready were directed to perform immediate execution. to seize and to distribute, in lots among them-In consequence of these orders, all the streets, selves, all the dignities of the state, and all the temples, and private houses, instantly became patrimony of its members. In human affairs, however, the prospect, whe-1 Appian. de Bell.

Civ. lib. iv. ther good or bad in extreme is seldom verified 2 Dio. Cass.

lib. xlvi. Appian. lib. iv.

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CHAP. IV.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 357 scenes of blood.3 At the same time, there ap-urbs, where it was likely that any of the. pro peared on the part of the triumvirs a manifesto, scribed hed retired. By the disposition they in which, having stated the ingratitude of many made, the execution began in many places at whom Caesar had spared, of many whom he had once, and those who knew or suspected their own promoted to high office, and whom he had even destination, like the inhabitants of a city taken destined to inherit his fortunes, and who, never-by storm, were on every side surrounded by enetheless, conspired against his life, they alleged mies, from whom they were to receive no quarter. the necessity they were under of preventing the To many, it is observed by histtrians, that their designs of their enemies, and of extirpating a own nearest relations were objects of terror, no dangerous faction, whom no bendfits could bind, less than the mercenary hands that were armed and whom no considerations, sacred or profane, against them. The husband and the father did could restrain. “Under the influence of this not think himself secure in his concealment, faction,” they. said, “the perpetrators of a horrid when he supposed it to be known to his wife or murder, instead of being called to an account, to his children. The slaves and freedmen of a are entrusted with the command of provinces, family were become its most terrible enemies. and furnished with resources of men and money The debtor had an interest in circumventing his to support them against the efforts of public jus-creditor, and neighbours in the country mutually tice, and against the indignation of the Roman dreaded each otheras informers and spies. The people. Some of these murderers,” they con-money which the master of a family was suptinued, “we have already chastised; others, being posed to have in his house, was considered as an at the head of powerful armies, threaten to frus-additional reward to the treachery of his domestrate the effects of our just resentment. Having tics. The first citizens of Rome were prostrate such a conflict to maintain in the provinces, it at the feet of their own slaves, imploring protecwould be absurd to leave an enemy in possession tion and mercy, or perished in the wells or comaf the city, and ready to take advantage of any imon sewers, where they attempted to conceal unfavourable accident that may befall us in de-themselves. fence of the commonwealth. For this reason, Persons havifig any private grudge or secret we have determined to cut off every person who malice, took this opportunity to accomplish their is likely to abet their designs at Rome, and to ends. Even they who were inclined to protect make this desperate faction feel the effects of that or conceal the unhappy, were terrified with the war which they were so ready to declare against prospect of being involved in their ruin. Many, us and our friends. who themselves, contrary to expectation, were ” We mean no harm to the innocent, and shall not in the list of the proscribed, enjoyed their molest no citizen, in order to seize his property. own safety, in perfect indifference to the distress We shall not insist on destroying even all those of their neighbours; or, that they might distinwhom we know to be our enemies; but the most guish themselves by their zeal for the prevailing guilty, it is the interest of the Roman people, as cause, joined the executioners, assisted in the well as ours, to have removed, that the republic slaughter, or plundered the houses of the slain. may no longer be torn and agitated by the quar-There were killed, in the beginning of this rels of parties who cannot be reconciled. massacre, Salvius, one of the tribunes of the peo”Some atonement is likewise due to the army ple, together with Minucius and Annalis, both insulted by the late decrees, in which they were in the office of praetors. Silicius Coronas, a perdeclared enemies to the commonwealth. son already mentioned, who being one of the “We might,”’ they continued, “have surprised judges at the citation of Marcus Brutus and and taken all our enemies without any warning, Caius Cassius for the murder of Julius Cwsar, had or explanation of our conduct; but we chose to ventured, in the presence of Octavius, to hold up make an open declaration of our purpose, that the into view the ballot by which he acquitted them, innocent may not, by mistake, be involved with and who, although at that time in appearance the guilty, nor even be unnecessarily alarmed.” overlooked, now perished among the proscribed. They concluded this fatal proclamation, with a Many tragic particulars, in these narrations, prohibition to conceal, rescue, or protect any per-I seem to be copied from former examples of what son whose name was proscribed; and they de-happened under Marius Cinna andSylla, of per clared, that whoever acted in opposition to this sons betrayed by their servants, their confidants, order, should be considered as one of the nlumber, and nearest relations, and with a treachery and and involved in the same ruin. They declared, cruelty, which seemed to increase with the corthat whoever produced the head of a person ruptions of the age; but yet not without instances proscribed, if a free man, he should receive of heroic fidelity and generous courage, of which twenty-five thousand Attic diadchms or denarii, human nature itself ever appears to be capable, and if a slave, should have his liberty, with ten e oven in the most degenerate times. thousand of the same money; and that every The slave of one of the proscribed, seeing solslave killing his master, in execution of this pro-diers come towards the place where his master scription, should have his freedom, and be put on lay concealed, took the disguise of his clothes, the rolls of the people in the place of the person and presented himself to be killed in his stead. he had slain.

Another slave agreed to personate his master, At the time that this proclamation and the and being carried in his litter, was killed, while preceding lists were published, armed parties had the master himself, acting as one of the bearers already seized on the gates of the city, and were of the litter, escaped. Another having been forprepared to intercept all who attempted to escape. merly branded by his master for some offence, Others began to ransack the houses, and took was easily suspected of a desire to seize this optheir way to the villas and gardens in the sub-portunity of being revenged; but he chose the opposite part. While his master fled, he put 3 Dio. Cass. lib. xlvi. Appian. lit[ mv. himself in the way to stop his pursuers, produced

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358 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [Boox V. a head, which he had severed from a dead body in search of this prey, arrived at the villa. Pcin the streets, and passing it for that of his mas-pilius had received particular obligations from ter, procured him the means of escape. Cicero, having been defended by him when tried The son of Hosidius Geta saved his father by upon a criminal accusation; but these were times, giving out that he was already killed, and by ac-in which bad men could make a merit of ilngratitually performing a funeral in his name. The tude to their former benefactors, when it served son of Q.uintus Cicero, though, in the former to ingratiate them with those in power. This part of his life, often on bad terms with his father,fficer, with his party, fin(ling the gates of the and with his uncle, and often undutiful to both, court and the passages of the villa shut, burst ended his days in an act of magnanimity and filial them open; but missing the person they sought affliction; persevering in the concealment of his for, and suspecting that he must have taken his father, notwithstanding that the torture was ap-flight again to the sea, they pursued through an plied to force a discovery, until the father, who avenue that led to the shore, and came in sight was within hearing of what was in agitation, of Cicero’s litter, before he had left the walks of burst from his concealment, and was slain, toge-his own garden. ther with his son.l On the appearance of a military party, CiceQuintus Cicero, who perished in this manner, ro perceived the end of his labours, ordered the was for some time in concealment with his bro-bearers of his litter to halt; and having been hother Marcus, having been in the country, or therto, while there were any hopes of escape, having escaped from the city on the first alarm distressed chiefly by the perplexity and indecision of these murders. The brothers are mentioned of his own mind, he became, as soon as his fite as being at Tusculum together, and as setting appeared to be certain, determined and calm. In out from thence for Astura, another of Cicero’s this situation, he was observed to stroke his chin villas on the coast, intending to embark for Greece; with his left hand, a gesture for which he was but as Quintus was entirely unprovided for the remarkable in his moments of thoughtfulness, voyage, and his brother unable to supply him, and when least disturbed.

Upon the approach they parted on the road in agonies of grief. In of the party, he put forth his head from the litter, a few (lays after this parting, Quintus having put and fixed his eyes upon the tribune with great himself under the protection of his own son, re-composure. The countenance of a man so well ceived, though in vain, that striking proof of his known to every Roman, now worn out with fa filial affection and fidelity, which has just been tigue and dejection, and disfigured by neglect of mentioned. the usual attention to his person, made a moving Marcus Cicero having got safe to Astura, em-spectacle even to those who came to assist in his barkled, and with a fair wind arrived at Circeii.

murder. They turned away, while the assassin WVhen the vessel was again about to set sail, his performed his office, and severed the head from mind wavered, he flattered himself that matters his body. might yet take a more favourable turn; he landed, Thus perished Marcus Tullius Cicero, in the and travelled about twelve miles on his way to sixty-fourth year of his age. Although his chaRome:2 but his resolution again failed him, and racter may be known from the part which he he once more returned towards the sea. Being bore in several transactions, of which the accounts arrived on the coast, he still hesitated, remained are scattered in different parts of this hi’tery, yet on shore, and passed the night in agonies of sor-it is difficult to close the scene of his life, with out row, which were interrupted only by momentary soime recollection of the circumstances which starts of indignation and rage. Under these were peculiar to so distinguished a personage. emotions, he sometimes solaced himself with a He appears to have been the last of the Romans, prospect of returning to Rome in disguise, of’ kill-who rose to the highest offices of state by the ing himself in the presence of Octavius, and of force of his personal character, and by the fair staining the person of that young traitor with the arts of a republican candidate for public honours. blood of a man, whom he had so ungratefully None of his ancestors having enjoyed any conand so vilely betrayed. Even this appeared to siderable preferments, he was upon this account his frantic imagination some degree of revenge; considered as a new man, and with reluctance but the fear of being discovered before he could adrr.itted by the nobility to a participation of hoexecute his purpose, the prospect of the tortures nor-s. It was however impossible to prevent his and indignities he was likely to suffer, deterred advancement, so long as preferments were distrihim from this design; and, being unable to take buted according to the civil and political forms of any resolution whatever, he committed himself’ the republic, which gave so large a scope to the to his attendants, was carried on board of a ves-industry, abilities, and genius of such men.

Unsel, and steered fbr Capua.3 Near to this place, der those forms, all the virtues of a citizen were having another villa on the shore, he was again allqwed to have some effect, and all the variety ot landed, and being fatigued with the motion of the useful qualifications were supposed to be united in sea, went to rest; but his servants, according to forming a title to the confidence of the public; the the superstition of the times, being disturbed with qualifications of a warrior were united Mwith those prodigies and unfavourable presages, or rather of a statesman, and even the talents of a lawyei being sensible of their master’s danger, after a and barrister, with those of a senator and colnlittle repose awaked him from his sleep, forced sellor of state. The law required,4that the sane him into his litter, and hastened again to embark. person should be a warrior and statesman, and it Soon after they were gone, Popilius Lenas, a was at least expedient or customary, that he tribune of the legions, and ITerennius, a centu-should be also a barrister, in order to secure the rion, with a party who had been for some days 2 _ lu Ca~- x4

Ten or fifteen years imilitary service was required 1 Dio. Cass. lib.

xlvii. Appiai.. de Bell. Civ. lib. iv. as a qualification for the higher offices of state. Vid 2 Plut. in Cieornn. 3 Ibid. Polyb. ubi supra.

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CHAP. IV.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 35S public favour, and to support his consideration on his couch at his meals. That of Cicero was with the people. received by him with the joy of victory; he gazed Cicero was by no means the first person at upon it with singular pleasure, and ordered it, Rome, who with peculiar attention cultivated the together with the hand, to be exposed on the rostalents of a pleader, and applied himself with ar-trum from which this respectable citizen had so dour to literary studies.

He is nevertheless uni-often declaimed, and where these mangled parts versally acknowledged, by his proficiency in these of his body were now exposed to the view of a studies, to have greatly excelled all those who multitude, that used to crowd to his audience.6 went before him, so much as to have attainedthe Fulvia too had her enemies on this occasion, and highest preferments in the commonwealth, with-received the bloody; tokens of their execution out having quitted the gown, and to have made with a savage avidity and pleasure, which to his first campaign in the capacity of Roman pro-those who judge of propriety from modern cusconsul, and above ten years after he had already toms, or who form their opinions of the sex frora exercised the supreme executive power in the the manners of modern times, will scarcely apstate. pear to be credible. When the head of Cicero. To the novelty of this circumstance, as well as in particular, was brought to her toilet, with a to the novelry of his family-name in the list of. peculiar and spiteful allusion to the eloquence, by officers of state, was owing somne part of that ob-which she herself, as well as her present and forloquy which his enemies employed against him; mer husbands.

had been galled, she is said te and it mlay be admitted, that fobr a Roman he was have fcrced open the jaw, and to have pricked too much a mere man of the robe, and that he and tore the toncue with the point of a bodkin, possbly may have been less a statesman and a which she took from her hair.

warrior, for having bten so much a man of letters, In this horrid scene of revenge and cruelty, and so accomplished a pleader. rapacity too had its share, many persons were Cicero, whether we suppose him to have been proscribed, merely that their estates might be governed by original vanity, or by a habit of conbrought into the cofiers of the triumvirs; and siderinul the world as a theatre for the display of many persons were threatened, to induce them his talents, and the acquisition of fame, more than to ransoln7 their lives with money. The list reas a scene of real affairs, in which objects of se-ceived frequent additions, and underwent many rious consequence to mankind were to be treated, alterations, some names being scratched out, and was certainly too fond of applause, courted it as others inserted, a circumstance, by which persons a principal object even in the fairest transactions of any considerable property, as well as those of his life, and was too much dependant on the who were obnoxious to any of the persons in opinion of other men to possess himself sufficient-power, were kept in the most anxious state of ly amidst the difficulties which occur in the very suspense and uncertainty. Many who were arduous situation which fell to his lot. Though spared by the public usurpers of government, fell disp)osed, in the midst of a very corrupt age, to a sacrifice to the resentment of their private enemerit commendation by honest means, and by nies, or to the avarice of those who wished to the’support of good government, he could not possess themselves of their property;8 and the endure reproach or censure, even from those names of many persons who had been thus slain, whose disapprobation was apresumption of inno-without any public authority, were afterwards’cence and of mnerit; and he felt the unpopularity inserted in the list of the proscribed, in order to of his actions, even where he thought his conduct justify the murder. the mIost meritorious, with a degree of mortifica-The troops were sensible of their own importtion which greatly distracted his mind, and shook ance on this occasion, and set no bounds to their his resolution. Being, towards the end of his pretensions. They solicited grantsofthe houses lite, by the almost total extirpation of the more of persons reputed to be of the opposite party; or, respectable citizens and members of the senate, being the only buyers at the frequent sales which who had laboured with him for the preservation were made of forfeited estates, obtained the pos of the commonwealth, left in a situation which session of them by a kind of fictitious purchase. required the abilities of a great warrior, as well as Not satisfied with the price which was paid them those of the ablest statesmen, and in which, even for the blood of the proscribed, or with the extrasuch abilities could not have stemmed the tor-vagant gratuities which they frequently received, rent which burst forth to overwhelm the republic, they were, under various pretences, hastening to it is not surprising that he failed in the attempt. seize every subject that tempted their avarice. Antony, at the same time that he gave orders They intruded thenlselves into every family, and for the death of Cicero, gave directions that no t laid claim to every inheritance; they plundered only his head, but his right hand likewise, w;vith at discretion the houses of the rich, or murdered which he had written so many severe invectives indiscriminately those who offended them, or whc against himself, should be cut off,5 and brought to stood in their way to t!he possession of wealth, him as an evidence of the execution. they encouraged, by their example, fugitive In the course of these murders, the heads of slaves; and disorderly persons of every description, the slain were usually presented to the triulmvirs, who. forming themselves into bands in the disand by their orders set up in conspicuous places, guise of soldiers, engaged in the same practices, while the bodies were cast into the river, or suf’- and perpetrated the same crimes. fered to be exposed in the streets. Antony The triumvirs, whose principal object it was havinll more resentments to gratify than either to secure the government, though noways interof his colleagues, had the heads of his enemies ested in these extreme disorders, which far exbrought to him in great nunlbers, even as he lay 6 Appiani. de Bell. Civ. lib. iv. 7 Dio. Cass. lib. xlvii.

5 Plut. in Cicerone. 8 Ibid. c. 12. Appian. de Bell. Civ. lib. iv.

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360 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [Booii V. ceeded what they originally projected, not daring of the proscribed; but the purchase of such to restrain the military violence, lest it should estates was justly reckoned invidious among a recoil on themselves, left for some time the lives, certain class of the people, who declined being as well as the properties of the people, entirely at partakers in the spoils of innocent and respectable the mercy of the troops; and citizens, who were citizens; and it was dangerous for an ordinary reputed to have any effects in reserve, were fain citizen to appear to be rich, or in condition to to adopt some soldier as a son, in order to obtain buy: insomuch, that they who nurdered the his protection. owner, were almost the only buyers of estates Such are the particulars which are recorded of that were exposed to public sale; and the money this famous transaction, which, however monwhich arose from these sales, fell greatly short of strous in those who gave rise to it, far exceeded the expectations which had been entertained from the bounds of their original design. When the them. evil had in some measure spent its force, its au-It was computed, that two hundred millions, thors were willing to divert the attention of the Roman money, were yet wanting to supply the public, or to efface the melancholy impressions expense of the war.4 In order to make up th-. which remained. For this purpose, Lepidus and deficiency, the male sex chiefly having hitherto Plancus being about to enter on the office of suffered by the public exactions, a contribution consul for the following year, on some slight pre-was levied from such women related to the oppotence of a victory gained by the army in Gaul, site party as were supposed to be rich. At the entered the city in procession; but suspecting same time persons of every description whose that the people were more inclinable to dejection estates exceeded one hundred thousands Roman than triumph, they directed the public, by a pro-money, were commanded tq give an account of clamation, to give on that day the demonstrations their effects, that they might pay a tax equal to of joy which generally made part in the recep-a fiftieth of their stock, and one year’s income of tion that was given to victorious generals.l their ordinary revenue.6 The soldiers indeed were not wanting, as usual, To enforce these exactions, hitherto unusual in in the petulant sarcasms and familiar abuse, in Italy, much violence was necessary. The rents which they availed themselves of their present of houses in the city, and the produce of lands in consequence: they sung, in their procession, the country were sequestrated, leaving only one scurriious ballads, alluding to examples of parri-half for the subsistence of the owners. In this cide aa well as murder committed by their chiefs manner, great sums of money were levied from in the late proscription; by Lepidus and Plancus, the peaceable part of the commonwealth; but as that of their own brothers; by Antony and Octathe triumvirs hoad incurred a very heavy debt in vius, that of their nearest relations and friends.2 their military operations, and in bounties to seBut at the disposal of such masters as these, every cure the troops in their interest, and had in proscitizen who was likely to frown on their crimes, pect an arduous and expensive war against Bruevery person whose countenance gave signs of tus and Cassius, armed with the tforces, and dejection, or sorrow, every possessor of land, supported by the treasures of the east, the.first and ewery father of a family, had reason to trem-sums which came in were far from being suffible for their persons, their possessions, and the cient for their purpose. Additional exactions safety of their children. were made, under the denomination of fines or Such was the aspect of affairs in Italy; but’forfeitures, from those who were alleged to have there were still some rays of hope, which shone given in a false state of their effects. from a distance. Not only Brutus and( Cassius; In inmitation of the late sanguinary proscripin their provinces of Macedonia and Syria; but tions, the consuls published lists of all who had Cornificius in Africa, and Sextus Pomnpeius in incurred this penalty, and ordered their effects Sicily, still held up the standard of the republic, accordingly to be seized. The inhabitants of and oftered places of refuge to its friends.

Sex-the towns were obliged to find subsistence for the tus Pompeius stationed ships on the coast to re-troops that were quartered on them, and the ceive them, and published rewards for the rescue country was pillaged, under pretence of a search or protection of his father’s party, and of those that was made for the effects of rebels. The pay unfortunate remains of the commonwealth.3 Pau-of the soldiers accumulating in the hands of their Ins, the brother of Lepidus, though abandoned leaders, was considered, together with the advanto destruction, was suflered to escape by the sol-tages which they expected at the end of the war, diers of the army, from a respect to himself or to as a pledge of their attachment and perseverance their general. Lucius Cesar was protected by in the cause.7
his sister, the mother of Antony. Messala es-Although few men were now left in Italy, who caped to Brutus. Many others, whose names could forget their own fears so far as to think of only are known, took refuge with one or other of the commonwealth, or who could be suspected of the leaders, who were in condition to contend for any design to restore the ancient government, tle republic, or for the sovereignty of the empire. yet this was made the ordinary ground of suspiLepidus and Plancus being en-cion against those whom the triumvirs wished to U. C. 711. tered on the office of consul, had in oppress; and the desire to remove it, led all orL. 5.1

Plan-charge from the triumvirs, as the first ders of men to afflect a veneration for the memory nus, JI…. object of their magistracy, the raising of Caesar, and to vie in their zeal to avenge his Lepidus. of money to supply the farther exi-death. The anniversary of this event was made gencies of the war. Great sums had a day of mourning. A shrine was erected on the been expected to arise from the sale of the estates 4

Appian. de Bell. Civ. lib. iv. 1 Appian. de Bell. Civ. lib. iv. 5 About eight thousand pounds. 2 De Germanis non de Gallis triumphant Consules. 6

Appian. ut supra.’ Appian. ut supra. Dio. Cass. lib. xlvii. c. 12. 7 Dio.

(‘C~i lib. xlvii. c. 14,15

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CHAPt IV.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 361 place of his funeral, and was declared to be a from an island of so much consequence, sent public sanctuary, and place of refuge even to Salvidienus with a fleet towards the straits of criminals. The divine or monarchical honours Messina, while he himself marched by land to which were thus paid to the memory of the dead, Rhegium. A sea fight soon after ensued, from preserved in the minds of the people that disposi-which the fleets retired with equal loss.

Salvition to endure a master which was thought fa-dienus put into the harbour of Balanus to refit; vourable to the living usurpers, and which the and Octavius, being arrived at Rhegium, was division of power between them might have other-meditating a descent upon Sicily, when he rewise diminished.8 ceived pressing instances from Antony to join Agreeably to the model of Julius Cfesar’s ar-him at Brundusium, that they might endeavour rangements, preparatory to his intended expedi-to repel the stormn which was gathering from the tion into Asia, the triumvirs, before the departure east, and which seemed to threaten their esta. of Octavius and Antony on the service to which blishments in Italy with the greatest hazard.‘3 they were destined, fixed the succession to all the Marcus Brutus, after fortune seemed to have offices of state for some years. They had under declared for the republican party at TXiutina, their command an army of forty legions, which thinking himself at liberty to attend to the affairs they now separated into two divisions.9 The one, of the east, and to support Cassius in his struggle under the direction of Antony, was assembled on for the possession of Syria, riad passed with his the eastern coast to be in readiness to cover Italy army into Asia. in order to cut off all suppllies on that side, or to pass into Macedonia, and to from Dolabella, and to avail himself of the recarry the war against Brutus and Cassius into sources, for the pay and subsistence of the army, that province. The other was destined to rewhich were still to be found in that opulent promain in Italy, in order to secure the head of the vince.

WVhile he was employed in the execution empire, and oppose any attempts of the opposite of this design, the important events already menparty by sea from Sicily or Africa, which were tioned took place in that quarter.

Cassius had still in their possession. prevailed in Syria, got entire possession of the Sextus Pomneius, the last of the family of the province, was acknowledged as general by all the great Pompey, in consequence of the resolutions armies which had been assembled by either party passed in his favour soon after Casar’s death, had beyond the boundaries of Cilicia; and he was set out from Spain as adlnliral of the Roman navy, meditating an exp)edition into Egypt, to punish and fixing his station in Sicily, had a numerous Cleopatra for the part she had taken against him fleet, and mustered considerable land forces.10 in his contest with Dolabella, and to raise a conWVith these, in the war which immediately fi)l-tribution in her country for the farther support lowed, he wished to co-operate with the com-of the war. bined armies of the two consuls, Hirtius and The victory obtained at Mutina, though by an Pansa; but was prevented by a doubt which army which till then was reputed on the side of arose, whether the veterans of Casar, who com-the commonwealth, made a great change to its posed great part of that army, would act in con-prejudice, giving an opportunity to its enemiesto cert with a son of Pompey?‘li Upon the coalition declare thenselves, and to unite their forces; in of Octavius with Lepidus and Antony, he again sonmuch, that by the coalition of Octavius and became an exile, but continued in possession of Lepidus with Antony, all the remaining armies Sicily, a province, which, by the present division of the west were joined, not only to subdue the of the empire, was comprehended in the lot of capital, but to carry the war into Macedonia and Octavius. Asia, the last retreat of the republican interest.

Cornificius, by commission from the Roman Brutus being informed of these circumstances, senate, still held the province of Africa, and re-and of the late proscriptions, sent a message to fused to surrender it to Sextus, an officer who Cassius, with pressing instances to divert him had been sent by Octavius, in consequence of from his project against Egypt, and to turn his the same distribution, to take possession of it in forces to the rescue of the commonwealth from the his name. The dispute being likely to end in a hands of tyrants, and to avenge the innocent blood war, the opposite parties applied to the neigh-which had been so copiously shed in Italy. bouring princes for aid; but the lieutenant of Upon these representations, Cassius, having left Octavius having his commission from the su-a legion to secure the possession of Syria, marched preme authority then established at Rome, or to the westward, alnd in his way raised large being known to represent the triumphant party, contributions for the support of the war. Among was acknowledged by most of the African powers the other measures which he took for this purpose, in alliance with the Romans. Being joined by he surprised Ariobarzanes in his palace, and their forces, he came to an action with his anta-obliged him to deliver’

up the money then in his gonist near Utica, and obtained a victory, in treasury. He pillaRed the city of Tarsus; and, which Cornificius was killed. Lelius and Ros-upon account of the support which the inhacius.

two officers of rank in the vanquished army, bitants of that place had given to Dolabella, subperished by their own hands.‘2 As many as jected them for the future to a heavy tribute.14 could find shipping, escaped to Pompey in the About the middle of winter, Brutus and Casisland of Sicily.

sius, with their armies, joined at Smyrna. These Soon after this event, Octavius, being desirous restorers of the republic had parted some months to dislodge the remains of the republican party before at Pireus, one bound for Syria, the other for Macedonia; but more like exiles than Roman officers of state, without any men, shipping, or 9 Appian. Cast infrali.

10 Di… ib. xlviii.. 1. moneyv andl under great unoertainty of their suc.

9 Appian. ut infra. 10 Dio. Cass. lib. xlviii. e. 17. 11 Cicer Philip.

xiii. cess, in obtaining possession of the provinces on 12 Appian. de Bell. Civ. lib. lv. q22., &c. Dio. Cass. lib. xlviii. c. 21. 13 Appian. ut supra. 14 ]irl. 2Z

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3t;62 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK V. which they had their several pretensions. Their Roman army, pursuing the party who had made affairs now bore a different aspect; they had a this sally, entered the city alcong with them, and numerous fleet, and a mighty land force, large not being properly supported, suffered the gates sums of money already amassed, with the re-to be shut, and themselves to be cut off from all sources of a territory the most wealthy of any relief. Being instantly surrounded by the inhapart in the Roman empire.1 Brutus proposed bitants, numbers of them were killed, and the that they should, without delay, transport their remainder forced into a temple, where they enforces into Europe, and prevent the triumvirs deavoured to defend themselves. from getting any footing in Macedonia or Greece; This circumstance produced the most vigorous but Cassius contended, that they had yet enemies efforts on the part of the besiegers, to force the or allies of doubtful fidelity in Asia, and that it walls, that they might rescue their friends, or would be imprudent to leave any such behind make a diversion in their favour. They appltied them, or to forego the treasure which they might scaling-ladders to the battlements, and Ilorcing yet command in that country, and which would engines to the gates; and having at last made enable them to reward and to encourage their their way into the town, that they might at once armies. terrifv the inhabitants, and give notice of apBrutus determined by these considerations, proaching relief to their own party, they raised a accordingly marched into Lycia, while Cassius milghty shout as they entered the streets, and proceeded to execute a project he had formed for continued to urge their fury, in every direction, the reduction of Rhodes.

His fleet being on with fire and sword. The inhabitants, unableto their wav to turn the Capes of Asia, in order to resist this storm, retired to their houses, and sulpport him in this design, the Rhodians, trust.-
there, determlined to maintain their ancient fame, ing to their superior skill and reputation as mari-chose rather to perish by their own hands, than ners, assembled all the ships they could muster, submit to the enemy.

The father of every faand, near to the harbour of Lindus, ventured to rilv, beginning with the slaughter of his wife engage those of Cassius; but being inferior in and( children, proceeded to kill himself: number and weight of ships, they were defeated WNhile the ( co01le of Xanthus were employed with considerable loss. Cassius beheld the en-in the execution of this purpose, Brutus hearing gageiment from a high land’on the continent, the cries of (esi;erationl and of murder, supposed and as soon as the ships could be again refitted,2 that his troops had refiused to give quarter, and ordered the fleet to Loryma, a fortified har-were killine the wretched inhabitants of the place, bour In the continent, over against the island of without distinction of sex or ace. In order to Rhodes; fronm thence he embarked his army. put the speediest stop to so horrid a scene, his He himself, with eighty galleys, escorted the first thought was to bring off the troops, by transports in their passage, landed on the island, sounding a general retreat; but being informed and besieged the capital both by sea andt by land. that the people were perishing, not by the cruelty The Rhodians having trusted entirely to the of his army, but by their own desperation, he ordefenlce of their shipping, were unprovided of all dered to be proclaimed a general freedom and things necessary to withstand a siege. Cassius, protection to all the inhabitants; but so long as by surprise, or by the treachery of a party within any considerable number of the citizens reimained, the valls, soon became master of the place, laid the officers who came near theni, even with an it under a severe contribution; and having left ofier of quarter, were answered with threats, or an officer of the name of Varus to commaind in with showers of darts and of’ arrows, obliged to the island, he returned to the continent with a keep at a distance. The temples anl public great accession of reputation and wealth. buildings were, with great difliculty, saved from Brutus at the same time had forced the passes fire; hut none of the inhabitants could be rescued, of the mountains, leading into Lycia, and ad-besides a few women and slaves. vancing to Xanthus, summoned the town to sur-Brutus, greatly afflicted with this piteous carender.. This place had acquired much fame by tastrophe, nlarched with reluctance towards Pathe obstinate resistance of its inhabitants, or by tara, where the inlhabitants were supposed to be the desperation they had shown, when forced, on infected with the same desperate spirit; antI, to former occasions, by Harpalus, the general of prevent the necessity of such fatal extremities, Cyrus, and by Alexander in his way to the consent a message to prevail on the people to surrenquest of Persia.3 Upon the approach of Brutus, der, and to accept of his protection. The exthey razed their suburbs, and removed every ample of Xanthus appeared much too atrocious building which might cover the advances of an to be followed; and they submitted to pay the enemyv. The walls were surrounded by a ditch contributions which were exacted from thelm. fifty feet deep; and this being the first impedi-Lentuius, at the same time, who commanded ment which Brutus had to encounter, he began the fleet which had been employed in transportthe attack with a continual labour to fill it up, ing the army of Cassius into the island of Rhodes, and to effect a passage for his engines to the foot forced his way into the harbour of Andriaca, the of the rampart. Having accomplished this ob-port of Myra, by breaking the chain which was ject, he proceeded to cover his workmen with stretched across the entrance; and this place galleries, and to erect the engines usually embeing reduced, the inhabitants of Lycia sent. olers ployed in making a breach. He was opposed by of submission and of their services in the war, the besieged in repeated sallies, in the last of agreed to pay a certain tribute, and to join the which his works were set on fire, and reduced to fleet with their galleys.

Lentulus, being acashes. cordingly reinforced with a great accession of In the mean time, two thousand men of the ships, set sail for Abydus, the shortest passage into Europe, where he was ordered to wait the 1 Plat. in Bru.o. 2 Appian. ut supra. arrival of the land forces. 3 Ibid. lib. iv. At the same time, Murcus, commanding an

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CHAP. V.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 36.q other squadron belonging to Brutus and Cassius, enumerated their resources with the other advan upon a report that Cleopatra, with a numerous tages they possessed, and took notice of the pune fleet, was at sea, to effect a junction with Octa-tual discharge of all former engagenieni-ts, as the vius and Antony, had been stationed at the Cape best security which could be given of a fixed inof Tenarus to intercept her; but being informed tention to make a suitable provision for every solthat the Egyptian fleet was dispersed, or had sufdier who should contribute to bring the war to a fered much in a storm, he weighed from Tenarus, favourable issue. “The unjust reproaches of and steered for Brundusium, took possession of our enemies,” he said, ” we could easily disprove, an island at the mouth of the harbour, and from if we were not, by our numbers, and bv the thence intended to prevent the transportation of swords which we hold in our hands, in conddition any troops from Italy to Macedonia or Greece. to despise them. WVhile Cesar led the armies of He had however arrived too late to effect the the republic against the enemies of Romle, we whole of this purpose. Great part of Antony’s took part in the same service with him, we obeyarmy was already transported, and he himself, ed hinm, we were happy to serve under his coinwith the remainder, waited for favourable winds oland. But when he declared war on the cornto run or pass unnoticed in the night. moniwealth, we becanme his enemies; and when In this state of the war, Brutus and Cassius, he became an usurper and a tyrant, we resented, having accomplished the services in which they as an in-jurT, even the favours which he presumed had been severally engaged, again assembled their to bestow upon ourselves. Had hte bee n to fall a forces on the right of the Meander. It is said, sacrifice to private resentllment, we should not that they began their conference on bad terms, have been the proper actors in the execution of the effect of a jealousy which 4had been indus-the sentence against him. tie was willing to triously raised between them; but there did not have indulged us with preferments anll honours; appear any consequences of a mlisunderstanding; but we were not willing to accelpt, as the gift, of a and their joint forces, without delay, began to master, what we were entitled to claiml as free move towards Europe, in order to check the ad-citizens. We conceived, that, in presuming to vances which the enemy were already making in confer the honours of’ the Roman republic, he enMacedonia.

Having passed the Hellespont, they croached on the prerogatives of the Romnan people7 niarched, by the isthmus of Cardia, to the coast and insulted the authority of the Romlan senate. of the bay of Melanus; here they nmade a halt ibr ” Cesar cancelled the laws, and overturned the some days, to muster and to review their forces. constitution of his country; he usurped all the The army of Cassius consisted of nine legions, powers of the commonwvealth, set up a monarchy, that of’ Brutus of eight, amounting to about and himnself afiected to be a king. This our aneighty thousand men, formed in the manner of cestors, at the expulsion of Tarquin, hound themthe Roman infantry. Brutus had four thousand selves amid their posterity, 1y the lost solemn Gaulish and Lusitanian horse; two thousand oaths, and by the most direful inlprmcations, necavalry, made up of Thracians, Illyrians, Par-ver to endure. The same obligation has been thians. and Thessalians. Cassius had two thou-entailed upon us as a debt by our:athers; and we, sand Gauls andl Spaniards, and four thousand having faithfully paid and discharged it, have Parthian archers mounted on horseback. They performed the oath, and averted the consequences were followed likewise by some princes of Ga-of failure fromn ourselves, and filoii our posterity. latia, at the head of their respective forces. The “In the station of soldiers, we nlirht have whole, by this account, amounted to near a hun-committed ourselves without reflection to the dred thousand men. Many of the legions had command of an officer, whose abilities arid whose been formed under Cansar, and could not be re-valour we admired; but, in the character of Rotained in their present service, without frequent man citizens, we have a far diflfremnt part to susliberalities, and without a prospect, at the end of tain. I must suppose, that I now speak to the the war, of settlenlents. not inferior to those which Ronlan people, and to citizens of a free republic; were enjoyed or expected by the troops of the op-to men who have never learned to delpend upol. posite side. The wealth of Asia, however, having others fi(r gratifications alld favours, vwhlo are not put their leaders in condition to perform what accustomed to own a superior, but who are theinwas at present expected from them; all former selves the masters, the dispensers of foirtune and engagements were now fulfilled, as thebest earnest of honour, and the givers of all those dignities that could be given of future gratuities. and powers by which Caesar himself was exalted, At the close of this muster, Cassius and Bru-and of which lie assumed the entire disposal. tus, with all the officers of senatorian ranlk, who Recollect fronm whom the Scipios, the Poripeys, were then present, being assembled on a plat-even Casar himself derived his honours: from form, raised as usual to some height from the your ancestors, whom you now represent, and ground, were surrounded by the army, who from yourselves, to whomn, accordingr to the laws crowded to hear the speech of their leaders; and of the republic, we, who are now your leaders in it was supposed, that what they were to deliver the field, address ourselves as your kellow-citizens should have the effect of a manifesto or procla-in the commonwealth, and as persons depending mation, respecting the cause in which they were on your pleasure for the just reward and retribuengaged. Cassius spoke for himself, for his col-tion of our services. Happy in being able to league, and the body of senators who attended restore to you what Casar had the presumption them; addressing this motley assemblage of na-to appropriate to himself, the power and the digtive Romans and aliens, of citizens and soldiers nity of your fathers, with the suprenle disposal of fortune, collected from diflerent parties, as an of all the offices of trust that were established for assembly of the Roman people deliberating on your safety, and fobr the preservation of your their public rights. He mentioned the mutual freedom; happy in being able to restore to the confidence that was natural between officers and tribunes of the Roman people the power of promen engaged, as they were, in a common cause; I tecting you, and of procuring to every Roman

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364 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [Booe V citizen that justice which, under the late usurpa-route from that which the enemy had )ccupied. tion of Ciasar, Wvas withheld, even from the sa-Under this guide they marched three days among cred persons of those magistrates themselves. the mountains, and having crossed the summit, “An usurper is the common enemy of all good descended in the track of a river towards Philipcitizens; but the task of removing him could be pi, situated on the eastern boundary of the plains the business only of a few. The senate and the of Amphipolis.

This march carried them into Roman people, as soon as it was proper for them the rear of the enemy’s station, and would have to declare their judgment, pronounced their ap-enablezd them to cut off their retreat, if intelliprobation of those who were concerned in the aence had not been carried to Saxa and Norbadeath of Cmsar, by the rewards and the honours nus time enough to enable them to withdraw which they bestowed upon them; and they are These officers accordingly abandoned their post, now lcome a prey to assassins and murderers; fell back forty or fifty miles3 to Amphipolis; and they bleed in the streets, in the temples, in the having put this place in the best posture they most secret retreats, and in the arms of their fa-could for defence, determined to await the arrival milies; or they are dispersed, and fly wherever of Octavius and Antony.

they hope to escape the fury of their enemies.- Brutus and Cassius took post at Philippi, on Many are now present before you, happy in your the declivity of the mountains, near to the pass protection-happy in witnessing the zeal which which Saxa and Norbanus had lately abandoned.

you entertain for the commonwealth, for the They encamped about two miles4
from the town rights of your fellow-citizens, and for your own. on two separate eminences, about a mile5 asunThese respectable citizens, we trust, will soon, by der. On thir right was Philippi, covered by your means, be restored to a condition in which the mountains: on the left en ilpassabl!e marsh, they can enjoy, together with you, all the honours which reached about nine miles from their camp of a free people, concur with you in bestowing, to the sea.6 In their front the country from Phiand partake with you in receiving, the rewards lippi, westward to Amphipolis, extending about which are due to such eminent services, as you forty or fifty miles, wa, flat and subject to floods are now engaged to perform.”

and inundations of the _ rers. The fleet,was in Such is the substance of what we receive as harbour at Neapolis, near where the marsh, which the speech of Cassius on this memorable occasion, covered the left of Cassius’s camnp, terminated in and, although we may not consider these com-the sea; and Cimber had fixed on that place as positions as the genuine record of what was the port to which all their convoys should repair, spoken, yet as they contain the ideas and rea-and by which they expected to be plentifully supsonings of times so much nearer than ours to the plied with necessaries from Asia, and the coasts date of the transactions to which they refer, it is of the Egean sea. They formed, at the same time, undoubtedly fit, and often instructive, to retain a Inagazine in the island of Thasus, out of the the argumnent on which they are founded. At reach of the enemy, at which to lodge in safety the close of this speech, it is said that Cassius the surplus of their provisions and stores. resumied the comparison of the forces and re-Antony and Octavius had been employed, dusources of the opposite parties, stated to his army ring the swinter, in transporting their forces into their own equality by land, and their superiority Macedonia; and having effected their passage, by sea; the facility with which they were to be notwithstanding the vigilance of the enemy’s supplied with all necessaries; and that he confleet, their army advanced by rapid marches to cluded, with a promise to pay an additional gratu-the river Strymon, in order to preserve Amphiity of fifteen hundred sesterces to each man.2
polis, and to carry the scene of the war as far as After this solemnity, the army again began to they could from Italy. Octavius had been taken advance; and while they marched in small divi-ill, and remained behind at Dyrrachium. Ansions by the route of JEnos and Doriscus, Cim-tony, upon his arrival at Amphipolis, having ber, with a squadron of galleys, having a legion found the town in a posture of defence, fixed and a considerable detachment of archers on upon it as a place of arms, for the security of his board, sailed towards the coast of Macedonia, heavy baggage and stores. From thence he adwith orders to search for a proper station within vanced upon the flat country, through a march the mountains of Pangeus, a ridge which, stretch-of some days, and pitched in sight of Philippi, ing from Thrace southward, terminated in the within a mile of the enemy’s stations. bay of Strymon,,opposite to the island of Thasus. It was the object of the triumvirs to bring the The generals, upon their arrival on the river war to a speedy issue, as they foresaw the diffiNessus, fobund that the usual passage of the culty of being long able, without any supply of mountains at Symbolus was already seized by provisions from the sea, to maintain so numerous Saxa and Norbanus, who, with the first division an army by the sole resources of the neighbourof Antonv’sforces from Italy, had traversed Ma-ing country. Brutus and Cassius, on the concedonia, and hastened to possess themselves of trary, perceived their own advantage, and were this pass, in order to stop the farther progress of determined to protract the war. They fortilied their enemies in Europe. their camps with great care, and joined them to Here the eastern armies were accordingly stop-each other; and to the town of Philippi on the pel, and were likely to end their career in Thrace, one side, and to the morass on the other, with while their antagonists continued in possession such works as formed a continued chain to cover of Macedonia, and preserved the most convenient their communication, for about twvelve miles from retreat for their shipping in the bay of Strymon. the town of Philippi, to the port of Neapolis. They were relieved, however, from this appre-Antony’s camp being on the plain, and in a hension by Ruscopolis, a Thracian prince, who low situation, was overlooked by the enemy, and attended them, and who pointed out a different 3 350 stadia. 4 Eighteen stadia. 1 Appian. de Bell. Civ. lit. iv. 2 About 121. 5 Eight stadia. 6 Seveuty. stadia.

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CIAP. IV.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC.?365 subject to be overflowed by the torrents which operation in the marsh, drew fortl his army likefell fromn the hills. He made every possible ef-wise; and having greatly the advantage of the fort to bring his antagonists to action, and by his ground, did not suppose that the tnernv, in such forwardness in pressing them to a battle, raised circumstances, would venture upon a general acthe courage of his own troops, and assumed, as tion. In this however he was disappointed. Anis common with those who act offinsively, the tony, seeing Cassius.expose his front, discontinlued appearance of superiority. While he yet conti-his work in the morass, mounted the height in nued in this posture, Octavius, though not en-his presence, forced him to retire, even took and tirely recovered from his illness, joined him from pillaged his camp; and thus showed, in his turn, Dyrrachium. They took two separate stations what are the effects of an impetuous attack upon opposite to those of the enemy; Octavius oppo-an enemy who are disposed to think themselves site to Brutus, and( Antony to Cassics. The secure. number of legions, on both sides, were equal; but These separate actions; or the preparations those of Antony and Octavius were not complete. which were made for them, had filled up the In cavalry they were unequal; that of Hrutus greater part of the day. It was already dusk, and Cassius amounting to twenty thousand, and the field, for the most part, was covered with while that of Octavius and Antony was no more clouds of dust; so that no one could see to a disthan thirteen thousand. tance. Those who commanded on the right in Antony and Octavius, in order to force their both armies, having put those who were opposed antagonists to a battle, or to cut off their cornm-to them to flight, thought that the event was demunication with the sea, formed a design to cisive in theirown favour. But Brutus and Anpierce the morass, and to seize upon the heights tony being informed of what had pass(ed on the beyond it on the left of Cassius’s camp. In the other wings of their respective armies, neither work which they carried on for this purpose, they attempted to keep the advantage he had gained. were covered by the reeds, which grew to a great Disqualified by fatigue or surprise from renewing height in the marsh; and in ten days, without the contest, they passed each other on the plain, being observed, by means of timbers, hurdles, and hastened back to their former stations. and earth, which they sunk as they advanced, ac-Cassius, after the rout of his division, with a complished a passage, and sent in the night a few who adhered to him, had halted on an emiparty of the r army to occupy the opposite heights, nence, and sent Titinius to the right, with orders to make lodgments, and to intercept the commu-to learn the particulars of the day on that side. nication of their antagonists with Neapolis, from This officer, while yet in sight, was met by a which they received their daily supplies. party of horse emerging from the clouds of dust As soon as Brutus and Cassius perceived this on the plain. This party had been sent by Bruadvantage gained by the enemy, they took mea-tus to learn the situation of his friends on the sures to recover it, and to open their own access left; but Cassius, supposing them to be enemies,again to the sea.

For this purpose they, in their and believing that Titinius, whom he saw surturn, traversed the morass in a line which crossed rounded by them, was taken, he instantly, with the passage which the enemy had made, and the precipitant despair, which, on other occasions, piercedi their highway with a deep and impass-had proved so fatal to the cause of the republic, able ditch. Having in this manner cut off the presented his breast to a slave to whom he had enemy’s parties that had passed the morass from allotted, in case of any urgent extremity, the ofany succours or supplies from their main body, fice of putting an end to his life. Titinius, upon they were about to force them, when Octavius his return, imputing this fatal calamity to his and Antony endeavoured to recover their passage; own neglect in not trying sooner to undeceive and to divert the attention of the enemy from his general by proper signals, killed himself, what they were doing in the marsh, drew forth and fell upon the body of his friend.7

Brutus their armies on the plain. soon after arrived at the same place, and seeing While Octavius was still confined by sickness, the dead body of Cassius, shed tears of vexation his lieutenant, or next in command, took his and sorrow over the effects of an action so rash place in this movement, and advanced toward the and precipitant, and which deprived the republic intrenchment of Brutus. The light troops began and himself, in this extremity, of so necessary to skirmish on the ascent of the hill.

And, not-and so able a support. This, he said, is the last withstanding it was the resolution of both leaders of the Romans. in the republican army not to hazard a battle, The surviving leader of the republican party, except in defence of their own intrenchments, the in order to prevent the impression which the legions of Brutus observing, from their parapet, sight of a funeral so interesting was likely to what passed between the advanced parties in make on the army, ordered the body of Cassius front, were so animated or incensed, as not to be to be carried to the island of Thasus, and there restrained. They accordingly quitted their lines, privately interred. He himself spent the night attacked the wing on which Octavius was sup-in reassembling the troops who had been disposed to command, drove them back to their persed, formed both armies into one body, and ground, and continuing their pursuit, even forced drew the whole into one camp. He still kept his them in their camp. Octavius himself; having ground at Philippi, and endeavoured to support been carried from his bed to a litter, narrowly the courage of the troops, and to replace the acescaped falling into the enemy’s hands. tivity and military skill of his unfortunate colOn the other wing Antony likewise had ad-league. In his addresses to the army, he set forth vanced towards the camp of Cassius; but as he the advantages they had gained as more than sufwas observed, at the same time, beginning to ficient to compensate their losses. He represented work in the morass, this movement of his army the distressed condition of the enemy, who, havwas considered as no more than a feint to favour ~he other design. Cassius, to divert him from his 7 Dio.

Cass. lib. xlvii. c. 34. Appian. lib. iv.

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36 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOY K V ing already exhausted the province of Macedonia themselves with their swords, grappling an(, in their rear, were obliged to bring their provi-j lashing their transports to the shipls of the enesions from Thessaly, which was at a greater my; but in this attempt, being galled with Ilisdistance, and not likely to supply them so long. siles from the arnled galleys, particularly with “The seaports,”’ he observed, “being every where burning darts, by which some of the transports blocked up, and their convoys intercepted by a were set on fire, the others, to avoid the flanes, fleet of above two hundred and sixty sail, the were obliged to keep at a distance; and the prospect of what they must speedily suffer will rTeater part of them suffering extremely without make them imniatient for action. They will being able to annoy the enemy, were sunk or provoke,” he said, “they will attempt to insult destri fed. Calvisius himself, having beell five you; but this appearance of courage is a mere days at sea, with difficulty escaped to Brundueffect of despair. Only wait the result of these slum.

circumstances, and perseverance will render your These tidings had their effect in both armies. victory easy.” He supported these exhortations In that of Brutus they inspired an unseasonable with giving the army full satisfaction in all their ardour, and a disposition to commit the cause of claims and pretensions, and with an additional the party to the hazard of a battle; in that of gratuity of a thousand sesterces to each man.l Antony and Octavius, they impressed the necesThe leaders of the other side, at the same time, sity of a speedy decision. These leaders, tc were equally employed in what was necessary to aniuse their own troops, and to provoke the entepalliate the sufferings, or to raise the hopes of my, had seized, in the night, a post on the declitheir own army. Though not equally in condi-vity below the ground which was lately occulpied tion to make present donations, they amply sup-by Cassius. They were suffered to mlake a plied this defect with expectations and promises. lodgment upon it by Brutus, who had not any They declared their intention of giving an addi-apprehension that he could be annoved from a tional gratuity of five thousand sesterces to each situation that was so much lower than his own.

private man,2 five times as much to the centurion, On the following day it apparend, that their inand the double of this sum to the tribune. ” Judlge tention in seizing this post wvas to cover a moveye,” said Antony, in his address to the army, ment, which they proposed to niake to the right “who has suffered most by the mutual pillage of on the edge of the morass; which they accordyesterday? You, who have left all your effects ingly executed, and pitched again in two separate behind you in Italy, or the enemy, who came to encampnents. In this new position they were their ground loaded with the spoils of Asia? observed to sound the morass, and either intendTheir own general, by killing himself, has pro-ed a feint, or had a real design, by eflecting a claimed your victory. We declare you victo-commnunication with the opposite side, again to rious, by bestowing upon you the rewards of cut off every intercourse of Brutus with his ships. valour to which you are entitled. If the enemy But finding that all the heights on the opposite choose to dispute your claim to these rewards, let side were now secured against them by intrenchthem meet us again in the field. They shall ments, they dropped that intention, and( endeahave an opportunity to-morrow, and for some voured, by frequent alarms, and by exposing dlays to come; if they shrink and remain behind their own parties on the plain, to engage their their entrenchments, I shall leave you to deter-antagonist in a general action. mine who is vanquished in the trial of force Brutus, in the mean time, having secured his which we have had.”

own communication with iNeapolis, by a proper Antony and Octavius accordingly drew forth disposition of posts from his present encamptheir army for many days successively, and were ment to the sea; and trusting that his enemies greatly embarrassed with the resolution which nlust, upon the approach of winter, be obliged to appeared to be taken by the enemy, not to hazard evacuate Macedonia, or to separate their army for a battle.

They began to suffer greatly for want the convenience of finding subsistence, persisted of provisions, and felt the approach of winter, in his resolution to protract the war. In this which, in a marshy situation, threatened them conjuncture he wrote to his friend Pomponius with growing inconveniences. Brutus, to hasten Atticus in the following terms: ” My object is the effects of the season, had turned the course secure; for either I shall, by my victory, rescue of a river from the hills, and laid under water the Romans from the servitude into which they part of the plain on which they encamped.3 At are fallen, or perish in the attempt, and by dying the same time a recent calamity, which befel myself escape from slavery. I have done nly them at sea, increased these distresses, and di-part, and wait for the issue in which public freeminished their hopes of relief. dom or death is to follow. As for Antony, who On the same day on which the late battle was has chosen to become the retainer of Octavius, fought at Philippi, Domitius Calvisius had sailed rather than a sharer with us in the equal ribhts from Brundusiurn, having on board of transports of a citizen, he has a different alternative, either two legions, of which the Martia was one, with now to perish with this young man, or, being the two thousand men of the pratorian bands, and a dupe of his artifices, to become hereafter the subbody of horse, convoyed by some galleys, or ships ject of his government.“4 of force. Being met at sea by the fleet of Brutus, The troops of Brutus, however, could not be consisting of a hundred and thirty sail, under reconciled to this dilatory plan; they began to Murcus and Ahenobarbus. a few of the headmost complain that a victorious army should be cooped and best sailit g ships escaped; but the remainder up behind intrenchlnents, and should be insulted ibeing surrounded had a., resource but in the va-like women; even the officers, pretending to realour of the troops, wh- -ndeavoured to defend son on the state of the war, censured their general for losing the opportunity, which so great an 1 A bout 81. 2 About 401. 3 Zonarus, 4. 19. p. 381 4 Plutarch.

in Bruto.

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CHAP. IV.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 367 ardour in the army gave him of deciding the con-up with heaps of the slain. No stratagem is said test at a blow. They allge(ed, that even if the to have been practised, or any accident to h-ve attempt should prove unsuccessful, he might still happened, to determine the ihte of the Jday oI return to the execution of his defensive and dila-either side; but, after a severe contest, the arm) tory operations. of Brutus began to give way, at first slowlyv, and Brutus was aware that the army, now under almost insensibly; linut being pressed with’growhis command, having been trained up as mere ing violence, they were thrown into solie corlfusoldtiers of fortune, had no principle of attach-sion, and gave up the day without ho {es of rement to either side; that it was necessary to covery. In the disorder that fobllowedl numbers, consult their inclinations, as well as to flatter who fled to the camp, finding the entrances obtheir hopes. He remembered that Cassius had structed by the crowds that strugrled lt aridmisbeen obliged, in many thinas, to abate the usual sion, despaired of safety there, and passed’on to rigour of his discipline; and being himself of a the heighits in its rear. Octavius advanced to mild and indulgent nature, he yielded to those the enelny’s camp to secure, or to keep in awe who were under his comrmand; or riot being able those who had taken refuge within it. Antony to stern the torrent which daily increaseld, he suf-pursued those who were dis:)ersetd on the heights, fered the impatiellce of his own men to hurry him and, at the approach of night, made the necessainto a risk of all his fortunes. In about twenty ry dispositions to hinder those who were within days after the former action,5 overcome by mere the intrenchment, or those who were in the field, importunities, he drew firth his army on the de-from rallying or assemnlling again; and emlployed clivity before his camp; the enemy, at the same parties of horse all night to scour all the avenues time, according to their usual practice, were in search of prisoners. forming upon the plain; and both sides foresaw Brutus himself being cut off from the camp the approach of a general engagement. and closely followed, Lucilius, one of’ his comIHistorians introduce their accounts of the last pany, to give him time to escape, afl’ectinll to action at Philippi, with a detail of forms and so-personate his general, and falling behind, was lerniities, which, on other occasions, they have taken. This captive, supposed to be Brutus. the either omitted to mention, or which were not leader of the republican army, being cond(ucted to equally observed. As soon as the parole or word Antony, to whom he was known, met with a refor the daty was given over the different divisions ception not unworthy of his genlerous artifice. of the respective armies, a single trumlpet sound- “You intended,” said Antony, to those who ed the signal of battle; and was followed by a brought the prisoner, with a politel ess which numerous band, which played an air, while the seemled to refute some of the ilmputations onl his legions were dressing their ranks, and while the character, “to bring me an eneily, but you have men were trying and handling their arms. brought me a friend.“6 Brutus, being on horseback, passed along the Brutus, in the mean time, having in the dark lines of his own army, and exhorted his men not passed a brook that ran between steel) and rocky to quit the advantage ofthe ground on which they banks coveredl with wood, male a halt, with a stood, by advancing too far to meet the enemy. few friends, on the opposite side, as in a place of “

You have promised me a. victory,” he said, “you safety. Being yet uncertain of the extent of his have forced rme to snatch it now, rather than to loss, he sent an officer to observe the field, and wait for a more secure possession of it hereafter. with orders, if any considerable body of the army It is your business to fulfil your own expectations were yet together, to light a blaze as a signal or and nlinle.” token, of its safety. This officer accordingly On the other side, Antony and Octavius were made his way to the camp, and finding it still in happy in having their fortunes, hitherto desperate, the possession of his friends, made the signal; but brought to the chance of a battle. They put their lest it should not be observed, he attempted to rearmy in nmind, that this was what all of them turn to his general, fell into the enemy’s hands, wished: “You are poor and distressed,” they and was slain. said, “but in the enemy’s camp you will find an As, fron the signal now made, it alppeared to end to your sufferings, and the beginning of Brutus and the small company who attended him, riches and plenty. From us, who are your lead-that the camp was still in possession of their er3, you may expect the rewards which are due own people, they thought of making their way to valour, and every effect of a disposition in us thither; but recollecting that the gre’ater part of which is sufficiently liberal, but which victory thu army were dispersed, they doubted whether alone will give us the power to indulge in the the lines could be defended until they could manner that we wish.” reach them, or even if they should be maintained In these preparations the day being far spent, so long, whether they could furnish any safe reand noon about three hours already past, the treat. While they reasoned in this manner, one trumpets on both sides having sounded a general of their number, who went to the brook for water charge, made a sudden pause, and sounded again, returned with an alarm that the enemy were while both armies being in motion, struck upon upon the opposite bank; and saying, with some their bucklers, advanced with a mighty shout, agitation, “We must fly.” ” Yes,” replied Bruand, under a shower of missile weapons of every tus, “but with our hands, not with our feet.”

sort, closed with their swords. They continued He was then said to have repeated, from some long with all the fury that kindles in the use of poet, a tragic exclamation in the character of short weapons, to struggle on the same spot. Hercules: “O Virtue! I thought thee a subThe places of those that fell in the first rank stance, but find thee no more than an enmpty were continually supplied from the ranks behind name, or the slave of Fortune.” The vulgar, in them; and the place of action begat to be choked their traditions, willingly lend their own thoughts 5 Plutarch. in Bruto. 6 Plutarch. in Bruto.

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363 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BooK V. to eminent men in distress; those of Brutus are Brutus to have been innocei. this extortion expressed in his letter to Atticus already quoted: and cruelty committed by his agent in Cyprus, “I have done my part, and wait for the issue, in or that such proceedings, though contrary to law, which death or freedom is to follow.” If he were so much authorized by the practice of the had ever thought that a mere honourable inten-times, as to stain the manners of the age much tion was to ensure him success, it is surprising more than the characters of individuals. Of he was not sooner undeceived. Being now to these conjectures, perhaps, both are in part to be end his life, and taking his leave of the company admitted: the law of the republic forbidding the then present, one by one, he said aloud, ” That interest of money under the denomination of he was happy in never having been betrayed by usury, inflamed, rather than prevented, the evil. any one he had trusted as a friend.” Some of’ Under this prohibition, the necessitous borrower them, to whom he afterwards whispered apart, was made to pay for the-risk and obloquy which were observed to burst into tears; and it appearthe lender incurred by transgressing the law, as ed that he requested their assistance in killing well as for the use of his money. It was imposhimself; for he soon afterwards executed this sible to prevent what is necessary in the common purpose, in company with one Strato and some course of things; persons having occasion for others, whom he had taken aside. money must borrow; and persons having money This catastrophe, as usual, set the imaginations will lend, in order to reap the benefit of it. It of men to work; and many prodigies and pre-appears to have been customary with towns in sages were believed to have preceded it. A spectre, the provinces, with corporations, and with deit was said, had presented itself in the night to pendent princes, to borrow money at exorbitant Brutus, when he was about to pass the felles-interest from the rich at Rome; and probably to pont, told him it was his evil genius, and was to employ that money in making presents to gain meet him ag(ain at Philippi; that here it accordthe powerful.4 Pompey had great sums owing ingly again appeared on the eve of the late action. to him in Asia, ajnd likewise received great preBrutus was then about thirty-seven or forty sents from thence. These we must admit to have years of age.l Next to Cato, he, of all the Ro-been great abuses; but individuals are not always mans, was supposed to haveacted from the purest accountable for the abuses of their age, even motives of public virtue. Cassius had too much where they have not corrected thenm in their own elevation of mind to endure a master; but Bru-practice. tus was likewise too just to have usurped on the Brutus and Cassius, the last unsuccessful rights of his fellow-citizens, even if they had been leaders of the republican party, even after it bein his power. His character, however, in some came a crime to mention their names with rerespects, is questionable; and we may not, spect, were revered in secret by every person who through the disguise of manners so different from had any memory or conception of the ancient reour own, be able to ascertain the truth. Cicero, public, and will, in every age, be held, in estimawho is at once the principal author of his fame tion by those who conceive merit as independent and of the exceptions which are taken against it, of fortune. Even Antony, it is said, when the charges him with an uncommon degree of arro-death of Brutus was reported to him, expressed,gance, and complains of the tone which, while the highest respect for his memory, covered his yet a young man, he took even with himself.2 remains with the imperial robe which he himself He likewise relates some particulars of a loan wore in the field, and ordered his obsequies to be which one Scaptius had transacted for Brutus in performed with the highest marks of distinction the island of Cyprus, and of which the payment and honour;5 in this instance, probably acting was exacted under the proconsulate of Cicero, from policy, or, under all the vices of dissipation with circumstances of uncommon avarice and and profligacy with which he was charged, knowcruelty; and that in this he even presumed to ing how to seize the occasion of gaining the demand that the Roman proconsul should sup-public esteem, by splendid pretensions to geneport him with all his authority. The loan was rosity and candour. usurious, and, in exacting the payment of it, the Octavius, who far excelled his colleague in the senate of Salamis, in the island of Cyprus, had ordinary arts of discretion and policy, is reprebeen surrounded by a party of cavalry, and shut sented as greatly inferior to him in his behaviour up from the use of food. Cicero writes of this -on the present occasion. It is said that he orproceeding to Atticus, with every expression of dered the head of Brutus to be carried into blame and indignation; and yet Brutus, then a Italy, and exposed on Cesar’s tomb; and, among young man, continued to be held in the highest other proofs of insolence and cruelty which he veneration and esteem by persons who were ac-gave in the present prosperous tide of his fortunes, quainted with these particulars. “If you should that having among his prisoners a father and son have no other advantage,” says Atticus, in writing of the name of Florus, he ordered that one of to Cicero, “from your present government, but them should be put to death, and that they should the opportunity of gaining the friendship of Bru-cast lots, or fight, to determine which should be tus, this alone will be enough.” And Cicero spared. Under this cruel sentence, the ththei in himself frequently mentions Brutus, after this treated that he himself might die. Octavius attransaction, with peculiar expressions of admira-tended to see the execution; anti, after the death’ion and love.3

So that we must either suppose of the father, likewise witnessed that of the son, who killed himself.6 1 Liv. Epitome, lib. cxliv. Vel. Paterculus, c. 72. That part of the vanquished army which fled 2 Ad Attic lib. v. ep.

21, et lib. vi. ep 1. Ad me autem etiamn cam rogat aliquid, contuinaciter, arroganter, XYzovWVJT0;, solet scribere. 4 Cicer. ad Attic. lib v. ep. 21.

3 Vid. lib.de Claris Oratoribus, cap. 3. &c. &c. 5 Plut. in Antonio et Bruto. This book is expressly dated after the return of Cicero 6 Sleton.

in Octav. c. 14. Dio. Cass. dates this par. from Cilicia ticular after the battle of Actium.

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CHAP. V.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 369 to the heights, being about fourteen thousand wrote to his family at Rome, gave directions men, hearing of the death of the last of their about his affairs, and then submitted himself to a leaders, surrendered themselves, and were equally person whom he had retained to put an end to divided between Octavius and Antony. Those his life. who remained in the camp, or at any of the out-It appears to have been a point of honour posts of the army, likewise laid down their arms.

among the Romans of this age, to perish by their Of the persons of rank who partook in the wreck own hands rather than by that of their antagoof their party at Philippi, some escaped by sea, nists, otherwise they could have easily, when forand joined Sextus Pompeius in Sicily, now the tune appeared to have declared against them, sole refuge of those who adhered to the common-forced the enemy to bestow that death which wealth. Others killed themselves, or in the late they afterwards obtained with great reluctance action had reftised quarter, and fought till they from their friends; and perhaps, in forcing matwere slain. Among the first were Livius Drusus, ters to this extremity, they might have turned the the father of Livia, afterwards the wife of Octa-fortune of battle. Cesar seems to have owed his vius. Among the second were two young men victory, on sorme occasions, to effobrts of this of distinguished names; Cato, the son of him sort, and his party in general prevailed by their who died at Utica, and Lucius Cassius, nephew perseverance under checks and difficulties, as of the late general. Labceo, with great delibera-much as by the advantage they took of their viction, prepared a grave for himself in his tent, tories.7 CHAPTER V. Immediate Consequences qf the Event at Philippi New Partition of the Empire made by Octa*ius and Antony-Their Separation-Progress qf Octavius at Romai-His Friends Ilaceneas and Agrippa-Alarm and Distress in Italy on. the Dispossession qf the Inhabitants to.make wayfor the Troops-Jealousy qf P17lvia and Luciuts Antonius-Blockade and reduction of Perusia-Progress qf Antony in. Asia-His Stay at Alexandria-Ineturn to Italy-Accommodatio~n with Sextus Pompeius-Return of Octarius and Antony to Ronme Their Policy. AMONG the immediate consequences of the lotted to them.-These articles were committed late event at Philippi, is mentioned the death of’ to writing, and the ratifications exchanged. AnPorcia, the wife of Brutus, and t:;e daughter of tony having received from Octavius a reinforceCato. Being suspected of an intention to kill mrent of two legions, departed for Asia, and herself, watched by her servants, and anxiously Octavius set. out on his return to Rome. precluded from the ordinary means of eflicting When accounts of the final action at Philippi that purpose, she swallowed burning coals, and were received in the city, a thanksgiving was expired.

This was said to have happened on ordered; and, instead of being limited to fifty or hearing of her husband’s death; but Plutarch sixty dlays, as in the late decrees which had cites a letter of Brutus, extant in his own time, passed in honour of Julius Cesar, this festival from which it appeared that this catastrophe pre-was now to be continued for an entire year. In ceded the death of Brutus, and was imputed to proportion to the aplproaches which the repubthe negligence of her servants, who attended her lican party made to its entire extinction, the few in the delirium of a fever.$ who remained of it carried an affictation of joy By the battles which had been fought in diffe-that kept pace with their real sorrow.

Their rent parts of the empire, by the late massacre in fears broke forth in profuse expressions of preItaly, and by the event of the war at Philippi, tended attachment and zeal for the honour of the last pillars of the commonwealth seemed to those.whom they dreaded. be removed, or but a few of its menmbers were left Under such an aspect of gladness, covering who had any zeal for its preservation. Octavius extreme anxiety or terror, the pacific inhabitants and Antony, upon the total and decisive victory of Italy looked for the arrival of an army which they had gained, without paying any regard to was to be gratified with their richest possessions.

the pretensions of Lepidus, made a new partition They remembered what had passed at former of the empire. Octavius, to his former lot, had military entries into Rome, and they anticipated an addition of Spain and Numidia; Anltony that the sufferings which were to be expected from a of the farther Gaul and the province of Africa.9 young man who had, during some time, and from It was agreed between them, that Antony should nmere policy, assumed an air of moderation, and prosecute the remains of the war in the east, and employed every artifice to forward his purpose; raise the necessary contributions to enable them but in proportion as he became secure of his end, to fulfil their engagements to the army: that Oc-he threw off his original mask, and concurred in tavius should return into Italy, conduct the war usurpations the most bloody of any that had against Sextus Pompeius, repress the diesigns of been known in the history of mankind. OctaLepidus, in case he should be dissatisfied with vius being detained by sickness on his way to the the present arrangement, and in proper time set-city, these gloomy apprehensions gainced force tie the veterans on the lands which had been al-from delay. It was supposed that he deferred his arrival only While he adjusted his plan or took 7 See the History ef the Campaigns on the Segra at measures to render its effects more certain. Every Dyrrachiulm, aand in Africa. one exaggerated the evil, but no one thoutght of’ 8 Pl!t. in Eruto. 9 Dio Cass. lib. xlviii. c. 1.

Iremedy. Such was the present state of a 1.;.3A

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370 THE PROGRESS AND TERMLINATION [BoosK V. less nobility and people, the remains of a commonties of Italy. In order to fulfil these expectations, wealth, lone accustomed to dominion, retaining it was necessary to dispossess the ancient inhabi their haughtiness while they lost their vigour, tarts; and as this was to be done without any long desirous of power, but unable to sustain the pretence of forfeiture, or delinquency of alny sort, wei ht of a free constitution. the unhappy.sufferers pleaded, that the lands in Octeavius gave notice to the senate, that his tended for the army should be taken by lot, or in cominm_ was delayed by sickness, accepted the equal proportions, and in every part of the emdecree of a continued thanksgiving for the late pire. But the soldiers were absolute, and not to victory obtained at Philiprpi, but desired it micght be satisfied but by immediate possession of the be understood, that this honllour was conferred on lots which had been actually assigned as the reaccount of the exemplary justice he had done on ward of their services.

A general order was ac, the assassins of his fithe r. The cunning with cordinaly signed for the present occupiers of those which heoccasionally dropt this pretence, or with lands to remove. The victims of this severity which he resume(l it, as the motive of all his pur-repaire(l to Rome in entire families; persons of suits, forms a striking part in his character.

He every sex, age, and condition crowded the streets, at one time co-operated with the conspirators, andr took shelter in the temples and other places of declared it to ibe his intention, in conljunction with public resort, and filled the city with conrpllints them, to restore the republic. Hle a:cordingly and lamentations.3 “The ancient inhabitants promoterd the resolutions which were taken at of Italy, citizens of Rome,”

they said, ”’.‘were Rome in favour of Decimus, as well at Marcus stri)pped of their possessions, and turned out to Brutus and Cassius, he promoted the election of perish wnith their children, to make way for adCasca into the office of tribune; he raised an ar-venturers who had subverted the laws of their my to support them against Antonv, and took country, andl who were to Iperpetuate the mirlitary into his councils the rmost vehenment partizans of usurpation they had established. The samne iothe senate. ” Wen Serl’ri. Galha, Ioldin thie lent hands which had stripped the Rolnan peovery dahger with whaltich h.e ntrrdcred Cccs(r,” ple of their sovereignty, were now to ble let loose said Antony to him, in his letter durinlr the siege on their property. The innocent, who had taken of Mutina, “is now employed in your crtrmp.“l no part in the late troubles, were to be sacrificed, As lihe often, however, on former occasions, merely because their possessions suited the concourted the army, lby afle-ctingr a pi(,us intention veniency of those who had alreadly brougrht so to avenge his father’s death, so he now recurred many evils on the commonwealth. Thlrey had to the same pretence, as the most likely to coun-been promlised protection from this partty; but terbalance the favour that was paid to the memo-were now to sufler, from their lretend(ed protectry of Brutus and Cassius, and the general regret ors and friends, greater evils than any conquered which attended the catastrophe of the last scene province hadl ever endured from the worst of its that was acted in behalf of the commonwealth. enemies.” About this time, Octavius was To these complaints both the army and its U. C. 712. known to have in his service two leaders were equally insensible, and proceeded, L. An~tonius, officers of distinguished merit, Mar-in particular instances, to acts of violence, which P. Servlius, cus Vipsplnius A’ rrippa, and Caius the execution of their general purpuose did not reFatlea Isau-n! ricus. - Cilnius Micenas; both wellqualified quire. They kept the minds of the people in in their respective parts to support suspense by their indecision in choosinlg their him in the pretensions he hadl formed oni the lots; by quitting those which were at first asempire. The first, by his courage and military signed, in order toexclhange them fbrothers; and, abilities, was qualified to supply or to conceal his by leaving particular persons without any regudefects as a soldier; the second, by his industry, lar grant or assignment, to make free with such his temper, his choice of friends, and his titnless lanlds as suited their conveniency. The leaders to soften the manners of the times, by diverting were obliged to connive at what they could not the minds of men from objects of public distress restrain, and gave way to a violence to which to the elegant and amusing occupations of literary they owed the possession of their power.4 genius, well qualified to smooth all the difficulThe army now considering the lands of Italy ties in the way of his civil administration. Al-as their property, looked upon every person inthough it had not yet appeared in what degree clined to protect the ancient inhabitants as their Octavius was to commit his affairs to such able enemy, resented every delay that was made in hands, his discernment in choosing them might gratifying their desires, and were equally insolent be considered as the presage of a fortune not de-to their own officers as they were to the people. pending on accidents, but founded on a real A party being asselnbled in the Campus Mlartius ascendant of understanding and judgment. to receive their dlismission and their assignments Upon the arrival of the young Caesar at Rome, of land; and havinrg some time waitedl for Octahe gave assurance to the senate of his intention vius, fron whom they expected sitisfaction in to avoid all unnecessary acts of severity.2 But the first object of his administration being to settle the veterans on the possessions which they 3 Publius Virgilius Maro is slid to have been of this te the veterans on the possessions which they 1,injured train. Ilsavinr hatd a small proiwerty in land had been made to expect at the end of the war, near Mantuia lie was stripped of it to rmtake way for an he was very soon led into a scene of extreme offlicer of the lefrions; a iwrong to which lhe so tenderly violence, and involved in great difficulties. alludes in his cclogue (Nos patrin tlines et drulcia linAt the formation of the triumvirate the army ims arva, nos patrialo fugilillr;) rlt being recommended to Mtecenas by Asinius Pollio, who com. had been flattered with the hopes of being settled manded in that part of Italy, hie obtained, from the reon the most fertile lands, or in the wealthiest ci-spect that was due to his fine genius, a protection which humanity and justice owe equally to every other person that was involved in this calamity.-Appialn. de 1 Cicer. Philip.

Antony t l’ctavius and Hlirtius. Bell. Civ. lib. v. 2 Dio Cass. lib.

xlviii. c.. 4 Appian. lib v.

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Cnr. V.J OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 371 these particulars, became impatient and clamor-By these means he filled Italy with his own re. ous, laid violent hands on Ninius, a centurion, tainers and friends; and Fulvia complained that who endeavoured to pacify them, and even threw Mark Antony should be thus deprived of the him into the river. where lie perished.

They fruits of a victory, which had been obtained afterwards dragged the dead body on shore, and chiefly by his conduct and valour. She appealed placed it on the way by which their general was to the legions, presented herself at their quarto pass, as a warning, that he himself should not ters, and, with her children in her arms, implored, slight their displeasure. Octavius beinr info)rmed, what she was pleased to call, a matter of right before h.c came abroadt, of this nmenacing insult in belhlf of her hus!and. which had been offered to his authority, saw the In this manner, persons representing the abnecessity of not appearing to be moved. He sent triumvir endeavoured to divide the party, passed the dead body without seemling to observe and to add to the scene of political confusion it, made the intended distribution of lmand to the I already subsisting, a breach and opposition of troops; and affecting to consider the murder of interest among those who commanded the army. Nonius as the effect of a private quarrel, in The country, at the same time, suffered from the which he was to take no part, left this dangerous interruption that was given by the fleets of Domeeting with an exhortation, that they should not mitius Ahenobarbus and Sextus Pompeius, from wea.ken their orwn cause by quarrellinir among the opposite ports of Illvricum and Sicily, to the themselves. importation of corn and other necessaries; and The cohorts which Octavius retained for the this circumstance, joined to the uncertainty of ordinary guard of his own plerson, treated him, property, and the other causes which interrupted on occasion, with equal disrespect.

As an in-industry, completed the distresses of Italy. stance of this sort, it is mentioned, that one of The people, although they were willihig to sub their body having, at the lublic theatre, seated mit to any government, were not likely to be long himself on the Equestrian bench, and the audiable to endure their present sufferings. The ence being scandalized at this act of presumption, friends of Antony eiideavoured to load Octavius the soldier was removed by order of his general; with the blame of these evils, and thought this a but his companions being made to believe that favourable opportunity to wrest the government he was carried away to be put to death, placed out of his hands. They founld fault with the prothemselves in the way of Octavius, as he passed vision he had made for the army as too scanty; from the theatre, and, with clamours and threats and they joined in the complaints that were of instant revencre, demanded their fellow-soldier made by the sufferers, who were dispossessed of to be restored. 5aving prevailed in this particu-their property to male way for the soldiers. They lar, they called upon him to declare what usage affected a design to restore the republic; and he-had received; and when they were told by Lucius Antonius, in the character of Roman himself that no violence had been offered to him, consul, called upon the remaining friends of the they alleged that he was hired to conceal the commonwealth to appear in support of their legal truth, and to betray the honour of the army, and magistrate. He professed his intention to make were scarcely to be appeased by his repeated. as-war even on his own brother, as well as on Ocaeverations to the contrary. tavius, if he should persist in his present usurpaIn these dangerous times, enormities which tions, or should attempt to obstruct the restoration were committed by disorderly persons of any de-of the laws. But, notwithstanding his professcription being imputed to the soldiers, were suf-sions to this purpose, he himself, affecting to befered to pass with impunity. Robbery and mur-lieve that his person was in danger, put his ders became frequent, and the city of Rome attendants under arms, and paraded the streets itself, as well as the provincial towns, was infest-at the head of a military force; a measure that ed by persons who, either from necessity, or from was ever considered at Rome as the intimation the license of the times, subsisted by rapine. No of a design to usurp the government. property was safe, and the condition of persons Octavius, greatly provoked by these attacks of all parties equally insecure. At Rome the which were made upon him by the representarent of houses fell to a fourth, and whole streets tives of Antony, repudiated the daughter of Fulappeared to be deserted.5 via, whom, at the formation of the triumvirate, In this distracted scene, nevertheless, there he had betrothed merely to serve a political purwere persons who envied Octavius the hateful pose, and whom he now returned to her family, pre-eminence which he seemed to enjoy. Among with express declarations of his never having these Manius, the person entrusted with the had any commerce with her as his wife. Fulvia, affairs of’Mark Antony, Lucius his brother, aflbecting to consider this insult as a prelude to now in the office of consul, and Fulvia his wife, greater injuries, appealed to Lepidus. in behalf of aspiring to a share of the government, became his absent colleague, and withdrew to Prvenest6, impatient of an administration from which they whither great numbers of all ranks and condithought themselves unfairly excluded. Not only tions, both civil and military, flocked to her L. Antonius, in the capacity of consul, but the standard. Here she put herself at the head of others also, in right of the absent triumvir, an army, held regular councils, and, with a thought themselves entitled to more consideration sword by her side, gave the parole, and frequently than they now enjoyed. harangued the troops. The power of distributing the lands and other In these hasty advances to a rupture, reprerewards to the army, it was observed, gave Octasentations to Antony, and preparations for war, vius a signal advantage over his colleague, and were equally made on both sides. It was yet fixed the expectations of all men upon him alone. uncertain how the army might divide between the parties. Octavius was likely, by his presence, to command the superior number; but great S

Dio. Cass. lib. xlviii. c. 9 part of the forces now in Italy had been levied in

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372 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BooK V lhe name of Antony, and still, according to the treaty, and with professions of having nothing at custom of those armies, bore his name on their heart besides your interest, he is arming himself shields. The two legions which were to have with the utmost diligence, and has reinforced the been transferred to Octavius, to replace those garrison of Brurindsiumn, with an evident purpose which he had given to Antony in Macedonia, to obstruct the return of his colleague, and your were still retained by Lucius Antonius for his principal friend, into Italy.” brother. The provinces of Gaul, with consider-Octavius being in possession of the capital, in able armies, ready to imarch into Italy, were order that he might appear to have, not only the under the government of Ventidius, of Plancus, authority of government, but the countenance and of Asinius Pollio, who were the adherents likewise of all the more respectable citizens of of Antony, and likely to espouse his cause. An-Rome on his side, called an assembly of the tony himself, by the superiority of his military senate, at which he invited the Equestrian order character, had, in the course of his joint opera-to attend. He represented to this assembly the tions with Octavius, greatly surpassed him, and calamities that were now impending over Italy had acquired a high degree of reputation with from the jealousy and restless ambition of a few the troops. It was, therefore, necessary for his persons, who called themselves the friends of rival to piroceed with great caution, and not Mark Antony, and he exhorted them with one rashly to draw upon himself, in this quarrel, the accord to join him in averting these evils. He weight of his colleague’s authority, nor to disgust accordingly obtained a deputation to be sent to the arlny, by appearing to be the aggressor in a Praneste, where the heads of the opposite party war between their leaders.

were still assembled, to remonstrate against their Such disputes were certainly in general disa-procedure. This measure however had no other greeable to the army, who, having subdued the effect besides that which Octavius proposed by republic, hoped, now at their ease, to divide its it, that of transferring to his enemies the blame spoils. It was necessary, therefore, for Octavius, of all the evils which were expected to follow.

if a war should ensue, to make it appear to be An expedient was proposed, more likely to the work of his enemies. For this purpose he prevent these evils, by a conference to be held by formed at Rome a council of the principal offi-the military officers of the opposite sides, who, cers; proposed that they should make inquiry perceiving themselves about to be involved in a into the crounds of the present dissension, and quarrel, were extremely averse to risk all the adoblige those who were in fault to submit to their vantages they had already obtained, without any decrees.

prospect of gain. This expedient of a military Fulvia and her partizans called this military congress was suggested by the officers themselves, convention by a ludicrous name, which we may and was readily embraced by their leaders. Gabii translate the ammunition senate,t and refused to being half way from Prmenest6 to Rome, was submit their cause to so new a tribunal. fixed upon as the place at which they should The army in general was alarmed at the pros-meet; but on the day on which they were to pet of seeing the civil war renewed. Two open their conference, parties of horse having legions that had first served under Caesar, and been, from some remains of distrust, without any afterwards under Antony, being now quartered concert, sent forward on both sides to escort their at Ancona, sent a deputation to Rome, with in-deputies, and mutually to observe each other, treaties that the parties would avoid a rupture. they met unexpectedly on the highway, and They were referred by Octavius to L.

Aunto-coming to blows, numbers were killed or woundnius, who, he said, was the aggressor; and pro-ed, and the intended convention was dropped.

ceeding, attended by a great concourse of people Each of the parties, in consequence of this to Pra3nest6, where the heads of the opposite accident, published a manifesto, and began to party were assembled, beseeched them to spare assemble in a hostile manner. Lucius Antonius,he republic, already too much afflicted with had ordered new levies, and with these, joined to civil dissensions. Thev were told for answer, the troops already on foot, under the authority that ” Octavius was the aggressor; that while of his brother, and who were now stationed in his colleague was raising money for the benefit of the nearer province of Gaul, under Calenus, he the army, he was artfully changing the inhabi-proposed to assemble an army of eleven legions. tants of Italy, and occupying all the important Octavius ordered six legions under Salvidienus, stations of the empire with his own retainers and from Spain; antl having already four in Italy, creatures; that the money, which, under prewith a considerable body of troops, which, under tence of supporting the war against Sextus Pom-the designation of Pretorian bands, made the peius, had been taken from the treasury, was by ordinary guard of his person, he took the field to Octavius diverted from its use, and employed in prevent the designs of his enemies. corrupting the troops of his friend; that the es-The nobility and citizens of rank were divided; tates of the proscribed, under the pretence of but the greater part, who had yet any hopes of sales, at which, besides the creatures of Octavius, seeing the civil government restored, thought there was no man to purchase, had been actually themselves safer in the party of the consul Luemployed by him for the same purpose; that, if cius Antonius, than in that of Caesar; and ache really meant to avoid a rupture, he ought to cordingly repaired to his camp. do nothing without consulting the friends of his Sextus Pompeius, on the eve of a contest thus colleague, who were equally entitled with him-likely to divide his enemies, might have made self to share in the fruits of their common victory himself of considerable consequence, or might oltained at Philippi., But I know,” said Lucius have obtained advantageous terms from either Antonius, “the falsehood of Octavius; while he party. His forces had been seen greatly augamuses you with the hopes of a negotiation and mented by the accession of two legions, the re— – -mains of the wreck at Philippi, that had escaped 1 Senatus Caligatus. with Murcus. He might have got a footing in

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CHAP. V.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 373 Italy, and, by the favourable disposition of many league Mark Antony, from the Roman citizens, who felt the oppression of the present governor rather supposed disorderly persons, who had ment. or dreaded the future effects of its tyranny, taken a part in this insurrection. The first, might have held the balance between the con-from pretended respect to their leader, he allowed tending parties. He, nevertheless, either under to withdraw with honour; the others he required the notion of leaving his enemies to waste their to surrender at discretion. In complying with strength against each other, or not having a this requisition, L. Antonius himself set the exsufficient genius for such arduous enterprises, ample, went forth in person to receive the victor’s suffered the opportunity to escape, and contented commands, and being courteously treated, alleged himself with endeavouring to secure his posses-his duty as a civil magistrate, and his desire ta sion of Sicily and Sardinia, which he hoped to restore the commonwealth, as an apology for his retain as a patrimony independent of Rome. conduct, and implored mercy for those who had Ahenobarbus, the other remaining leader or re-embarid with him in the same design. Octapresentative of the republican party, who was vius replied, ” That as his enemies had surrenstill hovering on the opposite coast of Italy with dered themselves at discretion, he should make the remains of the fleet, which he had conimand-no remarks on the truth of their plea, nor talk of ed under Brutus and Cassius, made frequent conditions, where he was not to be bound by a descents, and plundered the recent settlements of treaty; that he must now consider not only what the veterans. He even forced his way into the his enemies had merited, but what was due to harbour of Brundusium, took somle galleys behimself.” Having found among his prisoners longing to Octavius, and laid waste the adjacent some of the veterans who had served under Cwcountry; but, while he was acting in a manner sar, he was disposed to have ordered them all to equally hostile to both parties, the forces of the be executed; but observing that this measure triumvirs, indifferent to every external enemy, was extremely offensive to his own army, he began to assemble against each other. Lepidus confined his severities to the Roman citizens. declared for Octavius, and these two having left who, he pretended, had on this occasion acted the city together, Lucius Antonius presented with equal animosity to the army, and to himhimself at the gates, and was admitted. Having self. To avenge the supposed injury that’was assembled the people, he declared that his inten-done to the army, all persons of the civil description was to restore the republic. IIis brother, he tion, found under arms, were put to death. Of said, for the future desired no illegal powers, and these, Cannutius, C.

Flavius, Clodius, Bythiniwas ready to join in calling Octavius and Lepi-cus, and others, are mentioned by Appian.2 This dus to account for the tyranny they had lately Cannutius is said by Dion Cassius to have been exercised against the ancient inhabitants of Italy. the tribune, who presenting Octavius to his first In the mean time, the event of this contest audience from the people, contributed so much appeared to depend on the movements that were to the rise of his fortunes. making on the side of Spain and Gaul. Salvi-The greater part of the executions were perdienus being on his march to join Octavius, Asi-formed in the presence of Octavius, and in the nius and Ventidius hung on his rear. Agrippa, manner of sacrifices to the manes, or to the divian the part of Cesar, passed the Po in order to nity, of Julius Cuesar. In this form, however join Salvidienus; and having succeeded in this detestable, they were supposed, in that age, to design, they obliged Asinius and Ventidius to carry an aspect of piety, which sanctified the remain on the defensive, expecting the arrival of cruelty with which they were ordered, and with Lucius Antonius, who was on his march to sup-which Octavius himself witnessed the scene. port them. Four hundred of the senatorian and equestrian When Antonius came to a pass of the Apen-order are said, by Dion Cassius and Suetonius, nines, on the Flaminian way, he found the gorges to have perished in this manner.3 The magis-` of these mountains already occupied by Agrippa trates and council of Perusia, being separately and Salvidienus; not attempting to force them, ordered to execution, implored for mercy, but had he fell back to Perusia, and sent orders to Ventione general answer, You must dic.4 The place dius to join him by some other route; but Oc-itself, whether by the desperation of its inhabitavius having got possession of Sentinum and tants, or by the outrage of those who were now Nursia, two posts on the opposite sides of the become masters of it, was set on fire, and burnt mountains, effectually prevented the junction of to the ground. The country around being dehis enemies, assembled all his forces in the neigh-serted, or laid waste with fire and sword, and bourhood of Perusia, and invested Antonius in cleared of its former possessors, became a prey to that place.

Hie drew a line of circumivallation, such followers of the army as chose to occupy it.s extending about fifty stadia, or six miles, and At the date of this odious transaction, Octavius placed his-army between two parallels, equally was no more than twenty-three years of age; strong, against any attempts that were likely to be and though, in former examples of cruelty, his made from the garrison, or from the field. youth may have been overruled or misled by the Lucius Antonius being thus shut up in Peru-party-rage of his colleagues, yet, in this instance, sia during the autumn, and part of winter, and he himself betrayed a merciless nature, in the all the efforts of Fulvia, Asinius, Ventidius, and effects of which he had no man to share, or to Plancus, to succour him being inefi;‘ctual, he was divide the blame;6 and the world began to dread reduced, from want of provisions, to the greatest more from the separate power which he was extremities, and offered to capitulate. about to establish, than they did from the joint Octavius, in accepting this offer, with his usual address, took measures to divide his enemies, or 2’ Appian. de Bell. Civ. lib. v.

to sow the seeds of future jealousy among them. 3 Dio. Cass. lib. xlviii.

c. 14. 4 Sueton. in Octav. c. 15. He affected to distinguish the regular troops, 5 Diueo Cas. ib. lOta. i. 14 et 15. which had bteen formed to serve under his col-6 Livii Epitome, lib. cxxvi.

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374 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BooK V usurpation, in which he bore a part, with per-Antony, who paid more regard to wit than to sons, of whom the one was contemned for want the considerations either of humanity or justice, of capacity, and the other detested for his profli-was pleased with this answer, and agreed that gate manners. the proposed subsidy should be levied in two Before the breaking out of this years, instead of one.3 From Ephesus, he travelU. C. 713. war in Italy, Domitius Calvinus led by the coast towards Syria, laid heavy conand Asinius Pollio had been des-tributions, disposed of lands and country s ats, i7t. Dom. Catined consuls; and the year fol-of which he made gifts to his retainers and folPollio. lowinog that, in which these trans-lowers. He received frequent applications for actions passed, is accordingly dated such favours from those who attended him, under or inscribed with their names.

They were pretence that the estates, which they coveted, prevented, however, by this breach between the were either deserted or occupied by an enemy. adherents of Antonv and of Caesar, from taking To his cook, in particular, he is said to have given the formal possession of their office. the grant of a large possession, for having pleased Pollio, holding his commission from Mark him in the dressing of a supper. In his own beAntony, although he had no opportunity to act, haviour, he exhibited that dissipation and extrawas understood to join with the brother in the vagance, to which he ever returned in the molate division of their parties. While the war ments of triumph and relaxation, and showed, in continued, being stationed in his province in the the gayety and festivity of his court, a perfect district of Venetia, he carried on a correspond-contrast to the melancholy with which the inhaence with Ahenoharbus, and representing Lucius bitants of every province were seized on his Antonius, with his title of Roman consul, as approach.4 He had probably seen Cleopatra in legal headl of the republic, endeavoured to engage Italy, during her intimacy with Julius Crear; that officer on his side; but, in the event of the and now, supposing himself come in place of that war, this correspondence was broke off, and the successful adventurer, as head of the empire, he military adherents of Antony being dispersed or thought of this prize as the reward of his labollrs, cut oil, his relations and retainers fled in difflerent and possibly considered her as the principal obdirections. ject of his journey to the east. In order to Fulvia, escorted by three thousand horse, took heighten the scene of their meeting, with a farce the road to Brundusium, and from thence, with to consist of a supposed quarrel and recouciliaPlancus and some other attendants, under the tion, he affected to believe a report of her having convoy of five galleys, sailed to Greece.l Julia, ordered her fleet from Cyprus to join that of Casthe aged mother of Antony, took refuge with sius in the late war, and he sent her a formal Sextus Pompeius in Sicily.

Thither likewise summons to meet him in Cilicia, and to give in fled Tiberius Claudius Nero. with his wife Li-her answers to this heavy charge. via Drusilla, and her infant son, persons often to Cleopatra accordingly appeared on the Cvdnus be mnentione(d in the sequel of this history, as on board a galley, with a splendid retinue, and principal sharers in that power which now dazzled the Roman triumvir with the profusion seemed to ble raise(l on the ruin of their fortunes. of her ornaments, the elegance of her equipage, Others had recourse to the protection of Aheno-and the charms of her person. She was now barbus on the coast of Apulia. about nine and twenty years of age, and being WVlile the relations of Antony in Italy were acquainted with the languages and manners of engaged in this unfortunate contest, he himself dilferent nations, particularly instructed in the had passed from Greece throurlh Asia into literature of the Greeks, and being in the matuEgypt, where, believing all his difficulties were rity of wit and beauty, she joined the arts of a at an end, he indulged his natural tlisi)osition to coquet, with all the accomplishments which bepleasure and dissi)pation. At Ephesus he had came the birth and the high condition of a queen. assembled the principal inhabitants of the proBeing invited to sup with Antony, she pleaded vince of Asia, prolposed a contribution, and re-that he should begin with accepting her invitapresented the occasion which oblicged his col-tion. At their first entertainment, observing that leagues and himself to make a demanid for money. his raillery savoured of the camp, she humoured “qThey were about to disband the army,” he him in this nmanner, and even surpassed him in said,’ consisting of no less than twenty-eight the freedlnom of her conversation. legions, to whom were due great arrears of’ pay, From thenceforward Antony laid aside all together with deserved rewards and gratuities for business, followed the queen of Egypt to her past services. One of my colleagues,”.he con-kingdom, leaving his own provinlces exposed to tinuedl, “is gone into Italy to provide settlements an enemy, by whom they were soon after asfor this numerous army, or rather to remove all sailed and overrun and while this storm was the inhabitants of that country, in (irder to make raplr g in the east, and his brother, with his way for thenm. The task of finling supplies of’ other aherents in Italy, were struggling for his money lies upon me, and I am persuaded you share in the government of the empire, and will own we are very moderate, when we demand obliered to fly or submit to his rival, he passed the no more than you gave to our enemies. Neces-winlter at Alexandria in frolic and dissipation.i sity, however, obliges us to exact, in one year, To gratify the jealousy of Cleopatra, he ordered what Brutus and Cassius levied in two.”’” You Arsinoi, her sister and competitor for the throne, will please then to order,” said one of the audi-who had hitherto been confined at Miletus, to be ence, “two summers and two harvests in this put to death. In every other particular, lie sufwonderful year; for you, who can command us to fered himself to be governed by her caprice, and pay the tax of two years in one, can likewise order with the ensigns and attendance of a Roman conthe fruits of both years to be gathered in one.“2 sul, and first officer of the state in the empire, 1 Appian. de Bell. Civ. lib. v. 2 Ibid. 3 Plut. in Antonio. 4

Ibid,. 5 Ibid.

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CHAP. V.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. lived like a boy under the influence of his first assistance; or, in case matters were accommodaarnour. The course of his pleasures, however, ted otherwise, should not neglect his interest in was in a little time effectually interrupted, by a adjusting the treaty. report of the state of his affiirs in Syria and the Octavlus being informed of this interview, Lesser Asia. seized the opportunity which it gave him of Pacorus, the son of the king of Parthia, had raising suspicions against Antony in the minds passed the Euphrates with a great army, had of the veterans. He published the intelligence overrun Syria, and was making hasty advances he had received of his correspondence with the in Cilicia. He was conducted in this expedition head of the Pompeian faction, and represented it by Labienus, a Roman officer,6 who, on the part as a prelude to some scheme for restoring the eneof Brutus and Cassius, had resided at the court mies of the late Casar, for re-establishing the of Parthia while the fate of the empire yet re-ancient possessors of land in Italy, and, consemained in suspense at Philippi, and who now quently, fobr dispossessing the veterans of the setpersuaded the Parthians to attempt the conquest tlements recently mlade iii their favour. By of opulent provinces in their neighbourhood, spreading these reports in the army, he took which, together with the Roman republic itself, measures to strengthen himself, in case he’should were become the possession of mere adventurers, find it necessary to refuse his colleague a fiee adunacknowledged and unsupported by the laws of mission into any of the ports of ltaly. the commonwealth. Soon after the reduction of Perusia, Calenus, Upon this alarm, Antony had assembled the who commanded a considerable body of Antony’s naval forces of Asia and of Egypt, and had set forces at the foot of the Alps, dying, Octavius sail with two hundred galleys for the coast of repaired to the quarters of those troops, gained Phcenicia; when the misconduct and distress of them over to his own interest, and, in order to his relations in Italy were reported to him, and secure their fidelity, made the necessary change showed him the necessity of directing thither the of their officers. By these means, after he had armament which - he had fitted out against the supplanted the party of his rival in all the towns Parthians, in order to re-establish his interest, which they held in Italy, he now dislossessed and to save the remains of his power.7 Having them of the Cisalpine Gaul, for which their leader committed the command of his forces in Asia had so long contended against the senate. therefore to Ventidius, he steered for Greece. At the arrival of Antony in Greece, Octavius Upon his arrival at Athens, he was received by could muster a land force greatly superior to any Fulvia, whose salutations were probably less that could be formled against him, even by the flattering than those to which he had been lately junction of his rival with Ahenobarbus and Sexaccustomed in Egypt. The husband and the tus Pompeius; but he was so much inferior in wife, on this occasion, were mutually disposed to shipping, that if their fleets should unite, they blame and to recriminate.‘He complained of must be masters of the coast, and prevent all the the flame which had been so unseasonably raised Importations by which Italy was supplied from in his affairs in Italy, and she of his notorious abroad. To sow the seeds of some jealousy beinfidelities to her bed, and of his remissness in tween them, or to counteract the intrigues of the care of his interest. She was supposed, in Antony with Scribonius Libo and with Sextus fomenting the late quarrel with Octavius, to Pomnpeius, he made oflbrs of marriage to Scribohave acted so much from jealousy of Cleopatra, nia, the sister of Libo, and aunt of Pompey’s as to have industriously created troubles in Italy, wife; and this proposal being favourably received in order to hasten the return of her husband from by the brother, he sent Mucia, the mother of Egypt.

Sextus Pornpeius, with an honourable retinue, to At Athens, Antony was likewise met by Scri-engage her son likewise to promote the intended bonius Libo, the father-in-law of Sextus Pom-alliance. By these means, he hoiped to amuse, peius, who, under pretence of conducting his or to soften, the animosity of that family against mother Julia in safety to her son, brought overhimself; or at least, by these appearances of a tures of an alliance, and proposals to form some friendly correspondence with Sextus Pompeius, concert for the conduct of their operations on the in his turn, to alarm Antony, and thus to disconopposite coasts of Italy against Octavius. To cert any plan which his rival, in the prospect of this proposal, however, Antony made no decisive a breach with himself, might have formed for a reply. IIn the late partition of the empire, Italy coalition with the remains of the republican party. was not made a part in the separate lot of any This marriage with Scribonia, was the second of the triumvirs; but being equally open to all of project of the same kind which Octavius had them, Antony professed being on his way thither, formed before the age of twenty-four, merely to not as an enemy of Octavius, but as his colleague lull the vigilance, or to blunt the animosity of his in the government, equally interested with him-antagonists, while he himself continued to pursue self to preserve the capital of the empire undishis principal object with unremitting attention turbed. In answer to Libo, therefore, he ac-and ardour. knowledged his obligation to Sextus Pompeius, Antony, in every comparison with Octavius, for the honourable manner in which he had not only had the advantage of years, but was treated his relation, assured him, that if an op-reckoned the better soldier; and having had the portunity offered, he should be happy to return principal share, if not the whole honour of the the favour; and that if he were obliged to make victory at Philippi, had great authority in the war on Octavius, he should be glad of Pompey’s army, and was likely, wherever he appeared, to be favourably received by all the’roops who had 6 Supposed to be the son of him who served under any where served under his command. These, Julius Casar, in the reduction of Gaul, and afterwards upon his approach to Italy, under ariagainst him in the civil war. ous pretences, were sent eby his crafty rival into 7 Appian. de Bell.

Civ. lib. v. Plut. in Antonio. the distant provinces. Lepidus too, although he

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376 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [Book V had hitherto acquiesced in the late partition of were received, as the troops had frequent inter the empire, by which he had been stripped of his course, their mutual inclinations to peace beequal share in the power of a triumvir; yet, as came known to each other; and officers, who he was suffered to retain the title, and might had access to both their leaders, made formal throw his weight into the scale of either of the proposals to effect a reconciliation between them. other parties, or furnish a pretence for some part Antony, to evince his willingness to spare the of the army to follow him, it was thought proper, blood of the legions, dismissed Ahenobarbus, unon the present occasion, to remove hiln to a dis-der pretence of employing him to execute a comtance. For this purpose, the covernment of mission in Bithynia, andi at the same time sent Africa was assigned to hinm, and he himself, with instructions to Sextus Pompeius to withdraw six legions of doubtful inclinations, was dismissed from the coast. to take possession of that province. In this disposition of the parties, accounts were While Octavius was thus strengthening him-received of the death of’

Fulvia, an event which self in Italy, or removing every object of distrust greatly thacilitated the negotiation for peace, as it from that country.

Antony, with a less pacific ap-rave hopes of cementing the alliance of parties pearance than he had hitherto preserved, set out by a family connexion. It was accordingly profrom Athens, and leaving Fulvia ill at Sicyon, posed, that the sister of Octavius, and the widow;oined at Corcyra his fleet, which had come roundi of Marcellus, should be married to Antony: and, the Peloponnesus, and from thence sailed with upon this lbasis, a treaty was framed, including a two hundred galleys for the coast of Italy. He new partition of the enmpire, by which all the was joined by Ahenobarbus in his passage, and east, from the Euphrates to Codropo’is on the steered directly for Brundusium. As there coast of Illyricum, was assigned to Antony. was no declared quarrel betwixt himself and The west, firol thence to the ocean and the Octavius, he expected to be admitted into this British channel, was assigned to Octavius. Italy, port; but being disappointed in this expectation, as the seat of governlment, and the principal nurhe landed at some distance from the harbour, and sery of soldiercr for the support of their armies, invested or blocke.d up the town by sea and by was to be equally open to both. Lepidus wvas land.

Havincr thus committed hostilities, he no suffered to remain in the possession of Africa. longer hesitated in accepting the alliance of Sex-Ahenobarbus was included in this treaty, and tus Pompeius against Octavius, and iroposed to declared at peace with the heads of the emrpire; him to make a descent some where on the oppo-but Sextus Pompeius, notwithstaniding his late site coast of Italy, to distract the forces of their confederacy with Antony, and his newly concommon enemy, while he himself continued the tracted relation with Octavius,: was still to be siege of Brundusium. treated as an enienlk. He was to be opposed by Sextus Pornpeius accordingly, notwithstanding Octavius, while the.war with the Parthians was that the marriage of his relation Scribonia with suppiosed sufficient to occupy the forces of AnOctavius had taken place, not suffering himself tony. to be imposed upon by this artifice, landed at Upon the conclusion of this treaty, the leaders Thurio, in the bay of Tarentum, made himself gave mutual entertaiinments, and the troops, remaster of that place, and of the country from leased from the unprofitable task of making war thence to Consentia. He, at the same time, on each other, returned to the more agreeable sent Mmenas. one of his admirals, into Sardinia, occupation of receiving the rewards of their serwho got possession of that island, and gained to vices. They understood, that Antony had gone his party two legions that were stationed there. into Asia to raise the money, which was wanted Octavius sent Agrippa to oppose Pompey, to pay off their arrears, and to satisfy their claims: while he himself advanced for the relief of they had mantfold scores, in which they stated Brundusium, but in a manner which confirmed the rewards and gratuities which they had been the former suspicions of his personal courage. made to expect on diffirent occasions, and they Being taken ill on the march, he stopped short now became clamorous, in particular, for the at Canusium, and suffered Brundusium to fall sums which had been so liberally promised them into the hands of his rival.

Agrippa acted with before the battle of Philippi. The same violence more vigour; pressed upon the enemy who had which they had been taught to employ against landed near Tarentum, obliged them to abandon the civil government of their country, they were their conquests, and to take refuge in their ships. ready at times to turn against their own leaders. After Antony had got possession of Brundu-They addressed their demands, on the present siumn, it soon appeared that this unprofitable occasion, chiefly to Antony. From him they quarrel was equally disagreeable to the armies required an account of the money he had colon both sides, and each of the leaders, in order lected in Asia; and surrounding him in a muto exculpate himself to the troops, endeavoured tinous mariner, would not have abstained from to load his antagonist with the blame. Antony violence to his person, if they had not been complained that, without any offence on his part, pacified by Octavius, who, having been the inthe ports of Italy had been shut up against him. strument of former liberalities, had credit enough Octavius recriminated, by alleging the corre-with the army to make them acquiesce in the spondence of Antony with the Pompeian party, apology which was made for the delay of their and excused his own conduct, in the order he payment, and in the fresh assurances, which had given to shut the port of Brundusium, al-were now given, that all the promises which had leging, that this precaution was takenl, not been fornmerly made to them should be faithfully against Antony or the troops in his service, but performed. against Ahenobarbus, one of the assassins of All discontents for the present being suspend Cwesar, whom Antony had engaged to make war Upon Italy. 1 Dio. Cass. lib. xlviii. c. 28. Appian. de Bell. Civ In whatever manner these representations lib. v.

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CHAP. V.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 377 ed, the legions submitted to be sent into different Rome, although they had suffered themselves to quarters, and the leaders, with every appearance be stript of their political consequence as Roman of a perfect reconciliation, set out for Rome.

citizens, still felt the wants of nature, and were They made their entry into the city together, on provoked by exactions that affected their property: horseback, and dressed in triumphal robes; they they took courage from the disorders of the times, were received by the people, of every rank and and ventured to censute a usurpation, which condition, with demonstrations of joy, which, un-they had not daled to resist. “Italy, the head der the sense of a deliverance from the prospect of the empire,”

they said, ” long used to exempof a civil war, that had so recently threatened the tion from all taxation, was not only torn by doinhabitants of Italy, was very general and very mestic wars, but impoverished by an extortion sincere. that was practised to support quarrels, not with The pacific appearances, with which the joint foreign enemies, but with Romans, and to gratify sovereigns of the empire made their entry at the vanity or emulation of fellow-citizens, who Rome, were confirmed by the actual marriage exhausted all the strength of the commonwealth, of Antony with Octavia; and it was expected, merely to appropriate the government of it to that the late rivals, now become brothers, by this themselves; for this, so many respectable citizens marriage, were to govern for the future with much had been proscribed; for this, sword and famine cordialitv and mutual confidence. Antony, to were still permitted to rage, and the children of evince the sincerity of this intention on his own the first families in Rome, in order to revenge part, put Manius, the confident of his brother their personal wrongs, and even to procure their and of Fulvia, to death, as being the supposed subsistence, were forced to act the part of banauthor of the late tumults in Italy; and probably, ditti and of pirates.” the mo,re fully to show how far he was willing to The populace of Rome, instigated by these resacrifice every consideration to his present con-presentations, tore down tihe proclamation, in nexion, he betrayed a secret correspondence, which the new tax was imposed; and seeming to which Salvidienus, an officer serving under Oc-recover their former consequence, though now tavius, had maintained with himself during the under the government of military force, they besiege of Brundusium.

This officer, in conse-came more riotous and dangerous than they had quence of the detection, being condemned for been in the utmost abuse of their civil liberty, and treachery, killed himself.2 in the height of their democratical power. Upon the faith of these public renunciations It became necessary, on account of the riots, of all partial attachments.

Octavius and Antony, and the growing scarcity of bread, to open a nein tCie character of collegiate sovereigns, passed gotiation with Sextus Pompeius, as the speediest the remainder of the present year, and the whole means of relief from the present distress. Octaof the following, at Rome, with great appearance vius once more availed himself of the relation he of concord. This circumstahce was in some had acquired to the family of Pompey, by his marmeasure ascribed to the discretion of Octavia, riage with Scribonia, invited Libo to a visit in who, during the same period, was delivered of a Italy, and by his means proposed an interview child to -Antony, and by the birth of this new between the parties, to be held at Puteoli in the relation, gave an additional pledge for the con-bay of Baibe. tinuance of their union; but, notwithstanding Sextus Pompeius having agreed to this prothese flattering applearances, Italy still suffered posal, came with his fleet upon the coast. Anunder the distresses of a war, subsisting with tony and Octavius went to Puteoli by land, those who were in possession of Sicily and Sar-attended by many of the principal citizens, and a dinia. numerous military escort. In order that the Sextus Pompeius, exasperated by the treatment parties might meet in safety, it was proposed, he had received from both parties in the late that each should have a separate platform, erected quarrel and reconciliation, and now possessed of on piles to be driven in the sea, reaching, on the a considerable naval force, blocked up the ports one side, from the shore, on the other, fiom Pomof Italy, and prevented the usual importation of pey’s ship, so as to bring the palties sufficiently corn.‘he inhabitants of the towns were re-near to hold their conference, though still with duced to great distress. Those of the metro-such a space or interval between them, as might polis, in particular, became outrageous, and, in mutually secure them from any insult or violence.

contempt of the military force by which they These preparations being made, the fleet of were governed, rose in tumults, pulled down the Sextus Pompeius ranged itself on the one side, houses of persons to whom they imputed their and the land army of the triumvirs on the other. sufferings, and even attacked the triumvirs with As the interests of all men were involved in the reproaches and violence. Having furnished issue, their expectations were greatly raised. The themselves with arms, they resisted the troops shores, the cliffs, the high lands were covered that were employed to quell them, and, in their with spectators, who gazed on the scene, and frequent confl.cts, covered the streets with the anxiously waited for the event. At the first conslain.. ference, the triumvirs offered Pompey a safe reThe triumvirs were inclined to end these trou-turn to Rome, with an equivalent for his father’s bles, by urging with vigour the war against Pomn-estate. He demanded admission into the triumpey, in order to oblige him to open the seas; but virate, instead of Lepidus, who appeared in effect for this purpose, a great reinforcement of shipping to be already excluded. As they Farted without was necessary, and a tax was imposed, in order any agreement, a general dissatisfaction appeared to defray the expense of a fleet. A public bur-among their adherents and followers on both sides. den coming so unseasonably, greatly increased Pompey feared the defection of many who had the general discontent. The iaha tants of hitherto followed him; and as he had lately put Murcus, a principal officer of’ his party, to death, 2 Livii Epitome, lib. cxxvii firom a jealousy of this sort, he was inclined to 3B

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378 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK V. believe that many of his party were disposed to late father’s villa and garden in the suburbs of accept of any terms, and to treat for themselves. Rome, which were occupied by Antony, ” This,” The distresses of Italy, on the other hand, he said, “is now my carince.” While the cornstrongly urged the triumvirs to make the neces-pany were yet. on board, Menas, once the slave sary concessions; and both parties came to a se  of the great Pompey, but now emancipated, and cond interview, with better inclinations to adjust the first sea officer in the fleet of his son, whistheir differences. It was accordingly agreed, pered him, that then was the time to revenge the that Pompey should remain in possession of Si-death of his father and of his brother, and to recily, Sardinia, and Corsica; that the Peloponne-cover the rank of his family, by despatching these sus should likewise be ceded to him, and a sum authors of all their calamities. ” Let nme cut the of money be paid in compensation for the losses cable,” he said, ” and put to sea; I promise you of his family;’ that all the exiles now under his that none of them shall escape.’ ” This might protection, except such as were concerned in the have been done by Menas, without consulting death of Caesar, should be restored to their coun-me,” said Sextus; “but my faith is sacred, and try, and to a foburth part of their former estates; must not be broken.”

that the navigation of the seas of Italy should be The guests accordingly were suffered to defree, and vessels immediately suffered to pass part, without having, in any way, been made from Sicily, and all the neighbouring countries, sensible of the danger they ran, and they gave which were accustomed to supply the Italians entertainments in their turns. At these feasts with corn. additional articles were thought of to confirm the This treaty being ratified, was transmitted to treaty, and to regulate the measures of the future Rome, and committed to the keeping of vestal admiinistration. To strengthen the coalition of virgins. Every cause of hostility or distrust be-parties, the da ugllter of Sextus Ponlpeius was tween the parties being thus done away, their betrothed to Mlarcellus, the nephew of Octavius, platforms were joined by a bridge of planks, and and now the ste[;-son of Antony. The succesthey embraced each other. Those, who were sion to the consulate was fixed for four years.

near enough to see this signal of peace, raised a Antony and Liho were named consuls for the shout, which was returned from the multitudes first year, Cmsar and Pompey were to follow, which crowded the ships and the neighlbouring next Ahenobarbus atnd Sosius, and last of’all Anshores.

Every one took a part in the joy that tony and Ca sar. iUnder the administration of was occasioned by the present event, as having these last, it was supposed that the public order suffered under the distresses and hardships which and public tranquillity mlight be so well restored, were now brought to an end. f;r this was the language which the triumvirs Historians, seeming to feel for those who were still affected to hold, that the republic woetld no concerned in this transaction, have exerted their longer need the interposition of extraordinary genius in describing it; and among other particu-powers, and might be left to run its usual course. lars, have recorded, that friends and relations, who Sextus Pompeius set sail for Sicily; the collehad been long separated, being to meet in pleace, giate sovreigns of the empire set out on their crowded with great ardour to the strand; that return to Rome; and, in their entry to the city, persons who had no such particular motive, being passed through multitudes, who, on the present seized with thf. general contagion, pressed to have occasion, gave very sincere demonstrations of joy. a nearer view of the scene; that numlbers were The people flattered themselves, that they were sufiocated in the crowd; that many fronm the boats now to experience no more of their late distresses and ships leaplt into the sea, and waded or swam -no more civil dissensions-no more tearing of to land, and were met froin the shore by others the father from his family, to serve in the warswho expected to recover their relations and no more oppression and cruelty from the licenfriends; that shouts of joy, or cries of’ despair, tiousness of armies-no more desertion of slaves were raised, according as they were severally  no more devastation of their lands-no more successful or disapp)ointed in this expectation: interruption of agriculture-no more famine. that parents and children, disappoinlted in the In the return of exiles. who lately fled from the hopes of meeting each other, tore their hair, and swords of their fellow-citizens, but who were now fell into agonies of grief; the whole exhibiting, restored to the enjoyment of peace and security though in a supposed termination of public cala-they might perceive, it was said, the surest evi mities, a lively expression of the distress which dence of a general act of oblivion for all offences, the late troubles had occasioned, and striking and a termination of all party animosities and marks of the wounds which were recently open, disputes. and bleeding in the vitals of the commonwealth, Octavius and Antony, during the remainder ajnd in the bosom of every private house.2 of their continuance together at Rome, passed At the close of this scene, the leaders mutually their time in literary amnsements, andi in the invited each other to a feast.

Pomnpey, by lot, fashionable pastimes of the age, cock-fighting and gave the first entertainment on board his ship; I uail-fighting.3 They conducted af:airs of state he made an apology for the want of accorlmoda-with so much concord and silence, that no pubtion, and playing.on the word carinoc, which sig-lie transaction is mentioned, besides the conipletnified a ship, and likewise was the namlle of his irng of the aqueducts projected by Julius C( sar, and the celebration of the festivals, which had been vowed for the destruction of those who hail conspired against his lifb.4 1 15,500,000 drach. or dlenarii, about 500,0001. Zo. noras, lib. a. p. 283. c. 21. 2 Dio. Cass. lib. xlviii. c.

37. Appian. de Bell. Civ. 3 Plutarch. in Antoni. lib. v. 4 Dio. Cass. lib.

xlviii c. 32, 33.

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CHAP. VI.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 379 CHAPTER VI. Alarm of the Parthian Invasion qf Syria-Arrangements of Octavius and Antony  leparture of the latter, and Residence at Athens State qf the Com7nmonealth-MIarriage of Octavius with Livia-War with Sextus Pompeius-Actions near the Straits of Messina-Agrippa succeeds to the Command of Octavius’ Fleet-His Victory at Sea Flight of Sextus PompeiusB3reach, between Octavius and Lepidus. SUCH
was the state of affairs at Rome, when distributedl to his officers their several stations the accounts which had been successively re-and provineces and disposed of kingdoms on the ceived from Syria, made the presence of Antony frontier to primces who solicited his protection: appear to be necessary in that part of the empire that of Pontus he bestowed on Darius the son which had been specially committed to his care.

of’ Pharnaces, and grandson of Mithridates; that His lieutenant Desidius Saxa, in opposing the of the Jews and Samaritans, on Herod; that of Parthians under Pacorus and Labienus, had re-Pysidia, on Amvntas; and that of Cilicia, on Poleceived a defeat, and being unable to brook his mon. During the winter he had dropped all the misfortune, had killed himself. In consequence retinue of a Roman officer of state, resigned himof this catastrophe, the province of Syria was self to ease, domestic pleasures, and the conversaover-run by the enemy. Tyre, and all the prin-tion of the learned.7 cipal towns on the coast were already in their In the intervals of relaxation,‘some species of hands, and the province of Cilicia lay open to extravagance and dissipation ever make a part their inroads. in the history of Antony’s life. The reports, Upon this report, Antony sent forward Ven-however, which remain of his behaviour at tidius, to collect such forces as yet remained in Athens,.may, in a great measure, be considered the province of Asia, and to give some present as a part of the reproach, which his enemies, to check to the immediate progress of the Parthians, justifv their own cause, have thrown upon his while he himself proposed to follow, and to con-memory; and which they have been able, by beduct the war in person. Before his departure, coming the victorious party, to fix upon his name he obtained from the senate and people the form for ever. He is said, at some of his entertainof an act to confirm all the arrangements which ments, to have personated Bacchus the young the triumvirs had made respecting the revenue, and irresistible conqueror of the world, and to or any other department of the state. In con-have carried this extravagance so far, that the cert with his colleague he made up the roll of Athenians were encouraged to pay their court, the senate, and marked out the succession of con-by proposing a marriage between himself and suls and other titular magistrates for eight years. their goddess Minerva. But to show that he in their choice of persons for these several ho-carried some reason in his madness, he accepted nours, each was careful to balance the nomina-the match, under condition that the bride should tion of his rival with an equal number of his own be acconpanied with a suitable portion; and in dependants, clients, and persons over whom he this jest turned the servility of his flatterers to had entire influence; and in this competition for profit, by exacting ten millions of drachmas.8 power, they named for the offices of state mere But in whatever manner Antony passed his aliens, soldiers of fortune, persons who had re-supposed leisure at Athens, Octavius, whose cently obtained their freedom, or confidential conduct, on most occasions, is a manifest contrast slaves manumitted for this purpose.5 to that of his colleague, did not fail to avail himThese arrangements being made, Antony, at-self of the advantages of his situation in Italy, tended by his wife Octavia, set out for Athens. the supposed head of the empire, and of the bent Here he learned that the war in Syria was in a of the times to monarchy, by uniting, as much as great measure at an end; that Pacorus, the son possible, all the channels of influence in his own of the king of Parthia, with Labienus, having person. attacked Ventidius in his camp, were repulsed; The concerts of the first Cesar with Pompey that their forces had been afterwards routed in and Crassus, though named a triumvirate, were ilifferent encounters, and dispersed; that Pacorus the mere effelcts of a private combination to overhimself was killed;6 that Labienus had fled, in rule the public councils, and to dispose of every disguise,irlto Cyprus, was discovered, taken, and preferment, or place of emolument or trust. But put to death; that the Parthians had abandoned the powers now exercised by Octavius, Antony, all their conquests in Syria and in Palestine, and and Lepidus, though extorted by force, hailt at were hastening to repass the Euphrates. least the nominal sanction of a legal appointment, Antony, upon the termination of a war, which and were of the nature of those extraordinary so much alarmed his division of the empire, procommissions which had been frequently given in bably would have been inclined to return into every age of the republic, and which were not Egypt; but as the presence of Octavia rendered improperly calculated for any uncommon emera visit to Cleopatra improper, he determined to geilce, or arduous state of affairs. A commission take his residence at Athens.

From thence he of triumvirate, in so great an exigency of the state, professedly given to restore its tranquillity, 5 One Maximus being in the nomination for the and re-establish public order, if it had been freely office of qll,stor, was claimed and adjudged to be a granted, was well enough suited to former preslave; another person of the same condition was dis cr covered in a high station, and, as a punishment due for his presumption, was thrown from the Tarpeian rock. Dio. Cass. lib. xlviii. c.

34. 7 Appian. de Bell. Civ. p. 714. 6 Plut. in Antonio. 8 About 300,0001.

Dio. Cass. lib. xlviii. c. 39.

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380 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION tl UK V. forms, insomuch, that if the people had been less and amassed a considerable fortune in his ser^orrupted, the government of the republic might vice. To others, the dignity of prator and of have been easily restored. edile, vacated on purpose, was transferred for a The titles of senate and people, of consul, few hours. These preferments gave no claim, praetor, and other magistrates or officers of state, as in the former times of the republic, to the were still retained, anti preserved the appearance government of provinces; they gave no influence, of ancient formalities, whether in the legislature, and scarcely prescribed any function in the city. or in the exercise of executive power. The same In this general abuse of the civil institutions, members which formed the ancient political body i.ow reduced to mere titles and forms, the triwere supposed to exist, though much debilitated, bunes of the people, by means of the superstiand sunk in disease. The senate consisted of tious regard that was paid to their persons, still persons willing to submit to, or known to favour, retained a part of their consequence; and Octathe present usurpation; such persons only were vius, instead of attempting to reduce it, aflected now to be found. Those of a dliei rent (lescrip-to revere this sacred repository of the people’s tion had fallen in the civil wars, or perished in rights, in defence of which Julius Caesar made the late executions and massacres; and if they war on the senate; and instead of attempting to had still remained, would not have been suffered remove the defences with which these officers to take a part in the government of the state by were provided against violence, he procured his those who, under the title of triumvirs, had en-own name to be inscribed in their list, and took grossed all its functions. Even the pretended part in a sacred character which he could not comitia were no longer those overbearing con-destroy; in this, as in many other particulars, ventions, in which multitudes assembled in a discovering an adnirable discernment of the tumultuary manner, assumed the prerogatives means that were necessary to palliate a recent of the Roman people, disposed of elections, or usurpation; and seeming to profit by the expericarried their own mandates into execution with ence of his late uncle, who, after he had overcome irresistible force. This part of the republican every serious resistance, fell a sacrifice to trifles, zonstitution was becomne a mere name, employed and to the security and ostentation with which,o ratify the acts of the triumvirs, and to confirm he assumed the state of a monarch. heir nomination of persons to office. The forms About this time is dated a considerable alterof their meeting, however, as well as those of the ation made in the Roman law, by the addition senate, were retained to give a sanction to deeds of a rule respecting the effect of last wills. This which might not be supposed of permanent au-rule is ascribed to Falcidius.2 one of’ the colthority, without the well-known initials of the leagues of Octavius in the college of tribunes. senate and peolple of Ronme.t Hitherto Roman citizens were free to bequeath As the supreme lpower, and the exercise of their fortunes at pleasure, and to divide them iln every public function, both at Rome and in the any proportion among their friends or acquaintprovinces, were now vested in this pretended ance, whether relations or strangers; and procommission, the ordinary offices of state were perty held’a course in its passage, by succession, filled up merely for the sake of form, or rather from one generation to another, which excluded that there night be an oppo)rtunity to oblige par-no person whatever from the hopes of inheritance, ticular persons in their advancement to public provided he could obtain the regard of his fellowhonours. The titles of pretorian and consular citizens. As it was the practice of every testator, rank, retained by those who had filled those of: even when he had no motive for disinheriting his fices in the commonwealth, were come to resemble nearest relations, to give some testimony in his the titles of honour by which the nobles are dis-will to the merit of every friend who survived tingruished in monarchies; and iLmen had, for some him, it was reckoned an honour to be mentioned time, begun to covet the office, not on account in many wills, and persons who had not the ordiof the power it conferred, but for the sake of the nary opportunities to amass fortunes, either in title it was to leave behind, with the persons by the government of provinces, or in the farm of the whom it had once been possessed. revenues, might nevertheless become rich by an For this reason the ancient denominations of extensive and well-supported course of good ofoffice were not likely to be discontinued at Rome, fices in the city. This practice is possibly less even upon the establishment of monarchy. The suited to monarchy, than it is to republics, and regular term of a year indeed was already no least of all to despotical governments, where the lon -er annexed to the idea of mnagistracy. The master wishes to leave no will independent of his honour of having been consul or praetor for a few own. He can awe the living, but tie dying months, for a few days, or even for a few hours, escape from his influence. This feeling perhaps gave the precedency that was wished for; and already began to take place in the minds of the many, as soon as they had taken possession of rulers at Rome, and in the minds of those who the office, were removed to make way for others courted their falvour; and it may have suggested to whloma the same favour was intendeld. the law of Falcidius, by which testators were Inl this manner, durnlig the joinlt-residence of suffered to dispose, by will, of no more than Octavius and Antony at Rome, Asinius Pollio, three fourths of their effects; the other fourth and Domnitius, holding the consulate, were niade was assigned to the heir at law. to resign it, in order that two others might be While Antony yet resided at Athens, Octaadmitted for a few days, of whom~ one was L. vius passed into Gaul on a progress to review his Cornelius Balbus, a native of’ Gades ill Spain, arnm ss, and to make the proper disposition of his and the first of his family that ever had a place force in the provinces; and it began to appear, on the rolls of the people as a citizen of Rome. that the late treaty, which had been concluded But this new citizen had followed Julius Cawsar, with Sextus Pompeius, was no more than a 1 S. P. Q. R. 2 Lex Falcidia.

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CHAP. VI.] OF THE ROMA~N REPUBLIC. 381 temporary expedient to procure relief to the in-the tcrture, alleged, in their can vindication, that habitants of Italy from the distresses with which they acted under his orders. The confessions of they had been lately afflicted. The articles were these men being published, with complaints and never fully performed by either party. The remonstrances, an altercation ensued that was family alliance, which Octavius contracted with likely to end in hostilities and open war. Sextus Pompeius in his marriage with Scribonia, After these complaints had become mutual beby whom he had issue, a daughter tween Octavius and Sextus Pompeius, the rupU. C. 715. afterwards so famous by the name ture was hastened by the defection of Menas, of Julia, was likewise, about this one of Pompey’s officers, the same person who P.lcher, and time, broke off to make way for proposed to carry off Antony and Octavius, by C. JNorbanus his marriage with Livia, a name cutting the cable while they were at dinner on Flaccus. already mentioned, and to be often board his master’s ship. This officer, being inrepeated in the subsequent parts trusted with the command of a fleet in the ports of this history. of Sardinia, upon some disgust to his nmaster, enMarriage had hitherto appeared to Octavius tered into a corrt -pondence with Octavius, made merely as the means of obtaining some political offer of his service, and proposed to surrender the end; and he had already, in difficult transac-island. This act of perfidy became known only tions, twice availed himself of this expedient, by the acceptance and execution of the offer. although it is remarked by historians, as an evi-Octavius obtained the possession of Sardinia, and denuce of his youth, that, until his marriage with received Menas with sixty galleys into his serLivia, his beard was not sufficiently grown to vice, rewarded his treachery by employing him in need the use of the razor. In this alliance, how-the same rank which he possessed under Sextus ever, he seems to have had a different object; and Pompeius, and by conferring upon him the gold was so far from being led by utility alone, that he ring, the well known badge of nobility at Rome.3 not only overlooked the want of it, but likewise As this transaction took place while the treaty got over many other difficulties which stood in was yet supposed to be in force, Pompey dehis way. manded that the traitor should be delivered up to Livia Drusilla was the daughter of Livius him, and the island of Sardinia restored; but Drusus, a citizen who had been in open enmity was answered that he himself had been the agwith Octavius and his party; and who, in de-gressor, in giving refuge to deserters and fugitive spair, after the battle of Philippi, with other slaves. adherents of the republic, had fallen by his own Pompey, on receiving this answer, proceeded hands. The daughter had been married to Ti-to immediate hostilities.4 He sent Menecrates, berius Claudius Nero, who a!” was a declared who succeeded Menas in the chief command of enemy of the Caesarean faction; and who, in his fleet, to the coast of Campania, with orders to the late contest of parties in Italy; put himself at make reprisals, and to plunder Vulturnus, and the head of the ejected landholders of Campania. some other places of that nei.ghbourhood. joined Lucius Antonius, and, as has been men-Octavius, orn his part, had been some time entioned on the reduction of Perusia, fled with his deavouring to supply his want of shippilg, had family into Sicily, where he took refuse with built some vessels in the ports of Italy, which, Sextus Pompeius. Being included in the treaty with. the addition of those he received by the deof reconciliation which was framed at Baiae, he sertion of Menas, put him in condition to enter returned to Rome. His wife had already born on the war with advantage. Hle had ordered his him a son, afterwards well known by the name equipments at two separate stations; the one at of Tiberius, and was again with child, and six Tarentum, the other on the coast of Etruria; months gone in her pregnancy, when it was pro-and being now to make war on Sicily, he proposed, that she should part from her present hus-posed to bring his naval forces together at Rheband, and bring forth the child, of whom she was gium, in the straits of Messina.‘Thither he then pregnant, in the embraces of Casar. The likewise directed a powerful land army to march, priests being consulted on the legality of’ this in order to invade the island, and to begin the marriage, desired to know, whether the preg-war, by expelling Pompey from the principal seat nancy of Livia was well ascertained; and being of his power. He himself came round to Rheinformed that it was certain, made answer, That gium with that division of his fleet which had been as there could arise no doubt concerning the pa-fitted out at Tarentum. Calvisius commanded rentage of her offspring, her separation from the other division, and made sail from the coast Tiberius Claudius, and her marriage with Octa-of Etruria to the same place. vius, were lawful. Sextius Pompeius, having notice of this dispoThe change which now took place in the fa-sition that was made to attack him, likewise dimily of Octavius, by his repudiating Scribonia, vided his force s. He himself took post at Messina was considered as the prelude to a war with Sex-to observe O(tavius, and sent Menecrates to intus Pompeius. Many articles of the late treaty tercept Calvistls, and to prevent the junction of had never been carried into execution. The Pe-their fleets.!oponnesus, under pretence of the time which Menecrates accordingly came in sight of his was necessary to recover some arrears that were enemy in the evening of the same (lay, lay that said to be due to Antony in that province, had night under the island.Enaria, while Calvisius not, according to agreement, been delivered to came to anchor near Cumne. Next morninl, at Pompey. In justification of other infractions of break of day, both fleets got under sail; but Calthe treaty, it was urged against him, that, con-visius, having orders to bring his division safe to trary to the faith he had given, he continued to the general rendezvous at Rhegium, was desirous augment his fleet, and suffered his cruizers to commit depredations on the traders of Italy. 3 Dio. Cass. lib. xlviii. c. 45. Orosius. Appian, &c.

Some pirates being taken, and threatened with 4 Zonaras, lib. x. c. 23.

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382 THIE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [Book V.,o avoid an engagement, and kept under the I stand out to sea. In making this movement, his land.

Menecrates, steering the same course, own galley grappled with that of Demochares, kept abreast of the enetmy, till perceiving their de-and having disabled her, obliged the commander sign to avoid him, by lying close to the shore, he to move into another ship. At this instant the too stood in with the land to attack them. other division of Octavius’s fleet, comman..ded by Calvisius, finding an action unavoidable, and Calvisius, appeared to the northward; beins seen thinking himself inferior in the skill of his mari-first from the enemy’s fleet, occasioned a sudden ners, deterl-ined to bring his ships to anchor pause in the action. under the land, nwhere they could not be sur-Pompey, believing this to be a fresh enemy, rounded, and where his men, if attacked, having whom, after so much loss and fatigue, he was not smooth water, might use their swords as on solid in condition to engage, took his resolution, to the ground; and he accordingly formed a line close great surprise of the squadron he had vanquished, to the shore, turning the prow and the beak of to relinquish his prey, and retire to Messina. his ships to the sea. Cornificius again came to anchor in the place In this position the squadiron of Octavius re-of ac’on, and being joined by Calvisius, passed ceived the shock of the enemy, and on the right, the nli ht in taking an account of his damage, in where Calvisius himself commanr.ded, made a saving such ships as could be got off, or in regood defence, but in the centre, many of the moving the baggage and stores from such as were ships were forced from their anchors, and strand-ashore. Octavius, at the same time. made fires ed or burnt.

Menecrates. in coning to enfage, on the hills to assemble the stragglers who had distinguished the galley of Menas, his ancient escaped from the wrecks, of whom many were rival, and the traitor to their common mlaster, found without arms or necessaries of any sort. bore down upon him, and, in the shock broke Towards morning, a gale of wind arose from the away the beak of his galley; but, in passing south, and rolled a great sea through the straits. along his side, as the vessel brushed, lost all the it continued to blow all day and the following oars of his own ship. They afterwards grappled, night; during which time, Menas, being an exand fought till both the commanders were wound-perienced mariner, had not only originally come ed; and Menecrates, finding himself disabled, to an anchor with his division, as far as he could and in danger of beingtaken, went headlong into from land, but continued all night to ease his the sea.

His galley instantly struck, and was anchors, by ply’incg against the wind with his towed off by the enemy. This event, although oars. Of the rest of the fleet, such ships as were the advantage was otherwise greatly on the side near the land having drove in the night, many of 2ompey, dispirited the whole squadron; and perished on the rocks. At break of day the wind Demochares, who succeeded Menecrates in the abated; lbut, from the effects of the storm which command of Pompey’s fleet, neglecting the ad-had blown in the night, the strand was covered vantage he might have reaped from the situation with dead bodies, and with the fragments of ships. and loss of the enemy, withdrew to the island The vessels that were stillafloat, being about one tEnaria, and from thence, on the following day, half of the fleet, having stopped for a little time set sail for Sicily. Calvisius, having endeavoured to save as many as they could from the wrecks, to repair his damage, continued his voyage, under set sail in a very shattered condition for Vibo. the land, towards Rhegium. Here they arrived without any molestation from Octavius, at the same time, not knowing of the enemy, who were contented to have remained this action, but being impatient to efflct the in safety at illessina. Octavius himself having junction of his fleets, made sail from Rhegium, beheld the wreck of so many of his ships, took the and stood to the northward through the straits. route of Campania by land, and made the necesWhen the greater part of the fleet had passed sary dispositions to frustrate any attempts which the port of Messina, he was observed by Sextus Pompey might make on the coast. Pompeius, who put to sea, and attacked his rear. This summer having been spent in these unHe nevertheless continued on his way through decisive operations, both parties prepared for a’the gut, and would have declined an action, if it vigorous renewal of the contest in the following could have been avoided; but findting himself in spring. Pompey himself continued to alarm the danger of suffering an absolute defeat from the coast of Italy during the winter, and sent Apolenemy, who,- taking advantage of his course, lophanes, one of his officers, to make a descent pressed on his rear as in actual flight, he made upon Africa. Octavius gave orders a signal to halt; and from the same motives U. C. 716. to repair the loss of his ships, and to which determined Calvisius to form under the recruit his land-forces. He had reland, making a like disposition, he hoped, that, ML gT2rippa, course to the assistance of Antony, by being at anchor, his men might engage on Gacllas, T. who had hitherto expressed a dislike equal terms with an enemy who were greatly su-Statilius. to the war, and was probably jealous perior in the management of their ships. In the of the accessions of power which Ocevent, however, he was much more unfortunate tavius was likely to gain by the destruction of than Calvisius, and had great part of his fleet Sextus Pompeius. either stranded or burnt. He himself, while his Antony, however, upon this requisition from ships were still engaged, left Cornificius to con-his colleague, set sail from Greece, and appeared tinue the fight, got on shore, and with a number at Tarentum with a fleet of three hundred ships, of men, who had escaped from the wrecks, took though still undetermined, it is supposed, which refuge on the neighbouring hills. side he should take in the present contest. But At the approach of night, the lieutenant of Octavia, who had accompanied her husband to Octavius, while the enemy still pressed upon him, Tarentum, had the address to turn the scale in seeing the danger of having all his ships forced favour of her brother. She undertook to be the on, shore before morning made a signal for the mediator of their differences, went on shore, and’emains of the squadron to cut the;: cables, and procured an amicable interview between them

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(CHAP. VI.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 383 At this meeting they made an exchange of sea are required in support of a monarchy; submisand land forces. Antony gave to Octavius a sion without servility or baseness, application, hundred and twenty ships, and had in return fidelity, and courage; estimating honours by his twenty thousand legionary soldiers. To confirm nearness to his prince, and merit by the degree the removal of all their suspicions, Julia, the in-in which he could promote his service.

HI-e had fant daughter of Octavius by Scribonia, was, on in the preceding summer obtained some victories this occasion, betrothed to Antyllis, one of the on the Rhine, and was the first Roman, after sons of Antony by Fulvia; and the daughter Julius Caesar, who had passed that barrier of the of Antony was betrothed to Dornitius. These German nations. Upon his arrival at RPe;, he schemes of alliance, projected in the infancy of might have had a triumph on account of these the parties, never took effect, but were among the services; but preferring the respect that was due artifices with which the parents endeavoured to to his master, to the sense of his own personal amuse each other. consequence, he said, that it did not become him Octavius and Antony now agreed, with very to triumph while the afl:irs of Cesar were not in little hesitation, that Pompey had forfeited the prosperity. consulate, the priesthood, and all the other ad-Agrippa was by his genius qualified for the vantages which had been yielded in his favour by execution of magnificent works, as well as for the the late treaty; and they made new arrange-steady and able conduct of military operations. merits respecting the succession to office, in Observing, that the disasters of the preceding behalf of themselves and their friends. The year were to be imputed, in some measure, to the principal object in these arrangements was the want of harbours and proper retreats for shipping gratifying their adherents with titles of rank. In on the western coast of Italy, hie made it his first the preceding year, no less than sixty-seven per-object to supply this defect, by opening a commusons had passed through the office of prator. nication from the sea to the lakes of Cumre, This dirnity, as well as that of consul, was fre-which were spacious basins, and when thus renquently, for the sake of the title, taken up find dered accessible by navigable entries, might furresigned in the same day.

The office of _Edile, nish every conveniency for the reception and which used to be of so much consequence under construction of fleets. In describing the masonry the republic, as it gave an opportunity to court which was necessary in the fornmation of these the favour of the people with entertainments and communications, mention is made of the peculiar shows, being now of no value on this account, advanta(e derived from the use of burnt earth and being the lowest in rank, though still expen-taken from the neighbouring mountains; and sive, was generally declined. which being used for sand in the composition of The period for which the pretended commis-mortar, made an excellent cement for buildings.sion of the triumvirs had been granted by the that were to remain under water.4

Roman senate and people being now about to ex-While the summer passed in the execution of pire, Octavius and Antony, without having rethese works, and in the equipment of a proper course to the same form, resumed the exercise of fleet to encounter that of Pompey, Menas, retheir power for five years longer. And having, penting of his late desertion, entered into a corin appearance, amicably settled the several points respondence with his fobrmer master; and being in dispute between themselves, they separated in assured of pardon, withdrew with seven ships pursuit of their respective objects; Octavius be-from the fleet of Octavius, then under the coming intent on the war with Sextus Pompeius, niand of Calvisius, and returned to his former and Antony on that with the Parthians. But, to service. Octavius took this occasion to supersede the great danger of their future agreement, the Calvisius, upon an imputation of neglect, and last was no longer attended by Octavia, who had appointe Agrippa to succeed him in the conduct hitherto served as a bond of union between them, of the war. and had checked the jealousies and extravagances About a year was spent in the of her husband. She had borne him a child, and U. C.

717. equipmnent of ships, and in training was again pregnant, and being unable to attend L. Ge!,Tius the mariners, which, for the convehim in the dangers to which he was likely to be Pollicola, nience of harbours and docks, was L..Munatius exposed in the Parthian war, chose to remain in executed as before, at two separate Italy, and to fix her residence at Rome.2.1. Cocceilts stations; one at Tarentum, under In the respect of the approaching campaign, x.erva, P. Statiius raurts, where the ships Agrippa was recalled from Gaul, where he had’u’icius which had been furnished by Antony been employed by Octavius in the preceding Queriius. still remained; the other in the new summer, and during the miscarriages on the harbour at Puteoli, under Agrippa. coast of Italy. This officer, although of mean Lepidus, to second the operations of Octavius, extraction, rose to the highest honours which had assembled his forces on the coast of Africa, could, in this state of his country, be attained by and it was concerted that Sicily should be ina citizen. As he was not born to the dignity and vaded in three places at once; at Lilybeum, the pretensions of a Roman senator, he cannot be ac-nearest part to Africa, by Lepidus; at MyIla, on cused, with others, of having betrayed that cha-the northern side of the island, by Agrippa; and racter; but coming forward amidst the ruins of at Taurominiuim, on the eastern coast, by Statithe republic, and after the extinction of those lius Taurus. It was projected, that the armavirtues which were necessary to its preservation, ments equipped for these different services, should he was the first person who understood and be at their places of destination as nearly as pospossessed the habits and accomplishments which sible about the first of July. I Dio Cass. Jib.

xlviii. c. 43-53. 2 Appian de Bell. Civ. lib. v. Dio. Cass. lib. xlviii. 3

Vell. Pater. iib. ii. c. 79. e. 46, &kc. 4 I)io Cass. Jib. xlviii. c. 48

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384 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION LBoox V. While these preparations were making, Octa-of the ships in which they wereto follow the for vius, residing chiefly at Tarentum or at Cumae, mer embarkation. left the administration of civil affairs at Rome in Octavius, without being disconcerted by this the hands of Mwecenas, who, though not vested disaster, or by a consciousness of the part which with any office of magistracy, or any other pub-he himself had acted, and which served to conlic character besides that of a person in the confi-firm all the former imputations of cowardice, dence of his master, possessed a supreme authority. without loss of time sent immediate despatches Octavius himself, when the plan of the war was to all the stations of his troops, to intimate his ripe for execution, joined that division of his safe arrival in the camp of Messala. Before he forces which was led by Agrippa, and saiied from shifted his wet clothes, or took any food, he made Puteoli at the appointed time; but after he had all the necessary arrangements; sent a pinnace to crossed the bay of Baie, to the promontory of Cornificius, whom he had left in the command Minerva, he met with a storm, by which many of the army in Sicily, with orders to defend him of his ships were damaged, and forced to put self to the last extremity; and another to Agripback into the port he had left. pa, with instructions to move as soon as he could, This accident was likely to disconcert the ope-by sea or by land, to his relief. And he ordered rations of the campaign, or to delay the invasion Carinas, who with three legions lay embarked at of Sicily for another season. But the complaints Vibo, to sail without loss of time, and to join of the people of Italy, suffering under the ob-Agrippa at Lipar6. struction that was given by Pompey to the im-While Pompey passed with his fleet along the portation of corn, required an immediate relief. coast from Messina to Taurominium, he had orSome of the projected operations of the campaign dered a great body of horse on the shore to keep were already beoun, andl required to be supported. pace, as nearly as possible, with the motion of Lepidus had sailed with the first division of his his ships; and as they approached to Tauromiarmy, and had landed in the neighbourhood of nium, while he himself should block up the harLilyb eum, and Statilius Taurus had advanced bour, to lay waste the country, or to restrain the from Tarentuin to Leucopetrae, opposite to Tau-foraging parties of the enemy. rominium, the place at which he was ordered to Cornificius, whom Octavius had left in the make his descent.

Urged by these considera-command of his forces at this place, finding himtions, Octavius, with such repairs as he could self in danger of being surrounded, took his reaccomplish, in about thirty days after he had been solution to depart from the coast, and, if pFossible, put back into port, again put out to sea. At to join Agrippa,‘who, he had reason to believe, St.rouyjl6 he learnt that Pormpey, with the might by this time have effected his landing at greater part of his fleet, lay off Mylne. to guard Myle, on the opposite side of the island. He that access to the island.

Thinking this, there-accordingly endeavoured to convey intelligence fore.

a favourable opportunity to push his other of his design, and requested Agrippa to come forattack from Leucopetrze to Taurominium, he ward to meet him with a proper force, and with himself returned to the coast of Italy, landed at the necessary supplies, to give relief to his army, Vibo, went from thence by land to Leucopetrme, and to favour his junction. and put the squadron from that place in motion The route bv-which Cornificius was most for their intendedl descent on Sicily. likely to avoid Pompey’s stations, led by the W.Vhile Octavius was thus employed at the skirts of Mount 2Etna, and over barren tracts other extremity of the Straits, Agrippa had come that were still covered, instead of soil, with )umlice to an action with Pomp)ey’s fleet off the harbour and lava, which had been discharged from the of Myle, and obliged them to put back into port mountain, and which were not any where supwith the loss of thirty ships.l Thiscircumstance plied with vegetation or water. His way over still farther confirmed Octavius in his intention this species of soil lay through difficult liesses, to pass with his army into Sicily; and he accor-occupied by the natives, who either harassed his dingly, without meeting with any obstruction, ar-rear, or disputed his passage in front.

But after rived at Taurominium, and landed his forces. havingy undergone great labour and distress, and Sextus Pompeius, in the mean time, having having lost a considerable part of his army by fahad intimation of this design, soon after the ac-tigue and famine, he was met by Laronius, with tion at Mylhe, had withdrawn in the night to a reinforcement of troops and supply of provisions Messina; and having put fresh men on board his from Agrippa; and, upon the appearance of this ships, steered for Taurominium, and came in relief, was sufl’ered by the enemy to continue the sight of the harbour soon after the enemy had remainder of his march undisturbed.

disembarked. By the unexpected appearance of Thus the two separate divisions of the army a fleet much superior to his own, Octavius was of Octavius, with which he intended at once to greatly alarmed; and leaving the command of have attacked the opposite sides of the island, the forces he had just landed, to Cornificius, he were assembled together on the northern coast. ordered his ships to slip their cables, and make HIither he himself soon after repaired, and began what sail they could to recover the harbour of his operations by land at the head of twentyx-one Leucopetrae. He himself went on board a smail legions, twenty thousand horse, and above five pinnace, in order the better to escape the pursuit thousand light or irregular infantry.,)f the enemy, and with a very few attendants Pompey was vet strong in the neighbourhood sanded in a creek on the coast of Italy. His ships of Messina, or in that angle of the island which were dispersed, part taken, and many strandedl pointed towards Italy. The ground being rugon the opposite shores; but he himself made his ged and mountainous in the interior parts, formway in the night to Leucopetra, where a (livision ing a ridge from Mount ]Etna to the head of of tle army, under Messala, waited for the return Pelorus, his quarters were accessible only, or I c:hiefly, by the roads on the coast, leading from 1 Orosius, lib vi. p. 266. Mylae on the one hand, and from Taurominium

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CHAP. VI.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 385 on the other, to Messina. Of these communications on the, one side, and with silent affliction, tions he was still master, by means of the for-or with cries of despair, on the other. Twentytresses which he possessed at Mylay, and at Tau-eight skhips of Pompey’s fleet were sunk; above rominium. As he supposed that Lepidus, from two hundred and fifty, being the whole that rethe side of Africa, would attempt to co-operate mained besides the seventeen that fled to Messina, with the forces of Octavius from Italy, he had were stranded, taken, or burnt.2 Octavius lost stationed at Lilybneum a part of his fleet, and a only three ships. considerable body of troops, commanded by Plen-Pompey perceiving the extent of his calamity, nils, to oppose the descent and advances of the was seized with despair; and, without having enemy on that quarter. The officer who had given any orders in camp, made haste to Messina. charge of his fleet on this station, had suffered the The army he had left in the field, seeing themfirst embarkation of Lepidus to escape and to selves deserted by their leader, went over to the effect their landing; but being so fortunate as to enemy. He himself, at Messina, trade a feint intercept the second, he in a great measure dis-of mustering his forces as for an obstinate defence. concerted the intended operation on that side. He called in all the ships that any where reLepidus, with that part of the army he had mained on the coast, and all the forces that could landed in Sicily, remained inactive in the neigh-be found on the island.3 But, in the midst of bourhood of Lilybaum, until having accounts these pretended arrangements for a vigorous rethat Octavius was arrived in the island, had sistance, he had taken a resolution to depart from united the different divisions of his army at My-Sicily; and having a vessel prepared for his reIen, and had obliged Sextus Pompeius to collect ception, accordingly embarked, with his daughter, all his force in the neighbourhood of Messina, he and a few persons whom he had chosen to attend supposed that the country from thence might be him in his flight. open to him; and he accordingly, notwithstand-As soon as the vessel, on board of which it was ing that Plennius, with a considerable bodly of known Pompey had embarked, appeared under Pomrpey’s forces, remained behind him at Lilly-sail, all the ships which were then in the harbour baeumn, marched from one end of the island to put to sea, with intention to follow the same the other; and having eftected his junction with course; but without any orders or intimation of Octavius, they determined to press upon Pompey a place at which to reassemble, in case of seat once with their united forces both by sea and paration. The unfortunate leader observing, by land. among the ships that followed him, some that In execution of this plan, Agrippa made a were commanded by officers in whom, in the feint to land at the head of Pelorus; and having present state of his fortunes, he could not condrawn the attention of the enemy to that quarter, fide, wished to separate from them, and gave out favoured the design of Octavius, who, in the that he meant to avoid the coasts; and, in order mean time, surprised and took the fortress of to deceive them in the night, extinguishing his Myle. The combined army having gained this lights, rowed close to the shore of Italy, and important advantage, continued to press upon turning round the headlands till he was oppoPompev, made movements which threatened to site to Corcyra, he stood over for that island, invest Messina, and to cut off the communications from thence to Cephalonia, and last of all to of his fleet and army with the country in the Lesbos, where he landed at Mytilen6, a place at neighbourhood of that city. In order to avoid which he had resided with his mother Cornelia, these inconveniences, Pompey found himself during the campaign between his father and the under a necessity to hazard a battle either by sea. first Caesar in Thessaly, and from whence he or by land, or wherever his antagonists presented had been carried about twelve years before this an opportunity the most likely to procure him date, to witness the catastrophe of his father’s relief. He himself relied chiefly on his naval fortunes on the coast of Egypt. At Mytilen6, force; and accordingly, without seeking for any notwithstanding the memory of these discouragadvantage of situation or surprise, presented hirn-ing circumstances, and the low state of his own self to the enemy near to Naulochus, between affairs, he met with a hospitable reception, and the -promontories of Myla and Pelorus, and was passed the winter in humble expectation of prothere met by Agrippa. tection from Antony, to whose generosity he inThe fleets which were now to engage, contended to commit himself. sisted of about three hundred ships on each side.

Octavius, in the mean time, suspecting that When formed in order of battle, their lines were Pompey must have taken refuge in some part of nearly of equal extent. The construction of ships the provinces which were in the jurisdiction of was the same, and they advanced deliberately on his colleague, was cautious not to awaken his smooth water, without any circumstance that jealousy by presuming to violate his sanctuary, appeared to prognosticate the victory on either or by pretending to anticipate the resolutions he side. The armies, at the same time, were drawn might be inclined to take on the subject of this upon the shore, and in sight of the scene which suppliant.4 was to be acted before them. After an obstinate After the head of the Pompeian party had fight, in which the fleet of Pompey already suf-made so wretched an exit from Sicily, Plenfered considerably, seventeen of his ships at once nius, who, soon after the departure of Lepidus withdrew from the action, and stood away for from the neighbourhood of Lilyboeum, had set the straits of Messina.

Those that were nearest out with six legions to join his commander, and the land ran upon the shore, and were wrecked who had come too late to be comprehended in or taken; the remainder being farther at sea, and the surrender of the army at Naulochus, threw cut off from their own harbours, struck, and delivered themselves up to the enemy. The progress of the action at sea was accom-3 Appian. de Bell Civ. 1ib. v. panied from the land’with shouts and acclama-4 Dio. Cass. lib. xlix. c. 18. 3C

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38t THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BooK V. himself into Messina, more with an intention to consisted in prostituting the dignity of prator obtain favourable terms for the troops under his to his first usurpations in the city was an act of cormand, than with any hopes to retrieve the baseness.

His place from thenceforward, in the atffairs of his master. military arrangements which ensued, was matter At this time Lepidus being near to Messina, of course, or due merely to his rank, without any while Octavius still remained at Naulochus, in-reard( to his abilities or merit. His being advested the place, and, without consulting his col-rnitted as a third in the present division of the league, granted the terms which were asked by sovereignty, proceeded solely from the mutual Plennius, took possession of the town, and incor-jealousies of the other two, who wished for a porated the troops that had served under that person to witness their transactions, and to hold officer with his own army. In concluding this some species of balance between theml. In the treaty, and in taking the advantage of it to choice which they made of Lepidus, his want of strengthen himself, without the concurrence or any pretensions, that could interfere with either participation of Caesar, he had earnest remonin the design which they severally entertained strances made to him by Agrippa, who had come of possessing the empire, was a principal recomwith his victorious fleet to Messina; but it soon mendation. after appeared that Lepidus not only thought In this comparison, Octavius was conscious of himself entitled to decide in that instance, but, a superiority, in the opinion even of the troops upon the accession of strength which he now who were enlisted to serve under the command gained, began to form much higher pretensions. of his rival. He accordingly thought this a faHe now reckoned under his own standard vourable opportunity, while Antoiiy was at a twenty-two legrions, with a numerous body of distance, and no enemy existing, either in Sicily horse, and prolposed not only to keep possession or Italy, to avail himself of the weakness and of Messinla, but to claim the whole island of incapacity of Lepidus, to strip him of his share Sicily, as an aippendage of his province in Africa. in the empire, and to seize upon the province of He tccordlingly sent detachments to secure the Africa, and the army now in Sicily, as an accesprilicipall towvns. sion to his own strength. For this purpose he Octavius, already provoked at the precipitation employed proper agents in the camp of Lepidus, with which Lepidus had granted a capitulation gained many of his principal officers by presents, to the troops at BMessina, without his concurrence, and by the expectation of greater rewards. [Havloudly complained of the measures which he took ing much contempt for the character of their to apipropriate the island of Sicily to himself, leader,‘and thinking the way sufficiently prewithout the consent of his associates in the em-pared for an open declaration, he presentetl himpire; alleged that he had been called thither as a self with a party of horse in the front of the mere auxiliary, and had borne no part of the ex-camp, entered with a few attendants, as into the pense incurred in the war. Lepidus, on his part, midst of his own army; and mounting an emicomplained of the injustice which had already nence, from which he might be heard by the been done to him in withholding Spain, his crowds that assembled around him, he complainoriginal lot in the partition of the provinces; and ed of the steps which had been taken by their said. if it were supposed that Africa and Sicily general toward a rupture between the two armies, were more than equivalent for Spain, he was and expressed his sincere desire that all differwilling to surrender them both in exchange for ences might be removed, without engaging in that province. new scenes of blood so many valiant men who This dispute being likely to end in a serious had deserved so well of their leaders. quarrel, the ordinary intercourse between the It appears that numbers of officers and soldiers two camps was discontinued, and precautions in the camp of Lepidus Deere prepared for the were taken by their respective officers, as in the part they were to act on this occasion; they appresecr;e of an enemy. Both armies saw with plauded the concern which Octavius expressed dislike the symptoms of an open rupture and of for the armies, and declared themselves willing a fresh war, in which soldiers, without any pros-to obey his commands. Others, though not in pect of advantage, even to the victors, were mutu-the concert, followed this example, ran to their ally to imbrue their hands in blood, to decide a arms, and hastened to present Octavius with question of mere jealousy or emulation between their colours, in token that they received him as their leaders. their general. In comparing the character and prospects of Lepidus, to whom this visit and its conse.

the chiefs to be engaged in this quarrel, the pre-quences were altogether unexpected, being roused ference, in the esteem of both armies, was certain-by such an alarm: ran forth to the streets of the ly due to Octavius. To his possession of Spain camp, sounded to arms; arid, as many of the and the two Gauls, he joined that of Italy, with troops from mere habit obeyed his command, the metropolis. or seat of the empire. He bore without considering who was their enemy, atthe name of Caesar, and was at the head of that tacked Octavius, obliged him to repasts through formidable military power, which had broken the the gate at which le had entered, and to place force of the republic, and extinguished the au-himself under cover of the cavalry, who were thoritv of the senate. By his means the retain-waiting to receive him, and whose protection ers of Caesar had obtained the preferable lots in was now necessary to conlduct him in safety to the late distribution of settlements and military his own camp. rewards. In this manner the design of Octavius, on the Lepidus, on the contrary, without any party point of being executed, appeared to be defeated. attached to his person, and without any high re-But his declaration had made too deep an imputation, had been placed in the command of pression to be so slightly removed. The doubts armies by the appointment or sufferance of others. which it raised, and the choice now to be made The origin of his merit with JI tus Caesar, which I of a leader, was generally decided in favour ul

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CHAP. VII.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 387 Cesar. The effect of this decision accordingly retinue to attend his person, laid aside his imnpo dppearied in a great desertion from the camp of rial robes, and, in the ordinary dress of a citizen, Lepidus, either then, or during the subsequent walked towards the camp and the tent of his night. The legions, lately come over from the rival. Multitudes followed him, to gratify their service of Sextus Pompeius, beginning to leave curiosity, in seeing what was to pass in so new him in a body, he threw himself; with the usual a scene. A person who, the moment before, had guarls of his person, in the way to stop them. been at the head of’a great army, and reputed But finding that the very body with which lie a third in the sovereignty of the empire, was now, expected to prevent this desertion joined those by the sudden desertion of his own troops, rewho were going over to the enemy, he mixed en-duced to the condition of a private man, and( was treaties and threats, laid hold of an ensign-staff, to appear as a suppliant before an antagonist and attempted by force to stop the officer that whom he had recently set at defiance. To comwas carrying it to his rival. ” Dcad or alive,” plete the scene of his humiliation, in entering the said the bearer, “you shall quit your hold.” presence of Octavius, he would have thrown The cavalry at the same time mounted their himself on the ground, but was prevented by horses, and without leaving their ground, sent a the courtesy of his rival, who, content to strip mess-ae to Octavius, desiring to know, whether him of his command, and of his personal consehe chose that Lepidus should be secured or put quence, would not accept this mark of abaseto death? Having for answer, that Octavius had ment, and gave him leave to return into Italy, no design upon the life of their general, they where he lived afterwards equally unobserved by moved away without any farther notice of him. those against whom he had been made the inLepidus, seeing the desertion of his army strument of injustice, and by those who had complete, and having no longer any friends or made him their tool.

CHAPTER VII. F’orces of Octavius qffer the Acquisition of Sicily, and the Junction of the Armies of Sextus Pompeius and Lepidus-Mutiny and Separation of these Forces Arrival of Octavius at RomeHis Refor’m of the Army-Expedition of Antony against the Parthians IIs Retreat The Deoath of Sextus Pom peius-Open Breach between Octavius and Antony Progress of Antony and Cleopatra towards Greece-Operations of Antony and Octavius on the Gulph of Ambracia -B]attle of Actiumn-Flight of Antony-Immnediate Arrangements of Octavius after his Victory-Death of Antony And of Cleopatra. IN consequence of the’events which had taken for recent services; and promised a great deal place in Sicily, Octavius found himself at once more. But what he now gave appeared to be at the conclusion of a hazardous war, and master contemptible, when compared with the reward of all the forces which had been employed in it, which had been formerly given at Mutina and at whether as friends or as enemies. His fleet now Philippi, and still more, when compared with the consisted of near six hundred galleys with store-settlements lately made for the veterans of Caesar ships and transports; his land army of forty-five in Italy. These were minutely recorded, as the legions, which, though supposed to be incomplete, standard by which every legion had formed its may have amounted to above two hundred thou-expectations; and a general dissatisfaction was sand nlen. To these he joined above fifteen apparent in every rank and description of men. thousand horse and twenty thousand irregular Octavius for some time affected to be ignorant of infantry. They had been levied for different their discontent, and would have proceeded to masters and in different parts of the empire, were make the arrangements he had planned for sepapersons of different descriptions; originally slaves, rating them, and for placing the legions in quaras well as freemen; natives of Spain, Sardinia, ters remote from each other; but he had reason Sicily, and Africa, mixed with Italians and Ro-to doubt that his orders would not be obeyed, and man citizens; adherents of Caesar and of Pom-still remained in suspense. When his knowledge pey, of Antony, of Octavias, or Lepidus. It was of the mutinous spirit that prevailed in the army very difficult to dispose of an assemblage consist-coul( no longer be dissembled, he endeavoured to ing of such various and discordant parts. The soothe the most clamorous by additional marks troops that came over from Sextus Pompeius or of his favour, consisting chiefly of public honours, Lepidus were to be retained by indulgence and badges of military service to the men, and the title favours, and those who had been the original of senators bestowed on many of the officers. In support of Caesar’s fortunes had peculiar merits; distributing these favours, he assembled the army, all were sensible of their own consequence, and and made a speech, setting forth the nature of even of a power to dispose of the empire. the honours which he now conferred, and his Octavius saw the necessity of separating such farther intentions respecting the rewards which an army into different quarters before any cabals he meant to bestow. ” These are baubles,” said shouldl be formed, and before any mutinous spi-a tribune named Offilius, interrupting him; “chilrits had leisure to work on their minds, or to fill dren only are amused in tils manner; but men them with dangerous hopes or pretensions. That they might part in good humour, he made a dis-1 Appian. de Bell. Civ. lib. v. Dio.

Cass. Jib. xlix. tribution of some moneyv, in token of his gratitude c.

13, 14.

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388 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION Boos V. who have exposed themselves in the services of ment, to the present time. And, agreeably to their general, expect to be rewarded with lands the dictates of that masterly judgment with which and settlements.” This tribune was seconded he now, at least, began to conduct the interests by the clamours of the whole army.

Octavius of his ambition, he chose this time of victory and retired from the audience in some disorder; and, prosperity in which to exhibit the effects of his sensible of the danger to which he had exposed clemency, of his moderation, and of his disposih:r.self from this time forward never ventured to tion to spare those who, being supposed disafmeet these troops in a body, but employed secret fected to him, were now in his power. He arts in removing the heads of the mutiny. remitted all the arrears of taxes that were any The tribune Offilius, who had dared to interwhere due within his jurisdiction, either by rupt his general in such mutinous terms, whether farmers of the revenue or by private persons. Of won by favour, or taken off by violence, was se-the honours that were decreed to himself he made cretly disposed of. The legions who had served choice of a few, and declined such as were in any at Mutina and Philippi, amounting to twenty degree invidious and burdensome to the people. thousand men,l were separately appeased by do-The inhabitants of Italy, and Roman citizens nations and promises; were prevailed upon to in general, having, among other evils, suffered accept of their discharge from the service, and, greatly during the civil war, by the desertion of without any farther disturbance, to depart from their slaves, who were readily received, and taken the island. into the levies that were continually forming by When this party of the army was removed, different parties; Octavius took this opportunity, Octavius affected to consider those who were as far as it was in his power, at once to repair gone as the sole cause of the late discontents, and the loss which had been sustained by the master the guilty, lie said, being thus separated from the in the desertion of his slave, and to purge the arinnocent and from the deserving, he made an ad-my of a dangerous class of men, by whom it was ditional present in money to those who remained, overcharged and contaminated. In order to reand held out the hopes of convenient settlements, move them in a manner that should prevent any and of plentiful fortunes, at the final expiration disturbance on their part, he sent to every legion of their time in the service. By these artifices, a sealed order, to be opened on a certain day, and prudent measures, he effected the proposed bearing, that all who had been in the condition separation, and extricated himself frorn a danger of slaves should be secured; that as many as which frequently arises in the sequel of civil wars, were claimed should be restored to their masters; and threatens the victor with an overthrow, from and that the remainder should be put to death. that very engine which he had employed to raise According to this order, it was reported that his fortunes. thirty thousand were remitted to servitude, and Octavius, before his departure from Sicily, or-six thousand killed.3 dered a contribution to be levied of sixteen hun-The author of this severe, but well concerted dred talents;2 arid being no way disposed to follow reform, now in the twenty-eighth year of his age, out the plan of Lepidus, in the annexation of had, by accommodating himself, on every occaSicily to the province of Africa, he appointed sion, to his circumstances, and by successively separate governors to each. Having dismissed availing himself of the support of difterent parties, the ships which Antony had furnished in the more especially by courting the military retainers war, with instructions to wait, at Tarentum for of his late uncle, set himself above the civil conthe orders of their own superior, he himself passed stitution of his country; and now, by affecting a into Italy. regard to property, to civil rank, and to the peace The messengers who had been sent with ac-of his fellow-citizens, he was about to make the counts of the victories obtained by Octavius in army itself dependent on his will. From the real Sicily being arrived before him at Rome, all ranks impression which he made by this policy, as well of men vied with each other in the applause as from adulation and fear, the people were still which they bestowed on his conduct, and in cele-farther incited to load him with public honours.

brating the occasion with demonstrations of joy. and had his effigy carried at Rome, and in every In the name of the senate and people, who had country-town of Italy, among the idols of the no longer any real political concessions to make, tutelar gods. a variety of flattering proclamations were issued, The, advantage now gained by Octavius, in ordering, in honour of the victor, statues, trium-the acquisition of armies and provinces lately bephal arches, processionsf wreaths of laurel, anni-longing to Lepidus, were sufficient to have ~versary rejoicings, and immediate thanksgivings alarmed the jealousy of his remaining colleague to be prolonged beyond any former time assigned and rival in the empire, if he had not been ento such festivals. When he approached to the gaged, at this time, in a very hazardous entercity, multitudes of every rank, adorned with chap-prise beyond the frontier of his own province. lets, went forth to receive him, and conducted Antony during his stay in Italy or Greece, him in solemn procession to the temple, in which while he was chiefly attentive to the event of afhe was to perform the sacrifice of thanksgiving fairs in the Western provinces, had entrusted the for his safe return. Parthian war to his lieutenant Ventidius. This Octavius, on the day after his arrival, pro-officer acquitted himself with great honour in claimed the peace which was obtained by the re-the discharge of his trust, recovered the province duction of Sicily; and in two separate harangues, of Syria, which had been overrun by the Paroft which he gave copies in writing, one addressed thians, and drove them back beyond the Euphrato the senate, the other to the people, he gave an tes. Upon this account, he was judged worthy account of his whole conduct, from the time that of a trilamph, and came into Italy to receive this he first assumed the administration of the govern-honour I Orosius, lib. vl. 2 About 175,0001. 3 Orosius, lib. vi. c. 18.

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CHAP. VII.j OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 389 In the mean time, Antony was eager to gather Ikad come altogether unprepared for a siege, suf-:he laurels waich yet remained in this field, or fered them at first to remain before it undisturbed. was supposed to be jealous of the victories gained They directed their whole force against Sta ny his lieutenant over an enemy, who, till then, tianus, whom, with the two legions he comrn scarcely had yielded any advantage to the Rorman manded, they surprised and cut off; and by this arms. After his last visit to Italy, he had in the means made themselves masters of all the equiwinter passed to Corcyra, and so far was attended page and baggage of the Roman army. by Octavia, but parted with her there, in the Antony, upon the first alarm of the enemy’s prospect of this arduous service; early in the intention to attack Statianus, having left the spring he continued his voyage. Upon his arri-greater part of his forces before Praaspa, marched val in Asia, notwithstanding the respect that was with a strong detachment to support him; but due to his alliance with Octavia and her brother, coming too late, found the field covered with the it soon appeared that he was still under the do-slain of the Roman legions, without either friend minion of former passions. He already had two or enemy in sight. He understood that Artachildren by the queen of Egypt, who were named vasdes, the king of Armenia, to whose alliance Alexander and Cleopatra, but whom the mother he trusted in the present war, had remained an likewise distinguished, by the pompous appella-unconcerned spectator of this disaster, and he tions of the Sun and the Moon. Being prevented made no doubt that he was betrayed by this by the urgency of the service, at this season, from prince; but thought proper for the present to dismaking a visit at Alexandria, he sent an officer guise his resentment. The loss he had sustained of rank, Fonteius Capito, thither, to conduct made it necessary for him to think of extricating Cleopatra from her own kingdom into Syria; and his army from its present situation. Being alarmed having received her in that province, in his way for the safety of that part of it which he had left to the Euphrates, among other marks of his libe-before Praaspa, he, with hasty marches, returned rality, and of his passion, instead of trinkets and to its relief; but, at his arrival, finding no enemy tokens of love, he made her a present of Phceni-near, and still flattering himself that the town cia, Ccelesyria, Cyprus, and some part of Cilicia might be obliged to surrender, and that it might, to be annexed to her kingdom. It was concerted by its spoils, make up for the loss of his baggage, between them, that at the end of the campaign he lay before it, until he had exhausted all the he should pass the winter in Egypt; and they provisions and forage that was to be found in the parted with mutual expressions of impatience for neighbouring country; and, in proportion as the the return of this happy season. other difficulties of his situation increased, began The army, now mustered by Antony, con-to feel himself harassed with the sallies of a powsisted of sixty thousand Roman infantry, ten erful garrison, and the frequent attacks of numethousand Spanish and Gaulish cavalry, thirty rous parties of Parthians in the field, who began thousand irregulars,. being an assemblage of horse to act against him from every quarter and made and foot, and of different nations. While he ad-it equally difficult for him to decamp, or to subvanced with this force towards the Euphrates, he sist on his present ground. made his demand, that the Parthians should reUnder these difficulties, the Roman general store the captives and military ensigns taken with was frequently obliged to divide his forces; and Crassus.4 This was become a point of national leaving part to awe the town, marched with the honour among the Romans, and, joined to the remainder to cover his foragers, and the providers late provocation, was made the ground of the of his camp. As the enemy pressed upon him, present quarrel. in order to diminish the range from which he reThe Roman general had undertaken this in-ceived his provisions, he saw the necessity of vasion of the Parthians, in concert with the king hazarding a battle; and for this purpose, marched of Armenia; and finding, at his arrival on the from his camp with ten legions, three praetorian Euphrates, all the passages of the river, contrary cohorts, and all his cavalry. The Parthians af to his expectation, strongly guarded, he continued fected to abide his attack, but gave way at the his march, having the Euphrates on his right. first onset, and fled with every appearance of When he arrived in the Lesser Armenia, the rout and confusion; they were pursued by the season was too far advanced to effect the service Ronlan infantry for fifty stadia, or about six he had planned against the Parthians; but hav-miles, and by the cavalry over a hundred and ing intelligence that the Medes, or people of the fifty stadia, or about eighteen miles. Greater Armenia, had joined the enemy against In this action, Antony flattered himself that him in the preceding part of the war, he formed he had put an end to his troubles from the Para design on Praaspa or Phraata,5 the capital of thians; but, on numbering the prisoners and the their country; in expectation of taking this place slain, he found that only eighty of the enemy by surprise, he passed the Euphrates, leaving his were killed, and thirty taken; and, on returning heavy baggage and engines, with a guard of two to his camp before the town of Praaspa, he found, legions, under the command of Statianus. With that without being at all disconcerted by what the remainder of the army he penetrated into the had happened to them, they were returned to kingdom of the Greater Armenia, and presented their former stations, and took measures, as behimself at the gates of the capital. fore, to harass his camp, and to circumscribe his This was a place of great strength, and every foraging parties. Froni this specimen of a vienecessary precaution had been taken for its safety. tory over the Parthians, he learned to despair of Antony found that it could not be taken by being able to gain any advantage overan enemy, assault, and the Parthians, although they hasten-whose defeats were more pernicious to their aned to its relief; knowing that the Roman army tagonists than they were to themselves.6 To 4

Plit. in Antonio. I6 Among the Roimans who were seized with the 5 Ibid.

Dio. Cass. lib. xlix. c. 26, 21’, 28. passion of making offensive war on the Parthians,

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390 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION1 [BOOK V. comphkte his mortifications, he found that the ed through all these difficulties, as usual, with garrison of Praaspa had made a powerful sally in uncommon constancy and valour, making, in his absence. driven his guards from their ap-twenty-one days, a march of three hundred miles,2 proaches, and destroyed all the works he had under a continual attack of the enemy, in which constructed against the town.t Judging it vain it is reckoned that his army was eighteen times to renew his attack, or to remain any longer in engaged in battle.3 At the end of this march, in his present situation, he sent a deputation to reviewing the legions, with which he began to Phraates, probably rather to conceal his intended retreat, it was found, he had lost about a foburth purpose of flight, than with hopes to obtain any of their number;4 or, as Plutarch states his loss, reasonable terms of peace. twenty thousand foot, and four thousand horse. The king of Parthia received the message of It appears that Antony, upon his arrival in Antony, seated on a golden throne, and holding the Lesser Armenia, left a considerable body bein his hand a bended bow, the emblem of war. hind him in that country, to check the farther In order to sound the intentions of the Roman pursuit of the enemy,5 and with the remainder of general, he proposed, as a preliminary to peace, the army, proceeding from thence with great prethat he should raise the siege of Praaspa. An-cipitation, and under great hardships from the tony was prepared to decamp, as soon as his mes-season, by which he added eight thousand men sengers should be out of the hands of the enemy, more to his former losses, he arrived at ConAi, a but affected reluctance in agreeing to this condi-small seaport, between Berytus and Sidon, on tion, hoping that by these means he might con-the coast of Syria. At this place, ceal his intention, gain a few marches a-head, U. C. 718. he was received by Cleopatra on and reach the frontier of the Lesser Armenia, hoard her fleet, and with her effected before the Parthians could take any advantage of L. ortficius, his passage by sea to Alexandria, his flight; but the king being equally refined in peius. where he endeavoured to conceal his artifices, perceived, in the affected reluctance his losses, and to efhace the memory of Antony to agree to what he knew to be neces-of his sufferings in the midst of dissipation and sary, an intention to fly, without waiting the re-pleasure. suit of a treaty, and, in this apprehension, he had During the dependence of these events, the his cavalry already prepared to pursue him, disstate of the war in Asia had been variously reuted every pass, hung upon his rear and upon ported in the western parts of the empire. It is flanks, occupied the springs of water, and was believed for some time, that the Roman laid waste the country before him. army in Armenia, with its leader, had perished. Many of the foman army, overcome by fa-On this supposition, Sextus Pompeius, who still mine and fatigue, expired on the march; others remained in the island of Lesbos, began to rehad laid down their arms, and submitted to the sumne his pretensions. He was not without hopes, enemy. But those who had surrendered them-that on the demise of Antony, the armies of Asia selves, being cruelly treated, served, by their mi4ght declare for himself, and during some time, example, to check the inclination of others to sue affected to receive every person who repaired to for quarter, and taught the soldier to look for him, as the head of a party that was still of some safety only in perseverance, and in the use of his consideration in the empire. He even proceeded arms. Antony himself, in every encounter, was to solicit the alliance of all the princes of the east, prepared for the last extremity, and had a person from Thrace to Pontus, and the banks of the retained, with orders, in case of his being likely Euphrates.6 But upon the report of Antony’s to fall into the enemy’s hands, to end his life; or, return into Syria, he laid aside his ambitious in case he were killed in battle, to disfigure his thoughts, and sent a message to sue for protecbody, that it might not be known. But he pass-tion. Among other particulars, he set forth, that he had committed himself to the justice and cleJuliuis Casar is mentioned. And it is a problem, mency of Antony, not from despair, or from any which never can be solved, in what manner this able sudden impulse whatever, but from previous statesman and warrior would have acquitted himselfin thoueht and mature deliberation. He might so arduous a task. The Parthians had their haunts thought an mature deliberation. He might beyond the Tigris; and besides leaving no means on have had a safe retreat, and a powerful support, the frontier, by which an enemy could subsist in ap-he said, in Spain, where the friends of his father proaching them. probably presented no hold by which were yet numerous, and full of zeal; but from a they could be seized, even in their own couilry. A5 thorouch conviction, that the interests of Antony they had po giound which it was absolutely necessary for them to defend, so there was no ground on which were the same with his own, he had preferred an invader could be seculre fioln their attacks They his alliance to any other. “Octavius,” he congave way while an enemy advanced, and reckoned it tinned ” will soon have the same quarrel with an advantage to draw him far from his resources andou, that he has lately had with me, ad aftersupports. They waited with patience, till time, hard-y that he has lately had with me, and afterships, disease, or want of provisions had rendered him wards with Lepidus. He considers the empire an easy prey, or ripe for destruction; andl they then as his property, and cannot endure a partner. pressed upon him with a ferocity and ardour, which His open force is not so dangerous as the insiablndantly corrected any belief of their cowardice profeion, and the artful disguises with that might have been taken from their manner of receiving his first attacks. which lie hides his designs. I make you an ofler If Caesar had not already conceived some new or un-of a friendship that is sincere, and of a faith that common means of reducing them, it is probable, that is yet unbroken. I made you the same oflir while his first observations would have satisfier of Sicily and Sardinia, and i,. the he could not conquer such a people, althouigh he mlight, n time, have settled a new nation on the Tigris to height of my fortune. By accepting of it, you supplant them; and it is probable that he would Itave availed himself of some of their ordinary flights, to lay claim to a victory, and thus, with more ability than 2 Liv. Epitome, lib.

cxxix, &c. others of his countrymen, finish the war with a tri-3 Plut. in Antonio. 4 Veil. Pater. lib. ii. c. 82. umph at Rome. 5 Dio. Cass. lib.

xlix. c. 30. 1 Plut. in Antonio. 6 Appian. de Bell. Civ. lIb. v.

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CHAP. VII.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 39t will save the remains of a family, yet respected to a period. He even sent Bibulus into the east, by the Roman people, and, by joining with me, with open and public instructions to concert with you will gain the accession of a party, whom his colleague, the manner and time of their resigeven adversity has not made to abandon their nation.9 leader.” But Antony, acting as sovereign of the eastern While Sextus Pompeius addressed himself to empire, appeared on his part to be altogether inAntony in these terms, he endeavoured to pretent on the entertainments of the court at Alexserve the appearance of an armed force, and ho-andria, on the renewal of the war which he vered about with some ships on the coast of Ionia. affected to meditate against the Parthians, or on Being pursued by Titius, who had orders from his project against Artavasdes, the king of the Antony to observe his motions, he sailed up the Lesser Armenia, who he thought had betrayed Propontis, and *put into the harbour of Nicome-him in his late expedition. He was encouraged dia. Here he again offered to negotiate;7 but in his designs on that quarter, by the offers of a being told that he must surrender at discretion, league, which were made to him from the king he set fire to his ships, and attempted to escape of Medea, who thinkingr his services, during the by land. Having got into Phrygia, he was taken late invasion, ill re(quited by the Parthians, was In his flight, and soon after, by order of Antony, now (lisposed to take arms agrainst them. was put to death. Antony having accepted of this alliance, formed This event being known at Rome, Octavius the project of a new invasion of Armenia, chiefly ordered public rejoicings. Among these was a intent on his design to get the person of Artasolemn procession, led by two carriages or chariots vasdes into his poweir; but he was, for one seaof state; in one of them Octavius himself appear-son, diverted from the execution of his purpose, ed; by the other, he marked the place that was by an incident, which brought into the scale of due to Antony. Still farther, to soothe the public councils the weight of passions and of mojealousy of his colleague in the empire, he gave lives at all times powerfil; and at a time when orders that a statue should be erected to him in the world was to be governed by the humours the temple of Concord, and that he should have a of a few persons, scarcely to be balanced by any share in the honours which had been recently other consideration whatever. decreed to himself.

This indecent triumph over Octavia was become impatient of the neglect the last of a family, which had been so long in with which she was treated by her husband, and high estimation at Rome, was far from beiing ac-jealous of the preference which he gave to Cleoceptable to the people. The misfortunes of the patra. Hearing that he was to leave Alexandria young man himself, who from his earliest years on a new Parthian expedition, she determined to had been an exile, and stript of his inheritance, place herself in his way as he passed through he memory of his father and of the republic, Syria. To enhance the pleasure of their meetfilled the minds of men with searet indignation, ing, she was furnished with a variety of’

presents, and with a tender melancholy which they could and, among the rest, attended bv a boldy of two not disguise; and thou(gh ()ctavius himself es-thousand chosen men, clothed and( accoutred in caped on this occasion without any public insult, the manner of the pratorian bands, which had yet Titius some time afterwards exhibiting public been formed by her brother for the guard of his shows in the theatre of the great Pompey, was, own person, and which he now sent as a token on account of the part which he had taken in the of friendship to Antony. She was arrived in murder of the son, driven from thence by the Greece with this attendance when her intention execrations of the people.8 became known in Egypt.10

The forces of the empire were now parcelled On hearing of this journey of Octavia, Cleoin two separate lots, under the direction of mas-patra being greatly alarmed, had the address to ters, who were soon to entertain the views and appear sunk under a weight of affliction, which the jealousies of separate monarchs. Octavius she affected to bear with fortitude; but was was become the sovereign of Rome, and occupied sometimes surprised in tears, which she endeachiefly in removing obstructions to his govern-voured to dry up, and either increased the anment, and in consolidating the arrangements he guish of real passion, or gave more appearance had made in the state. HIe had taken measures of sincerity to her dissimulatioun, by her affectato repress many disorders, the dregs of the civil tion of a desire to conceal what she felt. Her wars, which still afflicted the city and the con-health, in appearance,‘declined, and it was whistigutous provinces. He had brought his armies pered, that her life was in danger. She herself un’der tolerable discipline, and even in a great continued obstinate in her silence; but her conmeasure reconciled the people to the loss of their fidents insinuated that the fear of losing Antony political consequence, and of their liberties. Hie was the cause of her distress, and that the day he took care to destroy; with much ostentation, all left Alexandria, would probably he the last of her papers and records from which those, who had life. Thus, with a mixture probably of artifice acted against himself, might fear being drawn and real passion, not uncommon in cases of this into trouble. He retained the usual names, and sort, the Q(ueen of Egypt had the addlress to rethe forms of office; and wherever he himself was tain Antony at Alexandria, and prevailed on to exercise any uncommon power, he talked of him to send a peremptory order to Octavia, not it as a mere temporary expedient to obviate the to advance in her intended progress to the east. disorders of the times, and spoke of his inten-He excused himself at the same time, from even tion, in concert with Antony, to discontinue excepting the presents which she brought from every irregular mode of administration, as soon her brother.’ as the war with the Parthians should be brought 9

Appian. de Bell. Civ. lib. v. 7 Dio. Cass. lib. xlviii. c. 18. 10 Dino.

Cass. lib. xxxiii. Plut. in Antonio. 8 Veil. Pater. lib ii. c. 79. 11

Ibid.

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39’z THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [Boors V. Upon the return of Octavia to Rome, under that he formed the project of a war first in all the circumstances of this affront, her brother Africa, in the execution of whic h, he actually proposed that she should renounce her connec-passed into Sicily; and being there some time tion with Antony, and remove from his house; detained by contrary winds, he changed his obbut if in this he wished her to act from resent-ject, and sent the army destined for Africa to the ment, her own conduct, though proceeding from opposite side of Italy, beyond the HIadriatic, to a difflerent motive, was better calculated to unite make war on the Japydes. Savi, Pannonii, and the people in avenging her quarrel. Being will-other nations on the side of Illyricum, who were ing to await the return of her husband’s inclina-more likely than the Africans to furnish his tions, she remained at the head of his family, troops with the experience of real service, as well continued to manage his affairs, and acted in as himself with a plausible pretence for keeping every particular as the mother of his children, them on foot.

They accordingly penetrated, 1: even of those by a former marriage, and under-his orders, beyond the frontier of the empire (t took the protection of such adherents and friends that side, and were employed to gather laurels as came to solicit their affairs in the capitol.l at the expense of the barbarians, by whom, he The unworthy treatment which Octavia re-alleged, 1 sat his provinces had been often infested. ceived in return for so much duty, as it interested In the mean while, according to the public in her favour, so it gave an immediate U. C. 719. the arrangements that were made prospect of a breach between the leaders, who.b s relating to the succession of consuls, now divided the empire.

Antony and Octavius Libo.Mdli.tto-Antony was elected into this office, had been rivals for the succession of Ca sar’s nius absens. and though not present in person on power, had frequent quarrels, which were sus-L.

Sempro-the first of January, had his name pended from time to time by apparent and all - Sil’S.trati-entered on the record. In accepting bigaous reconciliations. Even the marriage of n 5ital1Tii of this nomination, he meant no Octavia was no more than a mere expedient to Paul..rtmi-more than to ascertain his right to put off to a more convenient time a final breach, lius, C. AJle-dispose of the consulate, and had which, between parties of such opposite preten-i2us Es Oiven a commission, by which, on sions, must in the end be deemed unavoidable. H
re, - the very day of his admission, he It is probable that Octavius, in all the vicissi-nius. vacated the office in favour of antudes of his connection with Antony, or with any other, and brought forward a number other party, had never lost sight of the expecta-of his friends in the course of the year. He tions he hlad formed from his earliest youth, not wished by these means to make known, that only as the heir of Julius Coesar, but as the suc-although Octavius was pleased to occupy the cessor likewise to his power in the common-seats of government; yet he was not to engross wealth. He united or broke withl different par-for his friends and retainers the ordinary honours ties, according to the state of his afl:iirs, and that were enjoyed in the state. procured these breaches or coalitions in the pre-Octavius, probably, treading as nearly as he cise conjunctures that were most favourable to, could in the steps of’ his late uincle, still sought himself. He at one time joined with the senate, for occasions to keep his armies in service; and and the assassins of his uncle, to pull down the although he was not inclined to make war abroad, power of Antony; he afterwards joined with or make new acquisitions of territory to the emAntony to reduce the senate, and to destroy the pire, yet he affected to have many designs which republic. He courted Antony occasionally, to required the possession of a. military force. prevent his forming any dangerous combination Among these, he projected an enterprise for the with Sextus Pompeius or with Lepidus, and, in reduction of Britain, made the necessary prepageneral, kept terms with him, while either of rations, and proceeded himself to the northern these leaders continued to be formidable, or could parts of Gaul. Here, however, his attention was cast the balance by uniting against him. again diverted to a different quarter. Having’ This refined politician, upon becoming sole an army employed on the side of Illyricum, in master of Italy, and of the western provinces, separate divisions, under Agrippa and other offiwas now better enabled, than formerly, to brave cers, Messala and Geminus, whose names only the power of his remaining competitor in the em-are known: it was reported, that the division, pire; and he prepared for the contest, which under Geminus, acting in Pannonia, had received could not be long avoided. He had greatly re-a check, and been obliged to retire from some duced his military establishment, by purging his parts of the country they had forimerly occupied. armies of improper subjects, not only the armies Upon this alarm, Octavius himself thought prowhich had come over to him from his antago-per to lay aside his design upon Britain; but nists, Sextus Pompeius and Lepidus, but those finding, upon his arrival in Illyricum, that the likewise which had been levied in common be-supposed loss was already repaired, the enemy in tween Antony and himself. But even, after he different encounters defeated, and the former had thus dismissed such as were of doubtful ground of his army recovered, he himself joined faith, and reduced his establishment to that mea-Agrippa, who was employed against the Dalsure which he wished to maintain, he had still matians, and continued for some months to remaining a greater number than his present oc-take a part in the campaign with this favourite casions seemed to require, and he sought for pre-officer.2 tences, under which, in the present state of tran-Antony, at the same time, as if equally disquillity to which his division of the empire was posed to have an army inured to service, sought reduced, he might avoid giving any alarm to his likewise for occasions of war; and having quieted rival, and justify his maintaining so great a milithe jealousies of Cleopatra, by a seemingly irretary fo:rce. For this purpose probably it was, concilable breach with her rival, was pern;ittw~ 1 Plut. in Antornio. Dio. Cass. lib.

xi’. c. 39.

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CHAP. VII.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 393 to form projects of enterprise beyond the limits badges of royalty, but likewise’ the attire and deof Egypt. Ile renewed his designs against the si gnation of a god; wore the buskins, the golden kings of Armenia and Parthia. In the spring. crown, and the chaplet of ivy belonging to Bache advanced to Nicopolis, a place so nanled, from chus, held the Thyrsus in his han(l, ancd was the victory of Pompey over Mithridates; and drawn through the streets of Alexandria on a car supposing that the treachery of Artavasdes, in like those which were employed in the processions betraying Statianus, would justify any measures of the gods.4 It was said, that Cleopatra at. the he could take against him, he sent repeated mes-same time assumed the dress of Isis; that being sages, under pretence of friendship, desiring a seated together on thrones of gold, ele~vated on a conference; but with a real intention of seizing lofty plattborm, Antony presented Cleopatra to his person. The more effectually to remove all the lpeole, as queen not only of Egypt and Cy suspicions of any such design, he proposed a prus, but lik ewise of Atrica and Celesyria, and marriage between Alexander, one of his own that he associated with her in these titles Casasons by Cleopatra, and the daughter of that rion, her suppo’se(l sonll bJulius Casar. To hit prince; but not saccceding in this artifice, he own son Alexander, in these drunken assignaadvanced into the heart of Armenia, and threat-tions iof emipire, it was relported that he allotted enetl to lay the kingdorn waste with fire and Armrnia, Media, and Parthia, which, though not sword. The king being unprepared for defence, in his possession, he consildered as a certain contook his resolutiIonl at last to try the sincerity of qluest: to Pttolomy, another of his sons, Phlewnicia, Antony’s professions, and was actually taken. Syria, antI (Cilicia., and presented each of them The first advantage which the Roman general to the people in. the dress, and with thel ensigns proposed to make of this capture, was exacting a and the retinue suite(d to the several destinations; ransom; and for this purpose, the king, being Alexanlder, with the Persian tiara; and I’tolomy, carried round the fortresses of his kingdom iii with the d(ress anid diademn worn by the princes which the royal treasure had been depositedl, was of Macedonia. made to demand great sums of money undler this This mock distribution of the eastern kingpretence; but the officers, to whom this demand doms was executed inl ftirmal deedls or writings, was addressed, knowing that their sovereign was of which copies were ordered to Rome to be dea prison.ler, shut their gates against him, and reposited in the rec(ords of the temple of Vesta, and fused to comply. The army of Armenia at the in the keeping of the virgins. And as Octavius same time assembled, and considering the throne looked foirward to an immediate quarrel with Anas vacant, placed upon it Artaxes, the eldest son tony, the whole circuinstanices with which these of their captive king. Being led by this young acts had been soleliniz d at Alexandlria, were inprince into immediate action with the Romans, dustriously published at Rome to his prejudice. they were defeated, and he himself was obliged’The writings, however, not being actually brought to take refuge with the Parthians. to the city betfore the subsrequent year, in which Antony contented with this victory, which Donlitius aind Sosius were consuls, part of the gave himn possession of the country, put his army scandal was tor some timne secreted by the influinto winter quarters in the Lesser Armenia, andi ence of these lagistrates, who were inclined to entered into a defensive treaty with the king of favour Antony acainst Octavius in the impendMedia, whose daughter, upon that occasion, was ingi contest for enmpire. betrothed to the same son of Cleopatra, whose WVhile Antony indulged himpropose(l marriage with the daughter of Arta-U. C. 7 0. self in these extravagancies at vasdes had been employed as a snare to betray Imper.

CEsar Alexandria, Octavius, with L. that prince. itcrun. Volcatis Tullus, assumed the At the conclusion of these transactions, An-L. olcatus title of consuls at Rome; but the tony set out on his return to Egypt, and meditating first, at his admission, thought a triumphal procession into the city of Alexan-P. d.utro.,ius proper to fbolow the example that dria, destined his captive for a part in the scene, ptetus. was lately set to him by Antony; gave orders that he should be conducted thither L. KFl.a iiI. ioi the first of January, vacated in chains; and accordingly, upon the arrival of’ the office, arind substituted another the troops and the equipage which were to form Ez’al. IAl. in his place. By like successive his retinue, he made his entry with all the parade C. lbntiuUs.

substitutions, he communicated of a Roman triumph, repeated all the forms this dignity in the course of the year to six difwhich were usual on such occasions at Rorme, ferent I)ersons. made a speech to the people, and ordered a pub-jM. qcilis. rThe office of.‘edile, which had lic feast. In these several particulars, seeming to.qgriola been goenerally declined on acplace the inhabitants of Alexandria upon a foot Ex. Kal. Setl. cotunt of the expenses which atof equality with the Roman people, and I)rosti-L.

Vinucils. tended the discharge of it, and tuting a solemn institution of the Romanls to the Er. Kl. Oct. which had been fobr sonle time vanity of a barbarous court, he gave much scan-L. Lavontius. discontinued, was now revived in dal and offence at Rome. Every circumstance the person of Agrippa, who, being exaggerated by his enemies, his own extra-thoutrh he had been already of a higher rank, vagance gaMne( a ready belief to every report that and in the station of consul, voluntarily underwas circulated against him. took the duties of duile; and, at his own expense, It hlas been observed, on diflerent occasions, applied himself to the more serious obljtects of the that Antony. although he stemmed the current trust, by constructing highways, erectin:g pulilic of adversity with vigour and ability, was generally works, and cleansing the common sewers, works carried by prosperity into every excess of sensual-of great antiquity, that seemed to exceed the ity, extravagance, and dissipation. In this time __ of festivity, he assumed, in the midst of his ide-3 Florus, lib iv. c.

11. Dio. (lass. lib. 1. c. 5. bauch, not only the easti rn dtess, and all the: 4 Vel. Pat. lib. ii. c. 83. 5 Dio. Cass. lib. xlix. c.41, 3 L,

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394 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK V. force of the times to which they were refi’rred.! had dishonoured the Roman name by his breach He at the same time repaired the circus, made of’ faith with the king of Armenia, and had given new regulations for conducting tihe entertainments no account at Rome of tihe spoils of that kingdom of that place, and himself exhibited magnificent that hlie had plresumed to dimiemhber the Roman shows. Iemire ill behalf of Cleopalra, and of her children Under this magistracy of Agrippa, the people and that he supportedl her in an attemnpt to inwere gratified with presents, as well as with trudh into the family of Cwsar one of her spurious pastimes. Articles of finery, txinkets, and even progeny.4 sums of money were distributed’ by a slpecies of These mutual complaints were oufblicly made, lottery. Counters or Ibillets, entitling the Ifarer and supported at Rome. Neither of the parties to certain prizes, which were marked upon each, professed any intention of going to war; but, were thrown out by handtlfuls to be scrambled fo)r under various pretences, collected in moe, and in the crowd. Public baths, furnished with all augmented their forces. They held a continual *he usual apparatus, were provided, and attendedl correspondence bv agents and messeng ers, mnerely with keepers and dressers at the public expense;2 to have an opportunity of observing each other’s acts of munificence and popularity, in which it motions; anll soon involved ill their disputes and was thought proper to cultivate the public faivour. jealousics, not only their own immediate retainers Octavius at the same time, on so near a pros-and friends, but such as now composed the senate pect of a quarrel with Antony, who was to ei-and assembln,!ies of the people, who could riot reploy half tile forces of the empire against him, main unconcerned spectators in a tlilirence behad the good fbrtune to disengage himself firom twecn persons who were likely again to involve fioreign wars. Those which he carried on in the empire itself in a civil war. Dalmatia, terminated in the submission of that Cneius Donmitius Ahen-obarpeople, in their giving hostages for their rood be-C I bus, and Caius Sosius, h,:ogifm in haviour, and in their restoring the colours which Ci. iDoisias consequence of precedoligV eIIgage had 1been taken from a Roman nnarmy they haod de-hirhu, memlits succeeded to, the cOnsulate, Cains; Ssints. feated under the conduct of Vatinius.;fluse Ic. al, and bein( attachod to Aiony, I:. hK171, Jul~. tl)tc~~ataltt iA~cry hung up in a lportico, which bore his own name; I(. Cosr/nlvr., ni espioused his come. Sobut a tritnupli being decreed to him, he declined::. ial.,.2.

siu.s, on the first of January, in U. I/alerlis. or deferred acceptin oft it; on this, as on niniv ris cnterin upon hlis ofhice, ventured other occasions, discovering a imind, though tfon to arraimn the condmct of Octaof dominion, indifli rent topomp, and the exterior vius, enumerated the injuries which he had appearances of power. offeretd to A mton, and mnoved the senatie for reAntonv passed the summer at thile heatd of his dress: army in Syria, without having madle any attempt O(‘tavius, having previous intimation of wvhat against the Parthians. iHe renewed Iis ldefen-was to he moved by the consul. andl w)ishing to siwe alliance with the king of Media; and the know the full exteiit of the charge blefiore he parties iit this treaty, being to name the powevrs shoult be obliged to reply, on that day, absenled against whom they respectively wished, in the himself fronm the senate; lint took care to, have event (of a war, to secure an alliance, the king of Nonius, one of the tribunes of the peoph,, preMedia made particular mention of the Pqrthians, pared to watch over his interest, and to put a and Antony named Octavius. A.t the end of this negative on any proceeding that might, he atnegontiation[ they mutually made an exchange of tempted to his prejudice. At the next a..semfly some troops.s3 of the senate, he appeared with a nume1troutsi body Thus Antony mate no secret of the dlistrust of armedl nmen, seated himself hctween ti e conwhich he conceived of his colleague in the emi-suls, and from that place made Imis oainswXer to t he pire, or of a breach, which, from their lmmutual accusations, which in thIe former meerting had jealousies and provocations, was gradually widen-been stated against him, and retorted maiuc i laime mng. He affected to treat Casarion, the reputed oio his enenmics. He called upon Amntovny, in s-n of Julius Cwsar by Cleopatra, as the legiti-particular, to return into Italy, and to resigll tile mate heir of the Julian family. Ile likewise re-triumvirate, the period for which that temporary. tortedl on Octavius, the artifice which had b. eni power was created being now expired.s practised against himself; by professing an inten-To this dlefiance, on the part of Octavius, no tio)n to resign the power of triumvir. He coom-reply being made by the friicndls oft’ Antony, tihe ilained of the violence which had been done to assembly was adjourned for some days, oluring Lepidus; inut asked, if Lepidus were justly dewhich time both the consuls thougotht i)perlr to posed, why he himself was not admitted to his withdraw fronm the city; and not supp;usilg themshare in the provinces? He compldained of his selves safe within the jurisdliction of a,erson being excluded from a share in the spoils of Sex-against whom thley had taken so hostie a part, tus Pompeins, as well as of Lepdlus; and of his continuedl their retreat into Asia, where Antony, being excluded from Italy, which was the corn-whose cause they hadl espoused, hlad tile rieaims mon seat of government to the whole empire, to protect them. and which Octavius had not any right to appro-Octavius, pleased to find himself, by tihe flight priate to himself. of the ordinary magistrates, left master of tihe To these complaints Octavius replied, That city, and freerd froim the necessity of etmploying Antony, without making any compensation to immediate force against the foIbrms of common his colleagues in the western provinces, had seized wealth, gave them no interruption, nor attemmpten the kingdom of Egypt; that he hadl unwar-ed to prevent their escape. He eveni gave out, rantably put Sextus Pompeius to dleath; that he that these officers had withdrawn by his perimisI Plinis. libh. xxxvi. c 15, 4 Dio. Cass. lib. 1.

c. 1. 2 Dio;ass lib. xlix. c 43. 3 Ibid. c. 44. 5 Liv. Epironme, lib.

cxxxii.

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tJIAP, VII. OF 1 HE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 295 sion, anll that every one else who was disposed to These reports, tending to render Antony an objoin his antagonist, might follow their example.6 ject of ridicule, or of scorn, were propagated with Antonly, when he received an account of what great effect among the people. They were even was thus passing at Rome, being arrived in the introduced in the senate, and employed as the Lesser Armenia, on his last expedition into that pretence for a motion that was made to divest country, assembled all the senators of his party him of his present command in the east, and of who were then with his army, laid before them that share of the sovereignty which he held in his grounds of cori)laint against Octavius, re-the capacity of triumvir, and to declare him innounced in form his marriage with Octavia, and capable of holtding the office of consul, to which declared war on her brother.7 At the same time, he was destined for the ensuing year. he took a solemn oath, in which he bound him-Plancus, in support of the motion that was self, at the end of six months, after he should made to this purpose, urging, together with the have relieved Italy from the tyranny of Octavius, reports now mentioned, the maniiild disorders to restore the government entire to the senate which were imputed to Antony, and the many and people, agreeably to the ancient constitution. ofiences he had committed against the comminonHaving taken this method to gain all those who wealth, was answered with great courage and wished for the restoration of the commonwealth, asperity, by persons who still ventured to tsll’use and having remitted great sums of money into the cause of the absent triumvir.

” While you Italy, to be dealt out in presents and gratuities to were of his councils,” said Coponius to P’lalncus the army of his rival,8 instead of pursuing the on this occasion, “I doubt not but the conduct pretended object of the war in Armenia, he put of Antony was sufficiently blameable.”~0 his army in motion westward. Having Canidius Octavius, however, be.ing master at Romae, the advanced with sixteen legions, he himself’ conmotion was carried, an(l a decree was obtained, ducting the queen of Egypt, who was to have in consequence of it, to suspend Mark Antony her share in the enterprise, took the route of in the exercise of all his powers. War at the Ephesus, where all his ships were ordered to as-same time was formally declared a.rainst the semble. Of these he had eight hundred sail, of queen of Egypt, while Octavius, with his usual which Cleopatra furnished two hundred complete-discretion, to avoid making enemies unnecessa rily ly equipped, together with twenty thousand ta-of those who must have been involved. with Anlents in money.9 tony in any personal attainder, (lid not includ( The consuls Domitius and Sosius having join-him in this declaration. A proc!anmation, howed Antony at Ephesus, and finding all his counever, was published, “requiring all citiz7,‘s to cils governed by the caprice of Cleopatra, and all withdraw themselves from Antony, as, irlg his measures made subservient to her vanity or abandoned to the caprices of a stranger,‘aildl a interest, warmly recommended that the queen of woman, who, by a kind of fascinlat.ionl, led 1imn ill Egypt should return into her own kingdom, and her train, and prevailed( upon him to countelanlice there remain until the war should be at an end; against his own country, a war which was to be but she, dreading the loss of her influence, the conducted by the eunuclls Mard(io and Pothinus, restoration of Octavia, and a reconciliation of keepers of the palace of Alexandria; and by Ira parties, to which her pretensions, interests, and and Charmion, the waiting womnenl of’

Cleopatra, passio;. s must be the first sacrifice, employed all who hoped soon to reign in the capital of the her artifice to defeat their counsel, and to main-Roman empire, as absolutely as they had fior some tain her ascendant over Antony. For this pur-time governed in the provinces of tile East.““l pose, with more care and assiduity than she In the sequel of these declarations, solme taxes mustered the forces of her allies, or collected the for the expense of the war were laid on the inresources of her kingdom for the support of the habitants of Italy; an uncommon stretch of’ power, var, she assembled from every quarter the means which, on the approach of an enemy who was of dissiipation and the instruments of pleasure. likely to divide the people, appeared to be impoliTMany Roman officers, who had hitherto em-tic and dangerous. All freed slaves, having two balrked their fortunes with Antony, disgusted by hundred sestertia or upwards, weie required to the appearances of levity and dissipation which pay an eighth of their effects, free citizens were attended himn on this occasion, withdrew from his required to pay a fourth of their yearly revenue; cause, and threw themselves into the armns of his and these exactions being violently enforced, gave en6my. Plancus, in particular, with Titius, rise in manly places to insurrection and bloodlong dissatislied with the influence and conduct shed;12 anti the minds of men being greatly agiof Cieopatra, deserted him. They brought with tated, reports of presages and prodigies were cirtherm into Italy particular accounts of Antony’s culated as usual, in times of great alarm, and on levity, and of Cleopatra’s insolent speeches, in-the eve of important events. sinuating that she flattered herself with the hopes Antony, in the mean tilme, advanced with his of becoming mistress of the Roman empire.

fleet and army from Ephesus to Sanlos, and from They produced copies of Antony’s will, already thence to Athenls, where, together with the queen mentioned as having been sent to the records of of Egypt, he was received with a flattering pathe Vestals, and which, by its extravagance, geantry, and with many complimentarv addresses, procured credit to every other report which was in composing which, this peop)le lnow exercised raised to his prejudice, so much as to make it be-that ingenuity for which they were formerlv celelieved, that it he should prevail in the contest brated in conducting matters of state and of war. with Octavius, he mleant to declare Cleopatra Cleopatra was admitted to the freehloll of the city queen of the Rolmans, anti to transfer the seat of of Athens. Antony, I)eing already a citizen, led the empire to Alexandria. the procession, in which the republiic camle to con6 Dio. Cass. lib. I. c. 2. 7 Ibid. c. 3. 8

Ibid. c. 7. 10 Veil. Pater. lib. ii. c. 83. 11 Plut. in Antonio. I’liut.

in Antonio, near three millions sterling. 12 Dio. Cass lib. 1. c. It)

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396 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK V. fer this honour on the queen; and made her a to show the strength of his party, or to secure the speech in name of his fellow-citizens, the Athe-persons of those of whose fidelity he entertained nian people. any doubt, summoned all the Roman citizens of From thence Antonv proceeded to the island note to attend him on the coast. From thence, of Corcyvra, where all his forces assembled, and in order to profit by Antony’s delay, and to fix seemed to threaten ltaly with an immediate inva-the theatre of the war in Greece, he embarked sion. IH[e had undoubtedly got the start of his with his army, and stood for the opposite coast of antagonist, might have surprised him, and di-Epirus. He landed under the promontory of vided the inhabitants of Italy, aind other parts of Acroceraunus, the same place at which Julius the western empire. Of these, numbers were debarked in pursuit of the war with Pomnpey; discontenlted on account of recent exactions, many and from this place, ordering the fleet to coast were disposed to favour the absent party, or from round the head lands, and the island of (C orcvra, animosity to a government, under which they he marched with the army along shore towards had experienced oppression, were desirous of any the gutph of Ambracia. change. This gulph opens into the channel that sepaWith all these advantages in his favour, Anto-rates the islands of Corcyra, Leucada, and Ceny either never had the intention to invade Italy phalonia.

It is narrow at its entrance; 4 but is in the present season, or laid it aside, and deter-wider within,5 and stretches eastward6 about mined to pass the winter in Greece. He sent twenty or thirty miles. At its opening, on the his fleet. into the gulph of Ambracia, and qua’- southern shore, stood Actium, and opposite to tered his army in the Peloponnesus, or round th this place stood Toryn6, afterwards called Nicagulph of Corinth, where, besides the ordinary polis. Antony had taken possession of Actium, resources of the country, they had continual and having a proper harbour in the gut, comn supplies of every necessary by sea, from Asia manded the whole navigation of the rulph. anti Egypt. Octavius advancingawith his fleet an.d army from By the last arrangement, which had been con-the northward, and having no oppositior n ade to certed between Octavius and An-him by the enemy, took possessioll of Toryn6, U. C. 7~~. tony, for the succession of’ consuls entrenched himself in a strong post on shore, during eight years, of which this and stationed his fleet tbehind him in a creek, JMaar. Vat. was the last, they themselves were which furnished a harbour sufficiently said. 7 JMessala Cor-now to have entered on the office; Antony, already psted on the opposite side of siaus. Ex but Antony being set aside by a the gulph, either did,lot think himself in condiKat.

JMart. J. public act of the senate and people, tion to prevent the enemy from making this.Jiitius, x c s e Kal. Oct. Ca. (ictvius assumed for his colleague, lodgment in his presence, or determined by some Pompei us.

Messala, already mentioned as the other motive, chose to act on the definsive; and particular friend of Marcus Bru-thus the armies were stationed, Octavius in tus. This’almost only remaining partizan of the Epirus, and Aritcny in Acarnania, on the oprepublic had been among the proscribed, but was posite sides of the entrance to the gulph of Am.

afterwards taken into favour, and reconciled to bracia. the successor of Cesar.l The state of the forces on each si(le is variously Octavius now holding the office of Roman reported. Plutarch says, that in entering on the consul, endeavoured to sink, under this designa-war, Antony had five hundred galleys, of which tion of a legal magistrate, his pretensions as a there were Inany nlounting eight and ten tire of military adventurer, and qualified the troops, oars; that the land army, which had been transwhich he employed against Antony, as the forces ported by his fleet, consisted of a hundred thouof the commonwealth, assembled to repel the at-sand infantry, and twelve thousand horse; that tack of a foreign enemy. Hedrew them together Octavius had two hundred and fifty galleys, on the coast of Apulia, and while he stationed eight thousand foot, and twelve thousand horse. the greater part of his fleet in two divisions at Others place the superiority of nunlbers on the Brundusium and Tarentum, sent Agrippa with side of Octavius, but state them as more nearly a squadron to ply off the harhours of Greece, and equal.8 to interrupt the naval communications of the As the Egyptian fleet still commanded the pasenemy. sage of the gulph, Antony, after it was too late By the vigilance and activity of Agrippa, many to disturb the enemy in making their lodgment, captures were made in the winter, and the con-seized a post, with a considerable part of his veyance of corn, arms, and military stores from army, on the side of Toryn6, to restrain their exAsia. Syria, and Egypt, intended for the use of cursions, and to cut off their forage. Octavius, Antony’s fleet and army,2 was rendered difficult on his part, detached Agrippa, with a powerful and extremely precarious. To supply their ne-squadron, to make descents on the coasts, to cessities, both his sea and land forces were obliged ravage the towns that were in the possession of to plunder the country around them; and, in the Antony, and to cut off the supplies that were want of horses and carriages, drove the inhabit-brought him by sea.

ants like beasts of burden, laden with corn and According to these instructions, Agrippa took other provisions, to the sea coast. Antony, when possession of Methone, on the coast of Messenia he joined his fleet at Actium, being told that half’ and of Patre, near the mouth of the gulph of his rowers had perished from scarcity and disease: Corinth, entered that gulph, and made a descent “The oars’” he said, ” I hope are safe.“3
near the city of Corinth, afterwards took possesIn the mean time, Octavius brought his land forces to EBrundusium and Turentum; and either 4 About half a mile, or five stadia. 5 One hundred stadia. 1 D)io. Cass lib 1. c.

10 2 Oros. lib. v 9. 6, Stretches in land three hundred stadia, Polyb 3

Ibid. lib. iv. c. 63. 7 Plit. in Antonio. 8 ibid

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CHAP. VII.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 397 sion of the promontory of Leucada, which lay in enemy he had any suspicion, and reinforced hit the course of Antony’s convoys,9 andl obliged fleet from the land army with as many archers him, after a check he had received in the neigh-and slingers as could ply in the ships. bourhood of Toryn6, by the defeat of the cavalry Octavius, in the mean time, having intelligence he employed on that side, to abandon his ground of these deliberations and counsels, and seeing in Epirus, and to repass the straits to Actium. the bustle which the embarkation of so many In these operations passed the greater part of men from the land, and the movements of ships summer; but as nothing was decided, Domitius, to get in their stations, occasioned, he likewise who, in the preceding year, notwithstanding he prepared for action. In his address to the offiwas consul, had left his station in the city to join cers of his fleet, he still affected to consider CleoAntony, now disgusted with his conduct, went patra as the principal party in the war. “Anover to Octavius. A general distrust ensued in tony had condescended,” he said, “to become her the party,l~ and Antony, being distressed for want dependent and follower, and was now preparing, of provisions, saw the necessity of making his not to fight, but to accompany the queen of retreat, or of risking a general action. His fleet Egypt in her flight.”

In respect to the conduct having suffered greatly in winter from scarcity of the action, he was inclined to let the enemy and from disease, he deliberated whether he get under sail, and even to wait until they should should not abandon his ships, and rest his cause have turned the promontory of Actium, thinking on the event of a battle on shore;” but Cleopatra, this would be the proper time for him to attack who governed all his councils, and who dreaded their rear, to pursue them in their retreat, and by being deprived of a retreat by sea, urged him these means to gain the advantage and reputawithout delay to set sail for Alexandria.

She tion of a victory, without the hazard of a battle; proposed, that, to check the progress of the ene-but being dissuaded from this design by Agrippa, my, proper detachments should be left to keep he took his resolution to meet them at the mouth possession of all the strongholds in Asia and of the straits, and if he prevailed, was in hopes Greece; that these detachments siould be sup-he might put them out of condition to renew the ported from Egypt; and that Antony, in the war. For this purpose lie reinforced his fleet mean time, should prepare the whole forces of with as many men from the land as could conthat kingdom to contend for the empire of the veniently act on board.‘3 world. After both fleets were in readiness, they were The partizans of Cleopatra, in the council of detained in their harbours four days by a storm, Antony, contending for this plan of retreat which and a high sea which set into the gulph. But on she proposed, among other arguments against the fifth day the wind having abated, and the sea risking a battle, urged many fatal presages and becoming smooth, Antony’s fleet began to form signs of impending calamity, sufficient to strike a in the straits. He himself, with Poplicola, empanic in the troops, and to render the flight they barked with the first division on the right, Cawlius advised, in some measure necessary. It was deter-on the left, and an officer, whom Plutarch names mined, however, as a kind of middle course, that Marcus Octavius, with M. Justeius in the centhe fleet should put to sea; if permitted, with-tre.14 His ships being heavier and loftier, Ibat draw from the enemy; but if attacked, give bat-less active than those of Octavins, he hesitated tle. As it was observed, that many of the ships for some time whether he should not remain in were ill manned, and in disrepair, and some alto-close order, and endeavour to bring on the action gether unserviceable; these being selected and in the narrow entrance of the gulph, where his burnt, the remainder prepared for the sea. antagonists, for want of room, could not derive When this resolution was taken, Antony any great advantage from the superior agility of called his officers together, put them in mind of their vessels, or quickness of their motions. the diligence with which he had made his prepa-VWhile Antony deliberated on this matter, Ocrations for the present war, and referred for tavius got under sail, turned the headland of proof to the armament itself, which was then in Toryn6, and formed in a line before the entry their view.-In a war, which was to turn on the of the straits, about a mile from the enemy. event of naval operations, they had an undoubted The right division was commanded by M. Lasuperiority, he said, either in the number or lofti-rius, the left by Aruritius, the whole by Agripness and strength of their ships.-He contrasted pa.15 Both armies, at the same time, were drawn his own reputation, the maturity of his age, his out on the shore to behold the event; but the experience, and his success, with the opposite fleets, for some time,:did not make any movecircumstances in the description of his enemy. ment, and it continued uncertain whether AnHe put his officers in mind, and wished them to tony, being still in the road, might not return to remind the army, that they were about to con-his anchors; but about noon his ships began to tend for the empire of the world; that great as clear the straits, and came forward where the this object was, the loss of it, if they failed, was sea-room was sufficient for their line. As in to be the least of their sufferings; that every in-this movement the fleets came closer together, dignity and insult was to be expected from an Agrippa began to extend his front, in order to enemy, 12 who on former occasions had shown turn the enemy’s flank; but Poplicola, on the himself sufficiently averse to mercy. Having other side, to keep pace with him, stretching to addressed himself in this manner to the officers the same side, the centre of both fleets was who were to be left on shore, he ordered on equally opened, and they engaged soon after, board all those who attended him in the character without any apparent advantage on either side. of Roman citizens, or of whose inclination to the The contest, for some -time, remained unde9 Vell.

Pater. lib. ii. c. 84. 10 Ibid. 13 Dio. Cass. lib. I. c. 23-30. 11 Plut.

in Antonio. 14 Plutarch. in Antonio. 12 I)io. Cass. lib. I. c 15 22. 15

Veil. Pater. lib. ii. c. 84.

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.398 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [Bocs V. cided. TIn the beginning of the action, the queen princes, who ma(le a part of the vanquished of Eglypt’s vacht had been near to the line, and army, successively made their peace;5
and the she herself continued to took on the battle, till, empire itself now seemed to be reduced under a overcome with anxiety, affright, and horror, she single head. gave orders to remove her galley to a greater dis-Antony haxing continued his flight by the tance, and beine once in motion fled with all the coasts of the Peloponnesus to the head of Tenasail she could make; her vessel being dlistingLuisll-rus, without appearing to recover his courcage, ed lv a diltih‘1 poop and purple sails, made htr made a halt at this place, rather from indcccision fli(eht he conspicuous to the whole fleet, I alnd drew and irresolution, than from any settled plur!lse awvav from the line about sixty ships of the respecting the conduct of his affairs. Here he Egva tian squad(ron, axho, under pretence of at-was joined by some ships that remained in the tending their mistress, withdrew from the action. action to the end of it; and being informed by Antony, apprehending the consequence of this them, that the fleet was entirely demolished, hut defection, whether in despair of his fortunes, or that the army continued firm in their callp; he in some hopes to rally those who fled, put on seemed to be revived by this last part of the ac. board of a quick sailing vessel, and endeavoured count, and despatched an order to Canidius to to overtake them. Being observed from Cleo-make the best of his way into Macedonia, and patra’s galley, he was taken on board; but no from thence to continue his march into Asia. longer capable of any vigorous or rational pur-Such of his friends as came up with hint at Tepose, he became the companion of her flight, narius, he treated with his usual liberality, dixided without any attempt to rally her fleet. Although his plate and jewels among them, and gave themn he quitted the chance of a victory to follow the orders, for the supplies they might want, on the object of his passions, he could not endure to ble-keeper of his treasure at Corinth. In performing hold her, turned his eyes aside, threw himself these acts of munificence, he seemed to recover upon the deck, and continued in the deepest an-his nlind, and resumed some part of his usual guish of shame and despair. manner, hut returning at the same time to his The flight of Antony, joined to that of Cleo-former habits with Cleopatra,6 he suffered him. patra, an event so little expected, was not fbr self again tobe governed by her councils; and, in some time observed, and the fleet, notwithstand-compliance with her desire, steered directly for in( the desertion of their leader, continued the FEgypt, without making any attempt to rally his action till four in the afternoon, when they were forces in Greece, or to join his army, which, in overpowered; and many of them being greatly reality, by this time, had been separated, or damlatred in their oars and rigging, were not in obliged to make their peace. condition either to resist or to escape, and fell an The victor having entirely dispersed, or gained easy prey to the enemy. Three hundred ships to his own party all the forces of his rival in Euwere taken or sullk, and about five thousand men rope, sent such a part of his army into Asia as were killed.2 The strand was co;:ered with was thought necessary to finish the remains of wrecks and dead bodies. Octavius detached a the war, and permitted the veterans, whose turn squadron in pursuit of such of’ the enemy’s ships it was to be disbanded, to return into Italy. He as had got to sea from the engaogement, and himhimself, in order that he might be at hand to self: continued in the channel during the remain-observe the motions of Antony, and to renew his der of the day, and the following night, to gathel’

operations in the spring, proposed to pass the the fruits of his victorv.3
winter at Samos.7 From thence, being master The land army of Antony, having from the of a country in which his rival had once been heights on shore beheld the ruin of their fleet, favourably received, he exercised his power in retired to their camp as with an intention to punishing those who had taken part against maintain it to the last extremity. They flattered him. Many towns, by his order, were laid under themselves, that their general, though forced to heavy contributions, and deprived of their muniyield to his enemy at sea, would make for the cipal privileges. All the petty princes who held nearest port, and again show himself at the head their territories by grant from Antony, except of his legions. These, they said, he never should Archelauss and Amyntas,9 were dispos;essed.

have left to commit his fortunes to an uncertain Alexander,lo the son of Jamblichus, was not only element, and a treacherous ally. In these hopes stript of his territories, but reserved in chains to thev remained for seven days unshaken in their make a part in the procession of the victor’s triduty, and rejected all the offers which Octavius umph; and when that ceremony should be over, made to induce them to change their party. was dloomedl to die. The principality of LycoBeing satisfied, however, at last, that their hopes medesul was given to a certain Mede, who had were vain, they consulted their safety in different deserted from Antony, and who had brought ways. Some laid down their arms; Canidius with him a considerable body of the allies. The himself, who commanded them, withdrew in the Cydoniil2 and Lampwei, on account of thit:r parnight;4 others, remaining together in small particular services, were restored to their librt’ -s. ties, took the route to Macedonia; but, being Of the Roman citizens of rank, who h;ad espursued by the enemy, were separately over-poused the causeof Antony, some were pardoned, takenl, and forced or persuaded to surrender. All some laid under heavy fines, and otLess put tc the Roman citizens, who had taken refuge in X the eastern provinces, all the foreign allies and 5 Dio. Cass. lib. li. c. 1. 6 Piut. in Antonio. 7

Die. Cass. lib. Ii. c. 3, 4. Sueton. in OtIv 4 r. 1’. I Floris, lib. iv.

c. 11. 8 King of Cappadocia. 2 Plut. in Aitenio. Orosius says, 12,000 were killed 9 OfGalatia. Dio. Cass. lib. xlix. c. 32. in battle, 6000 -eire wounded, of whom 1000 died under 10 A prince of Arabian extraction. cure, lib. vi. 11 On the frontier of Pontus. 0 Inneton. in Octavio. 4 Plut. in Antonio. 12 The people of certain towns of Crete.

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CHAP. VII.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 399 death.l3 Among those who were pardoned, was banded, until they shlcld have obtained their just Sosius the late consul, who had absconded for gratification in money and allotments of land. some tinle after the battle of Actium, and remain-Octavius, having occasion for all the arts in ed in concealment, until, by the intercession of which he was already so well versed, now affecthis friends, he made his peace. WVith him like-ing to hasten what he alleged had been only wise is mientioned M. Scaurus, the uterine bro-delayed to a more convenient time, proceeded to tiher of Sextus Pompeius, who had been con-make way for these mutinous troops, by dislodgdemned to die, but spared at the intercession of ing many possessors of land, on pretence that his mother. Among those who were put to death they had favoured the queen of Egypt in the late is mentioned Curio, the son of that Curio, who, war; and, in order to provide the intended grain the steps which led to the civil war, acted for tuities in money, -he pretended to ofler his own some time in support of the senate, but after-estate to sale, or proposed to pledge it as security wards so effectually served the ambition of Julius for a loan. But no man having the courage to CTsar.‘4 become either his creditor or the purchaser of While Antony was still possessed of the king-his estate, he represented his having made the dom of Egypt, or had any means of renewing oflbr as a sufficient excuse to the anrmy for the the war, it was thought expedient that Octavius delay which he was still obligred to make in gratiin person should reside in Asia. The adminis-fying their just requests. But the riches of tration in Italy was committed to Macenas and EgyIt, he salid, now forfcited by Cleopatra, Agrippa; the first entrusted with the civil, the would be an ample fund for the gratification of other with the military department; but acting those who forebore their demands under orders and instructions from Caesar, which, U. C. 723. for the present, to have theni more thougrh in form addressed to the senate, were fully complied with hereafter.a1
previously submitted to these ministers; and, fmp. CMr&s. Having, by these means, pacified after having received such alterations and correc-4to. J
ot. Lici-the clamours of those who were,,ius Crassus tions as they thought proper, were likewise in-ex Ka most urgent; and having been, durJe K ul. most trusted to their execution. C. Antistius ing his stay at Brundusium, vested Agrippa, as has been mentioned, having borne Vitus, ex Id. a fourth timie with the titles and his part in the victory at Actium, returned into tjI Tul-ensigns of consul, he set sail again Italy with a particular charge of the veterans Kal. Nov. L. for the coast of Asia, with intention who were now entitled to their dismission, and to Junius. to give Antony and Cleopatra as the reward of their services. He was chosen for little time as possible to recollect this trust, as having sufficient authority to re-themselves, or to reinstate their aftiirs. press the nlutinous spirit which this order of men These unfortunate adventurers, whose arrival had ever discovered as often as they were en-at the point of Tenarus has been mentioned, couraged by victory to state their pretensions and steered from thence for the coast of Africa, and to overrate their merits. The task, however, was parted from each other near to Paretonium, a too arduous even for the daring courage and un-sea-port of Lybia, which had been held by the blemished reputation of this officer.

The troops kings of Egypt, as a barrier at some distance behad been told, after the late action, that, on ac-yond the western frontier of their kingdom. In count of the state of Cnsar’s finances, the reward the neighbourhood of this place, Antony exof their services must be deferred to the end of the pected to be received by Pinarius Scarpus, whom war; such of them as were destined to act in he had placed at the head of his forces in that Asia and Egypt, acquiesced in this delay, expect-quarter.i7 But this officer, from whatever person ing to enrich themselves in the mean time with he may have received his appointment, or howthe spoils of those opulent countries.?5 But ever he may have been inclined, while the triumthose who were sent back into Italy, expecting virs divided the empire, was now, by the event such settlements in that country as the veterans of the battle of Actium, sufficiently determined had formerly received, upon their arrival laid in the choice of his party. He had declared fol claim to immediate satisfaction, and complained Octavius, and now ordered the messengers of that Cesar, in employing his lieutenants to treat Antony, and all the officers under his own comwith them, meant to evade their just demands. mand, who were disposed to enter into any corIn consequence of earnest representations from respondence with the vanquished party, to be Macernas and Agrippa, stating these discontents put to death. of the veterans as of the most dangerous ten-Upon this disappointment, Antony relapsed dency, Octavius, after he had determined to fix into his former melancholy, proposed to kill himhis residence at Samos for the winter, set sail for self, and was prevented only by the persuasion Italy in the most tempestuous season, and in his of a few friends, who earnestly entreated him to passage was twice exposed to great danger; once try his fortunes once more, at the head of the in doubling the headlands of the Peloponnesus, forces of Egypt.‘8 and again near to the rocks of Acroceraunus. Cleopatra, in order to outrun the news of her Being arrived at Brundusium, he was met by disaster, and to prevent the disorders that might many of the principal citizens of Rome, with the attend the fall of her authority, made all possible senate and magistrates, who, having conmmitted haste into her own dominions. When her ships the governnent of the city to the tribunes, were came in sight, she hoisted the ensigns of victory, come forward to receive him, and to pay their:ourt. HI-e likewise found the discontented vete-16 Dio. Cass. lib.

Ii. c. 4. rans still at the same place, and obstinate in their 17 Ibid. c.

5. Plut. in Antonio, p. 136. Both these purpose of not suflering themselves to be dis-writers seem to understand that Pinarills Scarpus had belonged to Antony, and deserted from thim on this occasioni. 13 Dio.

Cass. lib. Ii. c. 2. Ibid. 18 Plut. in Antonio, p. 136, 4to. edit. Lond.

ann 15 Ibid. c. 3, 4. 1724. Dio. Cass. il). I. c..5.

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400 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK V. an(l entered the harbour of Alexandria with was joined by Canidius, the late commander of shouts of joy and triumph. Upon her landing, his land forces at Actium. From this officer he she gave an order to cut off, or to secure, some had the melancholy account, that all his armies persons of whose affections she was doubtful, in Greece were dispersed; that Herod, the king anl then acknowledging the event of her late of Judea,’ had declared against him, and all the unfortunate expedition, took measures for the princes he had lately placed upon different defence of her kingdom. Under pretence of thrones in Asia had either followed this example, collecting money for this purpose, she seized the or been displaced; that he had not any possession, effects of corporations and of private persons, nor any certain friend beyond the limits of Egypt. and stript the temples of their ornaments and of Upon receiving this account, he seemed to retheir treasures. But, having still upon her mind cover from his melancholy, and acquired that all the impressions of her late defeat, she rather species of ease which results from despair. He looked for a retreat, to which she might fly with left his retreat, returned to the palace, and, with the money she amassed, than for a station at Cleopatra, gave himself up to dissipation, prowhich to withstand her enemy. Under these fusion, and continual riot. They formed p}arties impressions, she formed a project to have her fleet of pleasure, consisting of such persons as )rodragged over land, from the Nile to the gulph of fessed their resolution to die rather than to f1ll Arabia, and ordered ships to be built in the ports into the hands of the enemy.4 Antony had an of that sea, trusting that her enemy could not, officer retained to put a period to his liife in the for some time, be in condition to mnolest her with supposed extremity ill which this choice was to any naval armament in that quarter. be made, and Cleopatra had a collection of After this project began, in part, to be exe-poisons for the same purpose. cuted, the Arabs, apprehending some danger to In the midst of this seeming indiffirence to themselves, from the preparations which appear-life, both the queen and her lover, however, subed to be making on their coasts, demolished the mitted at times to make advances to Casar, and docks which the queen of Egypt had ordered to sue for mercy. They despatched their nesto be fitted up, plundered her stores, and de-sengers together; but as Cleopatra sent, on her stroyed the ships which she had already built; own account, presents of a crown, a sceptre, and so that she was reduced to the necessity of mak-a throne of gold, and privately instiructed her ing her defence on the Nile, and of abiding the agent to sound the disposition of Cawsar with fate which threatened her country from this side.’ respect to herself, this crafty politician perceived She had heard of Ces:;ar’s having gone back that she wished to be considered apart from Into Italy; and from this circumstance, as well Antony, and encouraged her to hope for a sepa as from the difficulties of a winter navigation rate treaty. While he made no reply to Antony, round the coasts of Greece, both she and Antony and in public insisted that Cleopatra herself thought themselves secure for that season. In should surrender at discretion, he, in private, this, however, they were disappointed by the encouraged the queen to hope for better terms, activity and resolution of their enemy, who, and even to imagine what he supposed her will having lost no time unnecessarily, had, in order ing to believe, that she might still make somne to avoid the difficulties of the winter navigation, impression on his mind by the charms of her ordered some galleys to be dragged over land at person. the isthmus of Corinth; and by this means, As Octavius had an agent at the court of while he was yet believed to be beyond the sea Egypt to insinuate these hopes, and to cultivate of Ionia, was actually well advanlced in his voy-the disposition which the queen had shown to a age to the Nile.2 His plan was to invade the separate treaty, Antony became jealous of the kingdom of Egypt on two sides at once; at Pa-frequent conferences to which this agrent was retonium, on the side of Africa, by an army un-admitted, and ordered him to be whippled, anlc der the command of Cornelius Gallus; and at expelled from the court. Sensible, however, of Pelusium, on the side of Syria, with an army the enormity of this outrage, he wrote to ()ctawhich he himself was to command.3 vius soon after to make an apology. ” My misforAntony, upon his return to Alexandria, with tunes,” he said, “have made me peevish, and the mortification of having been rejected by the this fellow had provoked me; but you may take Roman legions that were stationed on the fron-your revenge on the person of my agent, who is tier of the province of Africa, thinking it might with you.” In the subsequent part of this letter strengthen his own party against that of Octa-he put Octavius in mind of their former intivius, to point out an immediate offspring of the macy, of their near relation, of their parties of Julian family, and a succession of leaders to the pleasure, or rather debaucheries; and observed, party of Cmesar, declared Caesarion, the reputed that his frolics with Cleopatra did not deserve to son of Julius Caesar by Cleopatra, to be now of be more seriously treated, than afliairs of the age, and qualified to enter upon the inheritance same kind in which they had passed some idle of his father. But while he exasperated Octavius hours together. IHe, at the same time, delivered by this species of personal insult, he appeared up P. Turvilius, a Roman senator, who had incapable of any rational plan of defence for been supposed accessary to the death of Julius himself or the kingdom he occupied. He even Caesar, and who had, for some time, been attach absented himself from the councils that were ed to himself’; and he concluded his letter with held on this subject, declined any share in the some expressions of magnanimity, saying, that management of affairs, and withdrew from the he was willing to die, provided he could obtain palace. any favourable terms for the queen of Egypt.5 While Antony continued in this humour, he Octavius, however, continued inexorable; and urging his military operations on both frontiers 1 Dio. Cass. lib. ii. c. 7. Zonaras, lib. x. c. 33. 2 Dio. Cass.

lib. Ii. e. 5. 3 Orosius, lib. vi. 4 Plut. in Antonio. 5 Dio. Cass. lib.

Ii. c. 9.

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CHAP. VII.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 40H of the kingdom of Egypt, got possession of Pe-sary to have him towed over the walls. Although lusium and of Paretonium; of the first, it was she had wished to disengage herself from this said, in consequence of his intrigues with Cleo-unfortunate man, and had even submitted to bepatra, and by her connivance; of the second, by tray him, now when she saw him laid at her feet the entire defection of the troops which Antony expirinr,9 and covered with his blood, she beat nad stationed for the defence of the place, and her breast, and tore her hair in the agonies of who now became an accession to the army of real suffering, mixed with the affectation of pre his rival.

tended passion. Cleopatra, as if sensible of the suspicions she Antony, having somewhat in his mind which had incurred on the surrender of Pelusium, and he wished to express, called for wine, recovered desirous tp recover the confidence of Antony, strength enough to utter a few words, and exdoubled her attention to his person, kept the pired:o1 thus ending his life in the fifty-third, or, anniversary of his birth-day with unusual splen-according to others, in the fifty-sixth year of his dour; anrd, to remove any suspicion of her hav-age;!l disposed even in the last scenes of it, to ing connived at the loss of Pelusium, delivered occupy the intervals of relaxation in riot and up the officer of the name of Seleucus, who had debauchery; and verifving, in all the steps of surrendered that place, that he might atone for his manhood and age, the charge of extravagance his tretchery by a suitable punishment. and profligacy, which marked his youth, and his Antony, observing the progress which his first appearances in public affairs. He was pos. enemy made on the frontiers of the kingdom, sessed of talents for the council and the field, and being weary of the project of ending his life which he never exerted for any valuable purpose, in a riot, took a better resolution, and mustering or rather never exerted at all, except when he what forces he could, both by sea and oy land, was pressed by the most urgent necessity of his was determined to try the fortune of a war, or situation. Under this pressure, indeed, he someto die, at least, sword in hand. When the times repaired by his industry and vigour the enemy advanced to Alexandria, he attacked their breaches which were made by his dissipation or cavalry, and put them to flight. Encouraged by neglect. In consequence of his connexion with his success in this encounter, he ordered all his Julius Casar, and of the place he gained among forces to assemble on the first of August.6 On the military factions, which endeavoured to enthis (lay he proposed to bring the contest to a gross or to divide his power, he was tempted to decision at once, both by sea and by land:7 but consider the Roman empire itself as the scene of the Egyptian fleet being ordered to begin the his pleasures; and, in aiming at the sovereignty action, struck their colours, and surrendered of the world, experienced those reverses which hemlselves without a blow. The cavalry, at the fully displayed the versatility and instability of same time, deserted to the enemy; and the in-his own character. But he fell, at last, deserted fantry being,,routed, fled into the city. by every Roman citizen who had ever been at. Upon this dispersion of all his forces, Antony tached to his interest; betrayed by that person complained, that he was betrayed, and was heard to whose caprices chiefly he sacrificed his forto accuse the queen. This unhappy author of tunes, and under the fatal experience, that the his misfortunes had taken refuge, during the utmost eflorts of resolution, incited by the sense action, with a few attendants, in the monument of extreme necessity, will not always retrieve the which, upon a plan of great magnificence, errors of past dissipation and fblly. was then recently built for a royal sepulchre. When Antony gave himself the wound of Thither she had already transported all her which he died, one of his attendants, extracting jewels, money, and most valuable effects. The the dagger from his body, ran with it to Octaaccess of the place was contrived to be shut from vius, who seeing the weapon stained with blood, within, in such a manner as not to be opened and being told what had passed, perhaps in imiwithout great labour.8 It was given out, that tation of Julius Caesar, who is said to have wept the queen had retired in order to kill herself at for the death of Pompey, was observed to shed lie tomb, in which she was to be buried; and tears.12 Suetonius reports, that he afterwards desoon after, the report was spread that she was sired to see the body.i3 actually dead. Cleopatra, as soon as the scene in the mnonuAntony, being now arrived at the end of all ment was over, and she had recollected herself, his-hopes, and of his efforts, made haste to follow sent an intimation of Antony’s death to Cesar, the supposed example of the queen, and gave his and then probably indulged her hopes, that the sword, f)r this purpose, to Eros, a fieed slave, great obstacle to her peace being removed, she who had promised to use it when required in the might obtain that consideration for her separate last action of friendship to his master; but Eros interests, which Octavius, b)y insinuations, or unable to fulfil his promise, instead of killing his expressions of civility, had given her cause to exmaster, plunged the sword into his own bosom. pect. Antony then snatching the weapon, wounded After the late contest was in a great measure himself; but not expiring immediately, he was decided, the victor continued to encourage the told, as he lay bleeding, that Cleopatra was yet queen of Egypt to hope for a separate treaty; alive, and safe in the monument. Seeming to and amused her with civilities, while he endearevive at these tidings, he gave directions that he voured to inform himself of her treasure, and to should be carried to her presence. Upon his make sure of her as a captive to adorn his triumph, coming, she appeared on the battlements, but a circumstance esteemed of the highest importunder pretence that she feared a surprise, refused ance at Rome; but he had avoided conling unto have the gates unbarred, and made it neces8-rosius,  h. vi. p. 26e.09 Dio. Cass. lib. ii. e. 10. 10 Zonar.

lib. x. c 30. 6 Orosius, ib. vi. p. 268. 7 Dio. Cass. lib. Ii. c. 10. 11

Plot. in Antonio. 12 Ibid. 8 Plut. in Antonio. 13 Sueton in Octav. c.

17..3E

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402 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [;?o3K V. der any engagements that should preclude him tended to be shed on account of tne (dead, were from the full use of his victory. Upon receiving in reality, directed to move and to win his sur her nmessage, he sent Caius Procu’eius, a Roman vivincr rival. She still trusted to the effects of knirght, and Epaphroditus, an emancipated slave, her beauty, and was, in her present situation, to sooth her fears, to administer comfort, and if what she ha been ill the most serious councils possible, without stipulating any conditions, to of state, a mere coquette, who being nat rally %ecure her person. disposed to violent passions, could personatt any What Octavius chiefly apprehended from the character, or turn her real passions to acco unt unfortunate queen. was some violent attempt on in serving any disguised purpose of vanity or her own life. His emissaries, therefore, having ambition. suffcled her, at her own earnest request, to re-The scene which Cleopatra acted on the ]promain where she was until the funeral of Antony sent occasion, in whatever degree she was posshould be over, they made a strict search, in or-sessed by real or affected despair, had no other der to remove from her hands every weapon, or eflect on Octavins, than to make hiln redoullble supposed instrument of death; arid, under p)re-his intention to prevent any attempt which she tence of doing her honour, placed a guard on the j might intend to make against her own life. monument. They prevailed upon her after-Epaphroditus had orders to watch her with wards to remove to the palace, where she was great dili rgence; a circumstance from which she attended with the usual state and dignity of a had the sagacity to infer a fixed determination to sovereign.1 But being still kept at a distance carry her as a captive to Rome. She was soon from Caesar, andt in suspense with respect to his confirmed in her suspicions; having intelligeince intentions, she expressed great anxiety, and that Octavius himself, being to march by land. seeme(l to meditate some desperate purpose. In had given orders that she, with her children, order to divert her from any fatal resolution, should be sent into Italy by sea.

Equally anxious which might deprive Cresar’s triumph of a prin-to avoid being led in triumph, as the victor was cipal ornament, she was told, that he consented desirous to preserve her for this purpose, she into see her, and was to make her a visit in her stantly took measures to end her life,.

But in owvn alpartments. Upon this intimation, she ororder to elude the vigilance of her keeper, she dered!:he chambers to be fitted up in the most afifcted to he resigned to her fate, gave an invetnelegant. manner, and decorated, in particular, tory, and del’ivered up all her effects, reservirl( with the picture and bust of Julius Cwsar.- only a few jewels, which she professed an inten(When the expected visit of Octavius was to be tion to deliver with her own hands. in t)resents, paid, she took care to have bundles of the late to Livia and Octavia. She even affectedl to dress Cazsar’s letters and memorials before her. She in her usual gay and sumptuous manner; and herself was dressed in mourning, which she pretending to have some business of’consequencE krew was supposed, at all times, to become her,. to communicate to Casar, she gave Epaphroditu: and which, on this occasion, might give an ex-a letter, and charged him to deliver it with hit pression of tender melancholy that rendered her own hands. It contained expressions of exulta person and her state more affecting. When tion at having obtained her end, and having Octavius presented himself she rose from her escaped from her enemies. couch; but as if overawed by his presence, with Octavius, on seeing this letter, instantly cave all air of modesty and dejection, fixed her eyes orders to prevent what he apprehended was her on the ground. In accosting him she called him purpose; but the queen, at the arrival of the Master. “To his father,” she said, “she owed messenger, was already dead, and laid upon a all her fortunes, and now willingly resigned them couch of state. One of the women, who usually to the son. The memory of the great Julius attended her, was likewise dead; the other was should be a sufficient comfort in all her afflic-expiring; but while the messenger of Octavius tions; she would even consider him as revived was entering the chamber, observing that the in the person of his son. But would to God,” crown had fallen from her mistress’s head, she she said, bursting into tears, “that I had died made an effort, with what strength she had left, before him, so should I have escaped the evils to replace it. No mark of violence appeared on which his death, and the consequences of it have the body of the queen, except a small puncture brought upon me!” Octavius bid her be of good in her arm; and she was therefore supposed to courage; and assured her, that no hurt was in-have died of a venomous bite, or of a scratch tended her. But she, observing that he spoke with a poisoned instrument.

To render the last these words with coldness, and turned his eyes of these conjectures the more probable, it was away, threw herself upon the ground in agonies said, that she always carried a pin in her hair of despair.‘“I neither wish,” she said, nor can the point of which was tainted with poison. I continue to live. I should have died when She was now at the age of nine-and-thirty years, Caesar fell; and there is another now who calls and of these had lived fourteen years with Anupon me to follow him; suffer me to rest with tony. him on whose account I die.“2 Octavius, being disappointed of his design to This interview concluded with a request on lead the queen of Egypt as a captive in his the part of the queen, that she might be allowed triumph, had her effigy, with an aspick fixed to perform the obsequies of Antony, to which upon the arm, fabricated to supply her place in she proceeded with all the appearances of an af-the procession. He no longer kept any measures fectionate widow in the deepest affliction; but, with her family or kingdom. Casarion, her son, as there is no doubt that she had betrayed the supposed by Julius Caesar, and of course a preperson whom she now appeared so much to la-tended heir to Caesar’s fkrtunes, had too high ment, it is probable that her tears, though pre-pretensions to be spared; endeavouring to make his escape into Ethiopia, he was taken in his 1 Dio. Cass. lib. ii. c 10. 2 Ibid. xli. re.

flight, and killed. Antyllas, the son of Antony

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CHAP. VII.] OF TLE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 403 by Fulvia, being of an age to receive impressions wreck of his fortunes; Cassius Parmensis, a which might render him dangerous, was like-man of letters and a poet, who had been attached wise sacrificed to the safety of the conqueror. to Brutus and Cassius, but, having employed his HIe had taken refuse at the shrine of Julius Ca-wit against Octavius, was received by Antony, sar, but was forced from thence, and slain. and lived with him in great intimacy; and OviThe other children, whether of Cleopatra or of nius, who, having been a Roman senator, is said Antony, were spared, and honourably treated. to have degraded himself by taking charge of the Those of the latter, by Octavia, being near rela-manufactures which were carried on in the pations of Caesar, and afterwards intermarried with lace of the queen of Egypt. the reigning family, left a posterity who succeedIn limiting the severity of his executions to ed to the empire.l these examples, Octavius appeared greatly to reAmono the partizans of the vanquished party strain the cruelty which he had formerly exerwho were ordered for execution, only two or cised against his enemies; he, at tbp same time, three Romans of note are mentioned: Canidius, gave proofs of his munificence, by releasing all who had commanded the land forces of Antony those who were in custody at Alexandria, wheat Actium, and who still adhered to him in the ther as prisoners of state, as captives, or hostages from foreign nations.2 I Sueton. in Octav. c. 17. Dio. Cass. lib. Ii. c. 19.. Piut. in Antonio.

2 Orosius, p. 269. Veil. Pater. lib. ii. c. 37

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THE HISTORY oP THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. BO3O

VIz CHAPTER I. The Merit or Demerit of Parties in the latter Period qf the Roman Republic-Return of Octavius to Rome Iis Triumphs and public Entertainments-Reform of the Army-Proposition to resign his Power-Consultation of Agrippa and M1ecenas-Preludes to the pretended Resignation qf Octavius-His Speech in the Senate-His Consent to retain a part in the Government of the Empire-Distribution of the Provinces-Title of Augustus-The Establishment of Augustus. ALTHOUGH, in compiling this history, it times were such as to have rendered their suchas been intended to avoid expressions of mere cess not only desperate, but in a great measure praise and blame, other than are contained in the inexpedient.

They were born to a republic, it detail of facts and specification of characters; and is true; but the people who were destined tc to state, in every instance, the transaction itself, govern in that republic could no longer be safely rather than the judgment of the writer; yet it is intrusted with government; and to contend for hoped that where questions of merit or demerit such a trust in behalf of men who were unworare in any considerable degree problematical, and thy of it, was a dangerous error, for which the where readers are likely to take opposite sides, he best intentions could not atone. Even the Rotoo may be indulged in some general discussion. man senate itself could not supply all the exi We may suppose the Roman republic to have gencies of government over a dominion of such been hastenina to its ruin from the extent, and containing so many sources of corU. C. 620. sedition of TiTberius Gracchus, to ruption. Its own members were degenerated, the time on which we are now and fallen from the virtue of their ancestors. JT. C. 723. entered. A great revolution has They were trained up in a luxury at home, been so long in dependence, and which was to be supplied by the most cruel rapamore blood has been shed in an age of boasted city abroad, in the provinces. Such an empire learning and politeness, than perhaps has been could be preserved only by the force and prompt known to flow in any equal period of the most executions of despotism. The change therefore oarbarous times. from republic to monarchy, it may be alleged, In judging of those who were concerned in was seasonable; and Cato. with Cicero, Brutus, this transaction, we may form our opinions now and all the other partizans of the commonwealth, upon speculative considerations, as they them-actuated by a mistaken, though Comlnmendable selves joined their party from motives of interest, zeal for liberty, would have supported their felambition, or public virtue.

Although it be al-low-citizens in their pretensions to government lowed that, in point of justice, we must give a after they were unworthy of it; in this attempt preference to those who endeavoured to preserve they fell a necessary sacrifice to their own error; the constitution of their country, and who acted and in their ruin made way for an establishment merely in defence of themselves and their fellow-better fitted to the condition of the age, and to citizens; yet in this instance it will be alleged, the character of the people, than that for which that the event has had the eflect of an experi-they contended and bled. ment, to show that what they strove to perform In this manner of stating the subject, we lay was impracticable, and that notwithstanding the the task of vindicating their own conduct on iustice of their cause, the circumstances of the those who endeavoured to preserve, not upon 404

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CHAP. I.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 405 those who destroyed, the republic.

But in judg-presented by Cicero, in some instances, as retaining of the merits of men in so distant a scene, ing his inflexibility, when some degree of comwe must not proceed on conceptions drawn from pliance was more likely to preserve the republic, the experience of subsequent ages, on our own The same censure has been repeated by others; predilection for monarchy in general, or even on but Cato was present to the scene, had no by. our judgment of its expedience in that particular views to mislead him, and there is not any reason case; we must suppose ourselves in the situation to prefer the judgrment of those who censure him of those who acted, and who, in the result of this to his own. Cicero terpporised, made the expericontest, from the condition of equals, were to be-ment of what compliance on sonme occasions come master and servant, or lord and vassal.

One could effect, and even flattered himself that he party strove that they should be masters, the had gained the affections of Caesar and Pompey other that they themselves should not be slaves. to the republic, by giving way to the arts which The latter contended for the rights, which, to-they employed to destroy it. gether with their fellow-citizens, they had in-The fellow-sufferers of’ Cato in the same cause herited, as Romans; they endeavoured to pre-of the republic, were persons of a different chaserve the manners, as well as the institutions, of racter from himself. To him virtue was the end, their country, against the destroyers of both. to them it was the means which they emnployed The other party, at first, under pretence of zeal for the attainment of their end, and they meafor higher measures of popular government than sured advantages by the success of their pursuits. those they enjoyed, endeavoured to corrupt the Cato possessed independence in the courage and people whom they meant to enslave; and having, resolution of his own mind; they sought for it in upon plausible pretences, got possession of the the institutions of their country; they wished to sword, they turned it against the established go-preserve their own rights, and would yield them vernment of their country. Neither of those par-to no individual or set of men whatever. This ties, probably, stated the speculative question character is indeed in a high degree meritorious; which we may now be inclined to discuss, whe-no more is required to form an excellent citizen, ther republic or monarchy was best accommo-and no more was required but the prevalence or dated to the Roman state in the height of its frequency of such a character at Rome to have dominion, and in the full tide of luxury’? preserved, and even to have reformed, that sickly The wise, the courageous, and the just alone and perishing constitution of government. are entitled to power; the innocent alone are en-The natural antidote of vice is restraint and titled to freedom. But thev who are not conscious correction; but in great disorders, and where the of having forfeited their right to either, are un-system itself is corrupted, what is applied for a doubtedly justifiable in persisting to maintain it.

remedy is sometimes an evil, as well as the disThe virtuous who resign their freedom, at the ease. They who peruse the history of Rome, same time resign their virtue, or at least yield up under the continued effects of a revolution, Mwhich that condition which is required to preserve it. is now accomplished or fast approaching, will Citizens who were born to inherit this condition, find no cause to congratulate the world, on its and who had the courage to harbour and to having escaped from the factions of Clodius and cherish that elevation of mind which belongs to Milo, to incur the evils that arose under Caius it, were enttitled to maintain for themselves the and Nero. post of honour to the last, and must for ever reThe impossibility of preserving the republic, ceive from those who respect integrity and mag-or its unfitness to remain at the head of so great nanimity the tribute of esteem, even of tender-an empire, is no doubt the most plausible excuse ness, which is due to their memory. which is made for its subversion; but this apoIf ever there was a body of men fit to govern logy neither Caesar nor Pompey was entitled to the world, it was the Roman senate, composed make for himself. Caesar affected a zeal for of citizens who had passed through the higher popular government, and Pompey strove to inoffices of state, who had studied the affairs of flame all its evils, in order to render himself netheir countryin the execution of its councils, and cessary to the aristocracy. Caesar fomented in the command of its armies; and it will for Ipolitical troubles, in order to weaken the hands ever be remembered, in behalf of those who of the senate, or in order to find a pretence to wished to preserve its authority, that if their make war upon them; and at last, under the removal from the scene on which they acted was show of releasing the people from the tyranny expedient or seasonable, it was so because that of that body, drew that sword with which he acscene was become unworthy of their presence.

complished the ruin of both. Some of the characters, indeed, that appeared The senate indeed had many difficulties to enin this cause, may require a separate treatment. counter; that of protecting the provinces from In that of Cato, virtue was the result of a deci-oppression, in which many of their own memsive and comprehensive reflection. To him rec-bers were concerned; that of restraining the titude of conduct was in itself, without regard to tumults and disorders of a licentious people, led consequences, the supreme object of desire and by different factions, desirous of change, or impursuit. His penetration, as well as courage, in the early endeavours he made, and in the manly of those who wished to traduce him had anv efect. It steadiness with which he persisted to oppose the is remarkable. that even the authority of the Casars desitras of Cfesar and Pompey, while others wa-did not silence those who in other instances submitted to flatter them, nor prevent their joining in the vered, and either did not perceive their intention, praises of Cat. Virgil and Horace, though courtiers, or tamely submitted to them, gave him a striking could not be restrained on this subject. Vid. Eneid. superiority over his contemporaries.’ He is re-lib. viii. ver. 670. Heor. lib. i. od.

12. Ile was reveled, it has been said, rather as a good than as a great man; I The impression of Cato’s character remained so but mankind do not revere without an opinion of deep with pr)sterity, as wvell as with the immediate wit-great ability, as well as benevolent intention. Vid nesses of his conduct, that no authority on the part Lord Bolingbroke’s Patriot King.

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406 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK VI. patient of government; and that of conducting a The necessity of submitting, at least for a pretended popular assembly, in whom the legis-time, to the government of single men, had been lation and sovereignty of the empire was nomi-repeatedly experienced by the Romans, and was nally vested. It is, however, difficult to judge so in the highest degree at the times to which now far so able a council, while they themselves these observations refer; but this will not justify remained in any degree uncorrupted, might not the pretensions of every profligate person who have found antidotes, or at least temporary expe-may affect to place himself in the station of sodients, to resist every other evil, if they had not ve ign. If upon this ground Cato and Brutus been so ably attacked as they were by the first were to be blamed for resisting the power of Caesar and Pompey, who joined interests together, Caesar; the last, in his turn, must be blamed for to break down the defences of a fortress, which resisting the power of Pompey and other citithey afterwards severally intended to occupy. zens, in their respective ages, for rejecting the The ordl iary train of affairs at Rome; the sub-advances which were made by Marius, Cinna, stitution of tumults for regular assemblies of the Catiline, and other profligate adventurers, who people; the practice of committing the provinces, attempted to place themselves at the head of the with so many resources, and the command of empire. such armies, with so little control, to the discre-Of the two Cwesars, the first possessed the tation of ambitious citizens; the dangerous powers lent of influencing, of gaining, and employing which accompanied the higher offices of state, men to his purpose, beyond any other person that without any check upon those who were inclined is known in the history of the world; but it is to abuse those powers, the easy recourse which surely not for the good of mankind that he should persons of dangerous pretensions, when rejected be admired in other respects. To admire even by the senate, had to popular riots, under the de-his clemency, is to mistake policy and cunning nomination of Comitia, or Assemblies of the for humanity. The second Caesar, in the part People, made the destruction of the commonwhich he acted against the republic, is in many wealth in some measure necessary. respects more excusable than the first. He enWith such citizens as the Gracchi, as Apulei-tered the scene when the piece was much farther us, as Marius and Cinna, Clodius and Milo, it advanced. when his countrymen had submitted was difficult to preserve a republic; but with such to monarchy, under the title of a perpetual diccitizens as Caesar and Pompey, it was altogether tatorship, and when he himself was considered impossible; or rather the republic may be consias the heir of a person who had possessed this dered as at an end from the time it was in their pre-eminence. He was therefore at least nearer power to dispose of it. to the condition of an hereditary prince, who may The first class of these adventurers were nmis-be allowed to consider sovereignty as his birthled by their passions, or fell into the vices of their right, and who, however he may be disposed to situation.

They endeavoured to rule by popular promote the good of mankind, has a right to tumults or military force, and when they could maintain his own station, and may be supposed not pervert the ordinary forms of the state to to acquit himself sufficiently of his duty, by their purpose, employed violence to set them making a proper use of his power, without being aside; but even in this, by their mutual opposi-under any obligation to resign it, or to admit of tion, they preserved a kind of balance, in which improper encroachments upon the estate to which the freedom of the commonwealth seemed to re-he is born. main. The first Caesar strove against those who enPompey and Caesar promoted systematically deavoured to preserve their own rights and those all the evils to which their country was exposed. of their country; the second, although he sucThey had recourse to the populace for grants ceeded to the same quarrel, and actually paid no which the senate refused; they prolonged the respect to the republic, more than was necessary term of provincial appointments, which were suf-to cover his design against it, yet appears, more ficiently dangerous, however short; they united than the first, in the light of a person who strove together powers that were sufficiently dangerous only with the rivals of his own ambition, and when separate; united the command of armies with his competitors for the succession of his in the provinces with the authority of office at uncle and adoptive father, who, having declared Rome; and, instead of suspending the fate of the him the heir of his fortune, gave irn a pretence to commonwealth by their mutual obstructions to support the pre-eminence he himself had gained. each other, hastened its ruin by concerting toge-This apology, nevertheless, though more powther their measures against it; leaving the deci-erful in its application to the case of the second sion of their respective claims, till after they had Caesar than to that of the first, is very imperfect rendered the republic a necessary prey to the one in its application to either. If Octavius had or the other. been educated under any impressions of herePompey for some time thought himself in ac-ditary right to the sovereignty of the Roman retual possession of the monarchy; Caesar, in the public, the fate of the person from whom he mean time, provided the most effectual means to derived his supposed right, and the subsequent, ravish it from him. To state the difficulty of though temporary, re-establishment of the compreserving the republic in such hands, as an ex-monwealth, which he witnessed, and which he cuse for their having destroyed it, were to oflfr pretended to approve, were sufficient to have unthe character of criminals as an excuse for their deceived him, and to have taught him the part crimes. When the highwaymen are abroad, the which he had to act as a Roman citizen, and the traveller must be robbed; but this is not an ex-modesty with which he ought to hare waited for cuse for the crime. Caesar and Pompey are the legal age and the constitutional election, in blamed, not because the republic had an end, but order to obtain those offices of state to which, in because they thenmselves were h:e evils by which common with the other citizens of Rome, his con it perished. dition no doubt highly entitled him.

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tIHAP. L] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 40. Octavius, however, is not perhaps to be tried executions of the other were o’oserved to have so much in the capacity of a Roman citizen born become more decisive and bloody. to the republic, as in that of leader of a party, In the whole management of the contest with borin at a time when the competition for superi-Afitony, Octavius had conducted himself with a ority was general, and when sovereignty or death singular address. Stating himself as a Roman were the alternatives to be chosen by persons of consul, merely, he discontinued the power of trisuch rank and pretensions as his own. In this umvir in his own person, in order to strip his capacity he affected what his grand-uncle and antagonist likewise of that character. To avoid ad(e ptive father had taught him to aim at; the appearances which might divide any part of the suppression of civil government, and the removal Roman people against him, he overlooked Antoof all his own competitors for power. ny entirely in the pretended quarrel with the As Polmpey, with Cato and the principal sup-queen of Egypt, or he affected to consider him as porters of the senate had sunk under the first a person under some fatal delusion, and in hazard CGasar, so Brutus, Cassius, and the other re-of becominga traitor to his own country, fronm his storers. of the commonwealth, with the last of the attachment to a stranger and an artful woman. family of Pompey, sunk under Octavius, Anto-The war was declared against the queen of nv, and Lepidus; and the two last, in their turn, Egypt alone, and, like any other foreign war, having sunk under Octavius, this successful ad-was undertaken by Octavius in the capacity of venturer now remains sole commander of all the Roman consul, and with an observance of all the armies of the republic, and sole master of all usual forms of the commonwealth. its provinces, from the banlks of the Euphrates Octavius was remarkable for employing disto the sea of Britain. And the contest for this guises, which, though too thin to conceal the nmighty sovereignty being now at least decided, truth, furnished his own party, at least, with a it remllirns that we observe what new form the pretence for supporting hnlm, and considerably world is to receive under the dominion of its mas-helped him forwards in the execution of all his ter, or what mighty harvest is to be reaped by designs. Affecting to be no more than consul, him who is in possession of the field, and who is or ordinary magistrate, he exercised the power now en:tiled to gather what so many heroes had of a master, or military usurper, in the western sown or pllanted, anrd what so matny pretenders provinces; and hastened, by the reduction of to the sname object would have ravished or torn Egypt, and the suppression of his rivals who had from each other. taken refuge in that kingdom, to make himself This able adventurer having, in other situa-equally sovereign in the east. In the absence tions, conducted his affairs with so much dis-of this consul the affairs of state in the capital cretion, as well as enterprise, continued in his were not permitted, as usual, to devolve on his present elevation to exercise the same profitable nominal colleague, nor, in the absence of both virtues. In the severities which he had formerly consuls, to devolve on the officer that was next practised a(ra.inst those who opposed him, there in rank; but were in the hands of Mxcenas, a was sufficient evidence of a cruel and sanguina-person known for the minister or confidant of ry nature,l and it were monstrous to suppose Octavius, without any other rank or title of ofthat the murders which were perpetrated by his fice in the commonwealth. These circumstances order, or with his consent, could be justified by were sufficient to discredit the professions which the necessity of affairs in which his engaging at he continued to make of his zeal for the constiall was criminal. But as the horror of Sylla’s tution of the republic; but when it is convenient cruelties, still remaining in the ninids of the peo-for parties to be deceived, they shut their eyes ple, was a great bar to the success of any similar upon every circumstance which tends to expose usurpation, and suggested to Julius Caesar, in the the deception.

beginning of his career, an opposite course of It was not indeed necessary at present that the clemency and mercy; so the fate of this last ad-people should be imposed upon, in order to enable venturer, who, after having shown mnercy to the head of the army to reign with an absolute many of his opponents, fell at last by the hands sway in Italy and over all the western provinces. of those he had spared, probably suggested to the As the troops who were actually under arms triumvirate the necessity of securing themselves looked forward to their general for future probefore they affected the reputation of mercy, and, visions and settlements, so the veterans then as y’ve shall see, suggested to this heir of Caesar established in the country, looked up to him as the caution not to affront, so directly as the other the guardian of their property, and, considered had done, that republican spirit, whose effects he his power as the principal security of what they had occasion to dread. possessed. If it were necessary, in this case, to Octavius, though inferior to his uncle in the preserve the appearances of civil government, in capacity of a soldier, being equally master of order to conciliate the milnds of the citizens, it every necessary artifice, had recourse to the use was equally necessary to preserve the reality of of clemency when it suited the state of his affimirs. absolute power, in order to gratify the arnmy, and His steps became gradually less bloody, from the in order to continue to the veterans the principal first fatal proscription to the last victory which security by which they held their land:. Anld he obtained over Antony; and in this he reversed this wary politician accommodated himself with the order that was observed by the first Caesar, uncommon discernment, to the feelings or prejubeginning to affect moderation in a period of the dices of both. war, corresponding to that in which the military The superior address of Octavius, in the contest with Antony, gave continual presages of victory on his side; and from the beginlning of I See t’se History of the Proscription, and his at-the war to its final decision at Actium, and to tendance at the sacrifices or executions done at Peru-the last close of the scene in Egypt, partizans sia. Sueton. in Octav. c. 15. were continually passing from the losing to the

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408 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BooKs VI winning side. U’pon the reduction of Egypt, the sidered as joint deities, they proposed to erect a victor, though pretending to act in the capacity shrine and a temple. af Roman consul, did not, as in former tines, re-In Italy, at the same time, similar or more mnfer to the senate the arrangements to he nmade in portant tributes of adulation and se, ‘lity were his conquest; nor did he wait the formality of a paid to the victor. At Rome, all the honours commission from Rome, authorising him to settle with which the republic had been accustomed to the provinces. He named a governor, and gave reward the eminent service of her citizens, had orders for the repair of all the public works, been for some time lavished on those who were which, on account of their effect in distributing most successful in subverting her goverrment. the inundations of the Nile, made, in that king-and these honours were now heaped on Octadom, a great and important object of stalte, and vius with a profusion proportioned to the asby their being neglected in the late troubles, had cendant he had gained by the suppression of all occasioned much distress. his competitors. The statues which had been The kingdom of Egyvpt was a principal gra-erected to his rival Mark Antony were broken nary for the supply of Italy, and it is probable down, and the name of Marcus for ever forbid in that its consequence had been severely felt in the that family: as if the extinction of this rival were late interrupltion of its exports. Octavius there-an end. of every war, notwithstanding that Mnaly fore took measures to secure his possession of a hostile nations were yet in arms on the frontiers country, by which he observed that the state of’ of the empire, the gates of Janus were ostentaItaly and the capital of the empire might be tiously shut, and Octavius declared.to be the regreatly affected. He deprived( the Egyptians of storer of peace to the world. A triumphal arch all the forms of their monarchy; and, in order to was erected at Brundusium, on the spot where efface the memory of their national indepen-it was supposed he was to set his foot on shore. dence, and to discontinue pretensions which the The anniversaries of his birth and of his victoinhabitants of Alexandria used to support by ries were to be celebrated for ever as days of tumults and revolts, he abolished all their public thanksgiving, and his name was to be inserted assemblies and national councils. He forbade in the hymns or public prayers which were the resort of Egyptian nobles to Rome, and of statedly sung, or offered up for the safety of the Romran senators to Egypt. As there was reason commonwealth. to apprehend that there might still exist, under On the first of January, while Octhe ruins of this late opulent monarchy, or under U. C. 724. tarius was still at Samos, he being adthe remains of Antony’s party there, some sparks -nitted a fifth time into the office of rImper. Casart of fire which the ambition or intrigues of any,e Se. co nsul, the senate and people took an considerable partizan might kindle into a flame, 2?puleins, ex oath of allegiance, or in words more he chose for governor Cornelius Gallus, a person Kal. Julii nearly corresponding to the terms of of equestrian rank and moderate pretensions, not Polit.

Valer. their language, took an oath to oblikely to harbour ambitious designs; and made.Messala. serve his acts and decrees. They it a rule to have similar qualifications in future declared him tribune of the people for an unligovernors, and to perpetuate the other parts of mited time, and extended the powers of this office an establishment which lie now made, for the beyond the usual bounds of the city. They orpreservation of so important a territory, and the dained, that from thenceforward the appeals government of so factious a people. usually made to the people should be made to While Octavius made these arrangements in Caesar alone, and that in criminal judgments, Egypt, he secured a great treasure, of which a what was called the vote of Minerva, an act of considerable part was found in the coffers of’ the grace provided for the pardon of criminals when late queen, and part arose from the contributions condemned only by a single vete of majority, which he himself imposed on the city of Alex-should from thenceforward be ascribed to hin, andria and other parts of the kingdom. And and consequently be termed, the Mercy, or the being, from these funds, prepared to acquit him-Vote of Cmsar.l self of the pecuniary engagemlents lie had come The precipitancy with which the Ronlan seunder to the army, and enabled to make dona-nate and people now rushed into servitud(e, had tions to the populace of Rome, whose favour was probably no mixture of that sullen design with mnecessary for him in the farther prosecution of which the partizans of the republic had prepared his designs, he set out on his retdrn to Italy; but the first Cesar for his fate. The retainers of the navirn stopped in the island of Samos, while the victorious party raised the cry of adulation, and army in separate divisions was moving to the they were followed, in expressions of servility, by westward, he passed the winter at this place. de-persons who wished to recommend themselves ferring his arrival at Rome until the troops should in the most early advances, or who dreaded bebe assembled, and every other circumstance pre-ing marked out for resentment in case they appared for the triumphal entries he meant to make peared to be tardy in expressing their zeal. But into the capital. what, under established monarchy, may be conDuring his stay in Samos, the neighbouring sidered as the duty and the loyalty of subjects to towns and provinces vied with each other in detheir sovereign, and like filial affection, though monstrations of submission to his person, and of sometimes partial and misplaced, is always a virzeal for his cause. The inhabitants of Per-tue, and salutary to mankind, in such rapid gamus and Nicomedia made offer of divine ho-transitions, from the pretensions of citizens to nours to himself, and petitioned for leave to erect the subm.-ission of slaves, is a mortifying example a temple for the purpose of performing these of the weakness and depravity to which human honours. Those of Ephesus andl Niewa, as being nature is exposed. more modest or more delicate in their flattery, di-The apparent servility of all orders of men rected this compliment to his adoptive father, the late C,-slar, to whom, together with Roma, con-1 Dio. Cass. lib. xxxi. –— -~ , ~-  ~ -t

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CHAP. I.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 409 under the usurpation of Julius Caesar, probably matians; the second for his victory at Actium; inspired the security which gave the conspira-and the third for the conquest of Egypt. In the tors such an advantage against him. The ex-first of these triumphs, Carinus, by whom the ample, however, put Octavius, though less ex-war of Illyricum had been chiefly conducted, was posed, much more on his guard; and may serve admitted to partake with the commander under to account for many of the precautions he took, whose auspices the subject of triumph had been and for many of the forms he observedl, in the egalne(d.

In the third was exhibited a scene, sequel of his government. He had occasion, in-which, for riches and splendour, greatly surdeed, to experience, in his own person, that his passed any of the former, beina enriched with precautions were not altogether unnecessary. In the treasure he had amassed in Egypt, and with the midst of the late demonstrations of joy for his various trophies constructed from the spoils of victory, there were still a few who whetted their that courtry. Among these were carried tle swords in secret against him, as the cause of their effigy of the late queen, having, in allusion to the public degradation, and the author of their pri-supposed nlanner of her death, the aspick reprevate wrongs.

Lepidus, the son of the late desented on her arm. This pageant was followed graded triumvir, and nephew of Marcus Brutus by her surviving children, who were led as capby his sister Junia, incited probably by this do-tives. mestic example, and by so many motives of a In these processions a circumstance was reprivate and public nature, had procured some ac-marked, which indicated considerable innovacomplices, and was preparing to cut short the tion in the pretensions of the person by whom usurpation of Octavius on his return to Rome. they were to be led. It had been usual for the But this design, no way justified by any consi-officers of state to meet the triumphal march at derations of prudence or public utility, was de-the gates of Ronle, anid afterwards to advance feated by the vigilance of Mecenas, and ended before it into the city. In conformity with the in the execution of the young Lepidus, and in first part of this customl, the consul and other the imprisonment of his mother Junia, who re-magistrates met the procession at the gates; but mained in confinement until she was admitted suftering the conqueror -to pass before them, fell to bail, at the humble request of her husband, behind, and followed in his train to the capitol. the late triumvir and associate in the empire with Here he deposited, in the temple of Jupiter, sixOctavius and Antony, and who, to the other teen thousand pondo, or a hundred and sixty marks of the humiliation which he now endured, thousand ounces of goll, with fifty millions in joined that of being overlooked even by those Roman money, or above four hundred thousand who were supposed to have suftlred by his pounds. sterling;4 and at the close of the ceretyranny.2
rnonv distributed a thousand sestertii, or above Octavius having, by his stay in the island of eight pounds of our money a man to the troops; Sarnos, disconcerted the effect of this conspiracy, and this, to an army consisting of one hundred and given sufficient time for the transportation and twenty thousand men, amounted to a sum of his army, aland the other apparatus of his tri-of near a nmillion sterling. To the officers, beumph into Italy, set out for that country, and in sides his pecuniary bounty, he gave honorary his way visited the scene of his late victory at rewards.

To Agrippa, in particular, he gave a Actiumn. At this place, Apollo being the prin-blue ensign in token of his naval victories; to the cipal object of worship, he had, immediately after people he made a donation of four hundred sesthe action, selected from the captures a galley of tertii, or about three pounds five shillings a man, each rate to be placed as an offering to the god; and doubled the usual allowance of corn fromr the and at Toryn6, on the opposite side of the straits, public granaries; discharged all that he owed, where his own army had been stationed before remitted all the debts that were due to himself, the engagement, he directed a city to be raised and refused all the presents which were offered under the name of Nicopolis.3 to him from the different towns and districts of The conqueror, upon his arrival at Rome, was Italy. received by Politus, who had succeeded to the These accumulations and distributions of office of’ consul at the resignation of Apuleius, foreign spoils at Rome, or the general expectaand who, though now his colleague, dropped the tions of prosperous times, produced great or very pretension to equality, and performed the sacri-sensible efftects in raising the price of houses, fices of thanksgiving which had been appointed lands, and other articles of sale, whether in Italy for his safe return. Octavius hitherto, either by or in the contiguous provinces; a circumstance the nature of the wars in which he had been which, jouned to tile ne v and strange appearengaged, or by the event of them, had not been ance of the gates of the tenlmple of Janus being entitled to a triumph; or being, by his temper shut, as a signal of univ rsal peace, made these and great caution, averse to ostentation, he had triumphs of Octavius appear an ara of felicity neglected to avail himself of this honour. But and hope to the empire.

though he himself, in appearance, was no way They were followed by other magnificent governed by vanity, something h as due to the ceremonies; the dedicating of a tenlple which public opinion, to the wishes of those who had had been erected to iinerva, and tile openling of shared in the glories of his victories, and to tile a great hall which had been inscribed with the impressions which even pageantry makes on the name of Julius Cesar. In that hall was laced minds of those who are to be governed. He a noted statue of victory which hal beell,rou ht therefore determined to exhibit three separate from Tarentum; and there too were ihung up triumphal processions. The first for his victory the trophies which had been colkcted ina Egypt. over the Panonians, the Japydes, and the Dal-The statue of Cleopatra, in goldl, wvas placed in the temple of Venus, and at htIe same time the 2 Veil. Pater. lib. ii. c. 88. Liv.

Epitomne, lib. cxxxv. - - 3 Dio. Case. lib. Ii. c. 1. Siueton. in Octav.

c. 18. 4 Sue:on. int Octav. c. xx. 3F

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410 THE PROGRESb AND TERMINATION [BooK VL shrine of Julius Cesar, as well as those of Jupi-ment, but fear, might baffle his skill to conduct ter, Juno, and Minerva, were decorated with it. He learned, upon that occasion, that the many ensigns or badges of victory. considerations of civil justice, and the respect On occasion of these solemnities, a variety of which is paid to some form of political asb!i6rdigames were exhibited: that of Troy, in particu-nation, are necessary even to the discipline and Far, was now instituted, being a procession fornled order of a military establishment. by youth of high rank, mounted on horseback, Upon this account, Octavius, immediately and led by Marcellus and Tiberius, the nephew after his vitories in Sicily, had proceeded with and the stepson of Octavius. Races were run great address, to reduce and to purge the legions, in chariots and on horseback, by persons of high byv dismissing strangers and fugitive slaves, and rank; and fights of gladiators were exhibited, in by; ordering the levies from thenceforward to be which, to the supposed disgrace of the times, it confined to citizens of’ Rome. The denotinais remarked, that a Roman senator, of the name tion of Roman citizen, indeed, was no longer apof GOuintus Ventelius, was one of the combatants. propriated to the descendants of the Alban or Numerous parties of captives from the Daci and Sabin colony, nor even to the inhabitants of the Suevi, in a form that might pass for real battles, municipal towns of Italy. It had been commuwere made to fight for their liberty, that was pro-nicated to many cities and provinces beyond posed as the prize of the victors. Many exhibi-these limits, and it was likely now, with much tions were made of hunting and baiting of wild greater propriety than ever, to be extended to beasts, in which were presented a rhinoceros and the free, or well-born and respectable class of hippopotamos or sea horse, animals, till then, un-the inhabitants in all parts of the empire. By known at Rome. In the time of these enter-limiting, however, the levies of the army to this tainments, which continued many days, Octa-name of respect and of real privilege, Octavius vius either really was, or pretended to be taken restored, in some degree, the connection between ill, and left the honour of presiding at the shows the civil and military honours, taught the soldier to some private senators, who, together with to value himself on his condition as a citizen, many other members of their body, to increase and the citizen to consider as an hlonour the the solemnity, feasted the people in their turns.l name of a soldier. Such had been the arts by which candidates Upon this arrangemnet, the commande(r in for public favour, in the latter times of the rechief of the armv, as first magistrate of the public, maintained in the capital the considera-comrnmonwealth, had a double claim to obedience, tion they had gained by their services on the ald, joined to his military power, had an authofrontiers of the empire; and the continuarnce of rity, derived from a principle of justice and of these arts had now the more effect, that the civil right, withiout which armies are no nmore people, who still had a claim to this species of than companies of banditti, whose force may be courtship, were become insensible to any other occasionally turned against the person who leads privilege of Rolman citizens, and were ready to them, as well as againrst his enemies. barter a political consequence, which they were The legions assembllled at Rome, on occasion no longer fit to enjoy, for a succession of sports of the late triumphal processions, were now to and entertainments that amused their leisure, or be distributed to what were intended as their for a distribution of bread, which, without the ordinary stations in time of peace. Of these usual and hard conditions of idiustry or labour, stations, the princi)al wvele on the Euphrates, on helped to give them subsistence. the Rhine, and oin the Danube; but, before this It is olserved, that in the precedinrg year, distribution could be finally made, sonme troubles, while the Egyptian war was yet in dependance, which, notwitllstandintl the late signal of general a concourse of Roman citizens, assuming the peace, still subsisted in some parts of the empire, powers of the people in public assembly, bestow-particidarly on the Moselle and the Rhine, in ed on Statilius Taurus by a formal decree, in the interior parts of Spain, and on the confines return for his munificence, in exhibiting matches of Macedonia, required attention. To the first of gladiators and the baiting of wild beasts, the of these quarters, Nonius Gallus was sent to reprivilege of naming annually one of the prantors. duce the Treviri,2 who, in concert with some So irregular and absurd were become the pro-German nations, made incursions into Gaul. ceedings of’ what were called the assemblies of Statilius Taurus was sent into Spain, against the people; anld the wary Octavius could not the Astures and Cantabri,s and Marcus Crassus, overlook the effect of these arts, in gaining their from Macedonia, had orders to repress the incurconVnt to the dominion he meant to establish. sions of the Daci and Bastarni, Scvthian nations, But while he indulged the people in their dispo-who had passed the Danube and the mountains sitioil to amusement and dissipation, he gave the of Haemus, and who had taken possession of necessary attention to his military arrangements, some districts in Thrace; hut, upon the apand took measures to secure the possession of proach of Crassus, they repassed those mlounthat principal support, on which sovereignty, in tains, and left the Romans again ill possession of such an empire, must be founded. He had the lands, which they had formerly occupied in txperienced the danger which may arise from that quarter.4 almiies ill governed, and knew that a power may The officers employed on these d(ifferent serbecome insecure, by an abuse of the nleans by vices, were nlo loilner, as formerly, sutpreme in which it is gained. When to the troops, which their respective stations, and accountable only tc he hinmself commanded in Sicily, were joined the senate antd people; they were underst(,od tc those o Lepidus and Sextus Pompeius. the engine, ll~om)e too unrwieldy for his mlallare-2 The Bishoprick oft reves. 3 T”he inhabitants of what is now called Asturia ment. and without any other principle of goverii-and Cantabria. 4 Dio.

Cass. lib. lvii. c. 54 57. Tacit. An. lib. iv 1 Dio’,ss. lib. Ii. c. 22, 23. c. 5.

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CHAP. I.] O)F THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 411 be lieutenants of a superior officer acting as in general were disposed to submissioIn vet the general governor over all the provinces, and corn-violence of a few, who might be swillin, to exmander in chief of all the armies in the empire. pose themselves as the champions of the conmThis supreme command Octavius held under monwealth, was still to be dreaded. In tlis the well known name of imperator, which was capacity, not only citizens havinet hiogh prctenusually given in the field to victorious generals, sions in the civil line, but nmliritaly o,iicrs likeand which he, contrary to former practice, now wise, might be dangerous to their lItder; and retained even in the city; and, as we shall have choosing rather to claim preferments and honours occasion to observe, gradually appropriated to as their right, than as the gift of a master, nii-rht himself and his successors. publicly spurn his authority, or employ auainst In the character which Octavius now assumed, him the hands of some secret assassin, lwhom he united, in support of his authority, the pre-in any successful attempt the law would protect, rogatives of consul, censor, and(l tribune of the and the public voice would applaud. peopile; and thus, in divesting himself of the Julius Crsar, whose personal qualities were name of triumvir, he affected to re-establish the sufficient to have supported him in any pretelnconstitution of the republic, and to restore the sions, still found himself mistaken in relying on ordinary magistrates and officers of state: but the attachment of his own officers, as much as to a person, who valued safety no less than on the submission of his fellow-citizens. He power, such an establishment was far from being found persons of every condition, still animated sufficiently secure. The dignities of consul, with the spirit of republican government, corncensor, and( tribune, being by the constitution of 1hined for his destruction, and he fell a sacrifice the republic separate and temporary, the unp)re-to his excessive security, or rather to the vanity cedented conjunction, and continuance of them and ostentation with which he affected to hold in the same person, was a palpable imposition, his power. His successor on the present occawhich could be no longer safe than it was sup-sion, as he was by nature more cautious alnd had ported by force; and depending on the army less ostentation, so he was taught, by this alarmmerely, without any plea of right, presented an ing example to disguise his ambition, or to proobject of ambition to every adventurer, who could ceed less directly to his ob ject. bring an army in support of his claim. Octavius, therefore, having taken the most’These considerations, probably, suggested effectual measures to secure his power, still to Octavius the necessity of endeavouring to thought it necessary to affect a purpose of restrengthen his title. He had hitherto kept pos-signing it, and of restoring the reptulblican gosession of the government under various pre-vernment. It is reported, that lie even held a tences; but never declared any Intention to serious consultation on this subject with his realize, or to perpetuate the sovereignty in his principal advisers and confidents. Agrip)pa and own person. For some time, he had l)rofissed Marcenas. This fact may be questionledl; but in no more than a desire to avenge the death of his a character so entirely made up of artifice and relation Julius Cwsar. Next, he pretended to design, it is not unreasonable to suppose that he remove some disorders which had crept into the wished to disguise his thoughts even to his nmost commonwealth; and, last of all, to oppose the de-intimate counsellors, or to secure their approbasigns of Antony, who, at the breaking out of the tion befobre he disclosed his real intentions.

quarrel between them, he suggested, was likely Agrippa anti Maecenas are said to have been to sacrifice the rights of the Rouman people to the of different opinions respecting the p)ropriety of caprices of a stranger and a woman. their master’s resignation; and the question acThese rivals, in their appeals to the judgment cordingly, as it was supposed to be deba:ted in of the public, vied in their professions of zeal for this famous council, has furnished a curious the commonwealth, mutually challenged each theme to historians and rhetoricians. Agrippa other to resign their unconstitutional powers; encouraged Octavius to persist in his supposed and each retained his own power, under the intention to resign his pofwer, and supported this single pretence that he was obliged to continue opinion, by stating the advantages of republican in arms, until he should have secured the re-government. “It is the teldelncy of the republic against the designs of his antagonist. public,” he said, ” to multiply examples of great This pretence being now removedl, it was be-men; it is the tendency of monarchy to diminish come necessary that Octavius should more fully their nulmbers, and to sacrifice to one person, explain himself, and declare upon what footing the pretensions and the elevation of many. Unhe was to hold the government. The chief par-der the first species of government, the loman tizans of the republic had fallen by their own state has attained to its present greatness; under hands, or by the swords of their enemies. All the second, it may languish, and sink to the level his rivals were cut off, and the whole military of other nations.” He put Octavius in mind of force of the empire centred in himself; but he hi;s duty to the senate, and to the Roman people, had experienced, in the repeated mutinies of the for whose rights, while he took arms against the army, the precarious state of his authority over murderers of his father, he had always professed men, who were directed by mere caprice or per-the greatest respect: bid him beware of the resonal attachment, without any acknowledged proaches he must incur, if it should now appear, title on the part of their leader. either that he had formerly employed the preAn open usurpation of kingly power was still tence of filial duty as a cloak to his amblition; or odious at Rome; it appeared as a direct attack, that, now finding the people at his ilercy, he not only upon the forms of the Roman republic, neglected their rights the moment it was in his but likewise as an attack upon the private right power to violate them with impunity. He menof every citizen who pretended to consideration tioned the danger of attempting to reduce into and power proportioned to the rank of his family servitude a people, who had been accustomed not oI his personal qualities; and though the people only to freedom, but to dominion over other

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412 THE PR.,.RESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK VI. nations;-the difficulties that must arise in the about to offer, might have greatly disconcertec government of so great an empire;-the thorns his project, obliged him to throw aside his dis that are for ever fastened in the pillows of kings; guise, and might have made it necessary for him -the dancers to which he must be exposed, from to continue holding by force what he wished to persons who should feel themselves injured by receive by consent, or even to have his seizing the government, or who should think U. C. 725. pressed upon him by the interests of themselves entitled to supplant him, and whose Imperator all orders of men. In order to culticourage, in every attempt against his person, Csar y.a vate the dispositions with which he would be extolled as a noble effort of patriotism MI..lgrippa. already endeavoured to inspire the to restore the freedom of their country. senate and the people, he himself, in Maecenas took the opposite side, and contended conjunction with Agrippa, entered on the office for the necessity of a new species of government, of consul for the sixth time, divided the fasces in circumstances so different from those in which with him, as usual in the purest times of the the republic had been formed. “So great an republic, and in all the exertions of their auempire,” he said, “surrounded by so many thority, or in the discharge of their common enemies, required the authority and the secret duties, knowing how little he had to apprehend counsels of a prince, aided, but not controlled, from the pretensions of his colleague, affected by the opinions of those who were qualified to to rank with him on the most perfect footing of serve him. The time, when the republic might equality. rely on the virtue and moderation of the greater The new consuls, in proceeding to their prinpart of her citizens is now no more; men are cipal object, which was to reform the senate, and governed by ambition or interest, and if one per-to fill it with such members as were likely to coson decline the sovereignty, many pretenders operate in the design they hadl formed, of obtainwill arise, who will again tear the republic asun-ing for Octavius the sovereignty by a formal der by their wars and contensions.” He ob-consent, made a review or census, as usual, of all served, that the fortune or destiny of Octavius the different orders of the commonwealth; and had placed him at the head of the common-having, in consequence of the late troubles, wealth; that he ought not to despise its gifts, or much property as well as public honours in their to theow the Roman people again into a state of power, they had an opportunity to enrich, as confusion and anarchy, out of which he had well as to promote those whom they wished to been destined to save them. From these topics, oblhge; and accordingly made such a distribuhe proceeded to consider the difficulties to be tion of estates and dignities, as plainly showed, encountered in the administration of such a go-that obsequiousness to the will of Caesar was the vernment, delivered maxims that contain the road to distinction a,”ortune. wisdom of monarchy, pointed at regulations At this census or review of the people, the calculated to preserve some species of civil con-Roman citizens were found to amount to four stitution, yet depending on the will of the prince, million one hundred and sixty-four thousand and, according to the account which is given of men fit to carry arms.2 So much had their numhis speech, suggested at this conference most ber, without any increase of population, augparts of the plan which Octavius actually carried mented by the continual admission of the freeinto execution.t men of entire towns and provinces, upon the rolls In the result of this consultation, it is said, of the people. that not only Octavius, but Agrippa likewise, The senate had, during the devastations, and embraced the opinion of Ma:cenas; and that in the event of the civil wars, not only lost those they, from thenceforward, considered the secure who made its principal ornament, considered as establishment of the monarchy as the common a republican council, but had even undergone a object of all their councils. They appear to great, if not an entire change of its members. It. have agreed, that Octavius should treat the se-consisted now of persons occasionally intruded nate as he had in this conference treated his by the parties lately contending for superiority; friends; that he should propose to resign his many, in particular, named by A.ntony, and power, affect to make his continuing to hold it who, during the late struggles, endeavoured to the result of their own deliberations, and, by support the cause of their patron. These, more these means, obtain the sanction o.f a legal esta-especially, it was the object of Octavius to reblishment. move; but being desirous to court all orders of To smooth the way to this sed, ce me previous men, as well as to set aside his enemies, he afsteps were yet to be taken. MI. k. had already fected a reluctance in expelling particular perbeen done by Octavius to secure his power, to sons, and recommended to those, who were conreconcile his new subjects, and, in case of any scious of any disqualification, voluntarily to withicompetition, to recommend himself to the public draw their names. choice; but some caution was still to be employed In consequence of this intimation, fifty senain bringing forward a question, relating to the tors retired, probably nlost of them conscious of continuance of the present government, or the a disaffection to the reigning power. One hurrestoration of the republic. The senate, on whose dred and forty more were struck off the rolls. In readily embracing and acting the part that was discharging this invidious service, Octavius was expected from them the whole depended, was to guarded by ten chosen senators, who surrounded be scrutinized and purged of all members, who his person with concealed weapons, and is said were by the love of republican government, or by himself to have been cased in armour under his any other circumstances, likely to mar the de-robe. He, at the. same time, endeavoured to palsign. A single voice in this assembly, given for receiving the demission, which Octavius was The whole number of souls must have exceeded sixteen milihons. Ruisebii CJhronicon. C’sar Impra1 Dio.

Cass. lib. Iii. c. 1-42’. tor VI. M. Agrippa, p. 168.

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CnAP. I.] OF THE hOMAN REPUBLIC. 413 hate the severity of his censures in diflerent pers were preserved and afterwards employed in ways, sufferino those, who were excluded from evidence against persons whom he thought pro. the senate, still to retain the dress oft that order, per to oppress.4 and to enjoy, at the theatre, and other public At the close of this memorable consulate, Ocplaces, the usual precedence of the senatorian tavius laid down the fasces, and. agreeable to rank. Under pretence of rendering the order the forms of the republic, took the usual oath of Itself more independent and more respectable, he declaration, that he had faithfully, and with raised the money qualification of a senator from his utmost ability, discharged the duties of his eight to twelve hundred thousand sesterces;3 station. Being destined to the same and, without any personal imputation, affected U. C. 726. office of consul for the following year, to exclude some senators for the want of this he resumed the ensigns of power; new qualification; others he contrived to gain by inperr and thinking the senate and people, a very artful method of bribery, alleging, that.M. grippa by the steps he had already taken, the public should not be deprived of the services III. sufficiently prepared for the subject of worthy citizens merely by a deficiency in he meant to bring under consideratheir fortune, he from his own coffers, made up tion, he, on the Ides, or thirteenth of January, the estates of several senators to the new quali-surprised them with a direct and full resignation fication. A striking instance of the policy in of all the extraordinary powers which he held in which he excelled; at once the most effectual to the empire. This solemn act he accompanied obtain his purpose, and the most artful to pal-with a speech, which, according to his usual liate or to conceal his design. practice, having committed it to writing, he read.

By the forms which the present consuls, Oc-Being sensible that his sincerity would be questavius and Agrippa, affected to observe in the tioned, and that his having taken the most effecdischarge of their public duties, the republic tual measures to obtain and to secure the governseemed so much to revive, that one Quintus ment was but an ill indication of his intention to Statilius was tempted to offer himself as candi-resign it, he employed a great part of his hadate in free election for the office of tribune; but rangue in removing suspicions, not merely by in this instance, Octavius thought himself obliged assurances of sincerity, but by arguments liketo resume the character of master.

Although he wise drawn from general topics of probability and employed the forms of the republic to reconcile reason. To this purpose, he observed, that many the minds of men to his government, he knew persons, who were themselves incapable of such how to distinguish what had a tendency to ravish intentions, might doubt his sincerity, and that that government out of his hands, or to embroil many, who could not behold a superior without him in contests with the people: he therefore envy, would be disposed to misrepresent his accommanded this candidate for the office of tribune tions; but that the immediate execution of the to withdraw his pretensions, and not to awaken, purpose he had declared, would remove every by his unseasonable canvas, the turbulent dispo-doubt, would silence every attempt of calumny sitions which had formerly so much afflicted the entitle him to credit, and to their just esteem. state.’ “

That I have it in my power to retain the In the arts which were practised on the citi-government,” he said, “no one will question. zens of Rome, shows, processions, and public Of my enemies, some have suffered the just entertainments always made a part, and they effects of their own obstinacy, and others having operated on this people, perhaps operate on all experienced my clemency, are fully reconciled. mankind, with such powerful effects, as not to My friends are confirmed in their attachment, by be overlooked without the danger of mistaking the mutual exchange of good offices between the circumstances which lead to the most importus, and by a participation in the management of ant events. Octavius, aware of this circum-affairs. I have no real danger to fear, and any stance, on the present as well as on former oc-alarm I might receive, would only hasten the casions, having temples and other public works proofs I am in condition to give of my power. I executed with great magnificence, celebrated the have many allies, and numerous forces, well atdedication, or the completion of them, with many tached to my person; money, magazines, and pompous entertainments and shows; he furnish-stores of every description; with what is of more ed, at his own expense, the circus and theatres consequence than all these put together, I am with continual entertainments, with the fights placed, by the choice of the senate and people of of gladiators, and the baiting or hunting of Rome, at the head of the republic. wild beasts. While he thus encouraged the peo- “What I now do, I hope will explain my past ple in their usual vices of idleness and dissipa-actions, and silence those who impute my former tion, he avoided laying any new burdens, cancell-conduct to ambition, or who suppose that I am ed all arrears due to the treasury within the city, not now sincere in the resignation which I proand increased fourfold the gratuitous distributions fess to make. Having the sovereignty at present of corn. To these popular arts, he joined a species in mry possession, I renounce it, and deliver into of amnesty of all past offences and differences; your hands, the army, the state, the provinces, repealed all the acts, which, during the late vio-not merely in the condition in which I received lent times, the spirit of a party had dictated; and, them, but in a condition much improved by my to quiet the apprehensions of many, who were exertions. conscious of having taken part with his enemies, “Let this action then evince the sincerity of he gave out that all papers or records seized in the declarations I made, when, being engaged Egypt, upon the final reduction of Antony’s in the late unhappy contest, I professed that my party, were destroyed; though in this Dion Cas-intentions were to obtain justice against the sius contradicts him, and alleges, that such pa. murderers of my father, and some relief to the 3 From about 70001. to 10,0001. 4 Lib. lii. c. 42, &c.

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414 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK VI commonwealth trom the evils with which it was I “I do net mention any past action from osafflicted.

tentation, or with a view to profit by the advan”I wish, ir deed, that this task had never tage it gives me, but merely to show, that I know been imposed upon me; that the republic had the value of my present conduct, and have made never stood in need of my services; and that the it my choice, because I think it more glorious fatal divisions we have experienced, had never than any other conduct I could hold. taken place.

But since the fates had otherwise ” I might, indeed, (not to drag any more the decreed, and since the republic, young as I was, name of my father into this argument,) chalrequired e.ein my assistance, I declined no la-lenge any one to compare with mvself in the bour, I shunned no danger, I made efforts above part which I now act. Beinfg at the head of my years and my strength. Neither toil nor great and well appointed armies attached to my danger, the entreaties of my friends, the threats person; being master of the seas within the pilof my enemies, the tumults of the seditious, nor lars of Hercules; of all the towns and provinces the fury of those who opposed me, could turn of this mighty empire, without any foreign eneme aside from the pursuit of your good. I for-my, or d rmesuc sedition to molest me; being got myself; I became altogether yours. The cheerfully acknowledged and obeyed as sovereign event, with respect to you, is known; for my-in profound peace, I now willingly and of my self, the only reward I desire, is the sense of own accordl resign the whole, from a regard to having delivered my country from the evils my fellow-citizens, and from a respect for the with which it was distressed, and of having laws of my country. restored you to the state of peace and tranquil- “What I have to apprehend, is not your inlity which you now enjoy. With these advan-sensibility to the merit of what I perform, but tages, resume your political trust, and the forms your doubt of its reality, and of the sincerity of of your constitution; take charge of your pro-my intention; but you give credit to illustrious vinces, and the direction of your military forces; exam,les recorded of former times. You admit conduct every part according to the rules and prethat the Horatii and the Decii, that Mlucius, cedents which were laid down by your ancestors. Curtius, and Regulus exposed themselves to “:My conduct, in this resignation, will not danger, even rushed upon certain destruction to appear unaccountable to those who have oh-establish for themselves a reputation after death. served the moderation with which 1 have fre-Why should not I, to enjoy, even during my quently declined the uncommon distinctions by lifetime, a fame far superior to theirs, perform which you offered to raise me above the level of the action which I now propose?

Were the anmy fellow-citizens; nor to those who know the ciepts alone possessed of magnanimity? or is the real value of human possessions, will it appear a age become barren and unabled to bring forth folly, that having such an empire in my power, such examples? I choose to resign it.

If I am supposed to have “Think not, however, that I mean to revive any regard to justice, what more just than that the late public distractions, or propose to commit I should restore to you what is your own? If the government to an unruly and factious multiI am supposed to be governed by prudence, tude. No; broken with toil, and overwhelmed what more prudent, than to withdraw from trou with labour as I am, I should prefer death to ble, from general envy, and from the snares of such a desertion of the public cause. To you, my enemies’? If I am supposed to aim at glory, my fathers, who possess wisdom and virtue the great object for which men have most wil-equal to the trust, I resign this government. lingly exposed themselves to hazards and toils, Weary with solicitude and care, 1 retire from what more glorious than to dispose of empire to that envy which the best of men cannot escape, others, and to rest secure myself in the honours and prefer the glories of a private life to the danof a private station? gers of empire. To your judgments and to that “Having the choice of many actions, which multiplicity of counsel which must in wisdom reflect honour on my father’s memory, and may ever excel the reason and understanding of any do so on my own, these actions I prefer to any single person, I now commit the republic. I other; that he, being offered the s e reignty of therefore adjure you, in consideration of any serhis country refused to accept of it-and that I vice which I may have rendered to my country, myself, being in actual possessionr of that sove-either in a civil or military capacity, that you reignty, have resigned it. To thesem actions, the will suffer me to retire in quiet, and give me an conquest of Gaul, of Mysia, of Egypt and Pa-opportunity to evince, that I know how to obey nonia, the victories obtained over Pharnaces, Ju-as well as how to command; and that, while in ba, Phraates, the passage of the Rhine, and of power, I imposed no condition upon others, with the British sea, thougrh far exceeding the achieve-which, as a subject, I am not myself willing to ments of former times, are yet of inferior accomply. In this capacity, my conscience tells count: even the merit of having conducted to so me, that unguarded and unattended I may rely glorious an issue the unhappy contest in which for safety on your affection, and that I have nowe have been engaged, the having overcome as thing to fear, either in the way of violence or inenemies all who withstood our reformations, the sult. But, if there should be a danger from any having protected as friends all who were pacific secret enemy, (for what person ever passed and well inclined to the commonwealth, the through scenes like those, in which I have acted, having by moderation and clemency stript civil without creating some private enemies?) it is war itself of many of its greatest evils, are not better to die, than to purchase security by encomparable to this; That being in a condition to slaving my country. If the event should be fatal, reign, we have not been intoxicated with power: posterity at least will do me the justice to own, neither could he be seduced to accept of a crown that so far from seeking a kingdom at the exwhich was offered to him, nor I to retain a do-pense of the blood of other men, I have freely minlion which is actually in my hands. resigned one at the hazard of my own. Who

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AIIAP. I.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 415 ever wrongs me, will have the immortal gods and whom it is ascribed, and, like other speeches you for their enemies; they will perish, as the recorded in ancient history, may have been murderers of my father have perished, leaving framed by the historian.l The oc(nsion. howtheir names as monuments of divine justice and ever, was remarkable, and this speech having been wrath. In this, every one has had his just re-committed to writing, may have been preserved tribution; my father is placed among the gods, in the records of the senate. The historian may and is vested with eternal glory; his murderers have copied it from thence; or, if d(ispose(l to have undergone the punishment due to their fabricate a speech, could not in this case, withcrimes. out detection, substitute any fict;on fr,, what “All men are born to die; but he who dies, was real. The composition indeed may hlave as well as lives with honour, in some measure suffered in the first translation,’ as well as in disappoints his fate, and acquires a species of this extract or paraphrase of it; but the matter, immortal life. I have lived, as I trust, with though not such as might have been expected honour; the other and less arduous part of my from the conqueror of the Roman empire, on a task, I hope is likewise in my power. I now, serious occasion, and in the actual exertion of al therefore, restore to you the arms, the governhis abilities, yet is such as we may suppose Ocments, the revenue, and all the legal powers of tavius to have employed in supporting an assumed the commonwealth. Be not dismayed by the character, and in proposing what he did not wish greatness of the object on the one hand, nor re-to obtain. ceive it too lightly on the other. My counsel, in The references which, in ushering in this prewhat relates to matters of moment, shall be ten-led resignation, are made to the disorders of freely given.. the late republic; the arguments which are made “Let the law be the unalterable rule of your use of to prove the sincerity of a purpose to reconduct. In the administration of government, sign the government of it, and the ostentation a determinate order, though attended with some of great merit in making this sacrifice, are well inconveniency, is preferable to fluctuation and enough suited to the part which the speaker was frequent change, which, aiming at improvement, acting, and to the solicitude under which he renders the condition of men precarious and un-spoke, nt to make too deep an impression, nor certain. to be taken at his word. The barefactedl and pal”’ In private, therefore, as well as in public life, pable imposture in which he was engaged, did comu!y with the laws; not as persons who aim not admit of the dignity which might have been at irimpunity merely, but as persons who aim at expected in so high a place; and, if the history the rewards which are due to merit. of this pretended resignation were not confirmed “Comtnit the provinces, whether in peace or by the united testimony of many writers. and wawn, to men of wisdom and virtue; do not envy still more by the lasting effects of it, in the forms each Lther the emoluments that attend the public and in the state of the empire, the want of digse w.e:- strive not for profit to yourselves, but for nity in other parts of this business, as swell as in security and prosperity to the commonwealth; the tenor of this speech, might create a doubt of rewaid the faithfill, punish the guilty; not only its veracity; but the same forms of resignation consider the public property as too sacred to be were again repeated, and great festivalss at cerinvaded, but consider even your private posses-tain periods were held on this account. sions as a debt which you owe to the state. As soon as this speech was ended, notwithManage well what is your own; covet not what standing the many evils which had been recentbelongs to others; wrong not your allies or sub-ly felt under the republic, it is probalble, that if jeets; do not rashly provoke any power to hos-Octavius had appeared to be sincere in making tility, nor meanly stand in fear of those who are it, his proposal to restore the commonwealth disposed to be your enemies. Be always armed, would have been received with joy. There were but niot against each other, nor against those yet many who revered the ancient constitution. who are inclined to peace. Supply your troops and lamented the loss of their own political conregularly with what is appointed for their pay sequence. Some, who would have been glad to and subsistence, that they may not be tempted renew the competition for powei and dominion to sutppi themselves by invading the property which had been recently decided, and many of their fellow-citizens; keep them under strict who would have rejoiced to find so much consediscipline, that they may respect their duty as quence at once bestowed on the order of senators Guardians of the public peace, and not become, to which they themselves had been unexpectedly from a consciousness of their force, a school for raised; but as much care had been taken in the violence and the commission of crimes.

nomination of senators, to fill this assenmbly with “Such in general are the rules of your con-unambitious men. who were likely to prefer duct, of which it is not necessary to make the peace to every other object, or with men of a serparticular applications: these are sufficiently evi-vile cast, who would follow the cry when raised dent. One thing only I will mention, before I to confirm the emperor’s power, it is probable.

conclude. If you conform yourselves to these that proper persons were prepared to lead the rules, you will be happy, and you will owe thanks way in the part which the senate was to take on to me, for having placed the administration in this occasion. your hands; but, if you depart from them, you The majority of the meeting indeed was surwill m:tke me to repent of what I now do, and prised and perplexed. There could he no doubt, you will relapse into all the disorders from which that Octavius wished to have his proposal reI have so happily rescued the commonwealth.” jected; but it would have been an ill manner of Such is the purport of a speech, said to have paying court, to appear to have penetrated his been delivered by Octavius, in announcing his intention to resign the empire. The perform-1

Dio. Casv. 2 From the Latin to Greek. ance may not appear worthy of the person to 3 The Decennalia.

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416 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [Book VI. design. It was necessary to affect implicit faith not to remain in office longer than one year, that in the sincerity of his purpose, at the same time the officers to be named by the emperor were to to withstand the execution of it in the most per-have military rank, with the title of proprator, emptory manner. This ground being pointed and were to act in the capacity of his lieutenants out by those who were in the concert, or by accountable only to himself; and to hold their comthose who had discernment enough to perceive missions during his.pleasure.4 it, was instantly seized by the whole assembly.’

From the reformations which Octavius now They beseeched Octavius, as with one voice, not made in the establishment of the provinces, it to abandon the commonwealth; observed, that appeared that he himself clearly understcod the services, still greater than those he had already circumstances by which those members of the erformed, were yet due to the republic; that the empire had become too great for the head, and ear of his intending to resign the government, by which the dependencies of the republic had had already filled the minds of the people with a become the means of its ruin; that he looked cruel anxiety; that he alone could quiet their ap-back to the steps, by which the first Caesar and prehensions, by not only remaining at the head himnself had advancedl to dominion, and wished of the empire, but by accepting the government to efface the track, in order that no one might in such a formal manner, as would give them as-follow it, or employ the same means to supplant surance of his continuing to hold it.’ himself, which Julius Caesar had employed to To this request, Octavius was inexorable; but subvert the republic. he was prevailed upon not to lay the whole load The provinces of the Roman empire had been of administration at once on the senate. He hitherto not so much the demesne of the comwas willing to administer some part of the go-monwealth, as the property of private citizens, vernment for a limited time, and to retain the by whom they were conveyed from one to ancommand of the army for ten years; to continue other by quick succession. As they were received his inspection over some of the most refractory in trust for the republic, without any particular provinces, such as were yet unsettled, such as assignment of a share in the profits.5 great hart were wild and uncultivated, such as had many was diverted to private uses; or where great inaccessible retreats, under the favour of which sums were to be accounted for to the state there the people still continued unsubdued, or still in was much extorted likewise to enrich incividuais condition to rebel. He agreed to take charge of by peculation and oppression. such provinces on the frontier, as, being contigu-From their stations abroad, the offictrs )f the ous to warlike and hostile neighbours, were ex-republic returned with the spoils of the p..1;flaccs posed to frequent invasion; but such as were to purchase importance at Rome. If they were already pacific, and accustomed to civil forms, frequently changed, the empty hand was,;iten such as were reconciled to the tribute which they held out with fresh rapacity, and the ful! one paid, he insistcel that the senate, as the more easy brought back with quicker succession to uortslpt and profitable part of the government, should the city: if continued too lonr, they acquire: tile take under their own administration; and that fbrce of great monarchs, got possession of’ armnes they should be ready to relieve him of the whole, and of revenue, and had sufficient resource: of or any part of his burden, at the expiration of men and money to enable them to make wvr on the period to which he limited his acceptance of the state. Marius and Sylla showed what,ould the military command. be done with armies levied from the opposit. ifacBy this imaginary partition of the empire, the tions in the city of Rome; and Julius Caesar provinces which in Africa had formed the states showed what use could be made of the extensive of Carthage and Cyrene, with the kingdom of territory, entrusted for a continued term of years Numidia: in Europe, the more wealthy and pa-to the government of the same person. The recific parts of Spain, the islands of Sardinia, public had often tottered under the eflect of Sicily, and Crete; with the different districts of (lisorders which arose in the capital, but feil irreGreece, Epirus, Macedonia, and Dalmatia; and coverably under the blows that were struck from beyond the JEgean sea, the rich province of the provinces. Asia, with the kingdoms of Bithynia and Pon-It is evident, that the head of the empire, of tus, were committed to the jurisdiction of the whatever description, whether a coJmmnrwealth senate. or the court of a monarch, could not be safe under The emperor still retained, under his own ira-this distribution of power and trust.

Measures mediate charge, the more warlike districts in were accordingly now taken by Octavius to reSpain, in Gaul and in Syria, with the kingdom of form the establishment, and to reduce the provinEgypt, and all the great military stations and re-cial officers to their proper state of subordinasorts of the legions on the Euphrates, the Da-tion and dependence. The duties they were to nube, anti the Rhine.3 Some tine afterward(s, levy, and their own emoluments, were clearly under pretence of a war which arose in Dalma-ascertained. The greater provinces were divided, tia, he accepted of this province, in exchange for and separate officers appointed to each division. the island of Cyprus, and the district of Narbonne. It was understood, that the emperor and the 4 )io.

Cass. lib. liii.c. 13. senate, in their quality of partners in the sove-5’The provincial officers under the republic had no reigrnty, should have the nomination of governors salary, nor public appointments. They were underin their respective provinces; that those named stood to subsist at the expense of the provinces; and by the senate should be civil otficers merely, with in their journies mwere allowed to impress horses and by the senate should be civil officers merely, with carriages, and to demand every supply of provisions the title of proconsul, but without the power of and forage for the numerous retinue or court that the sword or any military rank, and they were usually attend them. These powers being abused, it was proposed that the provincial officers sho;lld be - supplied by contract; but the leaders of faction al 1 Zonar. lib. x. c. 34. 2 Dio.

Cass. lib. liii. c. 11. Rome went forth to the provinces, with a power tha 3 Dio. Cass. lib. liii. c. 12. Strabo, 11 x vii. fine. could not be restrained by any rules whatevet.

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CHAP. II.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 417 Neither men nor money were to be levied with-guinary exercise of its powers by Sylla, and it out authority from the emperor and the senate, had been formally abolished by law, soon after nor was any officer, to whom a successor was the demise of Julius Caesar. The name of Roappointed, to remain in his command, or to ab mulus was proposed, and thought due to Octasent himself from Rome above three months.6 vius, as the second founder of Rome; but this To secure the observance of these regulations, name he himself rejected, not on accoufht of the and to accelerate the communication from every ridicule conveyed in it, but on account of the impart of the empire, an institution, resembling that plication of kingly power. The title of Augustus of the Inodern posts, was for the first time intro-was in the end accepted by him, rather as an duced in the ancient world. Couriers were expression of personal respect, than as a mark placed at convenient stages, with orders to for-i of any new or unprecedented dignity in the ward from one to the other the public despatches. commonwealth. It was afterwards thought more effectual, for the W’hile the senate bestowed on their emperor purpose of’

intelligence, to transport the original the title of Augustus, they ordered that the court messenger to Rome. of his palace should be for ever hung with laurel, In this establishment, the senate and the em-the badge of victories that were ever fresh in the peror, in their respective civil and military cha-minds of the people, and with wreaths of oak, racters, had their several departments, and their the usual distinction of those who had saved a revenue apart; what was collected in the pro-fellow-citizen: in token that the Roman people vinces of the senate, went to the tErarium or were continually preserved by his acceptance of public treasury; what was collected in the pro-the sovereignty, and by the wisdom of his admivinces of Casar, went to his own coffers.‘he nistration.

latter professed being no more than a servant of Octavius from henceforward came to be known the public, appointed for a limited time; but, in by the name of Augustus. He had been some being head of the army, he secured the sove-time the object of fear, and consequently of adureignty, and meant to employ the senate only as lation to the people, and was now probably be an aid to retain the army within the bounds of come the object of that fond admiration, with their duty. In his proposal to divest himself of which the bulk of mankind regard those who are the government, there was sufficient reason to greatly elevated by fortune.

Under the effect of suspect his sincerity; but in this partial and this sentiment, or supported by the prevalence of supposed temporary resumption of government, it, citizens of high rank devoted themselves to the artifice was so obvious, as to become a spe-Augustus, as they were told that the vassal decies of insult upon the understandings of man-voted himself to his lord in some of the barbarous kind. The Romans, nevertheless, on this memo-cantons of Spain and Gaul. They took an oath rable occasion had learned to be courtiers, could to interpose their persons in all his dangers, and affect to want penetration and conceal their if he must die, to perish with him. The dying, sentiments. under pretence of bequeathing some legacy to The senate, in return to the emperor’s gra-Augustus, introduced his name in their wills, cious acceptance of the government, proceeded to with a lavish encomium or flattering character distinguish his person, and even the place of his Many appointed him sole heir, or, together with residence, by many honorary decrees. They their children, the joint heir of all their fortunes. took into their serious consideration, by what Some, on their deathbed, bequeathed particular title he should for the future be known.

That sums to defray the expense of sacrifices to the of king had always been odious at Rome; that gods for this signal blessing, that Augustus was of dictator had been feared, ever since the san-still living when they expired. CHAPTER II. *State of the Emperor-Condition of the Empire-Amount of the Revenue unknownMilitary Establishments, 4.c. IN what degree the court which began to be above the ordinary size. Two-and-twenty years paid to Augustus, and which continued during of a life so little advanced, he had passed in the his reign, proceeded from design and servility, or midst of civil wars, and in the contest for empire, respect and affection, we must endeavour to col-which was begun by his adoptive father, and lect from a farther view of his life, and must sus-maintained by himself.

During seventeen of pend our judgment until the scene of his trial is those years he had himself been a leader of party, passed. At the late formal establishment of the and veered in his professions and conduct with monarchy in his person, he was in the thirty-fifth every turn of fortune; at one time courting the ear of his age, and had still the aspect of youth. senate, by affecting the zeal of a citizen in behalf His complexion is said to have been fair, his eyes of the republic; at another time courting the bright, and his features regular and elegant. He veterans, by affecting concern for their interests, was well made in his person, and though below and a zeal to revenge their late general’s dleath. the middling stature, had so much the propor-He opposed himself to Antony, or joined with tions of a tall man, as, except when compared him as suited with the state of his affairs; made with some person who overlooked him, to appear or broke concerts with the other leaders of faction, made and unmade treaties of marriage, even had 6 Dio. Cass. lib. liii. 2. 13.

intrigues of pleasure with women to forward 3G

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418 THE PROGRESS AND tERMINATION BooK VI. some political design;l and at an age when other In the character of cmnsul, the new emperor young men have scarcely any object but plea-presided in the senate, and was first executive sure, sacrificed every supposed private or public magistrate in the city. In the character of triconnexion, and every friend and every enemy to bune he could not only suspend all proceedings, his ambition, or to the cool and deliberate con-whether of administration, of public council, or sideration of his own conveniency. of justice; but likewise could punish with inBy such means as these Octavius became stant death any breach of the peace, or any sovereign of the Roman empire at the age of attempt that was made on his own person. In three-and-thirty years, the same age at which the capacity of censor, which was now cornpreAlexander, with the greatest efiorts of ability and hended in the office of consul, he was the founcourage, which were afterwards marred by equal tain of honour, could pry into every citizen’s instances of intemperance and folly, effected the private life, and could promote or degrade, at conquest of the Persian monarchy. Much, no pleasure, every person who had courted his fadoubt, in the fortunes of men, is to be imputed your, or incurred his dislike. In the capacity of to accident. To this they owe, at least, great augur and pontiff he could overrule the superpart of the occasions on which they act; but the stition of the times; and, last of all, in the capause of the occasion, and sometimes the prepara-city of inmperator, or head of the army, he held, tion of it, is their own; and nothing besides the at his disposal, all the forces of the empire, both most consummate abilities can, through a great by sea and by land. The republic, at the same variety of scenes, retain the uniform appearance time, retained most of its forms. There were of a fortunate life. It is true, that Octavius, with meetings of the senate, and assemblies of the the name of C esar, was become convenient or people; there were laws enacted, and elections necessary to the military faction which he found made; affairs proceeded as usual in the name of already formed in the empire; that his youth, the consul, the censor, the augur, and tribune of and other circumnstances, prevented the alarm the people. The only change which had hapwhich might have led his enemies to take more pened, and that which the emperor endleavoured effebctual and earlier measures against him. But to disrguise, was, that he himself acted in all these ho did not fail to improve these advantages; af-capacities, and dictated every resolution in the fected, when necessary, to be the mere instru-senate, and pointed out every candlidate who was ment of the army, or of the senate, for obtaining to succeed in the pretended elections. their respective purposes; preserved the same In these appearances of republican govern discretion in every state of his fortunes; and, ment, however, which were preserved by Octa with the same address with which he supplanted vius, we are not to suppose, that there was any every rival in the contest for power, continuing image of that mixed constitution, which subsists to avoid every offensive appearance in the model with so much advantage in some of the kingdoms of his government, he still retained the forms of of modern Europe. The Roman senate, under the commonwealth; and, besides the title of Au-the emperors, was no more than a species of privy gustus, did not introduce any new appellation of council, of which the members were named or dignitv or of office.2 displaced by the prince; and which, under some Every possible power under the republic had specious appearances of freedom in their speech, been implied in the titles of consul, censor, augur, were actually the mere instruments of his will.

pontiff, and tribune of the people. Some of The comitia, or assemblies of the people, had them could, even under that form of government, still less of their original dignity or power. We have been united in the same person, as that of have had occasion to observe, that even under augur anl pontiff, with the office either of consul the republic, when the number of citizens, fit tc or censor; and there was no law to forbid the array in the field of Mars, amounted to no more accumulation of such dignities in the hands of than four hundred thousand men; it was imthe same person, probably because it was deemed possible that any adequate number could be sufficiently difficult to arrive at any of them assembled for any purpose of legislation or elecapart. To constitute a despotic power, there-tion.

In the present times, when the numsters fore, provided that these titles could be united in extended to four millions, and the Roman citi. the sarne person, it was not necessary to intro-zens were dispersed over the whole empire, the duce any new forms of office, nor even to assume assembly of any proportionable number was still the name of dictator. It was more effectual to more impracticable. No precautions had ever unite the prerogatives of separate stations in the been taken, even under the republic, to prevent the person of one man, or to bestow thenm on persons, great irregularities to which the assemblies of the who would be content to employ them at the people were exposed, nor was it ever ascertained pleasure of a master: and this method accord-what numbers were necessary to constitute a leingly being suited to the wary policy and affected gal assembly. In consequence of this defect, in modesty of Octavius, could not escape him in the the latter times of the republic, any tuimultuary choice of his model. meeting, however thinly or partially assembled, 1 Sueton. in Octav. c 69. took the sacred name of the Roman people, and 2 The title of Princeps had been usually given to the gave officers to the state, or laws to the commonperson whose name was first in the rolls of the se-wealth.

Every faction which, by violence or nate, and Augustus assumed it in no other sense than surprise, could seize the place of the assembly, so this; that of Imnperator had been given to every sc-as to exclude their opponents, were masters of cessful leader of an army, and in its applicationto the elections, or sovereigns ofthe state. Octavius, implied no pre-eminence above what other the elections, or sovereigns of the state. leaders had formerly enjoyed. These titles, indeed, by After Julius Caesar had taken possession of being from henceforward appropriated to the sove-the city, he had no difficulty in commanding the reign, acquired, by degrees, their significance in the elections or the resolutions of the people; he original language; and in our translation of them -nto Prince and Emperor, are applied only to royal even planned the suciession that was to take persons, and the sovereigns of extensive dominion. place in his absence; and, being to set out for

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CHAP. II.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 419 Asia, he named the officers of state for five years. with their own hands, the stuffs which he wore The triumvirs, in like circumstances, fixed the in his dress. succession for different periods of an equal and In respect to manners, and appearance of state, greater length; and it was now understood, that the emperor, with his family, was not raised the officers of state, though under the show of above the condition of citizens; but he had full popular election, were actually filled up by the compensation in the extent and arbitrary effects, emperor. of his power. While he retained the appearThe apparent respect which, under the pre-ances of an equal, he took care to be master; and, sent establishment, was paid to civil forms im-with no higher pretensions than those of a citiplied no abatement of the military power. On zen, was more than a king. While he suffered the contrary, instead of weakening, it served to the senate and people to retain the ancient names support, as usual, the authority of that govern-and titles of sovereignty, he withheld from them ment, under which these forms were observed. the substance of ally privilege whatever. He By flattering the people with an idea that their personated the simple senator and the citizen political consequence was still entire, this semwith all the terrors of military power in his hands, blance of the ancient republic reconciled them to and preserved the force of a tyrant, because he the state of degradation into which they were could not assume the precedence and authority fallen. It vested the emperor himself with a spe-of a legal monarch. cies of civil character, and with a political consi-If in this account of the sovereign’s person and deration which he could employ in support of state our expectations of grandeur are not fulhis military power, and which, in some measure, filled, his dominions will surpass the highest and secured him against the caprice of troops, who most enlarged conception we can form of their might think themselves entitled to subvert what greatness. The Roman empire contained within they alone had established. It enabled him to itself, and in a very entire allnd populous conditreat their mutinies as acts of treason, and as tion, what had been the seat or territory of many crimes of state. He was no longer obliged to famous republics and extensive empires, or what court their favour, or to affect condescension, in has since, in modern times, upon the revival of order to obtain their obedience. He accordingly, nations, furnished their possessions to no less in consequence of the late votes of the senate, considerable states and great monarchies. As it changed the style of his address to the legions, had swallowed up the states of Italy and Greece, called them AMilites, not Commrilitones; soldiers, Macedonia, the Lesser Asia, Syria, Egypt, notfellow-soldiers, as formerly. Carthage, N umidia, Spain, and Gaul to the This was probably the whole amount of the Rhine and the Danube; so there have sprung political establishment now made by Octavius, from its ruins many states now formed within and which he meant to employ as a stock on the Alps, the kingdoms of Portuaal. Spain, and which to ingraft his military power. The senate France, with all the divisions of the Ottoman and assemblies of the people were retained only empire in Europe, Asia, and Africa. These are in natme, and were far from having the energy its fragments, or shreds of the vast territory of of collateral members in the government, such which it was composed. as could check or control the perpetual executive, This empire seemed to comprehend, within which was now established in the empire: but itself, all the most favourable parts of the earth; we shall nevertheless be disappointed, if, upon a at least, those parts on which the human species, supposition of absolute power in the emperor, we whether by the effects of climate, or the qualities expect, in his court, the splendour and magnifi-of the race, have, in respect to ingenuity and cence of a royal estate.

courage, possessed a distinguished superiority. Octavius still lived in the house of Horten-It extended to a variety of climates, and consius, a Roman senator, which he occupied withtained lands diversified in respect to situation and out making any addition to it, either in point of soil, distributing the productions of nature and dimension or ornament. The equipage, retinue, art, so as to render its different divisions mutually or accommodation of the imperial family was not usef’ul and subservient to each other. The comcomposed for show and magnificence, as in mo-mnunication between these parts, though remote, narchies long established.

Such an attempt in was easy, and by a sea which, with the species the eyes of a decayed republic might have had of shipping then in use, and with the measure of an improper effect, might have moved envy, and skill which the mariner then possessed, could be not procured respect.3 The emperor indeed was easily navigated. attended with an armed guard; but this was in-The Mediterranean being received into the tended for safety, and not for parade. He pre-bosom of this empire, gave to the whole a greater served, in his own person, the exterior appear-extent of coast, and to the inland parts an easier ances of a citizen, was accosted by the simple access to navigation, than could be obtained by name of Caesar, took his place in the senate, in any different distribution of its land and water. the theatre, in the public assembly, in the bench In consequence of this circumstance, the coasts of judges. At funerals he pronounced the ora-of the Roman empire, without measuring mitionll that was delivered in honour of the dead; nutely round the indentures of creeks and pro. and even at the bar appeared in behalf of his montories, and even without including the outline clients.4 The females of his house preserved the of some considerable as well as many smaller virtue of notable house-wives, and fabricated, islands, may be computed at thirteen thousand miles; an extent which, if stretched into a single line, would exceed half the circumference of the 3 We may read in the journal of a voyage made by earth. Over this extensive coast, the empire Horace, in rompany with Macenas, that much reti-was furnished with numerous seaports, and the nue, or equipage, did not accompany great power ass a they do in modern times. Vid. Sat. lib. i. sat. 5. frequent openings of gulphs and navigable rivers 4 Dio Cass. lib. Iv. c. 4. i o that, notwithstanding the great extent of iti

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420 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [Boor VI. territory, the distance of any inland place, the state, and the fortunes of individuals, were sup. most remote from the sea, does not appear to explied, in a great measure, by the spoils of vanceed two hundred miles. quished enemies, brought to the capital with In forming this mighty dominion, the republic great ostentation by every victorious general. To had united, under its territories, all the princi-this source of revenue we may join the presents pal seats of industry then known in the western that were made by foreign princes and states, world, had come into possession of all the sea-together with the military contributions that ports the most famous for shipping, and for the were exacted from the provinces. residence of merchants, who had conducted the Julius Caesar brought, at once, into the treacarryingr trade of the world. Its subjects were sury, sixty-five thousand talents, or above twelve possessed of all the profitable arts, and having all millions and a half sterling. As the lustre of a the means and instruments of trade, might be triumph depended very much on the sums that expected to reap all the fruits of commerce. But, were carried in procession, and placed in the in making these acquisitions, the capital of the capitol, Roman officers were more faithful stewempire had been a place of arms, and a mere ards of the plunder taken from their enemies, nursery of statesmen and warriors, more occupied than they were probably of any other public with the ideas of spoil and farther conquest, than trust.

with the attentions necessary to promote the in-It had been, for some time, the practice of the dustry or the prosperity of the nations subjected Romans to lay every burden on the conquered to its power. And it is probable that the Romans, provinces, and to exempt themselves. This in reducing so many separate nations to the con-policy is dated from the conquest of Macedonia, dition of provinces, greatly impaired the sources the spoils of which kingdom being joined to their of wealth, at the same time that they suppressed former acquisitions, put them in condition to the pretensions to independence and national effectuate this exemption. It was, however, but freedom. of short duration. The practice of taxing citizens It might be hoped, that the peace now given was resumed in time of the civil wars, and the to the empire, and the protection which every privilege, or rather the mere designation of Roprovince was to receive against the avarice and mans, being extended to the inhabitants of many rapacity of subordinate oppressors, would revive parts of the empire, all the burdens that were the pursuit of lucrative arts, and encourage the borne by any subjects were, at the same time, Roman traders to settle where the natives were brought home into Italy, and all the former disnot in capacity to pursue the advantages of their tinctions gradually removed.

situation. But even these circumstances, without Under the establishment now made by Authe aid of a happier government than that which gustus, conquests were discontinued, or became was ilow established, were not sufficient to repair less frequent; and the returns made to the treathe damage formerly sustained by the provinces sury, from the spoil of enemies, failed in proporin their reduction and subsequent oppression.

tion; but the avidity of receiving presents, the So that although Carthage, with all its depen-worst form under which extortion can be exer dencies,. Egypt, Syria, the Lesser Asia, and cised was still indulged, and, as in every other Greece, with all the trading establishments of despotical government, became a considerable Spain and Gaul, were united under one head, engine of oppression.2 we are not to suppose, that the wealth of the em-The republic, for the most part, in the latter pire ever equalled the sum of what might have periods of her conquests, entered on the possesbeen raised from the separate and independent sion of territories without any capitulation, and states of which it was composed.

considered not only the sovereignty, but the proThe commercial policy of Rome was limited, perty likewise of the land and of its inhabitants, in a great measure, to the supply of Italy, and to as devolving upon themselves. They, in some the conveyance of what the provinces yielded to instances, seized on the persons as well as the the treasury of the empire. Both these objects effects of the vanquished, and set both to sale. were entrusted to mercantile companies, who They leased the lands at considerable quit-rents, farmed the revenue, and who made commerce or leaving them in the hands of the original subservient to the business of their own remit-proprietors, exacted, under the appellation of tances and exclusive trade. tithes, or fifths of corn, fruit, and cattle, a proIt were, no doubt, matter of curiosity to know portion of the produce. By diversifying the tax, the whole amount of a revenue collected from so the burden was made to fall upon different subrich and so extensive a territory; but we are jects, or was exacted from different persons, and deprived of this satisfaction by the silence of by these means the whole amount was less easily historians, or by the loss of records in which this comlputed, or less sensibly felt. The Romans, subject was stated.

Vespasian was heard to say, in continuing the taxes which they found already That a sum, supposed equal to about three hun-established in the countries they had conquerel, dred and thirty millions sterling, was required or by imposing such new ones as suited their annually to support the imperial establishment.I own character as conquerors, set examples of This emlperor, however, being rapacious or every species almost that is known in the history severe in his exactions, might be supposed to of mankind. They levied customs at seaports, exaggerate the necessities of’

the state; but as excises on many articles of consumption, and a this sum is beyond the bounds of credibility, and considerable capitation or poll-tax, in which they must lead us to suspect a mistake in the numnbers, it will not enable us to form any probable 2 There being no rule by which to limit the extent conjecture of the truth. of a present, the person who receives it, allowing the Under the republic, both the treasury of the giver to proceed as far as his means, or his desire to pay court will carry him, still resents any imaginary defect, and employs terror and force to extort what be 1 Sueton. in Vespas. c. 16. affects to receive as a gift.

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CRAP. II.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 421 made no distinction of rank or fortune. These vessels destined to ply in all the gulplhs an( modes of taxation, already known under the re-navigable rivers throughout the empire. public, and various in different provinces, now The ordinary military establishment consisted began to be regulated upon the maxims of a of about five-and-forty legions, besides cavalry general policy, extending over the whole empire. and city and provincial troops. The whole, Some of the burdens laid by Octavius, as that reckoning each legion, with its attendants and which was imposed on the value of goods ex-officers, at six thousand men, and making a posed to sale, were charged directly for the reasonable allowance for cavalry, may have benefit of the army as a fund for the discharge amounted to three hundred thousand. Of the of their pay, or an immediate supply for their manner in which this army was distributed, the subsistence or clothing; and by this sort of im-following particulars only are mentioned: on the propriation were unalterably fixed. The country, Rhine, there were stationed eight legions; on where any troops were quartered, was charged, the Danube, two; on the frontiers of Syria, for their use, with supplies of straw, forage, car-four; in Spain, three; in Africa, in Egypt, in riages, corn, bread, provisions, and even clothing. Mysia, and Dalmatia, each two legions; in the From such particulars, we may form some city were nine, or, according to others, ten coconception of the mode and tendency of Roman horts, in the capacity of guards, or praetorian taxation, although we have no certain accounts, bands, to attend the person of the emperor; and, or even probable conjecture, of the amount of together with these, three cohorts of a thousand the whole. Under the present or preceding men each, intended as a city watch, to be employed state of the Roman government, there was no in preserving the peace, in extinguishing fires, principle operating in behalf of the subject, be-and in suppressing any other occasional disorder.3 sides the spontaneous humanity or justice of For the farther security of the empire, consithose who exercised the sovereignty; and as the derable territories on the frontier, which might provinces under the republic had been ill-pro- have been easily occupied by the Roman arms, tected against the rapacity of proconsuls and were suffered to remain in the possession of prolprators, they were now considered, together allies, dependant princes, or free cities and repubwith the republic itself, as the property of a lican states, who, owing their safety to the supmaster; and the examples of taxation that were port of the Roman power, formed a kind of set by either, may instruct a sovereign how to barrier against its enemies, were vigilant to obprofit by the wealth of his subjects, rather than serve, and ready to oppose every attempt of admonish a free people how to constitute a invasion, and were prepared to co-operate with revenue with the least inconvenience to themthe Roman armies, and to support them with selves, or the least possible injury to the sources stores and provisions as oft as they had occasion of wealth. to act in their neighbourhood. The republic had The situation of Italy, and the distribution of ever cultivated such alliances with powers that land and water in its neirhbourhood, had made were contiguous to the place of their operations; naviarition familiar to the Romans in the earliest and frequently, after having made the defence ages of the republic. A considerable part of of their ally the pretence of a war, and after their force, in many of their wars, consisted in having availed themselves of his assistance, they, ship)inrg. The battle of Actium, which decided upon occasion of some breach or quarrel, joined the fate of the empire, was fought at sea; and the ally himself to the conquest which he had although the Romans, at this date, had subdued assisted them to make. This same policy which every nation within reach of their seas, and had had been useful in acquiring the dominion of so no enemy to fear on that element; yet the trans-great an empire, was still employed for its safety. port of armies, the safety of their navigation, In pursuance of this policy, the kings of Mauriand the suppression of piracies, by which the tania, of the Bosphorus, of the Lesser and Greater supply of corn, and the conveyance of the public Armenia, of Cappadocia, Commagne, Galatia, revenue from the provinces, were often inter-and Pamphilia, with Paphlagonia, Colchis, and rupted, made a naval force, and a proper distri-Judea, together with the republican states of bution of guard ships, necessary to the peace and Rhodes, Cyrene, Pisidia, and Lycia. acted under government of the empire.

the denomination of allies, as advanced parties Three capital fleets were accordingly stationed on the frontiers of the empire, and encouraged by Augustus for the security of the coasts, one at by the prospect of a powerful support, were Ravenna, near the bottom of the Hadriatic ready to withstand every enemy by whom their Gulph; one at Forum Julii, on the opposite side own peace, or that of the Romans, was likely to of the peninsula; and a third at Misenum, the be disturbed. principal promontory or headland of Campania. Besides these, there were numbers of armed 3

Tacitus, lib. i.

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492 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK VI. CHAPTER III. The Family and Court of Augustus-His pretended Resignation of the Empire renewed  7he e.rercise of his Power becomes less disguised-Death of Agrippa. IN tilt: Roman empire, thus subjected to a professed intention of this history require, a long monarch, though planted with races of men the or minute detail. most famed for activity and vigour, it has been The establishment now made by Augustus has observed, that the materials of history became nearly completed the revolution of which it was less frequent and less interesting than they had proposed to give an account. The despotism, been in the times of the republic, while confined though exercised under the name of republic, to much narrower bounds. Under the dominion and in the form of a temporary and legal insti-,f a single person, all the interesting exertions tution, being in reality absolute, and without of the national, the political, and the military any qualification of mixed government, it could spirit over great parts of the earth, were sup-not be doubted that the same powers would be pressed. Even in the capital of the world, so continued after the period for which they were lately agitated with every difference of opinion now granted should expire, and that the empire, or interfering of interests, the operations of go-for the future, must for ever submit to the head vernment itself were become silent and secret. of the army: but in what form of succession, or Matters of public concern, considered as the with what immediate effect on the character and affairs of an individual, were adjusted to his con-condition of those who were subject to it, reveniency, and directed by his passions, or by mains to be collected from the sequel of this and those of his family, relations, or domestics. The a few of the following reigns.

Military governlist of such persons accordingly, with their cha-ment is almost a necessary result of the abuse of racters, dispositions, and fortunes, make a prin-liberty, or, in certain extremities of this evil, apcipal part in the subsequent history of this pears to be the sole remedy that can be a,pplied.2 mighty empire. But, in order to know with how much care the Augustus still continued to employ Maecenas evil itself ought to be avoided, we must attend and Agrippa as the chief instruments of his likewise to the full effects of the cure. government. To their abilities and conduct, in It appears from the particulars which have their respective departments, he in a great mea-been stated, relating to the first uses which Ocsure owed the prosperous state of his affairs. He tavius made of his power, that lie was not to be likewise persevered in his attachment to Livia, caught in the snare into which many others whose separation from her former husband has have fallen in consequence of great success. In been already mentioned. Together with the his prosperity he still retained his vigilance, his mother, he received into his family her two sons, caution, and his industry, and relied upon these Tiberius and Drusus. Of these Tiberius, born alone for the preservation of what he had gained. in the year of the battle of Philippi, was now Though now secure by the pretended formis of a about twelve years old; Drusus, of whom she legal establishment, he continued attentive to was pregnant at the tile.

of her marriage with what was passing in every part of the empire, Octavius, and whoin she brought forth about frequently withdrew from the seats of adulation three months afterwards, was now about seven and pleasure in the city of Rome to visit the years old. provinces; and, without any view to conquest, The emperor having no children by Livia, had or purpose of ostentation whatever, gave his preoffspring only a daughter, famnous by the name sence where any affairs of moment were in deof Julia, born to him by Scribonia, the relation of penidence, merely to extend the effects of his Sextus Pompeius, with whom he had contracted government, and to realize the dominion he had a marriage of political conveniency, and of short planned. duration. Next to this daughter, in point of The peace which immediately followed the consanguinity, were his sister Octavia, the widow, victories obtained on the coast of Epirus and in first of Marcellus, and afterwards of Antony, Egypt, was the circumstance on which Auguswith her children by both her husbands. Among tus chiefly relied for the recommendation of his these were, by her first husband, Marcella, mar-government, and he seems, from inclination as ried to Agrippa, and the young -Marcellus,l who well as policy, to have early entertained a maxim Kenng married to the eln peror’s daughter Julia, favourable to peace with foreign nations, and was looked upon as the undoubted representative which he afterwards openly inculcated, That the of the Octavian and Julian faimilies, and heir to bounds of the empire should not be extended. the fortunes of Caesar. He himself had madle some acquisitions in DalSuch then are the persons to whom many parts matia and in Panonia. But his object in making in the immediate sequel of this narration will war in those countries, had been, rather to exprincipally refer; and such are the outset and crcise and prepare his army for the contest he first considerable lines of a very long reign, of expected with Antony, than for any purpose of which the materials will not furnish, nor the extending his conquests; and he reduced Egypt to a province, merely to extirpate the last remains of his rival’s party, and to prevent farther 1

In relation to this young man, Virgil, in flattering molestation from that rich and Impoerfill kingAugulstus, has composed so many beautiful lines in he sixth book of the XEneid. Si qua fata as.:a rumpas, 2 Non aliud discordantis patrima remedium fuisse Tu Marcellus eris, &;z quam ut ab uno regeretur. Tacit. lib. i. c. 9.

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CHAP. III.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 423 dom. In his first plaI;f operations communi-I to the quarters of the emperor in Spain. At the cated to the senate, he axpressed his disposition same time arrived an embassy from Phraates, to acquiesce in the present extent of the empire; then in actual possession of the throne, desiring but it was necessary to secure the frontier from that Tiridates should be delivered up to him, and invasions, and to ascertain, though not to extend, that his son should be restored.

Both parties its bounds. Soon after his new model of go-offered honourable terms to the Romans, partivernment was established, he took measures ac-cularly the restoration of all the captives, and of cordin.,ly to repress the disorder which subsisted all the trophies taken either from Crassus or from in some oi the provinces, and to reduce to obe-Antony, in their unfortunate invasions of that dience some cantons on which the state had kinrgdom. alreadv a claim of sovereignty, though not fully Augustus willingly accepted of these terms; acknowvledged. He proceeded to punish others, but affecting to refer the Parthian dispute to the who, at the breaking out of the civil wars, had Roman senate, gave instructions that the son of taken advantage of the general distraction of the Phraates should be restored to his father, but empire to resume their independency, or to make that Tiridates should not be delivered up to his war on the Roman settlements. He had exam-enemy.6 ples of both sorts to contend with in different By this transaction, though a pacific one, the parts; in Thrace, on the Rhine, and among the disgrace incurred by the Roman legions in ParAlps, but chiefly in Spain. thia was supposed to be entirely effaced. And Of all the provinces that became subject to’ it being said that Augustus, on this occasion, Rome, those of Spain had been the most diffi-had performed, by the authority of his name, cult acquisition; insomuch that, after all the what other Roman leaders had; attempted in wars so frequently renewed in that country, vain by force of arms, he had a variety of honours there were still some warlike cantons who con-decreed to him by the senate. It passed, among tinuel to maintain their independence. Among other resolutions, that his name should be inthese the Astures and Cantabri3 being in actual scribed amonc those of the gods in the address rebellion, the emperor himself, at the head of a of the public hymns; that one of the Roman powerful army, still pretending a design to in-tribes should be named the Julian tribe, in vade Britain, passed into Gaul, and there having honour of him; that he should wear the triuLnfixed a rate of taxation for the province, turned phal crown at all public entertainments; that Into Spain. He obliged the rebels, upon his ap-all Roman senators, who had been present at proach, to quit their usual habitations, and retire any of his victories, should attend his triumphs to the mountains. But finding that they were dressed in purple robes; that the anniversary of ikely to protract the war, and to engage him in his return to Rome should be observed as a fesa succession of tedious and indecisive operations, tival; that he should have the nomination of perhe fixed his quarters at Tarraco,4 and left the sons to be honoured with the priesthoodl, and oomnanld of the army employed on this service should fill up the list to any numbers he thought Lo C.

Antistius and Carisius. Soon after his proper. From this time forward, accordingly, arrival at Tarraco he entered on his the number was supposed to be unlimited. U. C. 7t1. eighth consulate. From that place Soon after the conclusion of this negotiation he sent Terentius Varro to quell a with the Parthians, the operations of the armies mper.2 Csea-rrebellion of the Salassi and the other in Spain and Germany were brought to a sueiius Taurls. nations of the Alps, and sent M. cessful period. Caius Antistius being attacked Ataust 2do. Vincius to punish some German by the Cantabri, obtained a complete victory, Xtat. 36. tribes, by whom the Roman traders and obliged that people again to take separate U. C. 728. frequenting their country, or settled retreats in the woods and mountains. where among them, had been massacred. numbers of them were reduced by famine, and Imperator He himself, while his generals were others, being invested in their strong holds, and Casar 9no. employed in these services, remained in danger of being taken, chose to perish by their.I Juaius two years at his quarters in Spain; own hands. Silenus. ands upon the elapse of his eighth Carisius was equally successful against the.-/tat. 37. consulate resumed that office for the Asturi; obliged them to abandon their habitaninth time. tions, or to submit at discretion.7 During the residence of Augustus in Spain, Terentius Varro, having invaded the Salassi arrived the falnous reference or appeal from the or Piedmontese, on different quarters, made them Parthians, submitting to his decision a contest agree to pay a cotribution, and, under pretence for the throne of their kingdoln.5 The compe-of levying it, sent an army in separate divisions titors were Phraates and Tiridates. The first into their country; and thus having them at his having been in possession, was expelled by a mercy, exercised a cruelty of which too many powerful insurrection of the people in favour of examlples are to be found in every period of anhis rival: but, after a little time, having assem-cient history. He ordered, that all the children oled his forces and his allies, he attacked Tiri-and youth of the nation, thus taken by surprise, dates, obliged him to fly in his turn, and to take should be put up for sale; the buyer being rerefuge in the contiguous province of the Roman quired to come under engagements, that none of empire. This exile, havilu the son of his rival this unhappy people, thus sold for slaves, should a prisoner, proceeded to Rome, and from thence be restored to freedom, or allowed to return to their own country, till after an interval of twenty 3 Nations inhabiting the mountainous coasts of the years.8 Bay of Biscay. 4 Tarramona. 5 Dio.

P’ass. lib. liii. c. 22 et 25. Orosias, lib. vi. 6 Justin. Jib. xlii. c.

5. Dio. Cass. Jib. liii. ce. 33, c. 21. Velleius. Liv. Epitome, Jib cxxxiv. Dio. Cass. Velleitis Pater. Jib. ii. c. 91. lib. liii. c. 33. 7

Dio. Cass. Jib. liii.c. 25. 8 Ibid.

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424 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK VI. About the same time Augustus received from a formal decree, to a place in the senate among the army the title of Imperator, and from the the members of praetorian rank, and was allowed senate the offer of a triumph, on account of the to sue for the consulate ten years before the legal victories gained by his lieutenants.

The last of age. Livia too had a share in these flatteries, by these honours he declined; but took occasion to a like privilege bestowed on her son Tiberius, exhibit games in Spain, in name of his nephew though in order to retain some distinction beMarcellus and of his stepson Tiberius, whom tween the favourite nephew and the stepson of he wished to recommend to the army by this act the emperor, the decree in favour of Tiberius of munificence. He likewise distributed lands, only bore that he might sue for the consulate both in Spain and in the Cisalpine Gaul, to the five years before the legal age. soldiers who were discharged from the legions, In the mean time Marcellus held the office of and on this occasion built the Augusta Emerito-aedile, and Tiberius that of questor. The first, rum’

in Spain, and the Augusta Prwetoria2 on to signalize his magistracy, ordered that that part the descent of the Alps towards Italy. In con-of the foram or space in which the courts of jus formity with his general plan of dividing the tice were held, which till then had been always provinces, he separated Spain into three govern-uncovered and exposed to the open air, should ments, the Baetica, Lusitania, and Taraconensis. be shaded with a covering or awning of cloth.5 The first was included under the department of During the absence of the emperor, the plans the senate, the other two had been reserved to which had been formed for the better government himself. of the city, for adorning it with public buildings, Gaul was, at the same time, divided into four and for repairing the highways throughout separate governments; the Narbonensis. Ac-Italy, were carried into execution by Agrippa. quitania, Lugdunensis, and Celtica or Belgica. The repair of the highways had been assigned, Upon this increase of the number of provinces, in separate lots, to such of the senators as were additional officers, particularly in the capacity supposed able to defray the expense of it; and, of quaestors, became necessary. All who had, among these, the Flaminian WVay had been asfor ten years preceding the (late of these arrange-sirned to Augustus himself. The town was diments, held the office of qunestor in the city, vided into quarters or districts, under proper without succeeding to any foreign employment, officers, annually chosen or taken by lot; and a were now ordered to cast lots for the vacant watch was established, to prevent disorders, and stations. to guard against fire. The general peace being again restored, by The channel of the river, in a great measure the successful operations of the army in different choked up with heaps of rubbish from the ruins quarters of the empire, the gates of Janus once of houses, that formed considerable banks and more were shut, and a column was erected on islands in the midst of it, and, at every flood, a summit of the Alps, bearing an inscription, forced great inundations into the streets, was with the names of forty-eight separate nations now effectually cleared.6 The Septa Julia, or or cantons, who were now reduced to obedience place of assembly, called the Julian place, in hounder the ausp)ices of Aug(ustus.3 nour of the emperor, was repaired, adorned, and U. C. 729. toThe emperor being on his return dedicated. A temple was erected to Neptune, to Rome, and having accepted of in memory of the late naval victories. The porImper. Cvsar a tenth consulate, the ceremony of tico of the pantheon was finished about this time; 10mo, CI. his admission into office was per-within was placed, among the images of the JNarbunus formed before his arrival on the first gods, a statue of Julius Caesar; in the vestibule, lecus.4t, of January, with a renewal of the or portico, were placed those of Augustus and Atugust. 4to, jEtat. 38. oaths formerly taken by the people, Agrippa.T
that they would observe his decrees. The emperor, upon his approach to the city, The senate, at the same time, being informed published, by virtue of the power lately conferred that he intended to make a donation to the peo-upon him by the senate, his intention to distriple, arnounting to a hundred denarii for each bute to the citizens a hundred denarii a man. In person; but that, fromn respect to the laws which this it appears that the Roman people had still gave them a negative on such donations, he retained the worst and most corrupting part of meant to defer the publication of his intention their republican privileges, that of receiving until he had their consent; they immediately gratuities in money and corn, as well as that of passed a decree, giving him full exemption from being frequently amused with expensive shows. every law or form of the commonwealth, and By the first they were supported in idleness, empowering him4 to govern in all matters accordand by the other taught dissipation, and made ing to his own will. This decree, of which the to forget the state of political degradation into effect was not so much to vest him with any new which they were fallen. At the games exhibited powers, as to remove the veil from that power of in the preceding year by the praetor Servilius, it which he was already possessed, it is probable, is said, that three hundred bears, and an equal from his caution in other matters, he would have number of African wild beasts, were baited or gladly. avoided. At his return, after so long an hunted down.8 absence, lie was received by all orders of men The restoration of peace being a principal with every demonstration of joy. Having al-point on which Augustus valued himself with ready been flattered in his own person with every the public, the gates of Janus, in a few of the mark of distinction and honour, he was now first years of his reign, had been already three courted in the person of his favourite nephew Marcellus, This young man was admitted, by 5 Quantum mutatis moribus Catonis censorii qui sternendum quoque foruni mnricibus censuerat. Plin. Nat. Hist. lib. iii. c. 20. 1 Now Merida. 2 Now Aosta. 6

Sleton. in August. c. 29, 30. 3 Plin. lib. xix. c. 1 4 Dio. Cass. lib.

liii. c. 28. 7 Dio Cass. lib. liii. c. 22 &c. &c. 8 Ibid. c. 27

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CHAP. III.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 425 times repeatedly shut.9 But on a frontier so ex-Ju’ust. 5to. Augustus himself, m this consultensive, beset on the one hand by fierce nations, uetat. 39. ate was taken ill; and being supjealous of their liberties, and on the other, by posed in danger, called his colieague, armies, whose commanders were fond of oppor-with a number of the principal senators, into his tunities to distinguish themselves, it was not pos-presence, to receive his last instructions relating sible long to avoid every species of war. Soon to the empire. The title by which he affected after the emperor had withdrawn from Spain, to hold the government could not support him in leaving the command in Lusitania t6 L. AEmili-pointing out a succession. He accordingly made us, the Cantabri and Astures, still impatient of no mention of any successor to himself, but dethe dominion to which they had lately, in ap-livered to the consul Piso, as being first officer pearance, made a perpetual submission, took a of state, the memorials he had drawn up relating resolution again to shake off the Roman yoke. to the revenue and other public establishments. Proposing to give the first intimation of their He gave to Agrippa his ring, which was the design by a stroke of importance, they drew a badge of his nobility, and which, according to considerable part of the Roman army iA..o their the ideas of the Romans, had an emblematical country, under pretence of furnishing them with reference to his power. He seemed to overlook a supply of corn; and when they found them his nephew TMlarcellus, though at this time the dispersed in small parties to receive the proposed first in his favour, and probably deftined to indistribution, they put the whole, or the greater herit his fortune.

This circumstance, together part, to the sword. In revenge for this piece of with the general opinion of’ his dissimulation, treachery, XEmilius laid their country under made it be suspected that he had no real appremilitary execution, and by a barbarous policy, to hensions of’ dying, and that he called his friends prevent future revolts, cut off the right hands of to this solemnn audience, merely to show, on a the prisoners whose lives he spared.‘0 supposed deathbed, his respect for the commonAt the same time Augustus himself, though wealth. To elude the penetration of those who somewhat contrary to the general system of his suspected his arts, and whom he still continued reign, entertained a project of extending the Ro-to dread, after his recovery, he desired that the man settlements, or at least of making discoveries will which he had made on this occasion should on the sidle of Arabia, and on the coasts of the be publicly read; but the senate, already knowing Indian seas. He was tempted, probably, by the the contents, and affecting to believe, without prospect of gretting access to the rare and costly this evidence, the sincerity of his intentions to commodities, which the Arabians were known to restore the republic, refused to comply. They receive from India,” and which they sold in the appointed great rejoicings on account of his remarkets of Egypt and Asia at their own price. covery, and amply distinguished and rewarded He expected to refund the expense of his arma-the physician, to whose skill it was supposed that ment from the great treasures of gold and silver they owed the preservation of so valuable a life.Lr which the Arabians were supposed to possess. Althoughl the circumstance of Augustus not For this purpose 2Elius Gallus, the proprietor having mentioned his nephew Marcellus, and of Egypt, was entrusted with the conduct of an the honour he had done to Agrippa, were plrobaexpedition to the Gulph of Arabia. This officer bly not the efiihcts of any serious design respectspent a considerable time in fitting out a fleet of ing the succession, they nevertheless became a armed ships, which he afterwards found to be subject of jealousy in the mind of the young unnecessary, as the Arabians were mere traders, man, and soon after occasioned the retirement of and had no ships of force. In passing the gulph Agrippa from the court. This officer, under with one hundred and thirty transports, he, by pretence of going into Syria, where he was apthe unskilfulness of his mariners and pilots, sus-pointed to command, set out from Rome, but tained a great loss both in shipping and men, and stopped at Mitylene in the island of Lesbos, in the delays which he afterwards incurred, or where he lived in retirement, without taking any in attempting to penetrate the deserts of Arabia part in public affairs.

eastward, he lost a great part of his army, which During the stay of Agrippa at Mitylene, and perished by want of water, or by disease. And in less than a year after his departure from thus, after a fruitless attempt, in which he spent Rome, happened the death of Marcellus; an many months, returned to Alexandria with a event which Livia was, by some, alleged to have small part of his army, without having gained hastened, in order to nlake way for tile advanceany considerable advantage, or even obtained inment of her own sons; but the sickliness of the formation of the sources of wealth which he was season and the mortality at Rome, (lurinl the sent to explore.‘2 two preceding years, might have accounted for While these transactions passed the death of MLlarcellus, without any supposition U.

C. 730. in the provinces and on the frontier of unnatural means;14 and the event itself brought of the empire, Augustus, then re-no immediate advantage to the sons of Livia. It Imper. ClE;. siding at Rome, entered on an was followed by the recall of Agrippa, and by a Tribunus eleventh consulate. His colleague, new arrangement, which removed the Claudii plebis. in the beginning of the year, was still farther from the place to which the mother Terentius Terentius Varro Murena. But was desirous to raise them in the consideration’Varro Mrt this consul died in office, and was and favour of the emperor. 0. Calpur. succeeded for the remainder of the Augustus had now, for some years, without nius Piso. year by C.

Calpurnius Piso. intermission, assumed and exercised the office of consul, but thinking its authority no longer ne9 Saeton. in August. c. 22. 10

Ibid. lib. liii. c. 29. cessary to support his power, le divested Himself 11 Strabo mentions, that in the port of Nus there of tc e title, and gave a fresh prof ot his oderawere above 100 ships from India. of the title, and gave a fresh proof of his modera. 12 Dio. Cass. lib. liii. c. 29.

Zonaras, lib. x. c. 33. Plin. lib. vi. c. 28. Str. lib. ii. p. 118. lb.

lib. xvi. p. 782. 13 Dio. Cass. lib. liii. c. 31. 14 lbid. c 32, 33. 3 L

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4‘26 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BooK VI. tion, by substituting in his place L. Sestius, one pie, affirms the guilt of these supposed conspiraof the few who were still supposed to regret the tors; but Dion Cassius insinuates, that the guilt fall of the republic. Sestius had been the friend of Muraena, at least, was rather indiscretion, and of Marcus Brutus, adhered to the cause of the an unguarded fireedom of speech, with which he commonwealth in every period of the civil wars, was accustomed to censure the conduct of his and, though spared by the victors at Philippi, still superiors, than any formed design of so criniinal ventured to retain the statue and picture of his a nature. friend. Murtena was the brother-in-law of MTcenas, The magnanimity of Augustus, in getting and himself appeared to be in favour with Auover these objections to the character of Sestius, gustus. Upon the surmise of an intention to was not neglected by the flatterers of his court; seize him, together with Fannius, both abscondnor was his declining the consulate overlooked ed and fled. They were arraigned and tried in by the senate, in their zeal to devise new honours absence; but as the judges still enjoyed the priand additional concessions. The character of vilege of voting by secret ballot, they availed tribune, which had been annually conferred on I themselves of it to acquit the accused. the emperor for some years, was, on the present The use of the secret ballot in criminal trials, occasion, rendered perpetual in his person, and when first introduced in the republic, as it dimithe privilege of proposing matters for the consi-nished the power of the aristocracy, which was deration of the senate, hitherto appropriated to so necessary for the preservation of public order, the consuls in office, was now likewise exte:.nded no doubt had a tendency unfavourable to public to him. As a compensation for the dignity of justice. But now, when it mioht have been consul, which he now declined, he was declared salutary, at least in all state trials, it was, under perpetual proconsul, both at Rome and in the pretence of the false judgment given in the case provinces, and empowered to supersede every of-of Murzena and Cwepio, so far abolished, that all ficer, even in his own government.’ He was, at persons who fled from trial, or who decliined apthe same time, pressed to accept the title and pearance, were, by al]

express statute, deprived power of dictator. of the benefit of it;3 and this circumstance de The people, labouring under a serves to be mentioned as the first instance, per IU. C. 731. a plague or epidemic distemper, haps, in which the judicial forms of the republic,.Ir. Claudius which, in the usual mode of their formerly partial to the interests of the people, beJNiarcellus superstition, they considered as a gan to be changed in favour of despotism. This srsenitnus, punishment inflicted by the gods innovation was probably the more fatal in the IAgust. 6to, for some public offence, and in par-sequel, that the emperor himself, under pretence etat. 40. ticular for their having suffered the of giving evidence, of urging prosecutions, or of emperor to divest himself of the conappearing as an advocate for his clients, fresulate, proposed that he should instantly assume quently attended the courts.4 And it cannot be this or a hiirher dignity. While the senate was doubted, that as often as he appeared,5 the part assembled, multitudes crowded together in a riot-which he took, whether as a witness or as a ous manner, and with threats required that a pleader, must have had very great and inmproper decree should pass to vest Augustus with the influence in the cause. style andl powers of dictator. They collected In the beginning of this reign, are dated some twenty-f)ur fasces, the number usually carried regulations calculated for the peace and general before ttlis officer, and repairing to the emperor’s order of’ the city. Among these, it is mentioned, palace, called upon him to assume his power, that the numbir of praetors was reduced to ten; and to rescue the people from their present cala-and that two of this number were appointed to mities. inspect the public revenues that some feasts, Augustus, who had sufficiently provided for all which had been customary, were prohibited, and the objects of his ambition, without the alarming the expense of others restrained within moderate name of dictator, took this opportunity to esta-bounds; that the care of the public shows was blish his character for moderation. He intreated entrusted to the prators, with a competent allowthe people to desist from their purpose; and when still pressed, he appeared to be greatly agitated, tore his clothes,2 and gave other signs of extreme 3 Dio. Cass. lib. liv.

c. 3. distress. Being likewise pressed to accept of the 4 Ibid. Sueton. in Allgllst. c. 5r). Z ~~n I|~, 5 Among thie remarkable trials of this period is office of perpetual censor, lie, in the same man-mentioned that of M. Prinmus, who havinlg the comn ner, declined it, recommending, for the immedi-inand in Macedonia, was accused of having, without ate discharge of its duties, P. Aimilius Lepidus orders, made wal on tie Odrysians, a Thlracian ina and Mlunatius EPlancus. tion. He pleaded the orders of Autgustis or of AMar tt.av *a us cellus; but the emperor himself, attenrling the trial, In acting this part, it is probable that Octavius denied his having ever given sulch orders, anld the de guarded against the fate of Julius Casar; that fenldant was condemned Iie is said.

at almsther time, he preferred security to the ostentation of power, have appealed in behalf of his conlfidellts Apillius and relied more on the caution with which he and Maecenas, wh,, Hwere arraigned of snie undullle inavdrelied moffe, tan the diton withe vhigi. e. fluence in protecting a person uinder i)rosecution foi avoided offence, than he did on the vigilance of adultery. After the prosecutor began to open the his informers and spies, or on the terror of his charge, Augustus himself camle into coolrt. anll comarms. He -ild not, however, at all times, avoid Inalldled hiin not to tralduce his relations and friends; havinff recourse to these means of defence. Dur-a stleich of power lich, 110(1Cc legal government, i, 1 n 1 ro l 1ought to have given otffrice but in thie present sltate ing his present residence at Rome, he received of the Romlans, only plt the subject ill Iind how information of a design formed on his life by necessary it was for himself to court,tie imperial Murmena antd Fannius Crepio, anti brought them favour; and it was decreed accordingly, by tile unani. to trial. Velleius Paterculus, without any scru-moue votes of all the senators, that in meimnory of this to trial.

elleius Paterculus, without any scru-gracious interposition of the emtperor, an additional statue should be’,rected to ilill. 1 D)io. Cass.

lib. liii, c. 32. 2 Ibid. lib. liv. c. 1. 6 Dio. Cass. lib. liii. c..32.

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CHAP. 1i1.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 427 ance from the treasury to defray the expense of primanded them for the disturbances they gave, them, but under an express prohibition to add, as forbade them to appear at Rome, until the dethey had been hitherto inclined to do, from am-pending elections were passed. The competibitious motives, above an equal sum from’their tion, nevertheless, was carried on with great own private estates. The shows of gladiators warmth in their absence, and ended with much were subjected to the control of the senate, and difficulty in favour of Lepidus. the number of pairs to be exhibited, on any par-This specimen of the supposed disorders to ticular occasion, restricted to sixty. The care of which the people were inclined, in the absence extinguishing and guarding against fire being in of an authority.that was fit to restrain them, prothe department of the mdiles, a body of six hun-bably induced the emperor to hasten the recall of dred men, destined to this service, was put under Agrippa, as a person on which he could devolve the command of these magistrates. Persons of the care of the city. The breach which had rank having given cause of complaint, by prebeen some time made in his family, by the death senting themselves as dancers or performers on of Marcellus, remained unrepaired; and he seems the public theatre, such examples were strictly to have hesitated in the choice of the person prohibited. whom he was to place next to himself in power, As the emperor ever affected a desire to be en-and in succession to the government. His daughtirely relieved of the government, he accompanied ter Julla, the widow of Marcellus, had yet his most popular acts and regulations with a for-brought no addition to his offspring. She was mal and ostentatious resignation of some parti-now to be disposed of in a second marriage, and cular parts of his power. The provinces of Nar-was likely to bestow on her husband the character bonne and of Cyprus, which had been originally of heir apparent to the fortunes of her father. It part of his trust, being in the first period of lis is said, that Mecetnas advised the emperor to reign restored to peace, he formally resigned make choice of Agrippa. “This man,” he said, them into the hands of the senate. But while he “is already too high to remain where he is: he was occupied with these pacific or popular mea-must be lifted, up to a place yet higher, or be cast sures, the Astures and Cantabri, notwithstand-to the ground.” 9 ing their former distresses, still passionately fond Agrippa was accordingly, about this time, of their expiring liberties, having revolted yet a made to part with Marcella, the niece of Augusthird time, were again reduced with great slaugh-tus, to whom he had been some time married, in ter.

Most of those who escaped from the swords order that he might become the husband of of the Roman legions, perished by their own Julia, and by this title the first in the family of hands7 While this event, in appearance, ter-Cwsar. minated all the troubles which subsisted in the The emperor, while in Sicily, having bestowed western part of the empire, an alarm was re-on the city of Syracuse, and on other towns ceived from Egypt, of a formidable enemy ap-of that island, the privilege of Roman colonies, pearing to intend the invasion of that kingdom. and having made some other arrangements for The Ethiopians, probably, encouraged by the the better government of the province, continued low state to which, from the unfortunate expedi-his voyage from thence into Greece. As he tion of Gallus against the Arabians, they sup-passed through Sparta and Athens, he treated posed the Roman forces on the Nile to have been the inhabitants of those once eminent cities with reduced, had, by the time that the alarm had been marks of favour or displeasure, according to the communicated to Rome, actually entered the propart they had taken in the late divisions of the vince; and, before any assistance could be sent empire. from other parts of the empire, were repulsed by The Spartans had, with proper hospitality, rePetronius, who succeeded to Gallus in the go-ceived Livia in her flight from Italy, and, in vernment of Egypt. return, were now honoured with the presence of But before these events were known, the emthe emperor at one of the public nmeals, which peror had taken his resolution to attend to the they still affected to retain in memory of their defence of this kingdom in person, and was set ancient institutions.

They likewise received a out on his voyage. Having put into Sicily in his grant of the island of Cithera, which formerly way, while he yet remained in this island, the had belonged to their territory. usual election of consuls came on at Rome,8 The Athenians, on the contrary, it is said, He himself was named, together were put in mind of their partiality to Antony U. C. 732. with M. Lollius Nepos; but he de-and Cleopatra, and of the singular ostentation dined accepting of the office, and with which they admitted the queen of Egypt a Q. Emilius afiected to leave the Roman people, citizen of Athens. In resentment of this beLepidus as of old, to a free choice. This haviour, they were deprived of their sovereignty Nepos.

novelty gave rise to a warm contest, in iEgina and Eretria, and forbid to receive any August 9no, in which Quintus Emilius Lepidus, presents in return for the freedom of their city,.teat. 41. and L. Silanus appeared as com-a distinction, which, it seems, was still earnestly petitors, and were supported by courted, and fiom the sale of which they derived numerous parties of their friends. The people some revenue. began to recover the remembrance of their former From these visits to Sparta and Athens, the power, and were encouraged or supported by the emperor proceeded to Samos, where lie remained candidates in disorders or freedoms. from which for the winter.‘0 Here he not only had a confirmthey had for some time been restrained. Augus-ation of the reports already mentioned, relating to kus himself was alarmed with these appearances the success of Petronius against the Ethiopians, of a reviving republic, summoned both the can-but received an embassy from this people to sue didates to attend him in Sicily; and having re-for peace. They had addressed themselves to 7 Dio. Cass. lib. liv. c. 4. 8 Ibid. c. 5, 6. 9

Dio Cass. lib. liv. c. 6. 10 Ibid. c 7

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428 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK VL Petronius; and being referred to the emperor, east having been obtained by the restoration of desired that they might have guides to conduct peace to Egypt, he did not proceed in his pro. them to him. “This emperor,” they said, “or gress beyond the province of Syria. From, the place of his abode, we know not.” Being thence, in his letters to the senate, he declaimed conducted to Samos, on the route by which he every intention or wish to extend the bounds of was expected to arrive in Asia, they obtained a the empire, and disposed of kingdoms on the peace, without any of the submissions or unequal frontier to the princes of Asia, who were consiconditions by which the Romans were formerly dered as confederates or allies of the Romans accustomed to prepare the way, in every treaty, Among these, he gave to Tarcondimotus a prin for the farther extension of their conquests.’ cipality in Cilicia; to Archelaus, the Lesser Ar In the spring, Augustus passed from Samos to menia; to Herod, over and above his ow’n kingBithynia, in which, though one of dom of Judea, the principality of Zenodorus, in U. C. 733. the provinces that had been com-its neighbourhood. He restored a prince, of’

the mitted to the administration of the name of Mithridates, to the kingdom of CommaM. Apuleius, senate, he, by his own authority, Igen6, from which his father had been expelled; P Si/a~us made some reformations, and upon and, at the request of the people of Armienia, sent,Narva..1urust.

8vo, a complaint, that the people of Cyzi-his stepson Tiberius Claudius Nero, now about.Etat. 42. cum had insulted with the rod, and twenty years of age, with a commission to remnove put to death some Roman citizens, Artabazus, then in possession of that kingdoeli, he stript them of several privileges which they and to declare Tiridlates, who was still at Rome, had hitherto enjoyed. From thence, he continued to be its sovereign. This revolution in Armenia his progress into Syria, and there likewise in-however was, by the death of Artabazus, who fell flicted some’ severities on the citizens of Tyre by the hands of’ his own subjects, in part efifected and Sidon, as a punishment of their seditions and before the arrival of Tiberius. disrespect to his government.2 While the emperor was thus employed in the The Parthians had not yet restored the Roman provinces, the ordinary succession of magistrates captives, and the trophies of which they had took place at Rone, and he himself being named got possession on the defeats of Crassus and An-consul, together witi; Caius Sentius, again detony. This was the condition, on which the cined the title, without recommending a substiking had obtained the release of his son. Being tute. Great animosities arose among th e candinow rerinded of it, or alarmed by the approach dates for this honour. Agrippa had been called of the Ronman emperor to his frontier, he sent an away into Gaul, upon an alarm received on the embassy to perform this article. But of the Ro-German frontier, and front thence into Spain, to man prisoners, many, soon after they were taken, quell another revolt of the Astures and Cantabti. perished by their own hands; others, being re-In his absence the consul Sentius and the senate, conciled by degrees to their condition, and having unable to repress the tumults, sent a deputation settled, were unwilling to remove. They con-to the emperor, who was still in Asia, to know cealed themselves from the persons who were his pleasure respecting the election, and, in resent to assemble and conduct them to the fron-turn, had a fresh proof of his magnanin:ity and tier, and but a few were recovered. These, candour in the recommendation of Lucretius, a tocrether with the restored standards and other known partizan of the republic, and one of those, trophies, were conducted with great pomp to’the who being among the proscribed, had escaped city of Rome. from the massacre.

Augustus had already received the congratu-Augustus, during his stay in Syria, had aclations of the senate and people, on the conclu-counts of the birth of a grandson Caius, the sion of his treaty with the Parthians, and know-eldest of the sons of Agrippa, by his daughter ing how much it was become a point of honour at Julia, and had a copy of the dec’ee, Rome to repair the disgrace which Roman armies U. C. 734. by which the senate annexed the anhad incurred on the Euphrates and the Tigris, C. stius niversary of this birth to the days of he indulged, on the conclusion of this transac- &ata;ninus. public rejoicing. On his way to tion, a degree of vanity, which was unusual with Q. Lucretius Italy, he passed another winter in him on other occasions. He ordered the rites of Vespello..

Samos, where he received the anrhasthanksgiving that were appropriated to the great-a sadors of many nations, an aon est victories; gave instructions to erect a tri-Vipsanius these, an embassy from India, atumphal arch; and, upon his return to Rome, A.grippa. tended with a numerous retinue, and entered the city in triumph..August. 9no, charged with a variety of presents.4 The Romans, in conferring honours on those.Etat. 43. But what probably most entertained who performed any successful service, considered the curious in the western world, was the exhithe advantage itself, more than the means by bition of an Indian sage or Brahmnin, who having which it had been obtained, and indulged, with taken his resolution to die, was ambitious to nmake all the distinctions that military courage orper-his exit in presence of the Ronman court.

Being sonal ability could claim, every officer, under indulged in this desire, and flattered with the atwhose auspices they prospered, whether by arti-tendance of a numerous crowd of spectators, he fice or valour.3 On this principle, Augustus, prepared a funeral pile, which he set on fire, and without having performed any military operation with much ostentation and gravity, threw himwhatever, took occasion to triumph over an ene-self into the midst of it.5 His tomb w-as marked my, before whom the armies of Antony and Crassus had perished. 4 Among these are mentioned by Strabo a snake The object of the emperor’s journey to the ten cubits long, thloigh it appears tiom Suetonius, lib. xv. p. 719), that a snake of a miilch ireater lenath was exhibited in the public spectacles at Ronme, fifty cubits. 1 Strabo, lib. vii. p 821. Sueton. in Am.-muist. c 43. 2 Dio.

Cass. lib. liv. c. 6. 3 Ibid. c. 8. 5 Dio. Cass. lib. liv t. 8. 10, 11.

Vell. Pat. lib. ii. c. 3

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CHAP. III.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 429 with the following inscription.

“Here lies Tar-had made some mistakes, and that many, who marus or Tarmanochegas, an Indian of Bargosa, were thus proposed to be members of the senate, who, in the manner of his country, ended his had necessary avocations in the provinces, he days by a voluntary death.” In such actions, undertook, by his Awn authority, to reform the we may perceive the powerful attraction of glory, list. This task, however, he performed under so from whatever sort of performance it be sup-much apprehension of danger to his person, that, posed to arise. as in the former instance of the same kind, he When the emrperor’s intended return was an-carried armour under his clothes, and had a guard nounced at Rom, many honours were decreed to of ten chosen senators, with concealed weapons, him, all of which he declined, except that of hav-who had orders not to admit above one person at ing an altar erected on the occasion to Jupiter a time to approach him.8 By his conduct in Redux, and that of having the day of his arrival this matter, or by the severity of his censures, he inserted, under the title Augustalia, among the was supposed to have made so many enemies, or festivals of the kalendar. On his approach to the he himself at least took such impressions of city, the magistrates and the people prepared to jealousy and distrust as kept him in alarm, and go forth in procession to meet him; but either occasioned some trials and executions, by which from an aversion to pageantry, which he ever he proposed to counteract or prevent the conspishunned, except when necessary to serve some racies which were forming against him.9 purpose, or from a desire of procuring fresh enco-Upon observing how much the emperor was miums of moderation, he made his entry in the alarmed, it was moved in the senate, as an acnight to avoid this compliment. On the follow-knowledgment of the danger to which he was ing day, he procured resolutions of the senate exposed, that the men-bers should take arms, and and people, promoting Tiberius, the eldest of the in certain numbers by turns pass the night in sons of Livia, to the rank of prwetor, and bestow-the palace. “I am unfortunately addictqd to ing on Drusus, the younger brother, the privilege snore,” said Antistius Lubeo, who still possessed of standing for any of the ancient honours of the some remains of the republican spirit, “and am commonwealth five years before the legal age. afraid, that I should be an unwelcome guest in He himself, at the same time, accepted the office the anti-chamber of the prince.” 10 of censor, with a new title, that of inspector of The period for which Augustus manners,7 for five years. U. C. 735. had accepted the command of the This new designation was annexed to the armies, and taken charge of part of titles of Augustus, under pretence that such. Conelius s the provinces being about to expire an authority was wanting to take cognizance. of Liarcellinus. he repeated the form of his resigna the disorders committed in the late canvass for Cn. Cornelius tion, and was prevailed upon to rethe election of consuls; but, as the period was Lentulus. sume his trust, though but for a term near approaching, at which he was to repeat the.ug. 10oo, of five years longer. Agrippa being form of resigning the government, it is probable Etat. 44. now the son-in-law of the emperor, that he chose to be vested with the character of and the first in his favour, as well as his nearest censor, in order to make the arrangements pre-relation, was joined with him for the same term paratory to this ceremony. of five years, in the character of tribune of the Near ten years had elapsed since the rolls of people. the senate had been made up, and in this inter-During the preceding part of the new estaval many reasons may have occurred for remov-blishment, Augustus had affected to limit the ing some of the members, and for substituting exercise of his power to the military department, others. The powers of censor, with which the ortothe provincescommitted to hischarge. In the emperor was now vested, enabled him, without city, or in civil affairs, he acted in the name of any unprecedented stretch of authority, to effect the senate, or under the veil of some temporary his purpose; but, notwithstanding this circum-office of magistracy. But in the period upon stance, his usual caution led him to seek for pal-which he was now entering, he seemed to have liatives, and to devise means to lessen or to divide thought himself safe in assuming a more direct the odium of so disagreeable a measure. He authority. He accordingly received from the segave out, that the number of senators was be-nate, an appointment of perpetual extraordinary come too great, and thus provided himself with consul, to be preceded in all public appearances an excuse for excluding many of them, without by twelve lictors, and in the senate to have a stating any personal objection. He at first pro-chair of state placed between the ordinary consuls posed to take upon himself only the nomination of the year. Ile likewise received unlimited auof thirty members, and under a solemn oath, that thority to enact laws, to the observance of which, he should name the most worthy.

These thirty, the senate offered to bind themselves by oath. under a like solemn oath, were directed each, to In this, he took occasion to give a proof of his give in a list of five, which would have made up moderation, by preventing the oath to be admithe number to one hundred and fifty. And these, nistered; but he proceeded from henceforward if they had been agreeable to the emperor, would in the exercise of his power, with fewer dishave probably made the first part of the roll. But guises than he had formerly employed. as he was in many instances disappointed and Prerogatives, hitherto assumed under the name displeased with the choice that was ma(le, he se-of some ordinary magistracy, were comnmitted to lected only thirty of the whole, to whom he gave officers, acting by the appointment of Caesar, and the same directions as before, each to name five; by his sole authority. Among these, may be but being equally dissatisfied with this new no-numbered the inspection of the public works: of mination, he to k the whole on himself; and alleging, that the officer who collected the names 8 Dio. Cass. lib. liv. c. 13, 14, 15. 9

Sueton. in August. c 35. 6 Strabo, lib. xv p. 720. 7 Praffectus Morum. 10

Dio. Cass. lib. liv. 11 Ibid. c. 17.

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430 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [Boox VI. the highways; the navigation of the river; the! nution of it. They made laws to encourage marmarkets;l the public granaries; the preservation riage, when the* advantages enjoyed by any of the peace, or government of the city, which Roman citizen, as father of a family, were of was now committed to a military prafect or go-themselves a sufficient encouragement. A ugustus vernor. Other new institutions were made, to being to revive those laws, produced and read in remedy evils of a recent date. the senate a speech at that time, still extant, From the time of the civil wars, Italy had rewhich had been delivered by 1Mietellus nlumidimained subject to many disorders. The inha-cus on this subject, about a hundred years betore bitants, alleging the dangers to which they had the present date. been exposed in their persons and properties, Even so far back, under the republic, the decontinued to form into bands, and taking arms, cline of domestic manners may have begun to be under pretence of defending themselves, employed felt.

Licentiousness and want of economy may those arms for lawless purposes; robbed, mur-have already broke into the establishment of dered, or by force confined to labour in their Roman falmilies; disorders happening in the state workhouses. many innocent passengers, whether of matrimony, may have deterred the single from freemen or slaves, whom they thought proper to embracing it. But if the effect of such circumquestion or violate, under the appellation of dis-stances then began to appear, how much more orderly persons. To remedy this evil, guards may we suppose that the destructive civil wars, were posted at proper intervals, and a species of which followed; the removal of the ancient inmilitary patrole established throughout the coun-habitants of Italy, to make way for strangers and try, with orders to protect travellers, to inspect soldiers of fortune, must have operated to reduce the workhouses or receptacles of labouring slaves, the numbers of the people? These troubles end and to suppress all associations, besides those of ing in military government; the uncertainty of the ancient corporations.2 every man’s condition depending on the will of Byv the same authority Augustus revived some a master; fear, melancholy, and dejection, felt obsolete laws, and gave instructions to put them amidst the ruins of a fallen republic, mnay have in force: such as the laws limiting expense, recompleted the accumulation of e’ils, fnd the straining adultery, lewdness, and bribery, to-effect may have suggested to Au-.stLs the negether with the laws which had been provided cessity of reviving the ancient laws of the repub. to promote marriage, or to discourage celibacy. lic for the encouragement of porpulation; insoThe limitation of expense may have had its pro-much, that the extension and application of them priety under a republic, where it is an object of became a principal object of his reign. state not to suffer the citizen by his manner of Suetonius, as usual in his manner, without living, or by his affectation of magnificence, to regard to dates, brings into one view many;arruin himself, or to aim at distinction above his ticulars of the policy of Augustus relating to equals; hut the object of the sumptuary laws, this subject. Among these, it is mentioned that now enforced, is not specially mentioned. It he augmented the rewards of marriage, and the was probably the same with that of the laws re-penalties on celibacy.5 That he sometimes vived by Julius Caesar, and consequently the brought forward the children of his own family same with that of the laws long since obtained, into the place of public assembly, and exhorted under the republic, by the tribune Licinius, and the people to profit by that example; but that chiefly respecting the consumption of provisions. his zeal in this matter was far from being acIn limiting the excess of the table, Augustus ceptable to the people. That he was frequently was himself a striking example of sobriety, being accosted in the theatres and places of public reextremely moderate and abstemious in the use of sort, with general cries of aversion; had reprewine and of food;3 and with respect to the other sentations from citizens of rank, that it was objects of his severity, although he himself was impossible to support the extravagance of women not equally free from imputation, he probably educated in high condition, and was obliged to already experienced the necessity of certain re-correct many of the edicts he at first had pubstraints in his own family, and very properly lished, and to abate much of their rigour;-that, thought it became him, in the capacity of magis-in order to facilitate the settlement of families, trate, every where to watch over the purity of he permitted free and noble citizens to marry domestic manners. His zeal to recommend mar-emancipated slaves;6-that the law, nevertheless, riage, and to promote the settlement of families, was still eluded; that pretended marriages probably suggested the same measures.4 were contracted with children or females under The Romans, by means of the census, ob-age, and the completion of course indefinitely detained a more regular account of the numbers of ferred;7 that to prevent such evasions or firauds, the people than any other nation, and they were it was enacted that no marriage could be legally exceedingly watchful of their population, even contracted with any female under ten years of when they had least cause to apprehend a dimi-age, nor the completion of any niarriage be delayed above two years after the date of the sup1 Dio. Cass.

lib. liv. c. 17. posed contract. 2 Sueton. in Octav. c. 32. As it was proposed to multiply marriages, se 3 In his ordinary diet, when he wanted nourish-it appeared likewise of consequence to render ment, be eat a little bread, with some dried fruit, the dissolution of those already ftormed more difwithout observing any stated time for his mreals. He ficult and to lay divorces an ordered iis table indeed to be regularly served; but he to lay dvores an separations uner himself joined the company irregularly, often after proportional restraints.9 Under this wretched they were set, and frequently left them before they policy it seemed to be forgotten, that where man were done, and insisted that he should not be disturbed in this freedom by any ceremony of waiting for him, or by any troublesome attention whatever. Sueton. 5 Dio. Cass. lib.

liv. c. 16. 6 Ibid. in Octav. c. 72, 73. 76, 77. 7 Sueton. in Octav. c.

34. 8 Dio. Cass. lib. liv. c. 16 4 Sueton. in Octav. c. 69. 9 Sueton. in Octav. r.. 34.

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CHAP. III.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 431 kind are happy, nature has provided sufficient from the enemy. He was supposed to be lavish inducements to marriage. The sovereign, who of military honours, which in reality began to charged himself with the care of the people, lose their value, or to change their nature, being seemed to consider a state into which mankind mere badges of court favour, not as formerly, are powerfully led, by the most irresistible calls the evidence or record of signal services rendered of affection, passion and desire, as a kind of to the state, and supported by the testimony of workhouse into which they must be driven by victorious armies, and the voice of the people. It the goad and the whip, or a prison in which may be observed, as an evidence, how much the they must be detained under bars and fetters of triumph was fallen in its value, that, for some iron. The people seemed to feel themselves be-advantage gained over the Garamlantes,14 an come the property of a master, who required obscure nation on the frontierof the Roman prothem to multiply, in order to increase the num-vince in Africa, it was bestowed on Balbus, a ber of his subjects; and they resisted this part native of Gades in Spain, and ibut newly adof his administration, more than any other cir-mitted a Ronlan citizen; while it was declined cumstance of the state of degradation into by Agrippa, to whom it was due for his eminent which they were fallen. services, and who considered it as a piece of Augustus, in this second period empty pageantry, which could add nothing to U. C. 736.

of his reign, while he extended the the consideration he already enjoyed.15 exercise of his power, still endea-About this time Augustus reC. Farti.ts, voured to disguise it under some U. C. 736. ceived an accession to his family C Jutts forms or regulations of the ancient bu~t by the birth of another grandson, Jlnt. 1;~, constitution. For this purpose, he o, t. of the name of Lucius, the second.Etat. 45. revived the laws against bribery, 45. son of Agrippa, by his daughter those against taking fees for the Julia; and by adopting both the pleading of causes, and the laws that were made brothers, conferred upon them the names of to enforce the attendance of senators. In these Caius and Lucius Cansar, antid, by the same act, particulars, we cannot imagine that he so far published the destination of his fortunes. mistook the situation into which he had brought In the midst of festivals, which were instituted the people, as to revive laws against bribery, after on this occasion, the attention of the emperor there ceased to be any free election; the laws was called anew to the provinces by alarms against accepting of fees10 for pleading of causes, which were received at once in many parts of after all the motives which formerly induced the empire. senators to lend their gratuitous protection, had Historians give us a list of parceased to exist;” the law imposing a fine upon U. C. 737. ticulars, exhibiting the troubles to members of the senate coining too late to their L. Domitius which so extensive a territory was places, after the proceedings of the senate, were.henobar-still exposed. The Conimenii and reduced to a mere form, by which the emperor bus, P. Cor-Venones, nations inhab)iting the enforced his own decrees.‘2 In these instances, nlius Sopio. valleys of the Alps, were in arms. then, we must suppose that Augustus, in the 12mo,.~tat. The Panonii and Norisci had atusual strain of his policy, revived the laws of 46. tacked Istria. The Danthweleti the republic, in order to make it be believed that and Scordisci had invaded Macethe republic was still in existence. But not-donia. The Sauromatae had passed the Danube. withstanding his attention, by these and other Some cantons, both of Dalmatia and Spain, had methods, to conceal the extent of his usurpation, revolted. The Sicambri, Usupetes, and Tenchhe could not escape the penetration of his sub-teri, German nations bordering on the Rhine, jects, nor even the animadversion of buffoons, to having seized on the Italian traders who frewhom some degrees of freedom or of petulance quented their country, in imitation of the Roare permitted, after they are withheld from every man manner of punishing slaves, nailed them one else.

Having banished a player of the name to the cross, and employing this insult as a deof Pylades, for a difference with another player claration of war, passed the Rhine, and made a of the name of Bathyllus, he afterwards, to descent upon Gaul. They surprised and put please the people, recalled Pylades; and giving to flight a party of horse which had been sent him some admonition to be upon his good be-by Lollius to observe their motions. In pursuit haviour for the future: ” That is a jest,” said of this advantage, they fell in with the main the other, “for the more that the people are body, commanded by Lollius himself, equally occupied with our quarrels, -the better for you.“l3 unprepared to receive them, obliged him to reThe emperor having remained at Rome about tire with great loss, and with the disgrace of two years after the commencement of the second leaving the standard of one of the lesions in the period of his reign, continued, or began to carry hands of his enemies.6 on many works for the ornament, magnificence, These revolts of the frontier provinces, or rnor convenience of the city. To defray the excursions of barbarous neighbours, may l)e conpense of such works, he-laid persons, who had sidered as part of a war which lasted for ages, obtained a triumph, or any military honour, and terminated at last in the ruin of the empire. under a contribution of some part of their spoils; The defeat of Lollius was indeed the first signal and by these means, perhaps, made some officers calamity which had befallen the Roman arms pay for their vanity more than they had taken under the auspices of the present enlperor.l7 It was supposed to have greatly afflcted him, and 10 Lex Cincia. The offender was subjected to a to have caused the resolution which he took t4 fine, equal to double the fee he had accepted. pass the Alps, angd to superintend, in person, the 11 Under the republic, the character of an able pleader led to the highest preferments and honours of 14 Plin. lib. v. c. 6. 15 Dio.

Cass. lib. liv. c. 11 the state. 16 Dio. Cass. lib. liv. c. 20. Vell.

Pater. lib. 20. c. 97 12 Dio. Cass. lib liv. c. 18. 13 Ibid. c. 17. 17

Sueton. in Octav. c. 33.

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43 - THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [Book VI. measures that were necessary to repair this loss. I restore some cities which had gone to ruin in His departure from Rome, however, at this I different parts of -the empire, and to plant new time, is likewise ascribed to other motives. He colonies in Gaul and in Spain. Whether these nad now, for about two years, been exposed in were settlements provided for the veterans and the city to the animadversion and censure which Emeriti, by dispossessing the ancient inhabia people still petulant though not free, were tants, or new plantations made in waste and ready, on so near a view, to bestow on his person unappropriated lands, is uncertain. Suetonius and government; and it was part of his policy informs us, that no less than twenty-eight difto withdraw, at proper intervals, from the obser-ferent colonies were settled in Italy, towns built, vation of such a people, in order to preserve that and funds allotted to defray the expense of respect and authority which too much familiarity these newly established communities; and that is apt to impair. He accordingly took occasion persons, who had filled any office of magistracy from these alarms, on the west and northern in these colonies, were entitled to a vote in the frontier, to absent himself from the city; and elections at Rome, despatched Agrippa at the same time, into Asia, Among the acts of Augustus, during his prowhere a contest which had arisen respecting the gress in Gaul, are mentioned the eflkcts of his succession of the kingdom of the Bosphorus re-attention to the favourite object of encouraging quired his presence. population, with the premiums he gave, wherever The emperor, leaving the administration of he passed, to such persons as presented him with affairs at Rome in the hands of Statilius Taurus, numerous families of children;3 it is mentioned, set out for Gaul, accompanied by Mecenas and that the city of Paphos being destroyed by an Tiberius, now in the rank of pretor, who made earthquake, he gave orders to have it rebuilt; a part of his court. At his arrival in Gaul, the and, as an earnest of his future patronage, gave people were relieved of the alarm they had the inhabitants leave to change the nanme to taken on the approach of the German invaders, Augusta:4 that he restored to the who, not being prepared to make a continual U. C. 739.

people of Cyzicum in Bithynia, war beyond their own boundaries, had repassed the privileges of which he himself the Rhine. He proceeded, therefore, to receive the M. Licinius, had lately deprived them: that his representations that were made to Cn. Cornelius orders, to re-establish the king of U. C. 738. him relating to the administration august. Pontus in possession of the Bos-.M. Livius of the province. Among these are 14mo, JEtat. phorus, which had been usurped by Drusus, mentioned complaints of extortion 48. a pretended descendant of MithriL. Calpur-on the part of the governor. This dates, being successfully executed muust Pio. officer, though now bearing a Ro-by Agrippa, he received the report of this service 1A3u Stt. E man name, that of Licinius, was without having it communricated to the senate. 47. himself a native of Gaul, and had And this is said to have been the first instance been a slave in the family of Julius in which this form was omitted. Cwesar. Having become by the bounty of his A triumph having been offered to Agrippa, on master, a freeman and a Roman citizen, he was this occasion, was again declined.5 afterward gradually raised, by Augustus himself, Augustus had now passed above two years in to the height of his present command, in which Gaul, and obtained the end for which he committed enormous oppressions. Being U. C. 740. lie went, whether of a temporary re convicted of the crimes which were laid to hus cess from Rome, or of making the charge, it is said, that the money of which he Tiberius necessary provision for the security had robbed the province was seized, but not re-I.S of the province. Leaving Drususr.Ncero of the province. Leaving Drusus,‘turned to the owners.l QEincelius the younger of the sons of Livia, to While the Germans fled from Gaul upon the Varnts. command on the Rhine, and to conreport of the emperor’s approach, the revolts of August-tinue the military services lie had the Commenii and Venones, of the Panonii and 49., Etat. lately begun among the Alps, he Ligures Commati, were quelled at the same himself set out on his return to Italy. time by the different officers who had been en-But, willing to avoid the crowds which usually ployed against them.

The Rheti and Vendelici, advanced to receive him on his approach to the nations inhabiting the valley of Trent,‘aving city, he made his entry in the night. The sebeen long in the practice of plundering the Ro-nate, however, not to lose any opportunity of man traders, of making incursions into Gaul, paying their court, ordered to be erected, in the and even into Italy, were attacked first by usual place of their assembly, an altar, on which Drusus, the younger of the sons of Livia, and to offer a sacrifice of thanksgiving for his safe being forced from their own country, moved in return; and to signalize the occasion by some a hostile manner into the Roman province, circumstance of a gracious nature, resolved, that, where they were received by Tiberius, at the from this date, whatever criminal within the city head of a considerable army; and being pressed presented his prayer for forgiveness to the enlpeat once by both the brothers, were obliged to ror in person, should obtain his pardon. Both make their submission, and to suffer the greater these flattering decrees, presented to him on the part of their men, able to carry arms, to-be trans-day of his arrival, he rejected. On the following planted into other countries.2
day, he received the salutations of the people on The peace being thus established on the side the Palatine Hill,6 ordered the baths to be tbrowv of Germany, the emperor applied himself to open to them, and the usual attendance at such places to be given at his own expense. From 1 Dio.

Cass. lib. liv. c. 21. 2 Videre Rhaeti bella sub Alpibus. Drusum, Ge-3

Sueton. in Octav. c. 46. rentemn, el Vendelici, &c. Horat. Carm. lib. iv.

Od. 4. 4 Dio. Cass. lib. liv. c. 23. 5 Ibid. Dio. Cass. lib. liv. c. 22.

Veil. Pater. lib. ii. c. 95. 6 The place of his own residence

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CHAP. III.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 433 this ceremony he proceeded to the capitol, and they were supposed to.bestow; but the frequency going up to the statue of Jupiter, stript the and prostitution of such honours now rendered laurel from his fasces, and laid this badge of his them contemptible;1 and, in some degree alvictory at the feet of the pedestal.

He then as-ready an object of that ridicule which is so well sembled the senate; but excusing himself from expressed by the satirist in writings of a later speaking, on account of a hoarseness, he delivered date.ll a paper to be read by his quaestor, containing a To relieve senators, in part, of the burdens summary of his late operations in the provinces, which they alone were hitherto appoinlted to and some new regulations, by which the army, bear, the emperor, while yet in Gaul, gave direcfor the future, were to be governed.7 tions that the ten judges, who decidled in all Augustus had gradually, since his accession questions relating to public sales and conliscato the government of the empire, endeavoured tions, the three inspectors of the coin,12 the ofto improve the discipline of the legions, and par-ficers who had charge of public executions,13 and ticularly to restore the dignity of the military the wardens of the streets and highways, 14 character, by forbidding the admission of slaves. should all, for the future, be taken from the tFromn this rule he never departed, except either equestrian order. It was now the practice to upon extraordinary occasions, which required decline, not only servile or burdensome offices slidden aurTmentations of the army, or in recruit-of this sort, but likewise what had been the ing pauitcular bodies of men, such as the city-highest stations under the republic;,and it bewatch, appointed to guard against fire and other came necessary to force the accepltance of them disorders. Arid he succeeded so far in restoring under actual penalties. At first, all who had the discipline, which had been much relaxed in been questors, if still under forty years of age, times of the civil war, that he had authority were draughted by lot for the superior oflices;15 enough, on different occasions, to dismiss, with-all likewise who had been quaestors, and who out any provision or reward, all such as prewere possessed of the legal estate, if not above sumed to make any demandls in a mutinous thirty years of age, were obliged to enrol in the manner. He had entirely disbanded the tenth senate. legion for mutiny. In urging the duties of’ the From this forced enrolhnent or promotion, service, he generally decimated such bodies of however, which may be considered as a general men as gave way before an enemy, and punish-press for senators and officers of state, were exed with death the desertion of a post, whether eluded all such as had any bodily deformity or in officers or private men. Less offences he blemish, or who wanted the legal estate. In punished with some species of ignominy or dis-ascertaining the fortunes of senators the parties grace, as, by obliging the offender to stand a themselves were examined, and other evidence whole day unarmed before the general’s tent, was brought to investigate the truth. Such as with some mark or badge of disgrace.8 appeared to have made any diminution in their By the regulations now presented to the senate paternal inheritance were obliged to specify the for their approbation, the term of lnilitary service losses they had sustained, and to give an account was fixed, if in the praetorian bands, at twelve of their own manner of life.16 yearn.; if in the legions, at sixteen years. After In tlhe sequel of these measures, which were this term, it was admitted that a soldier might intended to preserve the appearance of a cornclaim his discharge. monwealth, and to support the formalities of a It had been the practice in the course of the civil institution, it is prolbable, although not late civil wars to gratify the veterans, at their mentioned by any of the historians, that Augusdismission, with grants of land; a practice which tus accepted of a prolongation of his power fbr taught the armies to covet the possessions of other five years;;7 and again assumled Agril-pa their fellow-citizens, and to seek for pretences with himself into the office of tribune for the against them, which, in reality, rendered that same term. The ceremony of’ this resigrlation species of property extremely insecure. But became, by degrees, a matter of form, and-his Augrustus now thought himself possessed of’ a resumption of the empire was made kllown by sufficient authority to reform this abuse, and to sports and entertainments, which rendered the substitute, for these grants of land, a gratuity in occasion extremrely agreeable to the people. money.9

By publishing his regulation on this At this time a theatre, which had been begun subject, he greatly quieted the fears and appre-by Marcellus, was finished and opened with hensions under which the pacific inhabitants lagreat solemnlity. A procession of noble youth boured in different parts of the empire. was led by Caius the son of Agrippa, and The utmost efforts of the emperor were like-adoptive son of the emperor. Six hundred Afriwise required, on the present occasion, to pre-can wild beasts were baited in the circus, and serve the mask under which he wished to con-among them a tiger, it being the first tipte that duct his government. The senate, though this animal made its appearance at Rome.18 maintained in all its formalities, was observed to have no power, and -began to be deserted. The civil offices were shunned as a burden, or as 10 Dio. Cass.

Jib. liv. c. 30. 11 Perpetuo risii, piulmonen agitare solehbat a conspicuous servitude. Many families of senn-Derocritus quanqiaim non -essent iurbi tis illis, tors were gone to decay, and those who were Praetexta et’rabexe, Fasces, Lectica.‘l’rlhbunal. called into supply their places, either had not, Juven. Sat. x. v. 33 or denied that they had the legal qualification. 12 TrViinti iri Monitales. 13 Tribimviri Capitales or MVialntl Viri. J5 Dio.Cass. fib. liv. c.26. 16 thid The titles of magistracy continued for some time 17 [iSl having accepted the emlpire for ten years, and to be coveted, on account of the rank which at the expiration of this period, his having accpted of it for five years, are mentioned; adiit aeain, it is mentioned about his twentieth year. or five years after 7 Dio. Cass. lib. liv. c. 25. 8 Sueton. in Octav. c.23. this date, that he accepted of it for ten years niore. 9 Dio. Cass. lib. liv.

c. 25. 18 Plin. lib. viii. c. 17. 3’

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431 THE PR GRESS AND TERMINATION [BooK VI. In continuation ot these entertainments, Julus, C. Vagins depth of winter, set out on his return he son of Antony, being priator, celebrated the abdicavit, to Romne. After he had repiass,‘d birth-day of Augustus with the most expensive C. Caninius.

the seas, on his way throuTh Crnashows, and in his public character entertained(l.uzust. pania, he was takenl danrerorusly ill. the senate, together with the emperor hinrself, lm7no,.tat. Augustus received the acoullnts of at a feast in the capitol.l’. his danger, while he wass -exhiliting Tirerius, at the salme time, in performance of sports to the people in the name of a vow which lhe lhad made for the emperor’s safe’

his two sons, Caius and Lucius, an(d left the city return from ii; Ilist escursion to the provinces, iinliediatelv to attendl his friend; bit c.e to gave splendid entertainments. FHavinr intro-late, and after he expired. duced Caius C(‘asar, tihe tlest of the emp)eror’s This great man appears to have been worthy adoptive sons, and pdlaced him by himself in the of the best times of the republic. Ile hatl iiagprwtor’s chair at the th -atre, he. was received by nanirnity enough to have relied on his personal the peoiple with shouts of applause. qualities alone for consideration and honour, and The emperor, however, gave signs of displea-was fit to hlave been a citizen of Rollme in its sure. ” Such prenmature hnours,” lie said, happiest age; but from the necessity of the times, “could en1lv serve to inslire the mind of a young and the principles of fidelity to the friend who man with presumption and pride.“2 trusted hil, he became a principal suoport of the Abolut this time died the famous monarchll. His great abilities being emnlloved U. C. 74-10. triumvir M1.

loilius Lepidus, for-to maintain the government and authority of’the merly the associate or the tool of prince, and his credit with the prince empllol cd itQgfust. Octavilus a(nd Antony, in the execu-in acts of justice and moderation to the people,.5mno, Ett. tionll of their designs ayairlst the re-he was neither an obiect of jealousy to the one, pub)ic..

While lie was subservient nor of envy to the other. to the interest of these conmpetitors, he was al-It was a sinerular instance of good fortune tc lowed, in appearancee, to hold a third part of the have otund such an officer, and a mark olf underempire; sbut heingt unsupp;orted by any real abili-standling and steadiness, without jealoisy, arnd ties or personal authority, he ceased to lie of’ als without wves rng, to have persexered in the conseqlquence the morlent hlie presumed to act choice. In this, and in soiime other instance(s, for hillselt, and was too inconsiderable, even to Augustus showed that his talent vwas not l’cre be an olbject of resentilient to those lie had injured. cunning, but a plrinciple of able conduct, wvi}chs Augustus had suffered this fallen rival to re-is tried in notlhing more than inl the ch~oice and main, luring his lite, in the dignity of Pontiff, ernmployment of proper men. He raised Agrip:t. and, by keeping him in public view, deprived though not a flatterer, from a low conitionr, to him of the consolation even of being forgotten.3 commnand his forces, to preside in his councils, T’he emperor, though himself desirous to hold and, last of all, by the marriage of his daughter, this sacred character, and frequently pressed, by to the highest place in his own family. his flatterers, to supplant Lepidus, was too cau-At the funeral of his friend, the emperor took tiois to violate any supposed religious institution, upon himself the office of principal mourner, acand too politic to triile with acknowledged rights. c.ompanied the corpse from Campa-lia to Rome; of which lie meant, on occasion, to avail himself and having it brought into the forum, pronounced But upon the death of Lepidus, he did not ne-the funeral cration, having, while he spoke, a glect to assume the only dignity which was screen placed between himself and the dead wanting to complete the accumulation of prero-sbody. In order to confirm and to increase the gatives united in his own person.

regard that was paid to the memory of tile deAgrippa had returned to Rome, about the ceased, he not only ratified that part of the will, sarme time, with the enmperor; but soon had oc-by which Agrippa bequeathed his gardlens and casion aamin to depart from Italy, his baths to the public, but in his nanie also made U. C. 741. beinll sent to quell a rebellion that farther additions to the legacy. broke out in Panonia. Upon his Julia, at the death of her husband, was again JM. Valerilus arrival in this country, filnding the pregnant, and bore a third son. who, from the Parsuintu s, natives already subdueil by the fear family of his father, arind the circumstances of Or7nilian in of his approach, he accepted of their his birth, was known by the name of Agrippa M.ag. niort. submission; and though still in the Posthumus.4 CHAPTER IT. Marriae of Julia with T.ierils-Death of Drusus-Death of olJccanas-Disgrace;f Julhta War in Panonia-Pom;n Legions cut off in Germany Tiberius associated i.r heC

EmpireDeath of Augustus. THE death of Agrippr mide way for ribe-J uuitst.

Octavius had received this young rius Claudlus Nero, thei a out twenty-eight Itimo,, tat. man in the arms (,f his mother years of age, into a higher place Livia, had observed the progress of U. C. 7‘21. than he yet held in the family and his childhood and youth, and held given him nc confidence of the emperor. distinguished place in his favour during the lives 1 Dio Cass. lib. Ilv. c. 25, 26. 2 Ibid. c. 27. of Marcellus or Agrippa, to whom he had suc:3 Ibid. c. l]. 4 Ibid. c. 28 29. cessivelv married his daughter; but bicingr ie.

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CHEAP. TV.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 435 nrived of both these supports, and his adopted directions, while he accepted of the triumphal children, Cains and Lucius being yet of teonler robes, he declined to enter the city in procesawe, he was led to receive Tiberius as a relation, sion.6 the nearest to supply the place of those ht had About the’same time Drusus, the younger lost. blr(ther of Tiberius, then stationed on the Rhine, Livia, byv whose arts the emperor now loran had repulsed a body of Germans, passed the to be (roverned, was, according to the report of river in pursuit of them, and laid waste the conhistorians, and, as we may infer from her own tiruous country of the Sicambri and Usipetes coi;tl,:ct, terlicctly’ formedl to the m’i’d of l Ir whic,, 1v1 t btetween the Lippe and the Issel, is husand1 1. In all matters, not only of busine!,s, nowv the bishopric of MPunster, or the province whether private or public, but even in those af-of Zut!lhen. H oaving embarked his army, he fell fairs in which the sexes are least patient of each( down tile Issel to the niarshy lands inhalited by other’s ftilin(rs, she preserved or a1rected the the Frisii and Chauci, probabhlv what are now most iniplicit submission to his will. She is said, the provinces of Friesland and Groningen, ar not only to have connived at his infidelities, but rived without resistince at the sea, where the as often as lie was inclined to diversity his plea-tides, to which his Italian miariners were unacsures, even to have employed her sagacity and( crustomed, leavinef themr sometimes ashore, and her knowledle of his choice in procuring him the almost out of sight of the sea, at other times means of in’duluriny his farniv. Herselfi; the dupe threatenins to overflow all the lands in their of no passion which was likely to nlislead her, view, crave them at first consideralile trouble; but she never lost an opportunitv to advance her fa. havin~g learned to accommodate themselves to milv, norrisked the miscarriage of her purpose, this alternate flux and retflux of the waters, they by hasten ngr improperly the means of o)t.aininr took the benefit of the floods to re-ascend the river, it. Favoured by the death of A(rippa, and the and returned to their station on the frontiers of minority of the young Casars, she easily, with-Gau1.7 out seeming to entertain any improper views for Drusus, having thus explored the coasts of the her son, procured his advancement. He was at northern ocean, set out for Italy; arind, though first received by the emperor as a temporary aid already vested with the di(nitv of praetor, was in the governmrent, and afterwards as a person made to accept of an inferior rankl in the office fit to become the third husband of Julia; and by of aedile; probably to set an example, encouragthis connexionl to occupy a rank in his tarnily, in others to compnilv with the fi)rms of the rewhich had been hitherto considered as the near-public which were still kept up; but which were est to his own. at this timne very much neglected by personis of Tiberius, at the time that this resolution was rank.8 taken in his favour, was already a husband and As the Roman armies had now, for some time, a father, havingr been married to Vipsania, the ceased to make offeinsive war, many of the bardaughter of Agrippa, by whom he had a son Iharous nations took courage from this circumrnamed Drusus. He is said to have parted, with stance, and begtan to harass the provinces in their great reluctance, from Vipsania, then a second neighbourhood, passed the Rhine and the Datime pregnant, in order to make way for Julia, nube in frequent incursions, and laid waste the by whom he was to hold the second place in the frontiers of Gaul, Panonia, and Thrace; insoempire. much, that it appearedl necessary, for the securiAugustus had hitherto distinguished, by the ty of these provinces, to attack the enemy, and to narriare of his daughter, the person whom he furnish them sufficient occupation in the defence meant to point out as his successor; but, his fa-of their own country. mily being now become numerous, it does not In the spring of the following appear that he had any thoughts of giving to this U. C. 721.

year, Drusus accordingly having new son-in-law precedence of his adopted chil-Q..Elius returned to his commniald on the dren, Caius and Lucius, who, bearing the name Tabero, frontiers of Gaul, passed the Rhine, Paulus Treof Caesar, already precluded any competition for bius MIax. overran the territory of the Chatrank in the empire.5 This thirdl marria(re of Ju-ti,~ and penetrated to the Weser. lia, he probably intended for a purpose, which it A1ugust. In these operations, although the did not by any. means serve, that of restraining 17rto,.Etat. emperor’s object, on this and every the disorders to which this unhappy person was other service, was merely defensive, inclined. it appeared necessary, not only to occupy both Tiberius had begun his military services with banks of the Rhine, but likewise to have fortified some distinction in Gaul, and now coning into stations on the Lippe, from which to observe the the place of Agrippa, was sent to repress a re-3 ermans in their future preparations to pass the hellion, which, upon the report of that officer’s river for the purpose of invadinig Gaul. death, had again broke out in Panonia. Having Drusus, for his services in this campaign, was succeeded in this service, he gave orders, that the.saluted by the army, as had been customary in youth of the vanquished nation should be sold the timies of the republic, with the title of Iminto slavery, and that the buyer should come un-perator; but this designation having been, “or der an obligation to transport them far from their some time, appropriated to the sovereign as head native country; a cruel action, but not to be im-of the armies of the empire, was now, by him, puted merely to the personal character of this refused to Drusus. The title of proconsul, with youn( man, as it did not exceed what was fre-the triumphal robes, were decreed to him instead quent in the history of the Romans. Upon this of the other. On his return to Gaul, the Geroccasion Tiberius had the honour of a triumph Inans laid an ambuscade on the route by which conferre(d by the senate; but by the emperor’s 6

Dio. Cass. ]it’; e. 31. 7 Ibid. c. 32. 5 Dio. Cass. lib. liv. c. 31. 8

Ibid. Ltupposed to be that of Hesse.

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436 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK VI. he was to pass, and threatened his army with and others, under the fear tcf eing suspected of imminent danger; but lost the advantage of the disaffection, began the practice of contributing disposition they had made, by discovering their sums of money to erect statues to the emperor: posture too soon, and by giving the Romans an and he himself, in consequence of some dream, opportunity to extricate themselves by a vigorous or directed by some species of superstition, made attack, in which they gained a decisive victory. it a practice, on certain days, to ask, as in chariUpon the news of this event, which seemed ty, from all who came in his way, some small to remove, for some time, the prospect of any pieces of money.3 As he was in his temper suffifarther trouble on the side of Germany, it was ciently liberal, neither of these practices brought proposed, once more, to shut the gates of Janus.1 him under any imputation of rapacity. What But an irruption of the Daci, who passed the was contributed to erect statues for himself he Danube on the ice, together with inroads made employed in multiplying those of the gods, parby the Thracians into Macedonia, and fresh in-ticularly in erecting the allegorical images of surrections in Dalmatia, still kept the empire in Safety, Concord, and Peace. What he received a state of war. as a charity was returned twofold. Lucius Piso, formerly governor of Pamphilia, The republican honours, though much faded was employed in repressing the attempts of the on every other brow, still bore a considerable Thracians; and Tiberius, in reducing the Dal-lustre among the emperor’s titles, made a part of matians. The last of these territories, which, his state, and an engine of his power. Those of the in the greneral partition of the empire, had been priesthood, in particular, equally suited to every committed to the senate, was now, on account of constitution of government, were easily brought its frequent revolts, taken under the immediate in aid of his military power. For this reason inspection of the emperor. the title of Flamen Dialis, or priest o$

Jupiter, While these operations took place, under the was now added to the other dignities of the same officers whom the emperor employed in the pro-kind which the emperor had recently assumed. vinces, he himself remained at Rome; and the It being deemed ominous, and presaging the few circumstances which are mentioned, relating greatest calamities, if a Flamen Dialis should die to affairs of state in the capital, are characteristic in office, this dignity formed an additional guard of the times, but not otherwise interesting or iln-to the emperor’s person. It had been vacant portant. about seventy years from the demise of Merula, The emperor himself, in his capacity of inspec-who being consul when Cinna forced his wayi tor of manners, took an account of the people, into the city, and seeing no means of escape, in paying the highest regard to the distinctions of order to avert from his country the supposed senator and knight, and to the honours which evils which must have followed from his dying were constituted by titles of office, as those of in the priesthood, divested himself; stripped the pretor and consul. But these names of distinc-sacred crest or fillet from his hair, and being thus tion, which he affected to preserve, having no reduced to a private station, cut his own artereal consideration or power annexed to them, ries, and sprinkled the altar of Jupiter with his only served to remind the people of dignities blood. which no longer existed. This ceremony, it was supposed, had averted The senate itself, though filled with persons the evils to which the republic, to expiate the who bore the titles of pretorian and consular, death of this sacred person, would have been and though, with affected respect, still preserved otherwise exposed; and the priesthood hall, from among the ruins of the commonwealth, being reverence to this illustrious martyr, been suffered deprived of its ancient foundations, underwent a to remain vacant till a person could be found that continual decay: and the honours to which citiwas worthy to succeed him; a condition which zens had formerly aspired, with so much ardour, was now supposed to be fulfilled in the person of were now neglected or shunned with disdain. Augustus. The wealthy, fearing more the burdens to which About this date died Octavia, the they might be exposed, on the supposition of pos-C. 43. widow of Marcellus and of Mark sensing great riches, than coveting the honours to J,7,ls n Antony. Her obsequies being per w’ich the qualification of senator entitled them, sus 4frica-formed with great pomp, the emllecamne to the musters with reluctance, and even.

Faius ror himself pronounced the funeral concealed their effects.

jlazimus. oration, having a screen, as at the Tro counteract this disposition, and to set an’tzr. iaemo, burial of Agrippa, to hide the body example of public duty, the emperor made a fair Etat. 52 from his view.

return of his own patrimonial estate, and, as far Soon after this event, notwithstanding there as was consistent with his sovereignty, endea-was no recent alarm from the enenly on the voured to raise the value of subordinate ranks, Rhine, the emperor thought proper to change the admitted members into the senate with lower place of his residence from Italy to the north of qualifications than formerly; diminished the the Alps. Under pretence of observing the storms quorum, or number that was hitherto required to which still threatened the province of Gaul from constitute a legal assembly: and, affecting great the barbarous nations on its frontier, he took his respect for the proceedings of the senate, ordered station for the campaign at the confluence of the their journals to be regularly kept; and gave this Soane and the Rhone, and from thence gave his matter in particular charge to the quTestors. instructions to the two brothers, Tiberius and In other respects, the servility of the times Drusus, to whom the war was committed on the seemed to outrun the exactions of the sovereign. Save and the Rhine. Both having been sucSome of the courtiers, in their desire to flatter, cessful in the services entrusted to thenl, joined the emperor at his quarters, and froma thence acI Dio. Cass. lih. liv. c. 36. 2 Ibid. c. 34. Veil. Pater. lib. ii. c.

98. 3 Sueton. in Vit. August c. 91.

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CHAP. V[.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 43’ P,ompanied him to Rome, where they partook in public shows brought forth some captives, whom the honours which were paid to him for the suc-they obliged, for the entertainment of the people, ess of his arms. to fight in the theatre.6 In the following spring the two The period for which Augustus, at his last U. C. 744.

brothers resumed their commands, pretended resignation, had consented to accept Ner Claua-and the emperor returned to his of the government, being expired, he affected a dius Drusus, former residence on the Rhone.

purpose, as formerly, to resign the empire; and Q. Fabius Drusus passed the Rhine, overran was again prevailed upon to resume it for ten JMazimus.

the country of the Chatti, and pene-years more. The decline of the civil establish-.UgA. 19n10, trated to the Elbe, where he erected ment, of which he still wished to preserve the some trophies, and left some monu-appearances, occupied his principal attention. ments of the progress he had made; but on the The senate, as has been observed, underwent a approach of winter, being obliged to retire, he continual degradation, and its assemblies were was taken ill on the march and died. neglected. The members excused their neglect, Tiberius, who had been sent by the emperor by pretending, that the times of meeting being on the first news of his brother’s illness, came in irregular, they had no proper intimation to attime to see him expire. The funeral being to be tend; and that they were frequently engaged in perfbrimed in Italy, the corpse, during the march trials and other public bnsiness when the senate of the army to the Rhine, was carried by officers was called. of the highest rank. From the Rhine it was To obviate such excuses for the future, the conveyed on the shoulders of the principal inha-emperor appointed ordinary assemblies of the sebitants, who received it on the confines of their nate on particular days of each month, and orrespective districts, and bore it to the next.

Au-dered that those days should be kept clear of gustus himself, on the occasion, repaired to Rome; trials, or any other public business whatever, that but being then in a military character, or in the might occupy the members. Having formerly actual exercise of a military conlmission, and not reduced the number that was required to conpermitted, by the ancient forms of the republic, stitute a legal meeting, from four hundred to to enter the city, he spoke a funeral oration in three hundred, he now directed, that in matters the circus Flatinius, which was without the of less moment, even fewer might constitute such walls. Tiberius followed the corpse to the fo-meetings, and that in fixing the quorum on any ruin, and delivered another oration there. The particular occasion, regard should be had to the obsequies were perforrned by persons of the importance of the business before them; that equestrian and senatorian rank. The ashes even without requiring the presence of any dewere deposited in the tomb of Augustus. terminate number, the senate might form resoThe title of Germanicus having been conferred lutions which, though not accompanied with the on Drusus, it remained in his fanmily. He had force of laws, should nevertheless be deemed of issue two sons and a daughter; the eldest known great authority. He, at the same time, ordered by the name of Germanicus Cwasar, the younger a list of the members to be published; increased by the name of Claudius, long neglected on ac-the fine usually paid for absence, and, to facilicount of his imbecility; and the daughter Livilla, tate the ordinary course of their proceedings, exhereafter to be mentioned as the wife of succes  tended to the prietors the privilege of making sive husbands. motions, which had been confined to the consuls Tiberius, soon after the funeral of his brother, or to himself. entered the city in procession, to celebrate the These several resolutions, before they passed success of his arms in Dalmatia. He gave a into laws, were posted up in the senate-house, public feast to the people; and as in this enter-and every person was invited to offer his obsertainment only one of the sexes cou d partake, vations and corrections.6 Livia and Julia were allowed to entertain the About the same time are dated other regulaother.

tions ascribed to Augustus, of which some reThe influence of Livia, and the elevation of lated. to the conduct of elections, and others to her family, notwithstanding the hopes that were that of criminal trials. As to the first, although entertained of Caius and Lucius Caesar, were every office was filled by his own nomination, he now apparent, and procured her flattering de-aftected to preserve the ancient forms; and in crees. from the senate, that were offered in conso-order to give some appearance of reality to the lation for the loss of her son. Her statue was right of election, which he affected to leave with erected at the public expense, and she herself’ the people, he prescribed rules, which were to be was vested with the privilege, reckoned so highly observed in the manner of collecting the votes, honourable at Rome, that of being the parent of and in restraining corruption. Among these it three children.4 is mentioned, that he ordered, as soon as any In the beginning of the following candidate had declared himself, he should deposit U. C. 745. year Augustus again entered the city a certain sum of money, to be forfeited in case he in a kind of triumphal procession, were detected in procuring any suffrage by corC. Marcius GCesorisus, carrying his laurel to the temple of rupt means. Ce..tsirius Jupiter Ferretrius, instead of that of In respect to criminal trials, as the subject was Gallus. Jupiter Capitolinus. But he made more serious, the regulations now made by the 20ni~. 20’o, no rejoicings, alleging, that he had emperor were of more effect. In this matter, he tat. a 54. sufflred more by the death of Drusus wished to set aside the forms of the republic, than he had gailte,3 by the success of his arms. though by evasion, rather than by a formal repeaL The consuls, however, took clarge of the so-So long as the people were sovereigns of the len)nlties usual on such occasions, and among the commonwealth, it was part of the security which, 4 Dio. Cass. lib. xxxv. c. 1, 2 5 Dio. Cass.

lib. Iv. c. 5. 6 Ibid. c. 3, 4.

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438 THE PROGRESS AND TERMiNATION LBooK VI. in their collective capacity, they provided for themthe person-of the young Ciesar, who threatened selves, as individuals amenable to the laws, “that to obscure his lustre, continued to receive fresh no slave could he tortured to (ive evidence against marks of the emperor’s favour, and was consihis master.” As this law, in the present state dered as a principal support of his governnent.

of the government, might obstruct prosecutions Being placed at the head of the army on the that were instituted even for the emperor’s safety, Rhine, he had charge of the war which had it was thought necessary to find some expedient lately been committed to Drusus, his younger by which to elude its force. For this purpose it brother. But few particulars are mentioned of was enacted, that such slaves as might be wanted the campaign which followed in that quarter. in evidence against their masters should be conHe is accused, in one instance, of having violated veyed by a formal process of’ sale to the emperor, the public faith, by having seized as prisoners, and that, being in his possession, they might be and sent in chains to different parts of the Roput to the question, or cited as witnesses, even man pro”r:ces, the deputies of some German naagainst their former masters. tions, wti. came in a public. capacity to treat of This act is by Tacitus imputed to Tiberius, peace: andl ot having laid waste the country in and in either emperor was considered as a dread-the neighbourhood of’ his province. ful innovation.1 But the consideration of the The Germans, however, were probably rather emperor’s safety was supposed to be a sufficient incensed than suldued by these measures. Their excuse for any deviation that was made from the deputies, who had been made prisoners, that they forms of the republic. tnight not ble employed against their own nations In whatever degree the present emperor em-as hostages, put themselves to death; and their ployed, in defence of his person, the severity of countrymen retained the ilost vehement purpose criminal prosecutions, and the fear of the execu-of’revenge. But whatever may have been the tioner, he appears to have relied for his safety result, it is mentioned, that Augustus received more on the disguises under which he concealed from the army the title of imperator, and (rave his usurpation, and on the rmoderation and the this title likewise to Tiberius; that he put him popularity of his manners. by the respect which in nomination fobr consul on the followinur year, he afiected to pay to the senate and oflicers of and, at their return to Rome, permitted hi1m to state, he held up the forms of the republic as a make his entry into the city in triumph, while kind of shield between himself and the zealots of he himself declined the honour. the republican government. He endeavoured to Soon after the emperor’s arrival in Italy, he gain the people by his aftlabii;ty, and frequently suffered a great loss by the death of’ Mleca nas. bore with flamiliarities from persons of the lowest This event made a breach in the civil department condition. As an example of the temper with of his affairs, not less than that which the death which he endured the saucy or petulant remains of’ Arippa had made in the mrilitary. The preof military or republican freedom,2 it is mentioned, diiectio;l of this minister for learning, and the inthat being called upon to act as counsel in behalf timacy in which he lived with persons of the of a soldier who was to be tried for some crime, best a-nd most elegant accomplishments, who and having, under pretence of some other en-were rocommended to him merely by their nmerit, gagemnent, named a friend to undertake the cause: has ma.de his name proverbial among those of the I’his,” said the sollier, “is not a proper return patrolls of letters. His inclination in this matto me. In your danger I did not employ a sub-te-, if it did not form the taste of his master, stitute, but interposed myself” IHe received happiiy concurred with it, and brought him ac.with seeming indifference the reports of spies and quainted with those elegant productions of’genius informers. T’o a person of this character, who which occupy the affections, as well as the fancy; acc(used AEmilius iElianus of’ having frequently and which, in a situation otherwise likely to intraduced him; “

Prove me this,” said he, “and still prile, jealousy, and distrust of mankind, I will show AEmianus, that I too in my turn can served at once as an antidote to these evils, find faults in his character.” Tiberius having and opened the way to better dispositions. Meonce written him a warm letter, with a complaint crenas had served his prince with great fidelity, of the same kind, he bid him beware of the heats and, if not insensible to personal ambition, was of youth. ” It is enough,” he said, ” that we can at least satisfied with the elevation he hadl gained hinder people from doing us any harm;3 we may in the confidence of his prince. He retained the allow them to say what they please.” Yet in equestrian rank to which he was born, without this he did not act from contempt of the public endeavouring to accumulate the preferments or opinion; for in some instances he even conde-titles which were so much an object of ambition scended to answer accusations that were publishin the early part of this reicrn and so easy an ed against his private or public character.4 His acquisition in the latter part of’ it.5 It is observed, discretion and prudence prevented the occasions however, that he experienced, as is common, of much jealousy and resentment; and, in many some vicissitude in his master’s temper, and outparts of his reign, imitated the effects of gene-lived the high measure of favour which he enrosity and elevation of mind, if they (lid not joyed, but without any interruption of’ his duty.

amount to the real possession of these characters. As he lived, when most in favour, without any Augustus having passed the winter at Rome, plllic envy, so he escaped every public Insult returned in the spring to his former station in when supposed in disgrace. While he presented Gaul, accompanied by Caius, the elder of his the emperor with a continual model of elegrance, adopted sons, whom he now proposed to intro-ingenuity, and good temper, he took the liberty duce to the military service; and by Tiberius, to check his passions, and served him no less by who, notwithstanding the rise of’ a new light in the sincerity of his speech, than by the ah’ility of his conduct. An instance of the freedoml he tools 1 Tacit. Annal. 2 Dio. Cass. lib. Iv. c. 4. 3 Sueton. in August. c. 56. 4

Ibid. 5 Tacit. Annal. lib iii. c. 30.

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CHAP. IV.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 439 s mentioned on occasion of a trial in which Au-received by the people with applause, but discon gustus himself, according to custom, sat in judg-raged by the emperor, who reflecting, as he pre ment on some criminals of state. Mecamnas ob-tended, on the presumption of his own youth, or servinc him agitated with passion, and likely to on the necessity of the times which had brought pronounce some precipitant or cruel sentence, himself forward into this station at an improper and beinr hindered by the crowd from reaching ace, was pleased to say,’: “That he hoped never his ear, handed a billet to him, which contained again to see a time when the office of consul no moro than two words, which may be transla-must be intrusted to a person under twenty.” ted into this homely expression, hangman, be-To pacify the young man under this disappointg’one! T1’he admonition, however, had its effect, ment, he was advanced to the dignity of the priestand the elnperor adjourned the court. hood, got admission into the senate, and had a The minister left his whole estate, as was the place among the members of that body at the fashion of the ace, to the ernperor’s disposal.7 public theatre. By the successive diminutions of the list of Soon after this date Tiberius, probablly in conconfidants, oni whom Augustus reliedl for the ad-sequence of the jealousy he had nmi4istrationl of his government, the influence of U. C. 747. thus given to the emperor’s adopted Livia, and the fortunes of her son Tiberius, D. Lelimms sons, underwent a great and sudreceived a continual advancement. Balbis, den change in the state of his fore. C… Jistiusde U. C. 7-6. The latter, after he had resumed Vetus. Jm.. tunes. Upon his return from the CTiaaerdius the military habit, in his capacity 2do,, mtt. s6.camlaign on the Rhinrl he was Gm iro Adi of commander of the armies on the vested with the character of tri-.’

lprm.ius, Rhine, being to enter on the office bune of the people for five years; and, under liffS. 2lmo, of consul, was received by the se-pretence of a war likely to arise on the EupllraJEtat. 55. nate in the Curia Octavia, beyond tes, from the defection of the king of Arillenia, the walls of the city. il his ad-who was disposed to join the Parthians, lie was dress to this assembly he si)oke of the public appointed to command the armies in Syria; but works which he proposed to erect. Among these it soon after appeared, that this prefirrmlimnt and a temple of Concord, to be inscribed with his change of station were devised to conceal a speown name, j ined with that of his brother; and cies of exile or removal from the court. At his of another telmple, to be dedicated by himnself, in departure from Rome, he passed into Asia; but conjunction with his mother Livia. He gave, instead of continuing his route to his Iretended in lier naxme and in his own, upon this occasion, destination in Syria, he withdrew to the island splenldid entertainments to the senate, and to of Rhodes, where, under pretence of study, he personmis of distinc tion of cothl sexes. Havingr lived some years in retirement. vowed ant exhibition of’ public shows for the safe The real cause of this retreat of retlurn of thile emperor from his last campaign, he U. C. 748. Tiberius, whether the jealousies of ni:lde all the necessary provision for the perior!n-Imperator the young Cwsars, the nmisconduct ance of his vow; but beimg obliged to set out for C’esar 12lno. of Julia, or any other ottl. nc taken the ar.ny, he trusted the dis,:,harge of this duty P. Cornelius, by the emperor himself, was never ni~t la. with?-iso, Iris colleague in the consulate, and with RJl. 23io, known; and we are deprived of Caius, the eldest of the emperor’s sons.,:Etat. 57. any light which might have been Tinls solemnity received a great addition from thrown by Dion Cassius, on this, or the sports and entertainments which were given U. C. 749. the transactions of some of tle sucat time same time by the emperor himself, to cele-C C. Calvnilis, c(ceding years, by a manifest breach hbrate the memory of Agrippa, at the opening $Sblim s, In the text of his history.

This deL. PassaienUs of thtle portic,, of the hall, and of the pleasure-,ussss. feet is very imperfectly supplied groundils which had been bequeathed by that of-.,mg 24tmo, from Xiphilinus, Zonaras, or any fic,,r to the Roman people.8 Gladiiators were.:32tat. 58. other of the abbreviators or copiers exhibited! at first in simple pairs, afterwards in of this historian. nunmerous parties, that fiught as in real battles.. C.

750. Ill collecti g from such authors, Such was the ferocity of the Romans in the L Corniclius what is little iliore than the names choice of amusements, even after the character Lenittiliis, of consuls, which serve to mark. the of tile people ceased to be military, and when the J V t oress of lats, we learn that in,MIssala. pulic enltertainments, formerly perhaps in part. ql. SCto, tie first year after the retirement of intemdiled as nurseries for soldiers, had no lolmrer Jtat. 59. Tiberius, the emrperor himself havany other obiect than that of ministering to their ing persisted, for seventeen years pleasure. U. C. 751. preceding this date, in rejecting the imhe C’esars, Calus and Lucius, thourgh yet Impa office of orinary consul, now again too young for business of state, began to fel the’csar 13rio, accepted of it; that lie intended, in to youn for nu~i ness of state, bean to fel thC 1io spur of ambition, and were alarimed at the ad-Ab. r.;laui. this character, to solemnize the advancement of Livia’s family. Even their own tus $Silan’us, mission of his sons Claius and Lustep-fther, Tiberius, they were taught to consi-anills cius to the age of manhood;9 that Gallus. der as a rival in consideration and power. And.l ug. aato. the ceremony was accordliily perit is saidl, that, in order to keep pace with him in JEtat. 60. formed with respect to tile eldest, his aldvancement to public honours, the youngest who now assumed the ordinarv of the two brothers made application to b)e vested dress of a man, was brought into the senate, andl with the dignity of consul. The proposal was declared chief of the Romlan youth;l0
but with respect to the youngest, that it was deferred till 6 Sirgre, Carnifex. about three years afterwards, when the emperor 7 Tim samne year in which Mec~enas died pu! a period again appeared in the character of consul. likewise to the life of 1t-ormace. That of Virgil ended about ten years bmefore. Dio. Cass. lib. iv. c. 7. 8 Dio. Cass. lib. Iv. c. 8. 9

Sueton. in Octav. c. 26. 10 Zonaras, lib. x. c. 35

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440 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BooK VI. In one of the years of this period, or about the in honour of some other persons, as of his fathe: year of Rome seven hundred anld fifty-one, is Julius Cwesar, of his nephew Marcellus, of his fixed bv the vulgar computation the commence-friend Agrippa, and of his young relations now merit of our era at the birth of Christ; an event entering into manhood, and coming to the posnot calculated( to have all immediate influence on session of public honours.

the transactions of state, or to make a part in the The sports themselves, though fierce and irramaterials of political history, though destined to tional in many instances, were splendid, magniproduce, in a few aces, a great -hange in the ficent, and sometimes interesting. The presence institutions, manners, and general character of of the Roman people, in vast spaces or theatres nations. fitted up to receive them, was always awful and At this date, from the imperfect records which sublime. The precedence of rank at these enremain, we have scarcely any materials of histo-tertainments, was considered, even under the ry, besides the occurrences of the court, and the republic, as a principal object of state. The first city of Rome; the lublic entertainments that bewnhes were reserved for the senators; the next, were (riven, the occasions on which they were at certain periods, had been allotted to the equesexhibited, and the provision that was made in trian order; and the question, whether this order the capital for the subsistence and pleasure of an should be mixed with the people, or separated idle and profligrate populace. from them, made a subject at different times of The emperor having again assumed the office much dispute and contention. The female sex of ordinary consul, that he might preside at the too had their places, though at the fights of glaadmission of his younger adopted son, Lucius diators they were removed to a distance, being Caesar, to the age of manhood, continued to hold seated behind the other spectators; and from the the office no longer than was necessary for this athletic games were excluded altoLTether.3 purpose.

He exhibited ma(rnificent shows as The coarseness, nevertheless, of those public usual upon this occasion, and amon(r others, one entertainments to which the Roman women were that is mentioned probably as a novelty, a shoal still admitted; the want of any interval, in their of six-and-thirty crocodiles of uncommon size, manners, between a rigorous severity, and the turned out to he hunted or fished in the bason of other extreme of an unbounded license, had, in the circus Flaminius.l While the emperor era-many instances, the worst effect on their conduct. tified the people in their public diversions to a The emperor himself had a distressing example degree of debanuch, he mqale some attempts to re-of this effect in his own family, by the flagrant gulate the gratuitous distribution of corn, that debaucheries of his daughter Julia, who, having other principal enrgine of abuse which the Roman once quitted the reserve, and broke through the citizens, though in other reso)ects fallen from austerities of her father’s hluse, had no longer their sovereignty, still carefully retained among any restraints of decency or established propriety the relics of their democratical government. to regulate her behaviour. It was reported, that, The people of Rome, so lon!r as they could without any pretence of seduction, afttction, ol overawe the senate by their assemlblies or tumults, choice, she multiplied her paramours indefinitely, and so long as they hail ti’e disuosal of prefer-and even frequented the places of public debauch. ments and honours, bartered their suffrages for The emperor, though not supposed to be wantsports andl distributions of corn. For these too, ing in the tenderness of a parent, upon the dethey were now willing to sell their submission to tection of these disorders, proceeded against his the present establishment, andi it was undoubted-daughter more with the rigour of an offended ly more safe to have deprived them of every other magistrate, than with the reluctant severity of a prerogative, than to restrain them in these. The father. In the first transport of his passion, numbers that were accustomed to receive corn at he hastened to lay his accusation before the sethe public granaries, as we may jutlde from the nate, and obtained from this assemlbly an act of number of two hundred thousand, to which it banishment against her, by which she was rewas now proposed to reduce them, had increased moved to a small island on the coast, reduced to to an immoderate height; anti as the circum-low diet, and forbid to receive any visits; a species stance of being subsisted gratuitously, encoenraged of imprisonnlent, which became common in the idleola.s, so) the very attendance required at these sequel of this and the subsequent reigns. monthlVy distributions gave a considerable inter-Scribonia, the mother of the unhappy exile, ruption to labour. The emperor endeavoured to now arrived at a great age, and preserving in anpl somet correction to both these evils, by re-a state of separation from her husband, an unducingu the number of pensioners, and by limit-blemished reputation, gave way to the feelings ing the times of distribution to three particular of nature, and followed her child into this place terms in the year.2 But in making this attempt of retreat or imprisonment. The father too, he receive ] so many complaints, that he was upon reflection, grievously lamented his rashness, obligedl to lay aside the design. in publishing, by a reference to the senate, the A populace thus supported in idleness must scandal of his own house, and bitterly regretted likewise be amused, and they received, in this the severity by which he hail enpoisoned and particular, from their masters, whether acting rendered incurable the wounds of his own farnifrom choice or policy, not only in the first period, ly. ” If Agrippa or Mecanas had lived,” he but, in the subsequent ages of this monarchy, the was heard to say, “I should have been restrained most lavish indulgence. Bv Augustus in person, from this act of imprudence.“4 they were presented at different times with four In the sequel of this transaction, he indulged capital exhibitions, consisting of all the entertain-his resentment with less struggle against the ments in which they were known to delight, and supposed partners of his daughter’s guilt; ordered vithll three-and-twenty great festivals, s! ernnized Julius Antonius, with some other persons of 1

LDi. Cass lih. Iv. c 10. 2 Ibid 3 Sueton. in Octav. c. 44. 4 Seneca de Ben. c. 32

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CHAP. IV.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 441 high rank involved in the same charge, to be put about this time, should be sent to the command to death.

With respect to one of these crimi-of armies; Caius to that of Syria, and Lucius to nals, who happened to be vested with the cha-Spain;and these removals of the young Ctesars racter of tribune, he affected a regard to the an-from court were supposed to be devised or procient laws of the republic, and was pleased to cured by the empress Livia, because tLev made respite the execution of the sentence, until the way, in a little time afterwards, for-the recall of time of his office as tribune should expire.

Be-her son.6 inf told that Phoebe, the freed woman and con-But before any resolution taken at court in fafidant of Julia, when she heard of her mistress’s vour of Tiberius was publicly known, Caius fate, had put herself to death; “I had rather be Caesar, in his way to the east, arrived in Greece, the father of Phoebe,” he said,’!than of Julia.” attended by a numerous train of officers. At Persons who were disposed to pay their court, Chios, he received a visit from Tiberius, professever ready to seize the opportunity, took occasion ing the most submissive respect to the prince to tiatter the emperor, even on occasion of this himself, and to the officers of his court; and from painful transaction. They hastened to show thence continued his route through the province themselves in a situation like that of the prince, of’ Asia, every where received as the son of the and to offer him the consolation of fellow-sufferers, emperor.

in. the distress he endured; made complaints in The king of Parthia, upon the arrival of the the senate of the license of their daughters and young Cesar in his neighbourhood, desired to of their wives, and even raked up particulars of a have a conference with him, and they met on very obsolete date. They too brourht formal the Euphrates in a small island, each having an prosecutions, in order to obtain the interposition equal number of attendants. They afterwards of law and public authority, to restrain the dis-mutually accepted of entertainments from each orders of their children; but the emperor re-other in their respective quarters. Phraates ceived this species of courtship with indifference, agreed not to support the Armenians, in their and refused to hear any accusation, of which the defection from the alliance of the Romans, and subject had preceded a fixed and very recent Caius proceededl to take possession of their coundate.5 try, as a province of Rome. On his approach to U. C. 7)2j. We are left at a loss for the sequel Antagera, a place on the frontier of Armenia, the of this history, during the two years gates being shut against him, he presented himCasstts Corthat immediately followed; but in a. self under the walls, and while he summoned the nelias Lcn-period, of which these were the governor to surrender, was struck by an arrow tuls L. Calpturnius Piso. principal transactions, we cannot be from the battlements. The wound he received,.do:r. 27ino. surprised that the chronicle is defec-though in appearance not mortal, affected his JEtat.

61. tive, nor indeed greatly regret the health, and threw him into a state of dejection silence of a few years. and languor, in which he desired to be recalled The ordinary administration of Augustus. in from his station, and expressed his disgust to pursuing the hpolitical, civil, and mili-aflairs of state. U. C 753. tary forms, which he had established, Caius being permitted to retire from no doubt was able and successful; U.

C.‘755. his command by the emperor, who C. Cesar, but being once described, does not L..Elius was mortified to find in him a pusilL.Uo-. R
epos, adnit of repetition. The mnore in-Lamia, lanimity so unworthy of the son of L.Falius terestinfg subjects of history, trans-M. Servilius Agrippa, and of his own successor.aur. %2vo. actions that rouse the passions, and i.qr. w30mo. was carried to the coast in a litter,.tuat. 62.

keep in suspense the expectations,.;tat. 64.’ and there embarked for Italy; but the hopes, and the fears of men, were having on his way lput into a port of in this reigrn most carefully avoided. A powerful Lycia, he died at Lymira in that province. army was stationed on the Rhine, to keep the Lucius, the other grandson of Augustus, by peace of that frontier.

Even the court was lull-his daughter Julia, died some time before at ed into perfect’ tranquillity by the want of any Marseilles, in his way to Spain; and these deaths competition for the emperor’s favour. This point happening so opportunely for the f;ailmily of Livia, being fully decided, by the place which was oc-laid this designing woman under suspicion of cupied( by the Cesars, Caius and Lucius; their havina been active in procuring them. The supposed rival Tiberius, who had been sacrificed bodies of the deceased were borne through the to their jealousy, still remained in his exile at provinces by officers of rank, and by the princiRhodes. pal inhabitants, to be entered at Rome. Their The defection of Armenia from the alliance shields and lances, richly adorned with gold, of the Romans to that of the Parthians, the oc-being gifts made to them by the equestrian order, casion upon which it had been pretended that when they were admitted to the age of manhood, Tiberius was destined to command in Asia, still were hung up as monuments in the hall of the subsisted; but the cominan(l of the senate.7 U. C. 754. armies in that part of the worldt About this time, the third perio(l of ten years, P. Vinucius with the charge of recovering the for which Augustus had accepted of the govern-.aris. kingdom of Armenia to its former ment, beine expired, he went through the form’ * 2.eo. state of dependance on Roune, was of laying down, and re-assuming his power..Jtat. 63. committed to Caius Caesar, now first The people, at one of the entertainments in the favour oT the emperor, and which were given on this occasion, having aphiahest in the expectations of the people. plied to the emperor an applauded passage of It was thought proper, that both the brothers, 6 Vell. Pater. lib. ii. c.

103. 7 Zonaras, lib. x. c. 36. Veil. Pater. lib. ii. c. 102 5 Dio. Cass.

lib. Iv. c. 1 103. Dio. Cass. lib. Iv. c. 11, 12. 3K

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442 THE PROGRESS ANE I’ERMINATION [BOOK VI. some poet, with the title of “lord or master,” he seat; but the greater number, eitner fearing to gave siclns of’lisIleasure, and, on the followaing be marked out as disafiected to the presenlt goday, putllished a severe edict, forblidding the title vernment, or willing to partake in the bounty of ” master” being given to himl bv ally person, of’ Csar, who, in many instances, repaired the or upon any occasion whatever.l ” My name is fortunes of s( nators that were gone to d(tcay, Caesar,” he said, “and not master.”’ still continued to hold their places, and aflicted A uaustus w as now in the decline of life, had zeal for the formns on which Augustus was [)leased survived his principal confidants and friends, to rest his authority. his ne ),hew and gr:in(cthildren, on whom he had In this and other instances, it is instructive to rested his ho.pes. He had been recently dishonour-observe with what care this sovereign of the cmed in the cond(uct of his daughter, and had bound pire endeavoured to flatter the vanity of Roman hims’lqI 1)i a formal act of the senate, to persist citizens, ant( to preserve the distinction of ranks, in the riiour of his treatirent towards her. In while in realitv his policy was calculated to reo these circumstances, it was thought that inter-move all dlistinctions, to reifler all ranks equally cessions in fivour of.a child must be flatterins to lependant on himself; or, if any distinction were the ftathtler, and many applications were a(ccord-sulTfired to remain, tended ir, the sequel, or under inlxv 1-lad(e inl her bellalf; but he remained inex-hli successors, to lender the most honourabie orable, andl e inr luided entirely by the in-condlitions the least secure. fluenee of livia, cvast himself upon her family as Aurustus had returns made of all the most alast res-.sorM. Under these circumstances, and respectable finrliles in Italy, and of those who from thle yalproach of o1(1 age, he was observed to had a proplertv of aabove two hundred sestertia.4 lanruisli, aInd to lose much of his former vivacity. He laid great restraints on the manumission of itiberius lad been recalled to Rome soon after slaves; a practice by which lie alleged, that the the de,rnlture, and before the death of the two privileges of Romans were rashly p)rostituted Czes:-rs. Upon this last event, he was adopted to the refuse of all nations, and to the nirlanest by the emn}ecror; but on condition, tliathe hini-or(ler of men. T’he Lex 2Elia Sentia, w;hich self, tilhnmh a falther, havin(r a son a(lrel(1y men-took its name from one of the consuls of this tioned of the name of Drusus, by his first wife year, had, for its object, the refobrmation of this Vi;saa:l, i shIouidt nevertleless x((loldt Germmanicus abuse. Bv this law was fixed the ap(e at which Cmsar, the son of his brother, who being elder a imaster should have the power of setting his than hi. own son, was inttl(ded to have the advan-slave at liberty, and the age of the slave at which tagre of senioritv in all their future pretensions. he miTht be set free, together with the n:utual This successor to Agrippa anld lis rights and privileges of the patron or firmer U. C. 7 (;. fitrily, heingr now the adopted son mIlaster, and of the freed man, or emancipated Sczt..;lias of’

Atrustus, and heir am)parent of slave.5 Caltu, lis fortunes, had every where a As the present government began to have C. Setvi,~s numerous attendance of persons who proscription, as well as expediency on its side, Satutrmas. wisherd to pay their court. Being every attempt on the emperor’s life had the crinli-.,tat.im5. a)ia)mialted to his former station, at rnality of’ treason, and must have been condemlnthe head of the armies on the Rhine, ed upon every consideration which established his pros(reiss througrh the provinlces to that fron-monarchy can sugoest.

WThoever made such tier, was marnked b the multitudes who floclied an attempt rmiht be considered as a d(angerous fiomt all quarters to receive him. In his first,and ill-advised assassin, who attacked the comcanlpaig;i he penetrated to the WVeser, and over-nunity itself in the person of its sovereign, and ran all the nations of that neigrhl)bourhood..’ wlhose crime, in that particular inlstance, tended The empleror, relyingr up0on his newly adopted to involve the world anew in anarchy aind bloodson for the conduct of the war on thle Rhine, shed. remained at Rome, where he was employed The privileges or pretensions of citizens, under chiefly in reformningr the senate, and in rebmuilhing the republic, were lon(g since efiiced. Lut a very the palace which had been lately consumed by few were left who had enjoxed, or even could fire. In the last of these works, he had ofiers of remember the existence of them; yet,rivate assistanrce froml many of the senators, and from resentment, or the remains of repuh!i:nl z(eal, persons of his court, who brought him consider-and the supposed right of every personl to repel able sumns in the way of voluntary contributions. usurpations, had produced some attempts of this Being unwillirg, however, to let the burden thus sort durinlg the present reign.

Even in this fall entirely upon persons the most attached to advanced period of it, a conspiracy was detected, himself; lie laid a tax of twenty-five denatii on in which Cornelius Cinna, a grndson of’ Poit)meach corporation, and a capitation of one dena-pey, and descendled of that Cinna, who, together rius on each private person; and having from with Caius Marius, was once at the headti of the this fund rebuilt the palace, which had hitherto polpular faction, f-)rmed a (lesion to slplpre7ss the been accounted a private property, he declared it present usurpation of Cesar, and to r S,ore the fr the future a public edifice, destined as a moan-republic, in which his ancestors had m1ade so sion for the supreme commiander of the army, conspicuous a figure. and head of the empllire.3

Augustus was greatly perplexed on thle disco-‘ren commllissioners being al)pointel to inspect very of this plot; and havimnr alreadl, onl like the rolls of the senate, and to restore its dignity, occasions, exhausted the ineans of severitv, was the first measure proposed for this purpose was now, it is said(, persuaded by Livia to try the to take away all appearance of constraint, and eftects of clenency, and of a generous colfito leave every member at liberty to resirgn his dence. “This conduct,” she ollserverd, “would tend to disarnl his enemies, and would interest 1 Orosimls, lib. vi. fine. 2 Vell. Pater. lib. ii. c. 104. 2 Dio.

Cass. lib. Iv. c.‘I,2 13. 4 About 16001. 5 Die. Ca-s. lib. Iv. c. 13.

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CHAP. IV.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 443 numbers in his preservation by the ties of affec-dignity of a vestal which was wont to be so tion and gratitude.” much desired by the most honourable families at The emperor, being accordingly prevailed on Rome, ceased to be in request, it was decreed, to take this course, ordered that the conspirator that all the questors of any preceding year should should be introduced to his presence, gave him cast lots for the office of wdile; and that the to understand, that his guilt was discovered, and rules restricting the choice of vestals to persons his accomplices known, remonstrated against an of the most noble extraction, should now be conattempt so ungenerous and unprovoked, but re-siderably relaxed, or dispensed with; so that’

lieved the young man of his fears, by assuring women, even descended irom enfranchised slaves, him of pardon, and of every other species of might be admitted into this order: a very unprotection for the future. In these assurances likely way to engage persons of superior rank to he even went beyond what mere clemency re-adopt it. quired, affected to upbraid the author of a design This year Agrippa Posthumus came of age, on his own life with false modesty, in not de-and assumed the dress of manhood; hut, though mandingr the howours to which he was justly adoplted, as his elider brothers had been, into the entitled by his birth; and concluded with saying, frnily of the emperor, lie appears not to have That, as he trusted they were from hencefor-been thought worthy to replace them; and being ward to be friends, he should be glad to receive obscured by the riper age and superior favour his applications in any matter by which he could of Tiberius, he passed through this ceremnony contribute to his advancement or interest; and, with fewer demonstrations of consideration or in the mean time, named him for consul at the respect from the people than had been paid to next succession to this dignity. his brothers. In this year are dated, among The public was alarmed with earthquakes U. C. %57. other measures, some regulations and inundations of rivers, which, however de-.

C ius which were made by the emperor structive, were considered more as the presages Cinna for the better government of the of future calamities than as present evils, and Mag. lus. army; and, what was scarcely less their significance in that point of view was conL. Valerius, important in the opinion of the firmred by a famine, which imniediately followed.Jlessalla times, for the conduct of entertain-or accompanied these events. The inund(ation Volus7sd. ments in the public theatres. The of the Tiber had overflowed the city for many.Etat. 6. military establishment consisted of days, so as to make it necessary to pass through six-and-twenty le(rions, 6 with nine the streets in boats. The markets could not be or ten prmtorian bands, composed of a thousand supplied; and this circumstance, joined to a real men each. Auirustus, to restore the honours of scarcity, which kept up the prices alter the inunthe military character, had, from the beginning dation subsided, occasioned a dearth which lasted of his reign, made it a rule to exclude from his for some years. armies, as much as possible, all emancipated During this time of distress, it slaves. This exclusion, to( ther with somne re-U. C. 58. being thought impossible to uind the formations which diminished the profits formerly usual supply of provisions, it was enjoyed by military imen, rendered it extremely al. i:mnilius judged necessary to lessen the usual itfficult, upon any sudden emergency, to corn-Iepidus, consunlption; and for this purpose plete the legions. Augustus found himself L. ASruti’ts, all gladiators.l0 all slaves kept o)r olliTed to increase his bounty in order to recruit ca Kal. ul. sale, and all ioreiTners, except phythe army; but instead of giving more to those Ctas Vibius. sicians and eruslic teaclers, were who enlisted, or increasing his levy-monev, he Aug. 33tio, ordered to be removed a hundred chose to engage them by the hope of future.tat. 67. miles from the city.I Even the advanta(ges, to be reaped after certain periodsof servants and attendants of the dutiful service. In the praetorian bands, he made court were dismissed in great nunlbers, and a i regulation, that, after sixteen years’ service, the vacation was proclaimed in the courts of justice, veteran should be entitled to his dismission, and in or(ler that as mlany as could possibly be spared a premium of twenty thousand sesterces.7 In fiom the city should depart. The attendlance of the legions, after twelve years’ service, that he senators was dispensedl with, and the law requirshould be entitled to twelve thousand sesterces; ing the presence of ctrtain numbers of that body and, as a fund for these payments, it is probable to give validity to their acts as as sullendl d. that the tax of a twentieth on all legacies be-CoqWmissioners were namled to inspct the niarqueathed to strangers, heirs of choice, or to kets. All fehasting, on the birth-day of the distant relations, was imposed about this time.

emperor, or on other days of rejoicing, was proThis tax did not extend to the inheritance of hibited; and persons, wont to receive any part the ordinary heir at law, nor to legacies9 made of their subsistence in corn from the putlic grato the poor, or to persons in indigent circum-naries, had double the usual quantity served out stanc.es. to theni. Writh respect to the public entertainments, Notwithstanding these measures taken for the fresh regulations were made to keep places in relief of the people, their discontenlts breaking the circus for senators and knights, apart from forth in libels and seditious cotmpllaints, rewards the coimmons, or lower class of the people. were publishedi for discovering the autlhors, and It being observed, that the office of aidile, some being detected, were broufght to trial, anrid which formerly included the care of all public punished.la entertainments, was avoided; and that even the The emperor now willing, from the decline of his age, to be relieved of part of the ordlinary 6 Dio. Cass. lib. Iv. c. 23. Tacit. Annal. lib. iv. c. 5. 7

About t160. 8 About 1001. 10 Dio. Cass. lib Iv. c. 22. 11 Sueton. in Aug.

c’ 42. 9 Dio. Cass. iib. Iv. c. 24. 12 Dio. Cass. lib. Iv. c. 26.

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444 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [Book V1. business of state, intrusted the receiving of They entered Macedonia without opposition. foreign ambassadors to three persons whom he and with fire and sword laid waste all the poschose from the senate. At the same time he sessions and settlements of the Ronlans in that himself, with his ordinary council, continued to province.3 deliberate on all questions which arose relating to Such was the beginning of a war with the the internal government of the empire. He apbarbarous nations of the northern pears to have committed himself, without any U. C. 760. and eastern frontier of the empire, prospect of change, to the influence of Livia M. Furius which, during soie ares, was, aA and her family; and, to confirm him in this dis-Camitlus, intervals, interrupted and resumed, position, had frequent visits from Tiberius, who, Sext. VbonitLs often put Italy itself uponl the though generally stationed on the frontier of the aeuntelianus. defensive, was alwavs fornlidable, empire, carefully attended to the state of his Itt.

35ato. anti at last fatal to the sovereignty interests at Rome, as they stood both with the t 69 of Rome. emperor and with the people. The Romans.

by the continual lahours of In the tide which was thus turned in favour seven centuries, had made their way from the of the Claudian family, the surviving Agrippa Tiber to the Rhine and the Danul’te, through seemed to form an insurmountable bar; but this the territory of warlike hordes who opptosed young man, being of a rude and brutal disposi-them, and over forests and rugged ways that tion, gave his antagonist every advantage in their were every where to be cleared at the expense supposed competition.

Having, about this time, of their labour and their blood: but the ways given some flagrant proof of this character in they had made to reach their enemies were now his behaviour to Livia, and even to the emperor open, in their turns, for enemies to reach them. himself, he was degraded from his place in the The ample resources which they had formed by family of Cwesar, and sent, under a military their cultivation increased the temptation to guar(l, to the island of Planasia, near to Corsica, invade them, and facilitated all the means of where he remained a prisoner during the re-making war upon their country. By reducing mainder of this reign.l the inhabitants of their provinces, in every part, From the disgrace of Agrippa Posthumus, to pacific subjects, they brought the defence of it was no longer doubtful that Tiberius was des-the empire to depend on a few professional soltined( to inherit the fortunes and power of Au-diers who composed the legions. gustus. He alone was entrusted wherever Under apprehension of these circumstances, great armies were to be assembled, and was Augustus was heard to say, cn the employed in every service that was likely to end U. C. 761. present occasion, that if’ preler with lustre. Troubles on the frontier of Asia measures were not speedily talkeri or Africa were entrusted to other hands; but Q. S8upicius for the defence of italy, an eisnemy the harder struggle with the Germans, Dalma-Cameringes, from the Danube and the Rhine tians, and other fierce nations of Europe, was Sabius ec might, in ten days, le seen fro(nl committed to him. After having penetrated, in IKal Jul. the battlements of Rome. iNew his last campaign, to the Weser and the Elbe,2.M. Papius levies were accordingly made, and he was called off to support his nepihew and(l MUtil s, the order not to enlist emancipated adopted son Germanicus, who, commanding the Qcund s. slaves was suspended. The vetearmy on the side of Dalmatia, found hinlself too.Ag. 3jto. rans, who had been discharged weak to execute the service on which he had..2tat. 70. from the legions, were again orderbeen employed. ed to repair to their colours; and The provinces east of the Hadriatic, and from citizens of every condition were required to furthence probably to the Danube, nish, in proportion to their estates or possessions, U. C. 759. had formed the plan of at general certain quotas of men for the service. A. Licinlius revolt. It was reported, at this While the people, under so many symptoms J.Nerva +.,lia-time, that those nations could as-of trepidation, were made sensible of their danrts., Q. Ceci-semble eight hundred thousand ger, Augustus seems to have thought it a proper CLretics.teas men, and that they had two hun-opportunity to renew the part he had often acted Creticus. dto red thousand foot properly armed, in recommending population and marriage. He J.Etat. 68. with nine thousand horse. Being called together, in separate assemblies, first the so powerful in point of.numbers, married who had families of children, afterwards they were enabled to divide their strength, and the barren and the unmarried; and finding the to carry on operations, at the same time, in dif-superiority of numbers on the side of the latter, ferent places. They destined one part of their expressed his concern in a public address to the force to invade Italy, by Tergeste and Nau-people; enlarged on the consequences of populaportus; another to take possession of Macedonia; tion to the safety and prosperity of the commonand a third to defend their own possessions at wealth; revived the marriage-laws, and, by an home. Thev had now joined to their own ferocity act which took its name from Papius and Popa considerable knowledge of the discipline and peus,4 consuls of this year, gave additional reformls of the Roman legion, and conducted their wards to the married, and laid new penalties on present design with so much address as to escape celibacy, with a considerable premiunl to the observation until it was ripe for execution. They prosecutor by whom any person should be congave the first intimation of their hostile inten-victed of this oflfnce. tions by a general massacre of the Romans, Before these regulations should be enforced, a who, as provincial officers or traders, were settled year was allowed to the unmarried to chanlge in the country, and cut off all the military posts their condition; and the rigour of former laws,5 which had been advanced to protect them. 3 Velleius Paterculus, lib. ii. c. 110. I Dio. Cass. lib. Iv. c. 32. 2 Ibid. c. a’ -30. 4 Lex Papia Pcpp.aa. 5 Lex Voconia.

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CHAP. IV.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. t44,5 respecting the inheritance of women, which had selves, with their children, into the flaines.19 hitherto been restricted to a hundred thousand Bato soon after surrendered himself; and Itlsesterces,8 was considerably abated. Females ing asked, what temnpted him to make war uplto were allowed to inherit a larger sum; and, the the Romans? made answer, ” You affect to treat better to testify the homage that was paid to fe-every nation as your flocks and your property; male virtue, the vestals were admitted to partake but you intrust the care of them to ravenous in the privilege of Roman parents having three wolves, not to shepherds and their dogs.” 11 children.7 At the close of the war, the title of imperator, In the mean time, great efforts were made to with the triumphal ornaments. were decreed to keep the enemy at a distance, and to fix the seat Tiberius, and to his adopted son Germanicus;l2 of the war in their own country. Tiberius ad-but in the midst of the rejoicings which were vanced for this purpose into Dalmatia, and the made on this occasion, accounts of a different naemperor himself set out for Ariminum, that he ture were received from the Rhine. might be nearer the scene of operation to receive The Romans, wishing to command the pasreports, to profit by intelligence, and to give his sage of the river, had occupied, as has been obdirections. He had, for some time, empowered the served, some country, and fortified some stations senate to continue their proceedings in his ab-on the German side. By this disposition it was sence; as he ceased to attend the comitia or intended, in case the Germans should attempt a assemblies of the people, he made free with their descent upon Gaul, that part of the RoWan army privileges; and, under pretence of disorders occa-should be so placed as to remain in their rear. sioned Iby the elections, took upon himself the And indeed while they kept possession of the nomination of magistrates, or signified his choice navigation of the river, and of both its banks, to the tribes by a writ of recommendation. Public they, in some measure, rendered every such atprayers were now offered for his preservation; tempt impracticable. In consequence of this disand at his departure Trom the city, as if he were position, the Germans had, for some time, discongoing on a service of great danger to his person, tinued the practice of making incursions into many vows were made, and sacrifices destined to Gaul. They were become familiar with the be offered up in case of his safe return.8 Roman army that was stationed in their country, Although the force of the empire was not yet exchanged commodities with the Roman traders, fallen so low as to justify so much apprehension, and began to imitate their manners. the alarm nevertheless continued for three vears.9 Such was the state of the nations situated beTiberius upon his arrival in Dalmatia, found tween the Rhine and the Weser, when Quinctithe barbarians, who had invaded that country, lius Varus, who had been left by Tiberius in the commanded by two leaders of the names of Bato command of the G-erman frontier, began to conand Pinetes. He formed his own army into sider the natives of the country around hlim, as three divisions, commanded by Germanicus, Syl-ripe for the ordinary impositions which the Itovanus Lepidus, and himself.

By this disposition mans laid on their subjects, and made some exhe began his operations in three different quar-actions for the supply of his army. ters at once. Some chiefs or leaders of the neighbourhood, In the service which was committed to Sylva-particularly Segimerus, prince of the Chatti, and nus Lepidus, he met with little re-his son Armenius, had observed, with indignaU. C. 762. sistance. Where he himself comtion, these encroachments of the Roman general, manded, the Rornans were long and the gradual decline of their country into a P. Cornelius detained in the blockade of a castle, Roman province. Being at the head of a powerC.

Junai s zi which being built on a rock, was ful canton, and much respected by all the nations lanus, ex. rendered inaccessible by the height of that quarter, they entered into a concert to Kal. Jul. of its situation, and by the depths of cut off all the Romans that were posted on the Ser. Corne-the glens and gulleys that were German side of the Rhine; and to restore the.sug. 377ao. formed by the torrents with which independence of their people. They concealed./tat. 71. it was surrounded. Bato had taken their design by redoubling their attention to the post in this place with a numerous Roman general; took their residence in his quarbody of his countrymen; and being provided ters, and applied to him for decision in all the with necessaries, endeavoured to tire out the ene-disputes which arose among the natives; made my. But he hilnself, in the end, being weary of him acquainted with the weaknesses and the his inactive and hopeless situation, found means strengths of their country, and served him as to escape, and left the remains of’ his countrymen, guides in conducting the marches, and in fixing worn out with want and impatience, to surrender the stations of his army. at discretion. While, by these artifices, Segimerus and ArWhere Germanicus commanded, the enemy minius lulled the Roman general into perfect had taken refuge in Anduba, a fortress similarly security, they had their followers ready to assemsituated with the former; but which, after re-ble under arms, and brought all the chieftains of peated attacks, was at last put into his hands by their neighbourhood under engagements to join the dissension of the barbarians who defended it. them, as soon as their design should be ripe for These, having(
quarrelled, turned their swords execution. They proposed to draw the Roman mutually against each other. One of the parties general into a situation in which he could be atset the quarters of their antagonists on fire, and tacked with advantage, while they themselves, both fell an easy prey to their enemies. Many without giving him any alarm, should have a of the women, to avoid captivity, threw them-pretence for advancing towards him with all their forces. 6 About 8001. 7 Dio. Cass. lib. Iv. c. 1, 2. 10. 10

Dio. Cass. lib. lvi. c. 12. 11, 15. 8 Ibid. c. 34. 9 Vell. Pater. lib. ii.

c. 114 11 Ibid. lib. Iv. c. 56. 12 Ibid. lib. lvi. c. 17

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446 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK V1. To effect both these purposes, they procured I the fears of the people. A proclamation was an insurrection of some of the cantons over issued to suspend the changes usually made in which Seerimerus claimed a supremacy, and ir-the provincial appointnlents, and requiring every plored the assistance of the Roman army in sup-officer to continue ill his present conlmnand until pressing the revolt. Varus, apprehending that express orders were given to the contrary.‘ihe the safety of the Romans, in all their possessions sacred records were consulted, to find what relibeyond the Rhine, depended on the support he gious processions or ceremonies had lbeen pershould give to their allies, put his army in motion fbrmed on the invasion of the Cimtbri, and on the to queli this pretended rebellion, and adevaunced breaking out of the vMarsic war, and to,;:,,le through difficult ways into the interior parts of rites were now to be repeated. The emperor put the country. On this march he was attended by on mourningnndl for some nimonths carried in his Segilmerus and Arminius, and supplied with loolks, and in the neglect of his person, every apevery requisite to promote the service, or to en-pearance of distress.l It was given out thiat, in sure its success. These chiefs had( assembled the first transport of grief, he struck his head on their forces, and brought forth the inhabitants of the wall of his chamber. The Germanis and the neighbouring country, under pretence of Gauls that were at Rome, were secured and sent acting as irregulars to cover the march of the into the islands on the coasts of Italy. All citiRomin legions. In performing this service, they zens were ordered to arm. and many disappeared perva’dd the marshes and woods in his front, on friom the streets, to avoid being pressed to serve his flanks, antd his rear, and had actually sur-in tie legions. roundedl him, when he came upon the ground on There remained a great army on the establishwhic.h1 they proposed to make their attack. ment of the empalire; but this army being dispersed HeTre the forests and marshes were extensive over an extensive frontier in Asia and Africa, it andl imnpassable, except by a single tract. The was not supposed that a sufficient force could be Romltns were crowded together, and entangledt brought from thence in time to protect the capiwith their barggage; and being in this condlition tal against an enemy who was believed to be attac;kied from every quarter at once, were unable hastening to its gates. Very violent means were to resist or to escape. Varus succeeded in gain-therefore employed to form an army in Italy, and ing an oi)e(nina which appeared at some distance men were forceed under arms by the terror of miliin the woods; and there, with nas many as could tary execution. The forces which were brought follow hitn, attem!)ted to intrench himnself; but in this rmanner to the emperor’s standard were the greater part of the army fell by the hands of placed under the command of Tiberius; and, as the enemy. At night, seeing no hopes of a re-fast as they could be put into a regular form, betreat, the general himself fell upon his own gan to move towards Gaul. swordl, and by his example induced many officers In these measures the Romans acted more and so!diers to employ the same means of avoid-from their own fears, than from a just apl)reheningr the cruelties or insults to which they were sion of what was to be expected from the enemy. expose(d. The most active and vigorous conquerors can A few having found means to retire under seldom act up to the fears of those they have vancover of the night, made their way to the Rhine. quished; and the Germans, on this occasion, Here they were received by a party sent upon content with having freed their own country the first news of their disaster by Asprenas from from the presence of a Roman army, made nc Gaul, to favour their retreat.

attempt to pursue their victory, and remained It had been concerted by the Germans, that on quiet in their own possessions.2 the same day every Roman post in their country In the following summer Tibeshould be attacked.

Lucius Ceditius, who con-U. C. 763. rius and Germanicus, to recover the manded at Aliso, now supposed to be Elsemberfg, credit of the Roman arms, having beinr surrounded by superior numbers, forced his Lilius passed the Rhine, laid waste the way through the enemy, anmd, under the greatest F.

Statilius adjacent country, but not meeting distresses, arrived on the Rhine. All the other Taurus, with an enemy, returned without posts were forced, and the troops who had occu-ex Kal. Jul. having given occasion to any signal pied them taken or killed. Among the former,. Cassius event.

They supposed that the Caldus, an officer of rank, being a prisoner and.

38. natives were retired from the fronin irons, upon some insult that was offered to.iEtat. 72. tier, in order to tempt them to folhim, struck himself on the head with his chains, low into the forests of that imperand expired. vious country, and to engage them in difficult The Romans, on this occasion, lost three entire situations. But having done enough to enable legions, or about eighteen thousand foot, and a the capital to recover from its panic, they brought considerable body of horse. Asprenas having back in autumn the Roman army into Gaul, remained on the German side of the Rhine only and from thence themselves returned into Italy.

until he had collected the remains of the Roman In this year Drusus, the son of army which had escaped from this calamity, U. C. 763. Tiberius, acted in the capacity of withdrew into Gaul, and made dispositions to RAug. 38ao. quaestor; sixteen praetors were emprevent any commotions in that province. E.tat. 72. ployed. In the year following, the The first accounts of this disaster were renumber of these magistrates was ceived at Rome with the highest degree of con-reduced to twelve. It being allegedl that goversternation. The victorious enemy having cut nors of provinces, to preclude the complaints off what was considered as the strength of the which were often made against them upon their empire on the Rhine, were supposed to be fol-removal, extorted attestations and complimentary lowing at the heels of the messenger who brought the news.

Guards were posted in different quar-I Sueton. in Octav. c. 23. ters of the city to prevent disorders, and to quiet | 2 Dio. Cass. lib. lvi. c.

23, 24.

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CHAP. IV.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 447 addresses from the people they had oppressed, it Of these pastimes some were probably the was enacted, that no governor should receive any amusements of the emperor’s old age, and markhonorary gift or attestation from his province, ed the decline of life. In his more vigorous during the continuance of his power, nor sooner years, we may suppose him to have been suffithan six months after his return to Rome. ciently occupied with the business of state, and Tile age of the emperor now led men to think with the attention which he gave in person to of his successor; and predictions of his death every question that arose in the government of were surmised abroad. This probably gave so extensive an empire. Every transaction was oc asion to the edict which forbade soothsayers still communicated to him, and despDatched in his to utter predictions relating to the life of any name; but from the symptoms which he gave person whatever. Among the circumstances -of an inclination to retire from affiirs, it is prothat characterise the manners of the times, it is bable that his application was greatly albated. So said, that Roman knights, or citizens of quality, long as he was accustomed to attend the senate had pernission to exhibit themselves as gladia-in,person, he generally received(, on the days of tors.3 their meeting, the compliments of the memribers Tiberius, at his retlftn to Rome, at his own house or in the forum; from thence U. C. 764. after the noted services he had per-was conducted by then to the place of assembly, ac7mLanicus formed on the Save and the Rhine, and, before they proceeded to business, commonly cesar, had a triumphal entry. In ascend-went round a circle of those who were present, C. Fouteius ing the capitol he dismounted from and spoke somewhat obliging to each. This Cap fo0, h crent Kr Cil. Jul. his carriage, and threw himself at particular is mentioned, as a proof of his affabiC.

FVesellius the feet of the emperor, who stood lity and condescension; but was in reality the Varro. in the way to receive him.4 After highest cirpcumstarnce of state which he ever as-.Aug. 390o. the procession was over, ghows were sumned. As a private person, in the vigour of..Etat. 73.

exhibited by Germanicus, in which life, he suffered himself to be treated as an equal, *two hundred lions were hunted down; and a and made one at the entertainments and parties portico which Livia had erected to the memory of pleasure that were made by his friends; but of Caius and Lucius Caesar, being dedicated in the decline of life, as he withdrew from tLe about this time, served to increase the solem-senate, so he desired to be excused from recei ing nitv. the visits of the members, or even of his private Of the Claudain family, on whom the sove-fiiendls; and, under pretence of beineg mnuch reign power seemed already to devolve, Germa-occuplied with the troubles which still subsisted nicus, the grandson of Livia by Drusus, the on the frontiers of the emplTire, he declined ioing younger of her sons, was most in favour with into company upon any occasion whatever.7 the people. He was recommended by an ap-While the emperor thus, in a pearance of openness an(l candour in his man-U. C.

765. great measure, withdrew fi’cm the ners, and by the facility with which he engaged, C. Silius, public view, the fourth perimod of accordintr to the custom of the ancient republic, L. IFuatius ten years, for which he had acceptin tile defence of his clients, and in pleading A.dr. 40mo. e(
of the government, being about their causes, whether before the emperor himself; mati. 74. to expire, he again resunled his or before the ordinary judges. Tiberius, on the command with the usual forms, contrary, seemed to be of a dark and suspicious prolonged the tribunitian power in the person temper, and was supposed to cover, under the of Tiberius for other five years, and permitted appearances of moderation, which he studied to his son Drusus from being qumestor, to be enterpreserve in public and in presence of the empe-ed on the list of consuls without passing through ror, a jealous and cruel disposition. But Livia, the rank of praetor. who, in the present period of her husband’s life, Augustus, in entering upon this new period had the entire government of him, preferred her of his government, in which he was no longer son to her grandson, and employed all her influ-to attend the senate in person, received from this ence to make the choice of a successor fall on body, by a formal act, full powers, with the adTiberius. vice of his ordinary council, to determine all The emperor, in the mean time, pleased with questions of state, and, with the concurrence of the respite from trouble which these delegates his adopted children, to enact laws of equal of his power endeavoured to procure for him, authority with those he had formerly passed in reposed himself much on their care, and was the senate. These powers he had already expleased to be supplied with every change of ercised; and we miay suppose them to have been amusement or pleasure for which it was known thus formally conferred upon him, chiefly that that he had any relish.5 He was attended by it might be made to appear how far the family agreeable women, musicians, comedians, and of Livia, now included in the same act, were even declaimers on favourite topics in philosophy, raised to an avowed participation of the imperial who made a part of the scene at the close of his authority. ordinary meals. At his entertainments he The first consultations of this new legislature treated the guests with presents of dresses, trin-were employed on the subject of the penal laws, kets, or money, and amused them with lotteries, which having remained without any considerable in which they had chances that entitled them to change from the times of the republic, were still, prizes of different values, or with auctions of in respect to the forms of trial, better calculated pictures, in which the back of the picture being to protect the subject than to gratify the pasturned to the company, they bid upon chance.6 sions of the sovereign. Banishtnent, by which, under the republic, criminals were at liberty to 3 Veil. Pater. lib. ii. c. 120. Dio. Cass. lib. Ivi. c. 25.

evade any sentence, and wlich, in reality, had 4 Simeton. quoted by Piso.

5 Suetvn. in August. c. 71. 6 Ibid. c. 74, 75. 7 Dio. Cass. lib. lvi. c.

26.

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448 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BooK V1. nothing grievous besides the circumstance of to accompany him on the road to Beneventum their being obliged to travel from Rome, and to They went to Astura vland; but as Augustus, forego city preferments and honours, was, by a when the wind was favourable, always preferred regulation now made, rendered more severe, and going by water, they embarked at this place, and not suffered to remain, as the courtiers termed steered for the coast of Campania. On their them, a mere elusion of justice. Under a sen-passage, Augustus was seized with a dysentery, tence of banishment, by this regulation, the exile but continued, as on a party of pleasure, to visit was no longer at liberty to choose the place of the diferent islands in the bay of Naples.

At his retreat, nor suffered to retain his effects. He Caprti he passed some days with uncommon might reside in any island surrounded by fifty gayety, and without appearing to suffer much miles of sea, and in some islands which were from his distemper. At Naples he attended the mentioned, as Cos, Rhodes, Lesbos, and Sar-public sports which were given upon his arrival. dinia, though less remote; but he was entirely From thence he continued his route to Benevendebarred from the continent. He was allowed tumr where Tiberius, being to embark at Brunto retain of his estate, if it amounted to so much, dusium, took his leave, and the emperor set out five hundred thousand sesterces,l and might on his return to Rome.

But finding his strength have a ship of a thousand amphora,2 and two decline on a sudden, he halted at Nola, a place boats with twenty servants or slaves; but was in which his fanlily had originally some Fpossesnot at liberty to pass from one island to another, sions, and at which his father died. Flrcom the nor to change the place of his abode. time of his arrival at this place he refused to So far the transition from the jealousy of the listen to any business.s On the morning of the citizen against the severities of government, lith of August, he asked if his illness had which is a part in the spirit of liberty, to the caused any tumults or insurrections, called for jealousy of the prince against the license of his a mirror, and desired to be dressed. He said to subjects, which equally belongs to monarchy, those who attended him, “What think vou was abundantly mild; but even this law, under now? Have I acted my part properly’” then the prospect of its immediate application, gave repeated the form with which actors commonly weight to the chains with which every citizen end the representation of a play, desiring the already felt himself loaded. The subjects of audience, that if the piece was to their liking prosecution that were likely to draw the animad-they should applaud.6 “I found,” he said, “a version of a despotic court, were not injuries city of brick, and changed it into marble.” Ir. to society and offences to human nature, which this he alluded to his policy in the state, as well the ingenuous ever wish to shun, as well as to as to his buildings at Rome. restrain; but rather want of submission or reAugustus died at three in the afternoon of the spect, libels, petulant freedoms, and even merit eighteenth of August, in the seventy-sixth year itself, if such as to excite the jealousy of supe-of his age. His body was transported from riors. The new law, indeed, by the directions Nola to Boville, carried by the magistrates of the contained in it to take cognizance of libels and several towns on the route. They moved in the defamatory publications, under the denomination night, and halted by day, to avoid the heat of of treason, seemed to point chiefly at this species the season. At Bovillae it was received and carof guilt; but it was not the law itself; so much ried forward to Rome, by a numerous company as the arbitrary application of it, that was likely of the equestrian order. to deprive every Roman of that degree of secuThe senate met to deliberate on the honours rity or personal freedom to which he still had to be paid at the funeral; and the members vied pretensions.3 with each other in the proposals they made to In the same year mankind had exalt the dead, and to express their own sorrow.7 U. C. 796. still more reason to be alarmed; Some proposed, that the funeral procession T’iberius was associated with Au-should pass through a triumphal arch, preceded Sext. Pom-gustus in the government, and de-bv the statue of Victory; and that the ceremony epus, Sezt. clared to have equal power with should conclude with a solemn dirge, or song of quat. 41 mo. the emperor himself in all the pro-grief, to be performed by the children of all the ~.tat. 75. vinces within his department.4 On principal families in Rome. Others noved, that this occasion the new associate in on the day of his funeral the noble Romans the empire, to raise his consideration, and to should exchange the gold ring, which was the amuse the people, exhibited no less than three badge of their rank, for one of iron; that the separate triumphal processions; at the end of ashes should be collected from the funeral pile by which, there being some disorders subsisting on the highest order of priests. the side of Dalmatia and Illyricum, which At this funeral, in whatever form it was exe seemed to require his presence; and he being to cuted, two orations were pronounced; one by set out for this province, Au.gustus” was pleased Tyberius, who had been recalled on the near approach of the emperor’s death; the other by 1 About 40001 Drusus, the son of Tiberius, on whom the name 2 The amphora, according to Arbuthnot, contained and inheritance of Cwesar had now devolved. about seven gallons. 3 Dio. Cass.

lib. Ivi. c. 27, 28. Tacit. Ann. lib. i. c. 72. 4 Vell. Pater. lib. ii. c.

121. 5 Suet. in Aug. c. 100 6 ibid. 7 Ibid

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CHAP. V.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 449 CHAPTER V. The Will of Augustus-Review of his Reign-And of his Character-Tiberius returns to Nola -Issues without delay his orders throughout the Empire-In the Senate afects Reluctance to charge himself with thie Government-M1utiny in Pano7nia-On the Rhine-Second Mutiny on the Arrival of Deputies from the Senate-Imposture of Clemens-Plot of Libo-Description of Tiberius-Death of Germanicus-And Trial of Piso. AUGUSTUS had made his will about six-reigners to the dignity of Roman citizens; and teen months before he died, bequeathing two recommended filling offices of state with persons thirds of his estate to Tiberius, the other third to of experience and reputation. The public serLivia, with an injunction to take the names of vice, he observed, never should be entrusted to a Julia and Augusta. In succession to Livia and single officer, nor all the powers of the commonher son he substituted the younger Drusus, the wealth be suffered to accumulate in the hands son of Tiberius, for a third; and overlooking of any one person. Such exclusive trusts, he Claudius, one of the sons of the elder Drusus, and said, must lead to abuse, and end in a scarcity of grandsol-of Livia, he bequeathed the remainder persons fit to be employed. Such were the to the brother, Germanicus Casar, and his off-arguments of Catulus and Cato, when they sprinrr, already consisting of three sons and as pleaded against the exorbitant powers of Pompey many dauThters.8 To this numerous list of heirs and Casar; and the reasonings now ascribed to he substituted an ostentatious catalogue of prin-Augustus seems to be borrowed from theirs, and cipal citizens annd senators But persisted so with too little regard to the difference of persons much in his severity to the unhappy Julia, as to and times. forbid her a p)lace in his monument. As a legacy It is said, that in this memorial the emperor to be distributed to the Roman people, he be-concluded with an injunction not to attempt any queathed four millions of sesterces, or about farther conquest or any farther extension of the thirty-three thousand pounds sterling; as a fund empire.3 for the tribes or wards of the city, to defray their Such are the principal circumstances upon rerespective corporation expenses, he bequeathed cord, from which we are able to collect the chathree millions five hundred thousand sesterces, racter of this celebrated reign. The immediate cr about twenty nine thousand one hundred and eflects of it. in many parts, appear to have been sixty-six pounds sterling; to the pr.:etorian bands splendid and salutary. Among these we are tG one thousand sesterces, or about eight pounds reckon the cessation of wars, and reformation of sterling a man; to the cohorts of the city five government in the Roman provinces. Under hundred, or about four pounds sterling a man; this establishment, instead of the consuls who, to the lesions three hundred, or about two pounds being annually elected by the people, as often reten shillings a man.9 These sums he ordered newed the passion of their country for war and to be paid immediately; leaving money in his conquest, there began a succession of emperors coffers sufficient for this purpose. Other legacies, who were addicted to sloth and sensuality, more of which some did not exceed a hundred and than to ambition; or if disposed to war, who in sixty, or a hundred anti seventy pounds sterling, youth, or in some particular period of life, exhe directed to be paid at different times, and,austed their passion for military fame, and bealleged the scantiness of his estate, from which came from thenceforward a powerful restraint on his heirs were not likely to draw above a hun-the ambition of their own officers. These they dred and fifty millions Roman money, or about considered as rivals and objects of.jealousy, or as one million three hundred thousand pounds ster-dangerous instruments, ever ready to involve ling. The sums which he had received in lega-thenm in wars abroad, to disturb their government cies, amounting to about eleven millions sterling, at home, or to divert their revenue from those he had expended in public works. pleasurable applications in which they wished After his will was read, four separate memo-to employ it. rials were prodluced. The first contained in-WVhatever was lost to citizens of rank or high structions for his funeral; the second, a list of pretension at Rome, by the establishment of the the actions which he wished to have recorded on monarchy, was gained to the other subjects of his tomb; the third, a state of the republic, in-the empire. The provinces, from being the cluding the military establishment, the distribution temporary property of individuals, and stript to of the legions, the revenue, the public disburse-enrich a succession of masters, became the conments, the money actually lodged in the treasury, tinued subjects of a sovereign, who as often as the arrears of taxes that were due, with a refer-he understood his own interest, protected them once to the persons in whose hands the vouchers against the oppression of his officers, and sfpared were to be found. or nursed them as a continual source of revenue The fourth memorial contained political in-and of power to himself. structions or maxims, in which he dissuaded the While these desirable effects naturally resulted people from the too frequent manumission of from the new establishment, many circumstances slaves, and from the too easy admission of fo-of great lustre in the history of the age were ascribed to the sovereign. The seeds of inge8 The three sons were Nero, Drusus, and Caiuts or nuity and of liberal arts, which had been scwn, Caligula; the three daughters Agrippina, Drasilla, and and which were already sprung up with so mouch Livia or Livilla. 9 Dio Cass. lib.

lvi. c. 32. Tacit. Annal. lib i. c. 8. 3 Dio. Cass. lib. lvi. c. 32.

Tacit. Annal. lib. i. a. 8. 3L

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450 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION rBooK VI. viaour under the republic, now began to be multiplicity of inferior pursuits and occupatihons, reaped in a plentiful harvest. -were taught to lower the haughty spirit of the Literature, and all the more agreeable fruits con:querors of the world, to the level of the nations of ingenuityi received under the first emperor a they had subdued. peculiar degree of attention and encouragrement. In the times immediately prece(dinrg the civil Auuetus was himself a proficient in letters, wars, foreign letters, though fondly rectivc.i d by or, willing to be amused with the pursuits of the many of the first citizens of Rome, were slid a learned, read his own productions in the circle novelty, and considered by the people as a fapof hi; friends; and, what is more difficult for an pish affectation. But the leaders in this fh.hhien author, heard without jealousy the compositions being the first officers and greatest men of the of others, by which his own were probably far state, as Lucullus, Cicero, Cato, and CAsar; excelled. He had saved from the wreck of his such illustrious examples soon removetl every preenemy’s party, protected from the oppression of judice, arind engaged, in the pursuit of learling, his own, and selected, as his favourites, the most every talent that could be diverted from the more ingenious men of the times.l By his munificence violent pursuits of ambition or pleasure. to these, his own name, as well as that of his The civil wars for some time retarded the minister, lhas,comne proverbial in the history of progress of letters; t when brought to an ellnd, letters, and is deeply inscribed on monuments left the public in possessi n of the bias it lid which can never perish, except by some calamity receivedl. Octavius himrseWhaving, in his youth, fatal to mankind. receivedl this bias, was probly, il his patrona;re The provinces greatly diversified in respect to of the learned, more led by inclination, and less situation, climate and soil, as well as in respect by mere policy, than he was in other parts of to the arts which they severally possessed, hav-the conduct with which he gained the favouring the benefit of general peace, and the protec-able opinion of the world. He loved correctness tion of a common sovereign, reaped the advan-and accuracy in all his compositions, anrid ever tage of an easy communication and a flourishing delivered his mind on any serious matter, even trade. All the surplus wealth of the more cultivated in his own family, without memorials or written parts of the earth being drawn to the capital, and notes. being at the disposal of single men, was expend-Although the effects of this reign, therefore, ed in works of magnificence, and if not of in many of the particulars we have mentionled, utility, at least of splendid caprice. From this were the sequel of mere peace,.iand of thle rcsite fund, were erected those magnificent fabrics, of which the world began to enjoy from the disorwhich the ruins, still mark the place on which ders with which it had been lately afflicted, nuch stood the capital of the western world. The likewise may be ascribed to the personal characemiire, at the same time, in all its parts, received ter of the prince. After the secure estalblish. those improvements which are the ordinary at-ment of his power, his government began to be tendants of opulence and peace. The lands distinguished by appearances of nmoderation and were cultivated; cities were built, adorned, or en-justice, supported, in this part of his life, wkith a larged. regular and ordinary tenor, which does not war. The rough and vigorous hands by which this rant any doubt of his sincerity, or any suspicion great empire was formed, had carried the balance of any intention to imlpose’upon the world, some and the sword of state before they could manage purpose ditierent from that which he prolessed to the tools of the more ordinary and inferior arts, have in view. and had given empire to their country, before In his character of legislator, he generally subthey had provided for themselves the ordinary mitted his intended acts to public inspectioln, en. means of accommodation or pleasure. A Roman couraged persons of every description to ofler citizen was not an artist, but he was a man fit to amendments, and sometimes adopted thosc which command every artist. He was possessed of cou-were offered to him.2 In the exercise of the exrage, penetration, sagacity, and all the advan-ecutive power, he took the assistance of a chosen tages which constitute the personal superiority council, with whom he deliberated on the ordiof one man over another As a warrior and nary measures of state. In accepting of the hostatesman, he was the reverse of those ingenious nours which were offered to him, he checked and feeble subjects, of whom each professes a instances of extreme servility, and acquitted himparticular part in the science or practice of hu-self with great liberality or moderation in the use man affairs, but of whom none is qualified to di-of the powers, which the flattery of dying persons rect the whole. frequently gave him over their families and In proportion, however, as this nation of mas-estates.

He became the guardian, rather than ters forced into their service the industrious and the co-heir, of the orphans, with whom he was the learned in different parts of the earth, the joined in the father’s will. Some he put in the practitioners of every art, and the professors of immediate possession of the whole inheritance; every science flocked to the capital.

Their pro-others, while under age, he treated as his wards, ductions, though spurned and rejected at first, and brought up with every advantage to the enwere received by degrees, and in the reign of joyment of their fortunes, which they often reAugustus found the most ample rewards. By ceived with considerable additions, made either these means, the practice of every art was intro-by his care or by his bounty. duced at Rome, even Romans were taught to be-But what is of all other circumstances most come artists and mechanics, and, by following a peculiarly characteristic of this reign, was the judgment and address with which the emperor repressed the license of the military, to whom he 1 Horace was saved from the rout of the republican owed his own elevation, the artful policy,y party at Philipi; and Virgil, from among the sufferers ejected fron their property, to make way for the army of Catsa. 2 Dio. Cass. lib. liii. c. 21.

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CHAP. V.] OF THE RuMAN REPUBLIC. 451 which he affected to restore some fragments of he executed those who were detected in designs the civil government that he himself had broken against his own life. down, and the caution with which he retained If we state ourselves therefore as judges on the the character and orofession of a civil magistrate solemn appeal which Augustus on his deathbed and! )f a citizen, while he governed as master. made to the sense of the world, it is probable, Joined to these, we may reckon the able choice that as he was in some degree able to redeem, in whlich he mad, of officers fit to’be trusted in the the administration of his sovereigntyv, the enordiiilrent Jepartments of the public service; the mities which he had committed in obtaining it. con stancv with which he persevered in emrploy-vwe shal bestow upon him neither the epithe ts of ing them, and the liberality with which he made reproach and of infamy, which he appears to the,ll tel that the prosperity of his fortunes was |have deserved in the early period of his life, nor their own. While he gave these indications of a those terms of encomium and praise, which he great mind an(l possessed these powerful sup-seems to have merited in the longer and more ports of a prosperous life, he dispensed with elevated parts of his reign. Neither the friend mulch of the flattery that is paid to princes, and nor the enemy of mankind, he was, by his perin conversation encouraTged the manners of a free sonal and interested ambition, the cause of harm and equal society.3 and of good; but upon the whole, if the history How then are we to decide upon his character, of the establishment made by him were to termimarkel by appearances of perfidy, cruelty, and nate with his own life; it the tranquillity of his even of cowardice in some parts of his life, dis-reign be compared with the troubles of the pretinluished by moderation, clemency, and steadi-ceding period; it will furnish, to those who conness in other parts of it? Are we to suppose tend fbr the preference of despotical government, what the emperor Julian insinuates, that Octa-an occasion of triumph. vmis received in the later period of his life new Justice and peace are at all times the great obligrlits, was become a new man; and that, by the jects of attention and care to mankind; but the lessons of Zeno, at an early period, this Came-degree in which they can be obtained, and -the leon rnigrht have fixed his colour, and been from means which mav be employed to obtain them, the first, what he appeared to be in the last state are different in different circumstances; different of his fortunes, a real friend to mankind? The on the supposition of small or extensive states, of authority of Julian, no doubt, is highly respect-poor or of rich nations; and, in some circumable; but if a person in youth carry the marks stances, they may no doubt be better obtained by of a bad disposition, and deliberately commit atro-the wisdom and discretion of a single person, than cious actions when his interest required them, by any system of public councils or popular aswe are still warranted to question the sincerity semblies, which the people to be governed are of his conversion, thoucgh, in a different state of themselves fit to compose.

When this is the case, his interest, even the whole tenor of his life should it is fortunate that single men are found, who, change. without any criminal inclinations, are willing to Octavius does not appear to have had from na-undertake the government of nations. A sucture, in any high degree, those dispositions to bene-cession of such characters, indeed, is more than volence or malice which are the great distinguish-human nature, by any known rule of substitu ing principles of virtue and vice. He seems to tion, whether by inheritance or by election, car. have been indifferent to mankind;,but desirous continue to furnish. It is well, if, in a series of -of consideration and power, as objects of interest ages, where the government of the world is comto himself. His ruling passion was a desire to mitted to the discretion of an individual, the good reign. In his way to this elnd, he committed in any degree compensate the bad. many crimes; but having once effected his pur-As Augustus had, to the last moment of his pose, he had no other criminal dispos’tions to gra-reign, affected to hold the sovereignty by a mere tify: or, after he was sovereign, standing in awe temporary appointment, he could not, in consistof a free spirit which he durst not insult, he, either ence with his own professions, either name a from inclination or policy, and probably in part successor, or dispose of the empire as the inheritfrom both, preferred, as it is surprising that every ance of his family. At his death, therefore, some one else does not prefer, the proper use of his persons might hope to see the commonwealth repower to the abuse of it. stored; others might wish to see the late contest Upon this principle, in a life so varied as that for dominion revived, and many questions might of Octavius, appearances of cruelty and of cle-have arisen, that would have involved the empire mency, of caution and of enterprise, of violence in fresh trouble. These questions, however, with and of moderation, may have equally found a the projects or hopes that might be founded upon place in the course of his actions. And in his them, were in a great measure prevented, by the person, we may read the same character of am-precaution which Livia had taken in having her bitious design, when he affected to join the se-son Tiberius, during the lifetime of the late nate in restoring the republic, or when he signed emperor, associated with himself in the governa warrant for the murder of those who were in-ment. clined to support that form of government; when When Augustus was seized with his last illhe courted the protection of Cicero against An-ness, Tiberius, in the capacity of his associate in tony, or when he sacrificed the life of Cicero to the empire, as has been mentioned, set out for the resentment of his enemy; when he made or the armies in Dalmatia; but he received on his broke off his treaties of marriage, and sought way, a message from his mother, intimating the for aids to his ambition, even in the choice of his last symptoms of approaching death in her huslicentious amours; when he pardoned, and when band. Upon this intimation, he returned to Nola, and arrived either before Augustus ex pired, or before his death was publicly known; o Dio. Cass. lihb vi. c. 43. 4 Vid. Caesars of!:.‘a. and having given out, that, in aconference with

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.452 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BooK VI. hat experienced prince, he had received his last only person who was qualified to undertake it,.nstructions for the government of the empire,1 I and they beseeched him not to desert the repubhe took hold of the reins the moment the other lic in this extremity. was supposed to have dropped them, assumed As the senators vied with each other in these his usual imperial guards. an., by sending or-feigned importunities, Tiberius seemed to be disders to all the provinces and military stations, tressed, though not persuaded; and after he had took upon him to continue the same model of remained some time undecided, in the end, as government, without any cessation or interval weary and silenced, though not convinced, he whatever.2 withdrew without making any reply. or without The new emperor, with the usual precaution waiting for any formal resolution of the senate. to stifle competitors, ordered Agrippa, the sur-In passing through the crowd, he was heard to viving grandson of Augustus to be put to death, say, “That a heavy load indeed had been laid on and took every other efbectual measure to secure his shoulders, but that it could not be expected his own accession. At the same time, either in he was to bear it for ever; that old age at least imitation of the cautious policy of the late em-must soon entitle him to respite.” At the same peror, or in pursuance of that hypocrisy and time, those who were supposed to be most in his dissimulation to which he himself had been long confidence, gave out, that his concern for the accustomed, and to which he was naturally in-public, and the intreaties of the senate, had preclined, he affected, in his correspondence with vailed upon him to accept of the government;.e senate, to pay the utmost deference to their but the ridicule, which it was not permitted the authority, anr(, in his letters, took care to employ senators to observe, was seized by the people. all the modest expressions of a private citizen. “Few men,” it was said, “can perform all that Being tribune of the people, he ventured only they undertake; but this man, with a wonderful in this capacity, he said, to call upon the senate modesty, refuses to undertake even what he perto give their orders respecting the funeral of forms.‘i4 Augustus. For his own part, he had taken his While Tiberius, with so much palpable and place by the corpse of the deceased, and in no-even unnecessary craft, acted this farce in the thing else could take any public function upon senate, Ihs title to the sovereignty underwent a him. The senate, he continued, would be )ileased more serious discussion in the provinces. The to order the guards that might be necessary to legions which were posted in different stations, preserve the peace, and they would take every though long confined under the authority of an other precaution for the regular performance of able reign to the strictest duties and ordinary adthis solemn duty. vantages of their profession, still retained the imWhen the funeral was over, and the senate pression of their own importance, and of their was assembled for the opening of the will and power to dispose of the empire. They recolleted memorials of the late emperor, Tiberius delivered what some of them might have seen, and all of himself in a voice, interrupted with sighs and them had heard, of times in which they were tears; he observed, that a heavy burden, by the courted by their leaders, retained with presents death of the only person who was able to bear it, or gratuities, and rewarded at the expiration of had now devolved upon them all; that having their service with grants of land, and settlements himself been admitted to some share in the go-in the richest and most cultivated districts of vernment, he had learned how arduous a task it Italy. They had waited with impatience for an was to be charged with the whole of it, and had opportunity to give a new master to the world, learned to make a proper estimate of his own and hoped, that, in performing this service, they abilities;3 but that in a state which could boast might recover their consequence, and be entitled of so many illustrious men, they could not be to rewards, such as military men had formerly limited in their choice, nor obliged to commit to received. one, what was sufficient to occupy the talents It cannot be doubted, that if there had been and abilities of many. any officer at the head of the principal armies on While he spoke to this purpose, and observed the Rhine or the Danube, prepared to avail himthe aspect of his audience, frowning particularly self of this disposition in the army, the sword in upon those who gave any signs of assent, his the present, as in many other instances, must known reputation for falsehood, the inconsistence have decided who was to succeed in the throne of his actions with the professions which he now of Cesar; but Augustus having, in the choice made, the murder of Agrippa, and the military of provincial and military commanders, guarded guard which attended his person, effectually pre-against any danger to his own government, had served the members who were present from be-by the same means provided for the security of coming the dupes of a dissimnulation, which it his successor’s. The persons he employed, bewas equally dangerous to reject too abruptly, or sides those of his own family, who depended ento mistake for sincerity. tirely upon himself, were, for the most part, men Most of the members, though sufficiently of moderate ambition or mean pretensions; so trained in the school of Augustus, to know the that there was not now any person of’ rank prepart they were to act on such occasions, had not pared to take part in the revolts of the army. yet performed this part upon such dangerous Germanicus, the nephew and adopted son of ground. They afbected to believe that Tiberius Tiberius, might, by his popularity and by his was sincere, lamented that there should be any pretensions, have become a formidable rival to his reluctance to accept of the government in the uncle, but was restrained by his moderation and the sense of his duty. A mutinous spirit nevertheless broke out first in Panonia, where three 1 Tacit. Annal. ib. i. c. 3. legions were commanded by Junius Blaesus; and 3 Varie disserebat de magnitudine imperii, sua modestia.-TaCIT. 4 Sueton. in Tibe’ c. 24. Dio. Cass. lib. Ivii. c. 1.

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CHAP. V.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 453 afterwards on the Rhine, where a great division were the principal objects of his care; that as of the Roman armies, consisting of eight legions, soon as he should recover his mind from his prewere distributed in different stations, under the sent grief, he would move the senate to take their chief command of Germanicus himself. just pretensions under consideration; that in the The troops not having at any of their stations mean while he had sent his own son in order, persons who were qualified to direct their dis-without loss of time, to accommodate them in contents against the succession of Tiberius, cla-every thing that depended on himself; that many moured only for an augmentation of pay, and an things must be referred to the senate, a wise and earlier discharge from the service, than, by the experienced council, who were not likely to withregulations of the former reign, they were allowed hold the proper indulgence from those who reto expect. “Doomed,”

they said, “to drag out mained in the discharge of their duty, or to fail a life of hard service for thirty or forty years, and in the necessary rigour to those who ventured at the end, as their reward, to be banished to to depart from it.” some barren mountain or sickly morass, which, After this letter was read, a centurion, who under the name of a settlement or grant of land, had undertaken to answer for the legions, made they were required to cultivate or to drain, it was a demand in their name, that their pay should be time that some regard should be paid to their sixteen asses a day instead of ten, and that they merits, some relief provided for their sufferings.” should be entitled to their discharge at the end of They contrasted their own condition, for ever sixteen years, without being obliged, in the usual stationed in the presence of ferocious enemies, way, after they were supposed disqualified for and subsisting on ten asses a day, with that of the ordinary fatigues of the service, still to re the protorian bands, having double their pay, main with their colours. and placed at ease amidst all the comforts and To these demands, Drusus declined giving any pleasures of the capital. answer. ” The matter should be reported to his Excited by these considerations, the legions in father,” he said, “and referred to the senate.” Panonia refused to take the oath of allegiance to Upon this reply, a general clamour arose. the new emperor, until their grievances should ” Wherefore was he come, if not entrusted to be redressed. They secured their colours, set at relieve the army? He had no powers to relieve, liberty all those who were confined for any mili-but he had unlimited powers to distress, and to tary crime, and ceased to obey their officers, or to punish. So the father himself was accustomed pay any regard to the ordinary duties and forms to serve them, while he came to elude the prayers of the service. of the soldiers, by referring them to some one Tiberius, though greatly alarmed, and sensible else, who was at a distance. Are we never,” that this attack on his authority only needed a fit they said(, ” to see the face of the emperor?

Is he leader at the head of a few legions to reach him to punish at discretion, but never to reward within the capital, and to supplant himin the empire, out consent of the senate? Our rewards, it disguised his apprehensions, and proposing to seems, are to be carefully weighed and considered; soothe the discontents of the army, deputed to but our fatigues and our punishments, are to be their quarters his own son Drusus, accompanied dealt without balance or measure.” Dy Elius Sejanus, a young man already associated In this disposition the assembly broke up, and with his father Sejanus, in the command of the the soldiers went roving about in disorderly parpraetorian bands. ties, insulting their officers, and affecting to treat TI*se young men, in the capacity of commis-the authority of the emperor himself with consioners, attended by many persons of rank and tempt. Their presumption, however, was sudconsideration from the city, escorted by two co-denly checked at night by an eclipse which took horts of chosen men, together with the greater place in the moon, and which, in their superstipart of the pratorian cavalry and the German tious way of interpreting natural appearances, horse, which usually attended the person of the formed an emblem of their own situation, and by emperor, set out on their mission. They were its event was to prognosticate the sequel of their furnished with a letter to be read at the head of present attempts. Their despondence, during the troops, but were empowered, without any the progress of the eclipse, kept pace with the dispecific instructions, to take such measures as the minution of the moon’s light; and, as at the occasion might suggest. Having effected their time of the greatest obscuration, the sky itself march into Panonia, and approaching the station was overcast with clouds, and every light supof the mutinous legions, they were received in pressed in the total darkness of a stormy night, the front of the camp by the whole body, but they received this event as a supernatural presage with an aspect rather of contumacy, than of re-of their own fate, and in despair retired to their spect or of duty. tents. They were soon afterwards persuaded to The son of the emperor was conducted to the restore the colours which they had removed from platform, from which it was usual for the troops their place; and in order to avert the evils with to receive the commrnands, and to hear the adwhich they were threatened, to make seasonable dresses of their general.

Having with some dif-offers of submission to the prince. ficulty procured silence, he produced the letter It was therefore thought proper, that Drusus which he had brought from his father, and which should instantly avail himself’ of this favourable he hadl in charge to be communicated to the le-change, and, as much as possible, facilitate the gions. return of the troops to their duty. For this purIn this letter, Tiberius endeavoured to flatter pose, he called them again to the place of auand to soothe the discontents of the army; but dience, treated their mutiny as a transient fit of to avoid committing himself’ too far, spoke of his humour which was past and gave them to unintentions in general and ambiguous terms. “He derstand, that although he was not to be awed might assure these brave legions,” he said, ” with by their threats, he was moved by their dutiful whom he himself had so often acted, that they and submissive behaviour; that he should des

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454 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK VI. patch an officer with their requests to the empe-their officers, killed most of the centurions, and ror, and should join his own intreaties to procure forced Cecina, with the tribunes, to withdraw them immediate attention, and to obtain every from their rage. favour that might be consistent with the order of The authors of this revolt, probably flattered the service. themselves that Germanicus, although he did not After the departure of this messenger, the ex-at first openly countenance their mutiny, might pectations of the legions were fixed entirely upon however give way to their desires, and suffer the return he should bring, and on the effect of himself to be elevated by their means to the the young COsar’s interposition in their favours. throne of Caesar. To preserve the appearances In the mean time, the officers having resumed of order, until they should receive his conlmands, their comnmand, alld being obeyed in all the ordithey appointed officers to act in place of those narv duties and forms of the camp, proposed to they had killed, performed most of the usu;al miliexert their authority in stiflino the remains of a tary duties, mounted the ordinary gurds, and mutinous spirit, which had so far subsided. They took the stated precautions, as in the presence of accordingly gave orders to seize, and to punish an enemy, for the safety and peace of their camp. the principal authors of the late disorders. Germanicus, when the accounts of this alarmUnder this exertion of power, the troops be-ing transaction were brought to him, was occucame as tame and submissive, as they had-lately pied in the aflfirs of the province, and in adlnibeen refractory and ferocious. To signalize their nistering the oaths of allegiance on the accession zeal, some of the most guilty became the in-of Tiberius. Sensible that his own high preten formers and instrunlents of justice against their sions exposed him to be suspected of having enown accomplices; and the humour from which couraged these disorders, he relpaired without this revolt proceeded, having sunk as it rose, delay to the camp, from which Cecina had been without any rational plan, the mutiny appeared obliged to fly. Upon his approach, he was met to be so entirely suppressed, and the discipline of by the legions; but instead of the respectful sithe legions so effectually restored, that Drusus, lence that was usual in receiving their commanlder with his company and the escert which attended in chief, was saluted with cries of discontent, and them, departed for Italy, without waiting for the a mixture of expostulation and insult. lIe was returil of the officer he had despatched to the followed by a multitude in the utmost confusion, emperor.’ to that part of the camp at which it was usual to These disorders, however, were not.peculiar to harangue the army. That he might observe the the troops in Panonia; they broke cut with more different parts of his audience, or, in case any violence, and a more dangerous tendency among insult were offered. that he might distinguish the those of the German frontier. On this side, eight dlivision from whence it came, he (ave the siglegions were placed at two separate stations; one nal for the whole to draw up in their legions and division under Cecina, on the borders of the low cohorts, and to display their colours. countries; the other under Caius Silius, on the So long as he spoke of the veneration due to Upp)er Rhine, both under the orders of Germna-the memory of Augustus, and of the glories acnicus, who being adopted into the family of quired at the head of these very legions by the Caesar, had been vested by Augustus with the present emperor himself, he was heard with recommand of these armies, and with the presi-spect and attention; but when he touched on dency of Gaul. This young man had married their want of duty, his voice could no longer be Agrippina, the daughter of Agrippa and of Julia heard, and the whole presence was thrownl into Augusta, by whom he had a numerous issue, a tumult. Some uncovered their scars, called for circumstance generally attended with great popu-the rewards that were due to their services; lar favour among the Romans.

He was now others complained of the scantiness of their pay, attended in his province by his wife Agrippina, of their toilsome marches, of their hard labour in with Caius, afterwards better known by the fornlinF
entrenchments, and in rearing mnaganame of Caligula, the youngest of his three sone, zines of wood and of forage. “/ We have follownow carried in the arms of the mother. He him-ed our colours,” said some of the veterans, “above self being extremely acceptable to the army, and thirty years: Is death the only termination to be to the people of the provinces, it was not doubted. hoped fobr our labours?” They called for the that it’

the empire were to be disposed of, he legacy, which they heard was bequeathed to would have had the wishes of mankind in his them by Augustus; they invited the prince to favour; and he became upon this account a prin-ndeclare himself sovereign of the empire, and cipal object of jealousy to his adoptive father. offered to support his pretensions with their The troops that were stationed on the borders swords. of the low countries under Cecina, comprehended On this proposal, Germanicus, as if seized with the legions which had been hastily levied, and horror, came down from the platform on which which, in order the sooner to replace the army he stood, and was hastening to retire, when that perished with Varus in the unfortunate ex-numbers interposed to stop him. “My duty to pedition beyond the Rhine, had been formed the emperor,” he said, “is more precious to me without the usual selection. Being in a great than my life;” and at these words, drawing his measure composed of emancipated slaves, and sword, he turned the point of it towards his own other persons of mean condition. ney had not breast. Some of those who were near, laid hold yet imbibed the sentiments of natl, nil and Inili-of his arm; others called out, let him strike; tary honour, which Augustus endeavoured to and one, in particular, reaching his sword, said, preserve in the legions.

They considered them-take this; it is sharper than your own. selves, at the death of that emperor, as discharged It is not to be questioned, that Germanicus from their military oath. They rose against might have led this army into Italy, and with a general consent placed himself at the head of the 1 Tacit. Annal. lib. i. c. 30. empire; but he seems to have apprehended the

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CHAP. V.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLTC. 455 rights of succession in the present emperor, with manicus, with two legions, after quieting the all the respect and fidelity that accom;nany the late mutiny, was retired tor the winter. As soon sentirnents of loyalty and duty, under monarchies as it was known, that deputies were arrived from already estlablished. Being desirous to withdraw the senate, to take cognizance of the state of the from the tumult, and a way being made for him armv, the soldiers apprehended that the late by the officers of his train, he retired to deliberate agreement was to be set aside; that the indulon the present alarming state of afftirs. gencies granted to them were to be recalled, and The leaders of this mutiny were about to that something ungracious was intended, which open a correspondence with the legions on the the emperor chose to execute in som#other name Upper Rhine. The enemy were in sight on the than his own; for so the arts, by which the emopposite banks of the river, and ready to take pire had been governed near fifty years, now atlvantaice of these distractions. Somne of the hbean to be undlerstood.

In this persuasion, the officers present gave it as their opinion, that an soldiers, in a riotous manner, assembled round army sh)uldl be formed froml the provincial co-the quarte rs of their general; and as a signal, that horts to overawe the lerions; but this was re-they were not any longer.to respect his authority, jecteI: bv others, as likely to end in a civil war. they tore the imperial standard from thence; and Severity, it was observed by some, might exas-to deter civil officers, for the future, from interperate; concession, it was said by others, might posing in their affairs, meant to have murdlered breed inolence; and the service was eqlually Mllunatius Plancus, and the other deputies of the exiossel to suffer, whether the troops were insenate. These officers, however, took refuage at dultred i rla ll their demandls, or in none. It was the colours of one of the legions, where, accordsugrgested at last, that by a little artifice, without ing to the practice of the Roman arnly, they committinlg the authority of the einleror, the had the protection of a sanctuary, and by this den:ands of the army might be satisfied. For means escaped the fate that was intended tfor them. this purp,)se, it was proposed that a letter should Germanicus being still accompanied in his be feiuedrnghl, as from Tibelrius, so dated, that in quarters by his wife Agrippina and her infant wriling it he could not be supposed to know of son, the youngest of his childrcn, and apprethe disorder which now took place; that in this hending that they could not be safe in this place letter, he should be personated, as declaring, by of disorder, determined to remove them to some a voluntary act of goodness, his intention to other station, where the troops, remaining in their doubie the legacy bequeaithed by Augustus; to duty, were likely to afford them protection. At fix the entire period(l of service at twenty years, their departure, the soldiers seeing the wife and and that of the ordinary duties at sixteen.2 the iifant child of their favolurite leader, followA letter to this purpose being accordingly pro-ed by a numerous train of female attendants, fly ducedl, the artifice was suspected, but the terms from their camp, as from a place in which no were agreed to, provided that the legacies were respect was to be paid to sex, age, or rank, were instantly pail; that those who had served twenty struck with the effect of their own violence. years should be discharged, and those who had Some crowded in the way of this melancholy served sixteen years, should be exempted as train, and endeavoured to detain them; while veterans from the ordinary duties of the camp. others ran to the husband, and beseeched him to MIany were accordingly discharged, and the spare the legions so cruel a reproach, as was more clamorous were paid up their share of the implied, in his supposing that the wife of Gerlegacy, with such money as could be.collected manicus, the daughter of Agrippa, and the along the attendants of the prince. Others grand-daughter of Caesar, with her infant child, were persuaded to suffer a delay of payment, were obliged to fly for safety fronl their quarters. until they should come into quarters for the The prince, observing the disposition of the winter.

soldiers, seized the opportunity of regaining his From this station, Germanicus repaired to authority; and making it a condition that they that of the Upper Rhine, where with less trou-would return to their duty, complied sAith their ble, and by means of the same gratuities, he pre-request. vailed on the legions of that division to with-In the first moment of zeal to signalize their draw into quarters. A mutiny of the troops on the affection, multitudes, without knowing the cause WVeser had broke out at the same time; but was of the change, passed with the inipetuosity of suppressed by the courage and ability of the popular tumults, by a rapid transition, from one officer at their head. extreme to the other, called out for justice on It aippears. that Tiberius, on hearing of these those who had been leaders in the late mutiny; mutinies on the Rhine and the WVeser, had re-and themselves became willing instruments in course to the senate, and wished to avail him-I punishing such as were pointed out to them as self of their authority in restoring the discipline authors of’ a guilt, in which the whole had been of the army. He probably meant, in the name concerned. Germanicus and the principal offiof this body, to inflict the necessary severities, cers withdrew from the scene, leaving a centurion while he reserved to himself the more popular on the platform to preside in this extraordinary office of granting indulgencies, or of making course of justice. The prisoners that were sonme gracious concessions. brought to him, were hoisted up into view, and A committee of the senate, of whom one upon the verdict of the multitude, to spare or to Munatius Plancus is mentioned as the head, was punish them, were released, or thrown down accordingly sent to the quarters of the army, from the platfbrm. and suffered immediate death and arrived at the Ara Ubiorumn,3 where Ger-from the hands of’ their fellow-soldiers. The same disorders had broken out, and still 2 A Roman soldier, after he was exempted from the subsisted at Vetera,4the statio!

of the fifth and ordinary duties of the camp, was retained at his ciollrs to encounter the enemy. 3 In the Bishopric of Cologne. 4 Nearly opposite the Cleves.

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456 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BooK VI. twenty-first legions; but Gernlanicus heing now man, being by his mother, the grandson of Pomin condition to enforce his authority, advanced pey, and by his father, the nephew of Scribonia, at the head of a powerful army, sent his instruc-who was the first wife of Augustus, was consetions to Cecina, who was present with the mu-quently the cousin of Julia, and of her children. tinous troops, requiring that they should, of their His affinity to the sovereigns of the world inown accord(, bring the guilty to justice; and spired himwith thoughts and expectations above intimating, that if this were not done befobre his the condition of a subject, and laid him open to arrival, he was determined, without distinction the arts of false and designing men, whom the of personsto put the whole to the sword(. fashion of the times encouraged with the prosOn this intimation, a considerable number of pect of impunity, and even of rewards. the soldiers entered into a concert for executing Such men affecting zeal for the safety of the the vengeance required of them, and at a time emperor, enticed the unwary to engage themappointed, began the slaughter of those who were selves in some supposed treasonable practice, in most forward in the mutiny. As the camp was order to have the merit of informing against soon thrown into confusion, it became impossible them. In this odious character, a senator of the to make any distinction of persons, and the mas-name of Firmius Catus, practised upon the sacre extended to all those who crowded in the weakness of Libo, made him acquainted with way, and who were not apprised of the design. professed magicians, astrologers, and interpreters Germanicus, at his arrival, found the tents of dreams, who flattered him with the hopes of stained with blood, the passages strewed with empire; an(d after he was engaged in this idle or heaps of the slain, and all the appearances of a criminal correspondence, contrived, by means of camp surprised, and of an army put to the one Flaccus Vesculanius, who frequented the sword. Those who remained, affected for the court, to give secret information of the whole to present to pay respect to the authority of their the emperor. leaders; but had shown themselves capable of Tiberius, employing all his artifice against the greatest extremes against their officers, as this feeble antagonist, refused to see the informler, well as against their fellow-soldiers. but directed hill to continue his intrigue, and to These were the principal difficulties which report the progress of it by the same channel. Tiberius encountered in effecting his succession; While he concurred in laying this snare fobr the he had other alarms in the commencement of’ unhappy young man, he raised him to the dignity his reign, but of inferior moment. Such were of’ prator, treated him, at the feasts and enterthe troubles occasioned by the imposture of tainments of the palace, with uncommon marks Clemens, who had been a slave in the service of of distinction, and took the malicious pleasure of the posthumous Agrippa, and the conspiracy of’ oblserving how far these flatterers joined to the Scribonius Libo, who, being encouraged by his hopes of empire that were given him, contributed affinity to the highest names in the republic, had to swell his presumption. formed some visionary design on the empire. In the mean time, and possibly before the design Clemens, upon the death of the late emperor, of the emperor, and of his informers, was ripe had gone to the place at which his master was for execution, Fulcinius Trio, another noted indetained in exile, meant to have conducted him ftrlner, having intimation of the matter from to one of the armies in Gaul, where he made one of the astrologers, who had been consulted no doubt that the son of Agrippa, and the lineal Iby Libo, proposing to snatch the prey from his descendant of Caesar, would have fbund a aivour-original accuser, and to have a preferaLle claim able reception; but his design being prevented to the reward, carried his discovery directly beby the death of this unfortunate young man, fore the senate; but the emperor being present he formed a project still more wild and romantic, when this information was delivered, did justice founded in some resemblance which he himself to the first informer, confirmed the charge, and bore to his deceased master, he took his name, with an odious accuracy, enumerated the piteous and proposed to personate him. Pretending to follies of which Libo had been guilty. The have escaped from the cruelty of the usurper senators, pretending to be alarmed at such a Tiberius, he frequently changed his place, and treason, vied with each other in expressions of affected concealment; but sufltred himself to be abhorrence, and many of them contended for the seen by those who were likely to be imposed honour of conducting the prosecution which was upon, and to afford him protection or support. to be formed against the criminal. He was accordingly favoured by many persons The slaves of the accused, agreeably to a late of consequence, who were either deceived, or innovation in the law, were transferred in prowilling to countenance any attempt that was perty to the emperor, that they might be put to made to disturb the present succession. Among the question, or that they might be received in his supposed abettors, however, he had unfor-evidence against their master. tunately one person employed by the emperor Libo had the first intimation of what had himself; to seduce and to circumvent him. By passed, by a party of armed men, who, with this emissary affecting to believe his story, and orders to seize his person, broke into his house.

to aid him in asserting his pretensions to the Terrified by this appearance, he pleaded for throne, he was (lelivered over into the hands of mercy; or if this could not be obtained, irnhis enemies, and was put.

to death by order of plored that one of his own servants imight be Tiberius, who, it is said, had the barbarous allowed to put an end to his life; and being discuriosity to visit him, and to examine his like-appointed in both these requests, he took poiso. ness to Agrippa before he was executed. or woundled himself, and was in the agonies of The emperor was soon after rather amused death, when according to Dion Cassius, he was, than alarmed, by the informations he received of in order to secure the confiscation of his estate, the practices of Scribonius Libo, his other cor-carried before the senate to receive his sentence. petitor for the throne of Caesar. This young By the decree which was given, the nanme and

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CU-Ar. V.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 457 family of Libo were consigned to infamy, and or overrated her own ascendant over him. In the astrologers, his accomplices, were expelled procuring the empire to her son, she had joined from Italy, or put to death. to the zeal of a mother, a high degree of ambiThe emperor, when this sentence passed, af-tion, and a desire to emerge from a species of fected regret for the unhappy young man, com-obscurity, in which she had lived in the reign Af plained of his precipitancy in preventing the effects her husband. She flattered herself, that upon -f mercy, and professed an intention to have the accession of Tiberius, she was to possess a spared his life. great part of the imperial power, or to exercise From the time at which the mutinies on the the whole in his name. Trusting tothe deferRhine and Danube were suppressed, and from ence, which he had hitherto affected for all her the conclusion of this formal proceeding against opinions, or to the gratitude which he owed to Scribonius, as a traitor to the lawful sovereign of her for the high obligations she had conferred the empire, we may (late the accession of Tibe-upon him, she instantly assumed all the conserius to the throne of Cesar. He was now in quence she expected to reap from his greatness, the fifty-sixth year of his age; is described in his laid aside the caution and reserve which she had person as tall, robust, and healthy; erect in his ever preserved in the reignl of Augustus, adwalk; of a fair complexion, handsome counte-vanced into public view, and, as if she had taken nance, large eye, but frowning; of few words, possession of the enpire for herself; under preand slow of utterance; without any action or tence of tbestowinll it upon her son, took a princigesture while he spoke, besides a kind of involun-pal part in all matters of state, and appeared on tary motion with his fingers. His manner, not-solemn occasions with her lictors, and all the withstanding his figure, was so ungracious, that other ensirlns or formalities of a public station.3 Augustus, in recommending him to the public The senate trusting to the mother’s supposed favour, thought proper to make an. apology for knowledge of her son’s inclinations, yielded to this defect in his appearance, observing that his her in all the prerogatives she was pleased to asungracious looks were mere accidents in the out-sume, inserted her name with that of the ernpeward form of his person, not expressions of vice ror in all pl)ulic acts, and, in the titles of Tibein his temper.2 In his youth, he was addicted rius, styled him the son of Augustus as well as to debauchery; but as he advanced to manhood, of Ciesar. They were not however suffered long being in awe of the emperor, he learned in many to remain in this error. They were told by the things to disguise his inclinations, and acquired emperor with an alarming coldness of manner, a habit of reserve and hypocrisy. which left no doubt of his sincerity, ” That the Augustus on all accasions seemed to receive ambition of’ women should be kept within proper Tiberius with some degree of repugnance; so bounds, and that lie should always endeavour to that when he came into company, the emperor, prescribe such bounds to his own.“4 if en(aged in any pleasurable conversation, From the timne in which this declaration was changed the subject, and altered his countenance. made by the emperor, it appears that Livia enThough in some degree reconciled to him, or tirely dropt her pretensions to any part in the obliged from necessity to employ him in the con-grovernment, and became no less reserved in the duct of his affairs, and though observed some-reign of her son, than she had been in that of times to speak of him even in terms of aflection her husband. and confidence, yet he gave more frequently, As Augustus, in assuming the sovereignty, with respect to him, signs of aversion and dis-and in the whole of his reign was kept in awe trust; and it is not unlikely that he fluctuated by the republican spirit, which he supposed still to the last in his opinion concerning him. De-to lurk with a dangerous violence in the minds termined, however, by the influence and in-of the people; so T’iberius, to the affectation of trirues of Livia, or by the relation subsisting treading in the steps of his predecessors, joined a between them, he left him in possession of the great measure of distrust in the dispositions of empire, which he had long intended for persons the people towards himself, and in their predilecmore nearly related in blood, and more in his fa-tion for others, who mligfht be supposed more vour; but whatever were the motives of his choice, worthy to reign. Amonf these, he looked upon such was the belief of a deliberate and selfish de-Germanicus as the first or principal object of his sign in all the actions of Augustus, that he was by jealousy. He had adopted this young man, many supposed to have chosen Tiberius, merely, merely in compliance with the late emperor’s that in the comparison of his ovn character with will, and considered him not only, as he was bethat of his successor, the preference might be come by this act of a option, a rival to his own given to himself. son, but as he was, by the affection of the people, Before the events which have been mentioned by the attachment of the army, and the high had put Tiberius in full possession of the govern-pretensions of his wife Agrippina, a most dangrement, and while he yet affected to decline it, the rous rival to himself. He could not forgive a consuls, the senate, and all the principal citizens person to whom the legions had made otlers of at Rome, had taken the oath of submission and the empire; and who, for having declined the allegiance. The whole army, and all the pro-offer, was deemed the more worthy of It.. Alvinces soon after followed their example, and the though he endeavoured, under professions of the world looked with anxious expectation for the highest regard, to dissemble his feelings, and in full display of a character, hithertr for the most making his report to the senate of thle disordlers part wrapped up in reserve, and justly suspected which had lately taken place in the arnly, spoke of of cruelty. Arnong the first discoveries that the conduct of his two sons, Uerlnaicus and were made of his temper, it appeared that even Drusus, with equal tenderness anld applause; he his mother Livia had mistaken his disposition, 3 Dio. Cass. lib. ii. c. 12. Ibid. lib. lvi. fine. 2 Suetou.

in Tiber. c, 21. Tacit. Annal. lib. i, 4 Tacit. Annal. Pb. i. c. 14. 3M N

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458 THE PROGRESS AND TERNMINATION [BonK VI. had nevertheless suffered the retainers of his siderable loss. By this escape of his army, he court to see through this disguise, encouraged was still in condition to make head against the themn to charge Gerrnanicus with want of capa-natives of the country, who, intending to profit city or courage on that occasion; and had taken by the losses he had recently sustained, were ashis ownl resolution to remove hin from a situation sernbled on the WVeser; but being surprised by in which his popularity, the ambition of Agrip-his sudden re-appearance, they fled before him, Eina, or the presumption of the troops under and separated to their different quarters. is command, might, in a mnoment, engage him Germnanicus, upon his return fronm this expein some dangerous design on the empire. dition, and while he was ineditating a renewa. Upon these motives, therefore, it was pro-of such operations on the following year, had posed to remove Germanicus from the German intimation of the emperor’s intention to remove station, and from the comman I of troops, by him from his station on the Rhine. This intiwhom he was beloved, to the command of an ination was accompanied with a message full of army, inferior in point of character, and to which the most flattering commendation of his services. he was less known, or less an object of favour. He was invited to Rome under pretence of celeWVhile this resolution was taken at home, Ger-brating a triumph, which had been decreed to manicus, after the suppression of the late muti-him for his late victories; and for the purpose of nies, that he might not suffrer the soldiers to brood assuming the consulate, to which he was destined over their grievances, gave them leisure to re-on the approaching year as colleague to the empenew their complaints, or leave them to languish For himself. As it was supposeld, however, that, for want of employment, projected an expedition under an appearance of modesty, or unwilling to beyond the Rhine, and passed this river with withdraw from a hazardous war in which the twelve thousand men of the legions, twenty co-troops he conmmandd were still ergvaed, he horts of the provinces, and eight ale, or regiments might decline accepti4ng of a mere honor’rvy inviof horse. By this sudden irruption, made before tation, it was sub!oined to these reasons of recall, it was known that his troops were willing to that the remains of glory, if there wxere still any obey him, he surprised a great body of barbarians to be reaped in that quarter, ought to be reserved assembled to take advantage of the disorder for his brother Drusus, there beirnr no other enewhich they supposed to subsist in the Roman my left from whol to collect his laurels army, dispersed them with great slaughter, con-An invitation to court, accomlpanie d with the tinuedl his march to the fainous around on which last of these considerations, though veiled under Varus had been cut off with his legions; and so many flatterinO preti nces, was sufficientli unfinding the field still covered with the unburied derstood to be a peremp)tory command, lwhich bones of the slain, gave directions to have them Germanicus accordingly obeyed. On his arrival collected and interred. In this pious office the in ltaly, only two cohorts or battalions were sent prince himself mixed with the private men, and from Rome to receive him. But every circumput his hand to the work; acircumstance which, stance t(ended to augment the jealousy of the emwhen reported at Rome, considerably increased peerr; the greater part of the prxtorian bands, the jealousv of the emperor. Fromn thence he mingled with multitudes of the people of every proposed to invade the territory of Arminius, and sex, condition, and ace, advanced of their own to punish that barbarian for his treachery to accord some mlils fronm the city, and received those unfortunate legions. In execution of this blin wvith uncommon acclamations of jy.I Havdesiogn, heing provided with a thousand vessels, inr made his entry, as had been proposcd, in he embarked on the Ems, fell down this river to triunli ll, he wvas, with the emperor hin self; put in a cons’derable distance; and having landed on normination for the consulate of the following year. its eastern banks, and overrun the country from The popularity of which Germanicus now thence to the Weser, in his encounter with the appeared to be possessed in the city, was no less natives obtaiuned two considerable victories. mortifying to the emperor, than his power inl the Atter these, operations, Germanicus again re-army was su)losed to be dangerous. His preturned to his ships in the Emos, and continued his sence, if it did not obscure the lulstre of the navigation to the sea. Supposing that the niouth emperor himself, seened to place hint in a conof the Rhine was contiguous to that of the Ems tinual state of comnpetition with the other son of he proposeJ, by a short voyage on the coast, to Tiberius; and the interests of these two princes, pass from the one to the other; and without ex-the one by adoption, the other by birth, the son posing himilself to be harassed in a march by of the emperor, ttourhl suppeosed to be on the best jand, to recover his former station on the frontier ternls with each other, had divided the culrt. of Gaul. On this stormy coast, however, having Agrippina, the wille of Gernlanicus, inheriting met with diffliulties with which neither his vyes-the blood of Augu tus, and ever carrying in her sels nor his mariners were fit to contend, his fleet haughty looks the It-ntensions of the Ca(sarian was dispersed; many of his ships were cast away family, was become to Livia, whom she conasideron the continent, others wrecked on the conti-ed as a stepmother, no less an object of animoguous islands, and some drove quite into Britain. sity, than she was to the emperor himself.

UnHie himself got on shore on the coast which is der these circumllstances, the resolution to separate now called East Friezland, and saw with des-Germanicus from the (eij’an aliois’, and to pair the apparent wreck of many vessels of his place him in the commr ane of the eastern profleet, which seemed to be lost irrecoverably on vinces, a situation apparently honour,!hle, lbut in the banks which were left hiy the sea at low which he s ould be surrounded with persons water. From this disaster, however, he recover-who might serve as a restraint, or as spies on his ed the greater part of his forces. The vessels conduct, was now carried into execution. He that were in conpany with his own, got afloat was vested with a commission to restore the tran on the return of the flood, and the troops from on board of them were landed without any con-1

Sueton. in Vita Caii.

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CHAP. V.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 459 quillity of Asia, that was disturbed by some dis-thenceforward seemed to set him at defiance. putes which had arisen on the succession to the At their first interview in Syria, ltoth were exkingdoms of Cappadocia and Armenia. tremely guarded, and showed no signs of cordiGermanicus, in the end of the third year of ality or confidence. Fiso afterwards endeavoured the present reign, set out upon this apparently to pre-occupy the affections of the arlny in oppohonourable commission. Having a supreme sition to Germanicus; and had the boldness to authority in the several provinces through which march in contempt of his orders, wilth a body of he was to pass, from the sea of Ionia to the ex-troops into Armenia. When the prince was tremities of Egypt and of Syria, he visited, as taken ill, it was said, that Piso had spies to obchief in command, the cities of Greece, still reserve the progress of his disease, and seemned to vered as the principal seminaries of philosophy await the event, as likely to place himself at the and literature; and upon his entry into Asia, prohead of all the forces in Asia. Germanicus havceeded to execute the commission on which he ing recovered from his first fit of illness, had( the was sent. He reduced Cappadocia and Com-conduct of Piso represented to him in such terms, magen6 to the form of Roman provinces, making that he ordered him into his presence, declared some abatement of the taxes formerly paid to open enmity against him, anti dismissed hiim the their own princes,2 and settled Zeno, son to the province. But, as lihe soon after relapsed, he acking of Pontus, on the throne of Armenia. He cused Piso of having practised against his life, afterwards ventured to continue his progress into and charged all his friends, who were present at Egypt, though contrary to an edict of the late his dleath, to bringr the author of it to a severe and emperor, which was still in force. On his return just retribution. from thence he was taken ill, and died at An-Piso, hearing of the death of Germanicus, tioch in the thirty-fourth year of his age, with while he was yet on the coast of Asia, betrayed some suspicions of having been poisoned by Co. his animosity to the dead by public and indecent Piso, the prefect of Syria, not without the con-demonstrations of joy. He afterwards attempted, nivance or the direction of Tiberius himself.:3 by force, to reinstate himself in the provilce of It is not to be doubted, that the emperor looked Syria, from which he had been ordered by Gerupon tGermanicus with great distrust, and might manicus to depart; but was repulsed by Se’ntius, have sought for opportunities to sacrifice him to who had been chosen by the officers of the prince’s his own safety, or to that of his son Drusus; but train to keep the possession of the province till it does not appear that he proceeded any farther the pleasure of the emperor should be known. on this occasion, than to remove him from a situ-Upon this event, Piso sent forward his own ation in which he furnished the court with con-son to Rome, in order to prevent, as much as tinual occasions of mortification or jealousy, into possible, the aspersions which were likely to be one that was equally splendid in appearance, but propagated against him in the city. He himself tending to lessen his consequence in the empire; passed by Illyricum, to pay his court to Drusus, and that he meant only to place him in the coin-who was then in that province, and to implore mand of armies over whom he had no personal his protection. Being received by this prince influence, and who, if disposed to revolt, were with coldness, though without prepossession, he less to be feared than the legions which were from thence continued his voyage into Italy. formed on the Rhine and the Danube. Agrippina, arriving soon after at Brundusium In sending Germanicus into Asia, great at-with the ashes of her deceased husband, was, by tention indeed was paid to place in his way, as order of the emperor, received by a great military governor of Syria, the province which contained escort and the hoilours of war. She passed in a in itself the principal resources of the east, a per-kind of funeral procession through multitudes son more likely to thwart and counteract him in that were collected from every part of the country every measure, than to become subservient to his to gaze upon her; and coming to Rome suffiambition, or to promote his greatness. This inciently impressed with the idea that her husband tention was rendered extremely evident by the was poisoned, called for revenge upon the supremoval of Creticus Silanus, with whom Germt-posed authors of his death. Numbers contended nicus was about to contract an alliance by tte for the honour of carrying her complaints before intermarriage of two of their children, to mak. the tribunals of justice, and of being the accusers way far Piso, a man already unacceptable tu of her husband’s murderers. Germnanicus, and, in general, distinguished by a A prosecution soon after commenced against teraper harsh and intractable, or likely to disa-Piso; in which all that was known to lie excepgree with every superior. tionable in the preceding life and behaviour of It is likewise extremely probable, that Piso, as the accused, was stated against him by Fulcidius well as his wife Pla ncina, might have learned by Trio, the person already mentioned as having their own penetration, that Germanicus and exercised the trade of informer in the case of Agrippina had incurred the displeasure of Tibe-Libo. The conduct of the accusation of poisonrius and Livia; and that they would not meet ing, and the other crimes imputed to Piso in his with any cordial support at the court of the em-late colnmand, was committed to Vitellius and peror, in case of a disagreement with the officers Veranus, persons peculiarly attached to Germawho stood in their way in the provinces. nicus. The trial having begun before the empeSome effects of an insolence, founded upon ror himself, was afterwards transferred to the this supposition, appeared in the behaviour of senate.

Two days were allowed to the accusers Piso and Plancina, while Germanicus was yet to enforce their charge, and three to the accused on his way to Asia. Piso, having overtaken the to make his defence. The prosecutors brought prince, and passing him on the route, without sufficient evidence of Piso’s arrogance and extorthe custonmary marks of respect or attention, from tion; of much undutiful behaviour to Germanicus himself in Asia: of disobeyiing his orders, 2 Tac. An. lib. ii. c. 56. 3 Suet. in Vit. C. ii.

c. 1. 1 of having made war beyond the limits of his pro

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460 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK VI. vince, but no sufficient evidence of his having inscribed, and against whom they were supposed made any attempts by poison on the life of the to take effect if the poison should fail. prince. The charge indeed, as stated, or laid, The charge of murder, therefore, supported by was extremely incredible, that Piso should, at such evidence, will appear to the modern reader the table of Germanicus, and in the midst of ser-entirely groundless, and must have been rejected vants, attendants, and friends, venture to mix even by the tribunal to which it was referred; poison in a dish from which numbers were to but the accused, seeing that the torrent ran high eat. To render this imputation still more im-against him, and probably to prevent the conseprobable, it was observed, that the dead body had quences of a formal sentence in the confiscation been exposed to public view in the market-place of his family estate, cut short the proceedings by at Antioch, and that no external marks or indi-a voluntary death; or, as was supposed by mlany, cations of poison were found. was secretly put to death by an order froml the The principal evidence that was produced of court, lest his public confession should appear to any criminal practice against the prince’s life involve the emperor himself in the guilt. consisted of a collection of human bones, some On either supposition, the death of Piso being verses, pieces of lead marked with the name of considered as an act of self-condemnation, or as Germanicus, and other supposed charms, which a precaution in Tiberius to prevent a discovery, were found in his quarters, and which were confirmed the people in their suspicion, that they considered as implements of sorcery, employed were jointly concerned in the murder of the faagainst the life of the person whose name was vourite prince. CHAPTER VI. Review qf the first Period inl the Reign of Tiberius-Applications of Penal Law-lDisposition qf Tiberius to a recluse Life-Place and Character qf Sejanus Death of Drusus, Son of the Emnperor-Retirenment of Tiberius to the Island of Caprec Jealousy of the Emperor against Agrippina and her Children-Death of Livia Augusta-Design.formed against SejanusHis Death-Prosecution of his supposed Accomplices-Artifices- Old Age-and Death of Tiberiats. THE death of Germanicus is considered by decision, he concluded with these words: ” I have some historians as a remarkable epoch in the formerly said, and now say, that it becomes the present reign.’ Before this event, Tiberius, as person you have intrusted with so large a share If conscious that he held the empire by his good of the public affairs, to consider himself’ as the behaviour, was popular in his manners, and servant of this assembly, as the servant of the guarded in his administration; declined the ex-people, and of every individual; nor do I repent travagant honours which were offered to him; me of this saying; for I have found you, and still was easy of access; affected to live like a private find you, candid, indulgent, and kind masters.“3 citizen; returned visits, and accepted invitations He affected a continual deference to ther judgto entertainments and feasts; visited the sick, at-ment on every subject, whether of policy, revetended funerals, and delivered orations in praise nue, or foreign correspondence; even seemed to of the dead.2 He treated the titular magistrates wait for their orders in what concerned the comc5

Rome with the same ceremonious respect that mand of the army, and pretended to be displeased, used to he observed in times of the republic; rose, when officers, employed in the provinces, made and stood, in the presence of the consul; took th, ir report directly to himself, without conlnuhis place in the senate as a private member; was ni ating the subject of their despatches first to frequently seen in the courts of justice as an as-tU i senate. sessor, as an advocate, as ean evidence, or as a With these popular arts, which the senators spectator. To a person who saluted him with indeed did not mistake for a real acknowledgthe title of master, “Insult me not,” he said, ment of their authority, he joined an administra” with that odious appellation. I am the master tion in many things worthy of a wise and exemof my slaves, general -of the army, and no more plary prince, indulged the people in the freedom than prince, or first in the rolls of the senate and of speech to which they had been accustiomed, people.” He took the title of Augustus only in saying, that “in a free country, the mind and his correspondence with foreign powers.

In all the tongue should be free.” To those who his addresses, whether to particular members of brought him information of any slander spoken the senate, or to this body at large, he was in the of himself: he affected indiffirence.’ If you highest degrree respectful and courteous. Vrhen mind such accusations as these,” he would say, engaged in debate, he endeavoured to qualify “there will be no end of them.” He gave a contradiction or difference of opinion with respect ready hearing and redress to all the complaints and regret. To a senator, named Haterius, on that were made to him from the provinces, a-ld some such occasion, he said, “I hope you will carefully limited the exactions of his officers forgive me, if, in my duty as a senator, I differ within the bounds of established and ordinary from you somewhat too freely.” At a meeting fees.4 To persons suffering by fire, earthquakes, of the senate, in referring some matter to their or other public calamities, to the families of de3 Suieton. in Tiber. c. 29. I Dio. Cass. lib. Ivii. c c 2 lbid. 4

Tacit. Annal. lib. iv. c. 6, 7

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CHAP. V1.] OF THE ROMAN RET UBLIC. 461 cayed senators, to the children of those who had rank, or tile numberoftheir adherents and friends.

bequeathed him their estates by will, he was mu-In the latter times of the republic, therefore,.as nificent and liberal; took effectual measures to the ardour of zeal for the commonwealth was suppress the banditti, which, from the time of the supposed to wax cold, and motives of ambition civil wars, still infested the country; and endea-and interest were required in aid of public virtue, voured to diminish that constant source of cor-it was enacted, that whoever convicted a person ruption, the idleness which the people contracted of any public crime incurring degradation or forin the too frequent repetition of shows and of feiture, should be entitled to succeed to the digpublic entertainments. He gave an abatement of nity, whether of citizen, knight, or senator, from some taxes which had been imposed by the late which the criminal was degraded. And lest even emperor, and in particular, mitigated the penalties this consideration should not be sufficient to exwhich had been erroneously inflicted on celibacy. cite prosecutors, it was enacted, that a fourth part Tiberius seemed to have perceived that the se-of the estate of the person convicted should be verities employed by his predecessor, to enforce joined to the reward. marriage, served only to multiply the evils of the The office of an accuser, supported by a pure times, without admlinistering anyeffectual remedy concern for the public safety, was commendable; to that which was complained of. But what, in but proceeding, in any degree, upon mercenary this enumeration of examples of his political con-motives, even under the republic, when the cause duct, would have done him most honour, had he to be supported was the majesty of the state itcontinued to support it in the subsequent part of self, must have become, in a high degree, odious his reign, was the equanimity with which he and contemptible; but under the present governrejected many frivolous accusations which were ment, when the object of the law, as well as the brought against the unwary by his own flatter-motive for the application of it, were so much ers, or by the mercenary informers who began to changed, the character of a prosecutor, though swarm in his time.

disguised under the ancient forms and titles, was, In respect to criminal prosecutions, the change in the highest degree, vile and detestable. of government, which took place at Rome, had, Under the establishment of Augustus, the idea without altering the legal forms, made a fatal of majesty was transferred from the state itself change in the effect of the laws, and served, to to the emperor; and the principal object of the show, that the seeds of despotism may be laid in law being to guard his person, not only his safety the freest establishments; and that when the cha-and the authority of his government, but his racters of men are changed, the worst abuse may most private concerns, made a part in the majesproceed from the best institutions.5 ty which was to be preserved. Whatever implied The securities of majesty, or the restraints pro-disrespect, whatever alarmed his jealousy, or invided against treasonable practices, were principal terfered with his caprice, even intrigues of (deobjects in the laws of the republic. The crimes~ baluh with women of his family, were constructed against which those restraints were provided, as treason.

Under a continuation of this governwere, in reality, a trespass on the majesty of the merint, the evil was inflamed by the pretended commonwealth, including rebellion, breach of zeal of spies and informers, who, partly to pay public trust, betraying the forces of the state to their court, and partly to merit the rewards which its enemies, or violating the person of the magis-were promised from the confiscation of estates, trate in the discharge of his office. These were endeavoured to keep on foot a continual inquisijustly reputed an invasion of the rights of the tion, in which they brought to trial the most tripeople, were public crimes, and might be prose-vial indiscretions, as well as more real ofiences, cuted by any citizen, though not particularly in-against the person, authority, or dignity of the terested in the issue of the trial. prince. The swarms of such persons who hauntIn the time of the republic the prosecution of ed the steps of the unwary, and filled the senate public crimes was considered as a duty; and the and the courts of justice with cruel or frivolous character of an informer, bringing to light what prosecutions; in which, by interesting the pasoffended the commonwealth, though in some in-sions of the emperor, they endeavoured to make stances invidious, was not reckoned dishonour-him a party, was one of the most grievous cirable.7 In this character the most respectable and cumstances attending the late revolution of gopopular citizens sometimes braved the resentment vernment. of the most powerful offenders, or, when engaged Tiberius, notwithstanding this tendency of the in private enmities, sought their revenge, with-establishment to which he succeeded, and his out incurring any dishonour as informers, by own temper, which was sufficiently prompt and raising prosecutions on a public account.8
sanguinary in preventing attempts on his person, The mere permission, however, to become a or on his government, had the honour, during public accuser, and the credit annexed to this the first years of his reign, in some measure, to character, were not, in all cases, sufficient to ob-withstand this torrent, and to treat many frivotain prosecutions, or to prevail upon persons, not lous accusations with a proper degree of concalled upon by some material interest, to engage tempt. A senator of the name of Falenius, being in so arduous and often so dangerous a task, as accused of having included, with other furniture that of urging to justice offenders, who were in the sale of his house, a statue of Augustus 9 powerfully supported by their fortunes, their another, of the name of Rubrius, being accused 5 Lex Majestatis. Majestas est amplitudo et digni-9 It is sufficiently known, that, in the heathen my.,as civitatis. Cicero de Orat. lib. ii. c. 39. thology, a place among the gods was sometimes con6 Public crimes. ferred on mortal men; that an apotheosis was little 7

Private crimes or offences could not be prosecuted more than canonization is in later tinles; and that by any person besides the party aggrieved or some this honour having been conferred on Augustus, his person having an interest in the case. name and his statue were ranked among those of the 8

Plutarch. in Lucullo, initio. gods.

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46%f THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK VI. of having taken a false oath by the name of Au-But in whatever sense the favourable appear. gustus; and Granius Marcellus being accused ances, which presented themselves in tht begin. of having taken the head from a statue of that ning of this reign, were to be interpreted, they price, in order to substitute a head of Tiberius were no more than temporary, and, in the nlanin place of it, a manner of paying his court rather ners of this prince, gave way to the growing asridiinulols than criminal; in these and other inperity of age, or to the presumption which took stances of the same kind, Tiberius either took place in his mind, upon the removal of a person no part, or gave his instructions to the senate in whom he considered as a dangerous rival, and very liberal and manly terms. On the subject who, in case of any public discontent, might have of the prosecution that was raised against Fale-been made the instrument of oNerturnine his goilis, “My father,” he said, “was deified, that vernment. his divinity might be a safeguard and a protecSoon after the death of Germanicus, the temper tion, not a snare to the people. His image may, of Tiberius, which had probably gaimned strength no doubt, be included, with those of the other from restraint, broke forth in many cruel and gods as part in the furniture of a house that is alarming effects. His vigilance, hitlh rto limited sold. With respect to the supposed perjury of to one object, and his jealousy, directed against Rubrius, he observed, that “if any one swear, a single person, now found a muitiplicity of sub. and is perjured, the crime is the same, whoever jects on which, with less disguise or reserve, to De the god whose name is profined. Augustus exert their force. is no more to be regarded, in this matter, than Among the particulars in which the emperor, Jupiter; and either of these gods, if offended, in the first period of his reign, imposed the greatcan avenge himself.” The third offence, or the est violence on his own disposition, we may reckon shifting of heads from one statue to another,2 the openness and accessibility which, with a being considered as a mockery of that adulation temper naturally dark and reserved, he afliected which was so easily transferred from one to an-to maintain with the people; and one of the irinother in the succession of princes, and as some cipal circumstances, probably, in which he prodegree of ridicule on the prince himself, was not posed to indulge himself, on his being relieved so easilv otrgiven; though, for the present, over-from his fears of Germanicus, was in retiring looked, it was reserved as a subject of future re-from the public view, and in eluding the observasentinent. tion of persons whom he considered as spies on his To whatever motive we ascribe a conduct so actions. In the eighth year of his reign, and in the popular, and in many particulars so worthy of second year after the death of Gerrnanicus, having empire, it is observed, that itsefl’ects on the minds associated his son Drusus with himself in tihe of the people were not such as might have been consulate, and leaving him in the administration expected, and did not procure to the emperor the of afdrirs in the city, he withdrew for some time favourable opinion or credit to which he aspired. into Campania, meditating, as Tacitus observes, His manner, even when he affected humanity a more entire and continued retreat. During the and conldescension, was ungracious and alarm-two first years after his accession he had confined ing; and, notwithstanding any appearances to himself’ to the walls of Rome, and remained in the contrary, his real character was supposed to the city, as in the watch-tower, from whence h’e be malicious and cruel. It is sai(l, that in the was to observe and prevent all designs that might midst of the hypocrisy and dissimulation by which be fornled on his government. After those years he had endeavoured to disguise himself before his were passed, he made some excursions to Antiaccession, he made some slips which betrayed the um,3 and other towns or villages on the same reality of this disposition; and that he had been coast, but never to any greater distance. In orsurprised into acts of insolence and severity, in der, however, that the provincial officers Imight which, by mixing derision and sarcasm with not think themselves altogether secure fiom his cruelty, he had given the strongest proofs of a personal inspection, he frequently, even during merciless nature. For the present it was ob-this period, affected a purpose to visit the nlore served, that his overacting the part of popularity, distant parts of the empire; ordered his equithe ridiculous tyranny he exercised over the se-pages, placed changes of horses and carriages, nate in requiring at once the affectation of freedom and permitted the usual sacrifices to be offered and the grossest servility; that the farce of affect-up for his safe return; but always, for some speing reluctance in accepting of a government cious reason, delayed the execution of his prewhich he had previously secured with the great-tended design. After having, in this manner, fbr est care; the ridicule of dividing in the senate, some time amused the world, and, by the repetior giving his vote with the minority, when a re-tion of these and other artifices, furnished a key solution was to be taken in favour of himself, to the secret of his own conduct; his mysteries, served to join mockery and insult to the weight for the most part, became extremely plain, and of his usurpation; that even his affectation of his true intentions easily perceived, merely bepopularity, for the most part, increased the ter-cause he never spoke truth. rors of his government; that his presence in the But while the emperor thus endeavoured to courts of justice took away all freedom of judg-debar the people from all access to his person, and ment; and that the discretionary power which to seclude himself from public view, he selected, he assumed, of mitigating or reverting sentences, as a proper instrument of his power, and, in apand cf dispensing with laws, under pretence of pearance, as an object of his most implicit conficorrecting their general tendency by seasonable dence, _Elius Sejanus, who has been already exceptions, only served to frustrate the preten-mentioned, as accompanying his son Drusus on sions to civil government, which, in imitation of his mission to the mutinous legions in Panoiiia. Augustus, he still affected to preserve. This person, supposed to have no dangerous pre. I Deorum mnjuria Diis curae. 2 Tacit. 1. i. c 73

3 About thirty miles from Rome.

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CHAP. VI.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 4od tensions, or though false to others, supposed true which he could command the city, and employ to his master, he had placed at the head of his the professional prejudices of those who occupied guards or pr etorian bands, and distinguished him this garrison, most effectually against every perwith a degree of atfection and confidence hitherto son that was supposed disaffected to his p;erson without example in any former part of his life. In this disposition, whatever may have tben the This being the first of his intimate connexions, object of it, there is no doubt that the praAtorian whatever may have been its motive, it did not ad-bands became more detached from the people, mit of competition or participation, and rendered and that the force and presumption of this fora per-on, nwho was dark and implenetrable to Tnidable body became more trerrendour s tf; the every one else, open and communicative to this other parts of the empire, and even to the emperor favourite alone. himselfW Sejanus is described by Tacitus as of a hardy A s Tiberius seemed to set no bounds to his and indefatigable constitution of body; of a bold confidence in the minister, and enabled him to spirit and an insatiable ambition, which he dis-employ all the powers of the empire in support guised under an aflectation of modesty. He is of his own elevation, the jealousies or resentments described as a person possessed of great art in of the favourite became equally fatal with those concealing his own vices, and of an insidious of his master, and being more numerous, involved penetration in prying into those of others; versa-the government of the emperor in perpetual anitile in his mnanners, and either careless and pro-mosities, prosecutions, and cruelties, which nay fuse, or vigilant and severe, as suited the occasion; have, for the present, gratified his severe and insolent to those over whomn he had any advan-jealous temper, but which were in no way contage, but f:awning where he was the interior, or tuclive to his interest. had an interest to gain. In his youth he had Under the influence of this connexion, joined attached himself to Caius Caesar, the adopted son to his own disposition, Tiberius gave a ready ear of Augustus; and afterwards succeeding his own to that numerous tribe of informers, who brought father, ill the station which he now occupited at accusations against persons in any degree obthe head of the pratorian bands, seenled to im-noxious or unacceptable to himself’ or to his faprove the access which this situation gave him to vourite. In this predicament, the descendants of the person of the emperor, into an ascendant over the ancient nobility, persons eminent by their his mind. birth, plopular favour, or personal qualities, and One of the first or most observable signs of the considered as rivals in the apprehension of’ either, great elevation of Sejanus; was the proposed were the principal sufferers. The perpetual inmarriage of his daughter with the son of Clau-quisition to which they were expose(d, and which dius, the brother of Germanicus; a person, makes a principal article in the history of this thougrh at this time in a great measure neglected and some of the succeeding reigns, must, by the at court, yet nearly related to the emperor; and, frequent repetition of similar examp!es, l.‘ctcme in the sequel of events, himself destined to ascend an object of disgust, as well as of indiglnation or the imperial throne. pity. And it may perhaps have been true of Sejanus being thus pointed out as favourite, this emperor. that even his character, though in by a mark of honour which tended to gratify his itself sufficiently odious, may, for sonie time at vanity, he took measures, at the same time, the least, have incurred additional detestation, from most efficacious, to establish his power. For this his having committed his administration into the purpose he employed his credit in filling up with hands of a servant, who multiplied the errors of his own creatures, as fast as vacancies happened, his government, or gave them the directions of the praetorian bands, the legions, and every civil passions more numerous or less liberal than even as well as military department in the state; those of the master. knowing that where government rests its autho-As Sejanus was most vigilant and jealous in rity on principles of reason and justice, the ci-exacting observances, it became more dangerous vilian, the senator, and the statesman are its to neglect the attention he required, than even principal instruments; but where it is founded that which was due to the prince. A courtship entirely on force, its ministers are soldiers of forwas accordingly paid to him by the retainers of tune, and its powers rest chiefly with those milithe palace, by the senate, by the army, and by tary bodies who are in possession of the capital, the people, more assiduous than even that which or who surround the person of the prince.

This they paid to the emperor. In private, every spe adventurer, therefore, being already at the head cies of flattery; in public, honorary decrees, were of this powerful department, studied every method invented to gratify his vanity. The anniversar) to concentrate its force, and ty secure in his own of his birth was joined to the festivals of the year.

person the direction of it. To this motive is im-His name was inserted in the public prayers; puted the change which he now made in the and when any deputation was sent with admanner of disposing of the pratorian bands.

dresses of respect to the emperor from the senate, These troops were hitherto quartered on the from the equestrian order, or from any other citizens, or distributed in the villages round the public description of men, compliments were at walls of the city, apprehending, it is alleged, that the same time sent to his favourite. The effigies they might, in that way of life, imbioe thie preju-of both were carried together among the ensigns dices of the people, and become part of the fami-of the legions, and their statues were grouped tolies with whom they were mixed, he persuaded gether in the streets. Women of every rank the emperor to detach them from that society; thought themselves honoured by the addresses of and, under the ordinary pretence of having the this fortunate man, and became the tools of his cohorts together, and more under the eye of their ambition, or the prostitutes of his pleasure. By officers, erected a citadel and barracks for their debauching the wife, he sometimes obtained inreception; in this manner establishing in Rome telligence what were the designs or ordinary puritself; or contiguous to its walls, a fortress from suits of the husband; and by encouraging the

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4b4 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION BOOK VI. zeal of spies and informers, who were now be-monwealth. ” These,” he said, addressing him~ come the favourite retainers of the court, he was self to the young men, “are your fathers. Such enabled to pry into the actions of every citizen, is the condition of your birth, that whatever conand to watch all the symptoms,f disaffection to cerns you, whether good or evil, must affect the the emperor or to himself. Intoxicated with the empire.” It is however singular, that this speech, extraordinary circumstances of his fortune, it is made in behalf of the sons of Germanicus, aporobable that he thought himseif placed within pears to have awakened the jealousy of the per-each of the e npire, and measured his conse-son who made it. Observing that the audience quence with that of the persons who apparently were moved with these expressions, and supstood before him in their pretensions to this ele-posing that the tenderness which was shown to vation. The present emperor himself had suc. the sons, was a remainder of that popular esteem ceeded to the government, not by his birth, but which, in the father, had given him so much unmerely by having survived every person on whom easiness, he appeared to be suddenly embarrassed; his predecessor could rely for support, or through and, as if he had been reproached with intruding whom, by any line of inheritance, he could trans-himself into a static n which the world - ished to mit his power. Pointed out by mere accident to have reserved for the parent of these young men, the choice of Augustus, he had been first adopted he proceeded to counteract his own apprehensions into the family of C(esar, and afterwards asso-with his usual atflectatlon of humility and modeelated in the empire. ration. “I beseech you,” he said to the senate, Sejanus computed that he himself was already “that I may be allowed, at a proper time, to repossessed of more favour with the reigning em-sign the empire.” And as he was always (lisperor than Tiberius ever had enjoyed with the trusted, and had the worst construction put on person to whom he succeeded; and that there his word(s, these were supposed to be the expreswas nothing in the farther progress of his fortune sions of mere embarrassment, and that he was in too arduous or difficult for him to undertake. reality mortified with the demonstrations of joy The conduct of the young princes towards him which were given on this apparent restoration of had been provoking, and seemed to justify his re-the family of a favourite prince. sentment. They bore with impatience the in-Sejanus, who bore with great impatience the trusion of a rival into the emperor’s favour. admission of new rivals in the way of his ambiDrusus in particular was frequently heard to tion, improved these circumnstances in the mancomplain, that his father had chosen a favourite ner which he knew to be most effectual to to supplant his own son, and had made a stranger awaken the emperor’s jealousy, and to inflame little less than a colleague in the empire; that the animosity already subsisting betwixt the emthe steps which remained for Sejanus to make to press Livia and Agrippina, the widow of Gerthis elevation were not so many, nor so difficult, manicus, and the mother of these young men. as those he had already made. “‘And we must The effect of his artifices and insinuations operely,” he said, “on the m4odesty of this man for rating on the distrustful mind of the emperor the bounds he may think proper to set to his far-first appeared in the destruction of many persons ther pretensions.” who had been attached to Germanicus, and who This favourite had already formed an intrigue still adhered to his family; and afterwards in the with Livia, or Livilla, the sister of Germanicus, ruin of Agrippina herself, and in the death of married to Drusus. By this intelligence with the the two elder of her sons. wife, he had notice of what passed in the conver-The passions of jealousy and distrust, by which sations of the husband; and, in concert with this the mind of Tiberius was secretly devoured, but abandoned woman, determined to remove a per-which he had endeavoured to conceal in the for son from whom he had so much to tfar.

They nler part of his life, instead of abating in propor took into their confidence, for this purpose, Eude-tion as he became secure, only became.

less mus, a physician, who, under pretence of his disguised and more violent in their efikcts against profession, had a frequent and a secret access to those who happened to, be the objects of’ them ivilla; and, after some hesitation, and frequent He listened without reserve to every spy or in change of their counsels, they found means, by former, and, under the pretence of treason, dithe hands of one Ligdus, a eunuch, to administer rected prosecutions against every person in any poison to the prince, of which he died. The degree exposed to suspicion. cause of his death, and the circumstances of this Under such prosecutions the accused, having daring crime, were not known till about eight no hopes to escape from a charge in which the years afterwards. passions of the sovereign were engaged against In the mean time Sejanus, encouraged by the them, endeavoured, for the most part, to prevent success of his first attempt, flattered himself that by a voluntary death the confiscation of’ their he might step into the place of the prince whom estates. And this direful necessity, frequently ne had thus removed out of his way; arid, in con-repeated, being imputed to the mnerciless policy cert with Livilla, with whom he had already or suggestion of Sejanus, instead of drawing ived in habits of adultery, he waited for a decent upon him public marks of indignation or hatred, interval to propose himself to the emperor as a greatly increased the court which was paid to him. Ausband for the widow of his son. and multiplied the professions of public regard. Tiberius, although he had, by his deceased son, The emperor, in the mean time, as he sought a gralndson of his own name; yet this young for security and peace of mind in a quarter in man being still under age, he thought proper, which they surely are not to be found, in the upon the breach which had recently been made destruction of the most innocent objects of his ml his family, to bring forward the two elder sons suspicion, felt his odious passion of jealousy ripen of Germanicus, Nero and Drusus, whom he pre-into a general hatred of mankind, with a dislike, sented to the senate, as the great-grand-children in particular, to those persons who had been the,f Augustus, and the future supports of the corm-ir.struments of his distrust, and with an aversion

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iHAP. VI.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 465 to the very place at which he had multiplied its most inclined to reply. That Livilla might decruel effects.

Conscious of what he endeavoured termine for herself, whether, having beden the to conceal, and of what men were able to pene-wife of Drusus, she was to accept of a second trate, he was jealous of every prying look, and husband; or if she had any doubts in the matter, detested every person whom he thought qualified she might consult her mother and her grandto distinguish truth from appearances. At one mother, fitter counsellors on that occasion than time, he received the crowd of informers who he could pretend to be; that the marriage which haunted his court, as the most acceptable mem-Sejanus proposed for himself would not allay the bers of it; at other times, lie abhorred them as malice of Agrippina, but rather inflame it, and dipersons who penetrated his character, and who, vide the family of Caesar into parties; that it to their own advantage, and to the disgrace of his would be impossible for him, if he should form governmenlt, were practising upon his weakness. this alliance, to remain in his present condition: After having resided constantly in the city for that Augustus, in deliberating on the choice of many years, he began to multiply and to prolong a husband for his own (laughter, because he his visits to some of his favourite retreats in the wished for a son-in-law whose pretensions were country, placed guards wherever he went, to keep not likely to disturb the public peace, had turned the curious multitude at a distance, declined the his thoughts on some persons of equestrian rank; attendance of those who wished to pay their but that the example, nevertheless, was against court, and was accessible only to his favourite Sejanus; for Augustus did not actually marry minister. his daughter to a Roman knight, but first to Sejanus, still appearing to risein the confidence Agrippa, and afterwards to himself.” He conof his master on the ruin of every one else, ven-eluded with insinuating that he had other views tured according to the agreement long since for his friend; owned that there was nothing tot made with Livilla, to propose himself to the em-high for his merits; and his opinion in this mat~)eror as second husband to the widow of his son. ter, he said, he should in a proper time make It was the practice of Tiberius to require, even known to the senate and to the people.3 from persons who had daily access to him, that Sejanus was alarmed by this intricate and amevery proposal they made should be put in writ-biguous answer, and dreaded a change of his ing; andl it was his practice likewise to give an-master’s disposition. He had hitherto excluded swers in the same form. Sejanus accordingly every competitor from the emperor’s favour; but presented a memorial to the following purpose: a temper so prone to suspicion, he knew could “That he had been so long accustomed to look be easily turned against him, and would receive up to Augustus forprotection, and to Tiberius:ncouragement from numbers, as soon as they for every effect of munificence and goodnes-, should see the first signs of distrust. For these that his wishes and his prayers were carried to reasons, he is said at this time to have formed the them more directly than even to the gods them-design of persuading Tiberius to remove from selves; that the splendour of high fortune had the city. When at a distance, he trusted that, no charms for him; that his delights were in the by means of the guards, who were the bearers cares and toils of a soldier stationed for the de-of all expresses and messages, he might be masfence of the emperor’s person; that he had neverter of the emperor’s correspondence, and prevent theless already attained to the highest honours in the access of every suspicious person. With this the alliance of his family with that of Caesar;1 view he exaggerated the troubles to which the and from thence probably arose the farther hopes sovereign was exposed at Rome; molested with which he ventured to conceive. Augustus, when trifles, and crowded, wherever he went, with he deliberated on the marriage of his daughter, multitudes of’ idle or importunate people; inagnihad condescended to think of’ a Roman knight. fying, at the same time, the pleasures of retirement If a husband, therefore, should be thought of for where free from the disgust and the avocation of Livilla, might he not presume to hope that the inferior objects, he might bestow his attention on emperor would not overlook a person so pro-the conduct and result of affairs that were worthy foundly attached to him, who coveted nothing of his notice. on this occasion, besides the honour of being cho-Whatever effect we may suppose the represen into this high connexion, and who had no sentations of Sejanus to have had in persuading ambition beyond the duties of his trust as a guard the emperor to retire from Rome, it is probable to the sacred person of his master. For himself that, in forming this resolution, still more was he was willing to perish whenever the emperor owing to his own temper. Though deeply tincshould cease to protect him; but his family had tured with pride, the inherent vice of his family,4 many enemies, and needed to be raised into some Tiberius had not any share of that vanity which such place of advantage, where they might be leads men to display their fortunes and persons less exposed to the haughty and imperious insults in the view of the world.

Content with the graof Agrippina and her offspring.“2 tification of his appetites, and joining hypocrisy In answer to this memorial, the emperor ac-with the worst species of sensuality, he could knowledged the merits of his favourite; but did submit to obscurity; and, although the resources not give him any encouragement on the subject of solitude were now diminished by the effects of his request. “Princes,” he said, “were not, of age, yet a temper become more jealous of the like private men, at liberty to follow their own in-world, and more averse to its notice, inclined him clinations, but must consult the opinion of the more to withdraw from the city, and to maintain world; and observed, that, under this restraint, from a distance that watch which he had hitherto he must, for the present, suppress what he was kept over the actions, words, and even thoughts of its inhabitants. He accordingly, in the twelfth 1 The marriage of his son with the daughter of Claudius. 3 Tacit. Annal. lib.

iv. c. 40. 2 Tacit Annal. lib. iv. c. 39. 4 Insita Claudia famnilia superbia.-TAcVr. 3N

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4el6 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BooK V1. year of his reign, under pretence of dedicating lars, either of the past or subsequent part of this in Campania a temple to Jupiter and another to detestable reign. But it is likely that ingenuous Augustus, withdrew from Rome, and after this rminds may arrive at what is just, by desiring tc time, during the remainder of his life, under va-shun what is odious and vile, no less than bv adrions pretences, but with continual intimations miring and aiming at what is noble and worthy. of his intention to return, absented himself’ from Certain follies and vices sometimes gain strength the city. Having performed the ceremonies for from the fashion and the example of persons in which he had gone to Campania, he passed from high station. But it is established by the feelthence to Caprein, a small island under a head-ings of mankind through every age, that malice, land, which was called the promontory of Mi-jealousy, and cruelty, can receive no lustre even nerva, making one side of the bay of Naples. It from the purple and the throne of Cwsar, and is probable that, after mature deliberation, he had Tiberius himself, considered as the monument fixed on this spot as a place of security and an of an infamy to be shunned, may be a teacher of agreeable retreat. It was covered by the high humanity and of wisdom not inferior to Trajan lands of’Minerva fiom the northeast winds, and or Aurelius. was open to breezes from the sea on the south-This tyrant, though now withdrawn from the west. It was accessible only to very small ves-resentment of those he injured, did not suffer his sels, and this only at a single place. The seas vigilant jealousy to sleep over the rumours and were open to his scouts, and no sail could ap-reports of his informers and spies, but rather, proach without his knowledge and permission. with a more open and unguarded severity, watchIn this secession it appears, that he divided the ed over crimes which had no existence but in his guards, havinag one part in the island for the de-own imagination, or in his remembrance of the fence of his person, and the other at Rome to countenance and aspect of the persons hlie disliked. enforce the mandates of his government. In his present retreat, he seemed to multiply the Armong the Romans who were admitted into objects of his hatred, in proportion as he himself this retreat are mentioned Sejanus, from whom was secure; and in order to compensate the disthe emiperor w1.s still inseparable, Curtius Attitance to which he was removed, employed a procus, a Roman knirht, and Cocceius Nerva,l a portional speed and decision to surprise, and to senator of (reat dignity, who, possessing much prevent those who were suspected of any designs knowledge in the laws and constitutions of the against him. From Caprea, his mandates. fbr commonwealth, was still acceptable, or even ne-the most part, were carried to the senate, and to cessary in the councils of a prince, who, except the military officers at Rome, not as conllllaints where his own passions were concerned, still against the supposed offender, or as instructions wished to be reasonable and just. This person, to the magistrate to make trial or inquiry into however, from whatever cause, soon after ended the guilt of the accused, but as warrants for their his days on this island by a voluntary death. immediate execution. Tiberius, in the latter part of his life, admitted Agrippina and her sons, with their adherents likewise into his privacy at Caprea, Caius, the and those of Germanicus, were principal objects third son of Germanicus, better known by the of the present emperor’s animosity and cruel disname of Caligula. The society, however, in like. This family being high in the favour of the which he deliaghted most, was made up chiefly of people, he fancied that the young men might not Greeks, professed men of letters, but more emi-be disposed to defer the completion of their hopes, nent as flatterers and ministers of pleasure. For until a natural event had bestowed a succession, such men he had no respect, but suffered them which a daring attempt might accelerate. Nero to amuse him with their speculations, or rather and Drusus, the two elder sons of this family, with a kind of literary bufibonery, in discussing having without any authority from the emperor ludicrous questions which he was pleased to pro-been included by the senate in the forms of pubpose; such as, who was the mother of Hecuba, lic prayer, their names were again expunged by and what species of music was sung by the his order, and with an admonition to the senate, Syrens?2 These literary buffoons, however, no not to inflame the ambition of youth with preless than the objects of his political jealousy, ex-mature and exorbitant honours. perienced occasionally the effects of his capricious This forward attempt to place the sons of Gerdisgusts. One of them was banished to the island manicus on the steps of the throne, was supposed Cynar.a for hinting a joke on the Doric accent, to proceed from the ambition of their mother which the emperor had acquired at Rhodes in Agrippina, who appearing to carry in her high his pronunciation of Greek. Another, having looks and vehement temper the pretensions of the found out that the emperor read books every grand-daughter of Augustus, and the mother of morning, out of which he proposed his questions at future emperors, ever seemed to reproach Tibenight; and observing the book which the emperor rius with having usurped, and with continuing had been reading, came sowell preparedto answer to possess, what was due to herself and to her every question, that his trick was suspected. He children. Sejanus did not neglect to cultivate was banished from the emperor’s company, and the animosity of either party. He had informaafterwards, by cruel usage, induced to lay violent tions conveyed to Agrippina, of a design that hands on himself. was hatching at Capreas against her life, and exWere it established that ignominy could have cited her by these means to give the emperor prono effect, nor the odious aspect of vice deter man-voking marks of her caution and distrust, which kind from yielding to the vile considerations that were easily interpreted as the symptoms of a lead to the practice of it, there would be no apo-guilty mind in herself, and hastened the prevenlogy for molesting the world with many paiticu-tions on his part, which he thought proper to employ against her. 1 Tacit. Annal. lib. iv. c.

58. As mutual provocations had passed between 2 Sueton. in Tiber. c. 70

Agrippina and the emperor before his departure

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CHAP. VI.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 467 from Rome, arid as she was become a principal had been, upon this account, an object-of the object of his dislike, it is extremely probable that emperor’s aversion, and likely to suffer under he had then resolved upon the ruin of her family, the first plausible pretence that could be found at least upon her own; and that he took his sta-against him. Being selected, soon after the retion at Caprew fbr the more safe execution of an treat of Tiberius, by the sagacity of’

those who unpopular act, which might occasion some tumult wished to pay their court, as a proper object on in the city, or even a defection of the army. He whom to display their zeal, he was attacked at proceeded, however, by degrees, in the execution once by four persons of senatorian rank, Latini’;s of his purpose, and before his departure from Latiaris, Porcius Cato, Politius Rufus, and M. Rome, had made a trial of his power against Oppius, all of them already promoted to the digsomn of her relations and friends. Under this nity of’ pretor, and now aspiring to that of desc:iptionr, he had ordered the execution of Sosia consul. They agreed to pay their court, by some Galla and Claudia Pulchra, two women of noble notable service, to the prince and his favourite. birth, who were related to her by blood, and much The first undertook, by insinuating himself into in her confidence. the confidence of Sabinus, to betray him into Upon occasion of the last of these executions, some criminal action or expression. The other Agrippina, who considered herself as aimed at in three were to be placed within hearing of what this cruel action, ventured, with a vehemence and should pass, in order to be cited as witnesses. impetuosity which made part of her character, to A snare so artfully laid could scarcely be reproach the emperor with his tyranny, accosting avoided. The injured, wherever they think him to this purpose, as he was engaged in his de-thelmnelves safe, are apt to complain: and Savotions at the shrine of Augustus; ” It ill becomes binu, finding that his faithful attachment to the a person,” she said, “who affects to worship the family of his late fiiend was warmly applauded parent, to practise the ruin of his offspring. The by Latiaris, unwarily joined with the traitor in spirit of him you adore, is not transferred into the lamenting the iniquity of the times,- and the inanimate marble which you worship, but into cruelty of Sejanus and Tiberius. Conversations his living posterity whom you oppress, and whom to this purpose being repeated at some supposed you cause to live in continual mourning, and in confidential interviews; but in the hearing of the sorrow. Pulchra must perish now for the same other three, who were posted as witnesses, it reason that was formerly fatal to Socsia, for her soon appeared, that there was sufficient matter being the unhappy relation and friend of those against Sabinus; and the information was conyou are determined to ruin.”

Tiberius replied veyed to the emperor. in a Greek quotation, implying that she was hurt, The informers, as a specimen both of their because she was not allowed to reign;3 and in zeal and of their ability, gave a particular account these wor(ls, contrary to his usual dissirnulation, of their conduct in bringing the treasonable betrayed the rancour of his mind.4
thoughts of Sabinus to light. The information After the retreat of Tiberius to Capreae, Se-was applauded by the emperor, transmitted to janus, to gratify the passions of his master, and the senate, and by them considered as a warrant to make way for his own ambition, continued for the immediate death of the accused. Being his practices against the family of Germanicus. found by the officers, commissioned to seize him, He had spies placed about them, and received paying his devotion at some public altar, he was frequent informations, in writing, of what passed dragged from thence to immediate execution. in their company. He had an account of all The particulars of the detection were published, the actions and words of Nero, the eldest of the in order to show with what zeal the emperor two sons, from Julia Drusilla, the wife of this was served, and in order to restrain the disafyoung man, who was engaged by her mother fected, by a mutual-distrust of each otherf from Livilla to betray her husband. He took measures entering into any such dangerous counsels. to provoke both the brothers to angry and un-The tragical death of Sabinus, a person geguarded expressions, and had these effects of nerally loved and respected; his being dragged his own provocations carefully reported to the by the executioner through the streets at noonemperor. He had emissaries, who insinuating day in sight of the people, spread a general conthemselves into the favour and confidence of sternation in the city.

All orders of men, under these young men, urged them to rash and despe-their lirst impressions, deserted the public places; rate resolutions; such as that of calling upon but presently recollecting that their flight might the armies in Germany to support their rights, be imputed to a participation of guilt, or at least of taking refuge at the shrine of Augustus, and to some degree of sympathy with the person who of appealing to the people. When these emis-suffered, they immediately returned to the places saries could not actually engage the persons of public resort, and affected their usual ease against whom they were employed in the crimes and tranquillity. But from thenceforward, for they sucrgested, they had instructions to accuse some time, it was observed, that a melancholy them to the emperor of having deliberated on silence took place, even in the most secret consuch dangerous projects. versations of relations and intimate companions, While the sons of Agrippina were thus sur-who, from this example, had learned to distrust rounded with snares, their most faithful retainers each other. and friends were exposed to the same dangers,. Tiberius, upon receiving the report of Saor actually fell, under the hands of the execu-binus’s execution, thanked the senate for the tioner. Among these, Titius Sabinus had been justice they had done on this enemy of the cornm distinguished by his affection to Germanicus, monwealth, and mentioned a danger to which and remained still attached to lis family. He his person was still exposed from other enemies, more formidable than those they had already de-.t Ideo tadi, quia non regnaret.

stroyed. In this ominous insinuation, he was 4 Tacit. Annal. lib. iv. c.

52. supposed to point at Agrippina and her sons.

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468 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BooK VI. Asinius Gallus ventured to call for an explana-manicus, therefore, she was probably mnore imtion, by moving the senate to address the emperor, placable even than the emperor; but with respect that he would be graciously pleased to make to his children, these being descended of herself. known the object of his apprehensions, and that it may be supposed that she could not possibly he would accept of their services in the defence adopt the passions of Sejanus to their prejudice. of his person. nor wish to remove them, in order to make way Gallus had married Vipsania, from whom Ti-for the ambition of a stranger. The death of berius was separated, when his marriage with Livia was accordingly to those young men a Julia was determined. By this alliance, he be-fatal circumstance, and facilitated the execution came the relation of Agrippina;l and, what was of the designs, which the emperor or his favourite still more dangerous, had presumed to succeed had formed against them. Soon after the funeral the emperor himself in a connexion, of which rites were performed, the storm which had been he still was envious and jealous. This circum-long impending over them accordingly broke out. stance rendered him, to the dark and vindictive A letter from the emperor was presented to the mind of Tiberius, an object of deliberate malace. senate, accusing Agrippinh, and Nero the eldest When his motion to address the emperor for an of her sons, not of any plot or conspiracy against explanation of his fears was reported at court, it the state, or of any breach of the public peace, was considered as a saucy attempt to penetrate but charging the young man with lewdness, and the secrets of government, as a contempt of the mother with haughty looks, and a stubborn authority, and a dangerous attack upon the ma-heart. jesty of the prince. This letter was received in the senate with Tiberius would have seized this opportunity surprise. After some interval of consternation to execute his revenge against Gallus, if he had and silence, a motion was made to proceed in the not been diverted from it by Sejanus himself, matter to which it referred; but there being no who wished rather to keep his mind intent on specific charge, and no instructions to form a prothe destruction of Agrippina and her two eldest secution, it was observed, that the emperor might sons, who were equally objects of jealousy to the have given way to his displeasure in angry exminister as to the emperor. pressions, without intending any farther censure Such were the aflairs which succeeded in the or judicial severities. Junius Rusticus, who had state, to the great political questions that formerly been appointed by Tiberius clerk or secretary of used to divide the senate and the people; and as the senate, ventured to advise a delay, in order the event of these affairs turned upon the caprice that the emperor might have time to reconsider of individuals, they were very much affected by the subject, and to make the senate acquainted any alterations which happened at court. It with his real intentions. being now the fourth year after the retreat of In the mean time, the purport of this letter the emperor to Capree, a considerable change was rumoured abroad, and the senate was beset took place in the death of Livia Augusta, who, with multitudes of the people, who, carrying the by her first marriage, was the mother of Tibe-effigies of Agrippina and her son, exclaimed rius, and by her second, the widow of Augustus, that the letter in question must have been forged, by whom she had no children. She appears to that it was impossible the emperor could intend have been a woman of consummate address. Ac-the destruction of his own family; and, after the cording to Tacitus, a fond and partial mother, senate broke up, there continued to be handed an obsequious wife, andl uniting, in her own about in the streets invectives against Sejanus, character, the abilities of her husband, with the alleged to be the speeches of members in that duplicity of her son. Being asked, by what arts assembly. she had kept her place so long in the confidence When these particulars came to be known at of Augustus? ” By the most scrupulous virtue,” Capreze, they were represented by Sejanus as an she said; “by implicit obedience; by not med-insult upon the senate, and as a contempt of’ the dling in affairs of state; by overlooking his in-emperor’s authority. Libels, he said, were dartrigues with other women.“2 ingly published; the people were assembled in The authority of Livia had been a consider-disorderly tumults, and nothing was wantinl to able restraint on the temper of her son; and complete the rebellion, but arms, and the personal being exerted to thwart him on some occasions, presence of those leaders who were already fblhad contributed to the resolution he took of re-lowed in effigy. tirino from Rome. Both the mother and the Tiberius accordingly renewed his complaint son had their jealousies and their resentments; to the senate, reprimanding them for not having but as they seldom fixed on the same objects, proceeded on his former letter; but insinuated, such as were persecuted by the one, sometimes that he did Inot aim at the life of Agrippina, nor found a refuge with the other. They concurred at that of her son. In this, he seemed to require in their aversion to Agrippina, but might have a sentence of exile or imprisonment; and the been divided in their inclinations towards her members, now as much decided as they had been children. Livia, tainted with the rancour of a lately perplexed and irresolute, were eager to stepmother,3 and incited by personal jealousies, distinguish their zeal. After four-and-forty elaever saw in the person of Agrippina an air of borate speeches had been delivered, all tending superiority which seemed to reproach her as the to prove the necessity of immediate severities, it’wife of Nero, and but an intruder into the family was resolved that Agrippina, with the eldest of of Caesar. With respect to the widow of Ger-her sons, should be banished; the first into the island of Pandateria, the place where her mother, 1

Vipsania was the daughter of Agrippa by a for. the unhappy Julia, had been confined; and the mer marriage, and consequently the half sister of other to Pontia, another island on the same coast.4 Agrippina. 2 Dio. Cass. lib.

Iviii. c. 2. 3 Novercalibus odiis.-TACIT. 4 Sueton. in Tiber. c. 33, 34.

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CHAP. VI.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 469 The younger brothers were overlooked on the favourite, had for some time secretly resolved on present occasion.

Drusus, the second, being his ruin; but while he revolved this purpose in persuaded by Sejanus that the removal of his his own mind, and weighed the dangers to elder brother tended to his own advantage, by which he might be exposed in the execution of opening his way to the empire, took no part in it, he redoubled the usual marks of his favour, the distresses of his family. He himself, however, and in all his despatches, in which he mentioned was soon after put in confinement, and for some Sejanus to the senate, designed him, ” My Seyears kept a prisoner at Rome, in a secret recess janus, and the partner of my cares and my laof the emperor’s palace. bours.” Titbrius, in some instances, endeavoured to The public, as well as Sejanus himself, were compensate the injustice which he practised imposed upon by these appearances. No honour against one set of persons, by acts of munifi-was moved for the emperor, in which Sejanus cence to others, whom he selected as objects of was not included. Their statues still continued his bounty, or who were of too little consequence to be erected together, and were multiplied in to incur his jealousy. He seized an opportunity every street; and when the emperor signified his of this kind about the time that Agrippina and pleasure that Sejanus should be named to the her son experienced his vengeance, by relieving consulate, together with himself, the senate renumbers who had suffered by a fire which had plied, by an act, vesting the prince and his farecently consumed some part of the city, and vourite with this dignity for five years.

others, who had suffered by the fall of a theatre Hitherto, it is probable that Tiberius, well erected at Fidenae; a disaster, by which, accord-aware of the vigilance and penetration of his faing to Tacitus, about fifty thousand persons vourite, and of the numerous spies he had emwere killed or hurt. Continuing, however, with ployed, had not confided his secret to any person respect to those who incurred his aversion or his whatever, and wished to remove him from his distrust, to exercise a cruelty which seemed to person, before he ventured to proceed any farther increase with age, or with the consciousness of in his design. For this purpose he had chosen his own demerit towards mankind, he proceeded him for his own colleague in the consulate of the against Asinius Gallus with singular marks of ensuing year; and, under pretence of delegating deliberate malice; took measures to prolong the to him the whole functions of an office, which sufferings of this favourite victim; wished to the emperor himself could not attend, he sent witness their effects, and to enforce the impres-him to Rome. sion of them with peculiar circumstances’

of For some time after the arrival of Sejanus in insult and mockery. For this purpose, he pro-the city, the usual executions for treason were cured a deputation from the senate to be sent to continued, and persons who had incurred the Capreae, and took care that Asinius Gallus should suspicion either of the prince or his minister, be one of the deputies.

Upon their arrival, he perished with their wives, and their children.

received Gallus in a manner peculiarly gracious, Many of them, as usual, to prevent the effects of admitted him as a party in all his entertainments, a formal sentence, laid violent hands on themand as an ordinary guest at his table; but having selves, and some exhibited this horrid spectacle in the mean time sent a complaint of treason even at the bar of the senate.5 against him to Rome, and directed that a war-While Sejanus thus seemed to wield the imrant from the senate should be sent to seize his perial power, and to hold the lives of the people person, he continued his former behaviour, and at his mercy, he was attended by multitudes, who detained him at Capreae, under various pretences pressed to his gate in such numbers, that the of kindness, until the warrant of the senate to court of his palace could scarcely receive them. seize him should arrive. He took care to be pre-He slighted the attentions that were paid to him; sent when this warrant was executed, affected but with unwearied jealousy remarked every apsurprise, even pretended to be distressed, and, pearance of neglect, and doomed to destruction when the prisoner was removed, gave strict persons who gave any signs of impatience, under injunctions that no violence should be offered to the state of servility and debasement to which him, nor any sentence passed against him, until they were reduced. he himstlf should return to Rome. In the mean time, Tiberius proceeded with In this ambiguous injunction, Gallus was congreat circumspection. He had accepted of the demned to a lingering state of suspense, and of consulate merely to flatter his minister, and to suffering without the knowledge of his crime, or increase his security, in being placed as the colof the person by whom he was accused; a species league of the emperor in that station. Being to of refinement on cruelty which Tiberius had lately destroy him, it was necessary that some one adopted, and, which he sometimes expressed. should be present, on whom the dignity of conHaving a petition presented to him, that one of sul might devolve. For this reason, he divested his prisoners might be allowed to die: ” I am himself of the office, and substituted in his own not,” he said,‘sufficiently reconciled to him for place C. Memmius Regulus, who on the first of that.” May, was admitted as’ the colleague of Sejanus. While Sejanus was considered as the author From thenceforward, the conduct of the emperor tf most of these cruel acts, and was accordingly threw the favourite himself and the public in gethe general object of flattery as well as of terror, he neral, into great perplexity.

In some of his letters was in reality the dupe of his master’s cunning, to the senate, he spoke of his health as declining, and at this very time was already doomed to de-and of himself as a dying person. In his next, struction. he announced his recovery, and a design of Tiberius either moved by a mere change of speedily visiting the metropolis. He commended caprice incident to unhappy men, or warned of Sejanus in one letter, he censured him in another some danger to his own person, from the height and from the views to which he had raised this 5 Dio. Cass. lib. Iviii. c. 4.

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470 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINA I ION [BOOK VL. sometimes favoured none but his.partizans and ance of persons vho had accompanied him from adherents, at other times affected to prefer his his own house, and had the members of the serivals. It is possible that in these inconsistencies, nate still crowding around him as usual, when lie himself actually wavered between hatred and Macro presented the mandate of the emperor, fear; and apprehending the great influence of and retired. Sejanus over the praetorian guards, hesitated in This paper was artfully drawn up, to gain the execution of his purpose. It is likewise ex-time in the reading, and to keep all parties in tremely agreeable to his character, to suppose that suspense, while Macro should take his measures he meant, by holding forth some signs of dis-tosecure the guards. In the preample, the name pleasure, to urge the object of it to some act of of Sejanus was not at all mentioned; in the subindiscretion or insolence, which could be made sequent parts of the paper, he was sometimes exthe foundation of a plausible charge against him, tolled, and sometimes censured. Other affairs and that he had spies on his conduct to lay hold were intermixed with this, and the suspense of any pretence he should furnish for an imwhich so long and so strange a performance ocpeachment; but that, fearing to drive him to casioned in the minds of those who were present, some dangerous act of despair, he retracted in amounted to some degree of stupefaction. But one message the provocation he had given in a it concluded at last with a peremptory charge former. of treason against Sejanus; and the crowd of While Sejanus appeared, from some circum-attendants instantly withdrew from the consul’s stances in the conduct of the emperor towards chair on which he was seated. His colleague him, to be out of favour, he was suddenly raised in office, Regulus, called upon him by name to to the dignity of pontiff together with Caius stand up; but so much was he distracted, and so Cesar Caligula; and thinking this a favourable little accustomed to this tone of voice, that upon opportunity to recover his place about the per-a second call, he started from his seat, and asked, son of his master, he desired leave to offer his if the words were addressed to him? Surprise thanks at Capreae; but was told that he might had qualified him to take any vigorous resolution; spare himself the trouble, for that the emperor and when he began to recollect himself, the prewas soon to be at Rome. cautions which had been taken by his enemies, To try the effect of a fresh mortification on rendered all his endeavours too late. the temper of this devoted favourite, Caius Cesar Macro, as soon as he had delivered the empeCaligula was declared successor in the empire. ror’s letter to be read in the senate, went to the The popularity of the family of Germanicus, guard which was posted at the doors, informed made this declaration be received with universal them that he brought a donative from the empejoy; and being joined to other indications, that ror, which they were then to share with their felSejanus no longer had the exclusive possession low-soldiers in the barracks; that for this purpose, of the emperor’s favour, greatly diminished the they were immediately to be relieved by a party court that was paid to him. of the city watch. This being done, he led them From this time, it is probaSbe that Tiberius to the citadel, or what was called the camp of took into his confidence Macro, an officer already the praetorian bands,l distributed the emperor’s of high rank in the praetorian bands, and whom bounty, and at the same time taxed their comhe destined to succeed Sejanus in the command mander with ingratitude to so kind a master; of that body.

With Macro, he concerted the man-intimated his removal, produced his own commisner of removing this dangerous man, and formed sion to succeed in that important station, and by a plan, which was to be intrusted to his execution. his authority, as well as by these precautions, Sejanus was to be flattered with new hopes; he prevented any disturbance among that formidable was to be surprised in the senate, while the body of men.

guards were to be amused with, what was a new Sejanus being deserted in the senate by those circumstance in this reign, the distribution of a who had attended him into the house, and who donative from the emperor. a few moments before pressed to be first in his In proceeding to execute this design, in a observation, was taken into custody of the party manner which the emperor chose froni his love which had relieved his own guard, and was of duplicity, or which, from his fear of the troops treated as a person accused of the highest crimes. that were under the. command of Sejanus, he On the first motion for a commitment, he was thought himself obliged to contrive with so much ordered to prison, and persons of’every descripcircumspection, he intimated to the senate, and tion began to give unfeigned or affected demonto Sejanus himself, that he speedily meant to strations of joy. From many who were present, vest him with the character of tribune, a dignity the fear that was lately expressed in adulation which rendered the person sacred, and which and courtship, now burst forth in reproaches the Cesars had in some measure appropriated and insults. In others, who were more nearly to themselves. While this intimation was sup-connected with the prisoner, or more likely to posed to lull Sejanus in perfect security, Macro be involved in his fate, the terror with which was despatched to Rome, and took care to arrive they were seized, was disguised under the affecat an hour, when the senate had been, by order tation of joy. The populace as he passed through af the emperor, appointed to assemble. He met the streets, took their parts as usual in the storm with Sejanus, just as he had posted his guard, which burst on this unfortunate man, and, that and was entering at the door of the senate-hoilse; he might not have the consolation of passing unand being asked, what commands he had frmn seen, tore away the lappet of his gown, with the emperor, and what letters for himself2? anwhich he endeavoured to cover his face.,wered, that he had brought his appointment to On the same day, the senate met again in a the tribunitian power, and was to lay it before the temple contiguous to the prison in which Se senate. Sejanus took his place, with the usual attendI Castrum Praetoriulm.

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CHAP. V1.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 471 ianus was confined, and, without any specific other concerted signals, in case it sbh)uld be necharge or evidence of-guilt, gave sentence of cessary for him to consult his safety by flight. In death against him, which was accordingly ex-his letter to the senate, in order to make a suitable ecuted. The dead body, as usual in the case of impression of the danger to which he wished the treason, being made fast on a hook, was dragged public to believe he was exposed from the designs through the streets, and cast intothe river, where of Sejanus, he concluded, with expless:ng his it was thrown up, or continued afloat during some wishes to be again at Rome; but desired that the days, under the continual insults of a multitude consul, who remained at the head of the comof people. monwealth, might-come forth with the powers It is not easy to determine how far this minis-of the republic to conduct him in safety.3 His ter was accountable for a tyranny, which occa-design however having succeeded to his wishes, sioned so vehement and so general a resentment. Drusus was still retained a prisoner in the palace, His crimes were undoubtedly great, and the envy and the consul being arrived in Campania, with of his fortune was not to be assuaged by com-his lictors, to give the emperor a safe conduct to mon suflfrings. But as human nature is liable Rome, was every where considered as an object to error in the manner of punishing crimes, as of ridicule. well as in the commission of them, the rage which After the execution of Sejanus, the city connow animated the populace against Sejanus, tinued in a ferment during many days. The mixed with a servile intention to pay their court people having been disposed, for some time, to to the emperor, led to an action as criminal and impute to the minister the system of tyranny more odious than any of which he himself had which had been lately pursued, rejoiced in his been accused or suspected. The children of fall, applauded the severities which were executed this unhappy man, a boy and a girl, though too on the partners of’ his guilt, and willingly pointed young to partake in his guilt, or to furnish any out, as accomplices in his crimes, his relations subject of distrust or of jealousy to his enemies, and friends, and all who had ever moved for any were included in the same fate with the father; of the extravagant honours that were lately bethe girl with so much innocence, that she often stowed upon himself; but, as in imputing the asked the persons by whom she was seized, what guilt of many cruel measures to Sejanus, they she had done? assured them, with an infantine were too favourable to the emperor, so they prosimplicity, that she never would do it again; bably overrated the influence of the minister, begged that they would not carry her to prison; who was in fact more the dupe, than the director, said that she never was obstinate, and that a few of his master’s designs. strokes of the rod were enough to correct her. As it soon after appeared, that the cruel It is subjoined to this piteous detail, that, in jealousies of this reign did not terminate with the compliance with a vile superstition, which the death of the favourite, the people, as usual, ran to consideration of’ innocence could not restrain, the opposite extreme, considered him as a mere she was ordered to be ravished previous to her instrument of his master’s tyranny, as a person execution, because it was ominous of misfortune employed while his services were convenient, but to inflict the punishment of death on a virgin.2 in the end betrayed with a degree of’ perfidy, The bodies of these innocents, in the same man-which rendered the cruelty of the tyrant, in that ner with that of their father, were dragged case, more odious than even when it was practhrough the streets, and cast into the river. tised against the most innocent subjects.4 So It is difficult to account, from any principles of prone are mankind, in particular instances, to human nature, for acts of such amazing depravity. suspect the falsehood, or to exaggerate the wickTyrants seldom exceed the bounds of resentment, edness of those, who, by general duplicity and jealousy, or fear; but the vile tools that are pro-malice, have incurred their detestation. cured by servility to execute their purpose, in The death of Sejanus was so far from introorder to ingratiate themselves, often outrun, in ducing any mitigation of the former tyranny, their affectation of zeal, what tyranny or cow-that it rather furnished a new set of pretences ardice itself could not suggest or perpetrate, under which to exert its force. Intimacy with Apicata, the widow of Sejanus, and the mo-the fallen minister, or a supposed participation of ther of these unhappy children, having first dis-his guilt, involved greater numbers, than had closed the conspiracy, by which Drusus, the son been formerly questioned on account of any other of Tiberius, had been poisoned, laid violent hands species of treason. Persons of every sex and of on herself; andt, by the discovery she made, soon every condition, were cast indiscriminately into after brought on the ruin of the widow Livilla, the same prisons; and the time of the senate was with that of the other accomplices in that daring divided between the ordering of executions, and crime. the appointment of honours, which were decreed It was reported, that the anxiety of Tiberius, to the prince for his vigilance in this matter. The whether real or affected, was such, during the title of father of his country was again offbred to dependence of his design on Sejanus, that he in-him; additional rejoicings were devised for the structed Macro, in case of any resistance from anniversary of his birth; a general thanksgiving the guards, to bring forth Drusus, the son of was appointed to the gods; and a new statue Germanicus, then a prisoner in the palace, to was to be erected to liberty. All persons were assemble the citizens against them; that he had forbidden to wear mourning for Sejanus; the prepared shipping at Capres to waft himself, in anniversary of his death was to be kept as a fescase of necessity, to some of the military stations tival, or celebrated with public entertainments on the frontier;.that he had formed a chain of and sports; and it was resolved in the senate, posts from Rome to the nearest promontory of that the extravagant honours so profusely lavishCampanla, with orders to light fires, and to make 3 Dio. Cass. lib.

Iviii. c. 13. 2 Dio. Cass. lib. Iviii. c. 11. Tacit. Annal. Imb v. c. 5. 4

Sueton. in Tiber. c. 55.

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472 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [Boos VI. ed on that minister, should not be repeated in the ster, so represented, it was said, practised in case of any subject whatever. secret the most detestable vices; alluding to the These decrees, Tiberius, so far as they were manner in which the emperor passed his time af intended to confer honours on himself, rejected Capree.

But with respect to such buffooneries, with disdain, and even refused to see the deputies he had the discernment to know, that a serious who were separately sent from the senate, from attempt to punish the authors, would only tend the equestrian order, and from the people, to con-to confirm the application, and to increase its gratulate him on this occasion. le despised the effects. givers too much to be flattered wi. the gift, and Among the numbers that were questioned as was aware of their duplicity in jretending to partners in the guilt of the late minister, and of offer him praise. Under this impression, at one whom many perished by their own hands, or by of the last times he had attended the senate in that of the executioner, Marcus Terentius, a person, he was observed to leave the assembly Roman knight, had the courage to acknowledge with scorn. “What a collection,” he said, “of his guilt, and pleaded his cause in a manner that willing slaves.“l There is, it seems, a degree of suspended the proceedings of the senate against good nature as well as of weakness, in wishing him.3 “It were safer, perhaps, for me,” he said, to be flattered.

This prince was equally ex- “to deny, than to confess, my connexion with empted from both. Sejanus. But whatever may be the event, I The senate, however, the more they were must own that I attached myself to that minister; spurned, became the more sensible of their own that I desired to be reckoned among his friends, degradation, and only endeavoured to vary the and was proud of this title. In him I saw the mode of their flattery.

As Tiberius ever talked first officer of the army, the first minister of the of his approaching return to Rome, and of his instate, and the colleague of Casar; a powerful tended appearance in the senate, they passed a patron, and an irresistible enemy; one whose decree, that twenty of their own number, to be favour was preferment and honour, whose disnamed by the emperor himself, should be armed pleasure was ruin and disgrace. It was not for with swords, and should have charge of his safety rme to penetrate the councils of my prince, nor to as often as lie took his seat in their meetings. decide on the reason of his conduct. It was my When this resolution was intimated to him, he duty to honour whom he honoured; and in this, returned thanks for their zeal, and with somne de-as well as in every thing else, to acquit myself rision desired to know, whether this senatorial as a faithful subject, by a perfect compliance guard should be young men or old men? whe-with my sovereign’s will.

Please to recollect the ther they should continue for life, or be taken in period of this minister’s favour, as well as of his rotation? and whether they should arm only at disgrace. My conduct in both, and my defence, the door of the senate-house, or pass in arms is the same with those of many others. We through the streets?2 and concluded with saying, adhered to him, while the sovereign commanded that, it his life was worth preserving, he should us to do so; we left him the moment he was supthink himself sufficiently safe, when attended by posed to be the enemy of our prince.”

Upon Macro and some tribunes of his guards, whom this defence, the absurdity of punishing in others he would take the liberty to bring into the senate. an error of which the emperor himself had set This reference to the guards had the effect of the example, suspended, for a moment, the rage an admonition, and drew from the senate an at-of prosecution; and the prisoner, with consent tempt to pay their court likewise to this formidable of Tiberius, was acquitted. body of men. Bounties in money and honorary An officer, named Lentulus Gentulicus, then distinctions were decreed to them; such as, that at the head of the legions on the U)pper Rhine, the praetorian soldier, at the expiration of the being some time afterwards accused as an actime for which he enlisted, should be allowed a complice with Sejanus, had the boldness to write, place at the theatre on the bench of the eques-that his connexion with that minister was pointed trian order. In this, however, the compliment out to him by the emperor himself; that the was not more successful than it had been in other mistake was common to both, and that what was instances. It was even resented by the emperor deemed innocent in one person, ought not to be as an attempt to share the affection of the troops imputed as a crime to another. “I have hitherto,” with himself. Junius Gallio, who had made the he said, ” been faithful in the discharge of’ my motion, wasorderedintoexile, and afterwards com-trust, and mean to continue so; but the first atmitted to prison in the city. And the senate, as tempt to supersede me, I shall consider as a i last effort to please this froward prince, seeing warning to defend myself. Matters, however, that the project to arm a part of their own num-may remain in quiet; I am willing to acknowber in his defence was not acceptable, resolved, ledge the emperor so long as I remain unmothat every member, in entering the house, should lested.” Tiberius, now far advanced in years, be searched for concealed weapons, as a precau-governing by his reputation, and by the influence lion for the safety of a person who probably never of forms established in the reign of his predemneant to intrust himself in their hands. cessor and his own, did not choose to risk his In the midst of these servilities, the emperor authority against a person, who, being at the met with some instances of a darinlg petulance, head of an army, had the courage to hold such and with some even of a noble freedom, which language; and affected, from this time forward, he had the discretion to overlook, or to treat with to treat Gentulicus with particular marks of’

affected respect. The defects of his person, he favour and respect.4 being ball, foul-faced, and bent with age, were Others were imprisoned, and carried to execuexhibited by actors on the stage; and the montion in troops and companies; and the emperor 1 Dio. Cass. lit viii. c. 13. 3 Dio.

Cass. lib. Iviii. c. 18. 2 Tacit. Annal’i. vi. c. 2. 4 Tacit. Annal. lib.

vi. c. 30

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CHAP. VI.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 473 at last, as if tired with the pursuit of offenders yet remained, to convince the Roman people, in detail, or in separate divisions, ordered the that the fond expectations which are formed of jails to be cleared by a general execution of all princes who die prematurely, are not always well persons confined as accomplices in the treason of founded. This young man, whether recommendSejanus. In consequence of this order, numbers ed to Tiberius by an early sympathy of their of dead bodies of every sex, age, and condition, characters, or merely overlooked by him on acwere cast forth into the streets, and lying scat-count of his youth, not only escaped the persetered about, or collected in heaps, until they cutions in which his family was involved, but began to corrupt, were thrown into the river.5
was at last embraced by the emperor as a support Mystery and concealment being the favourite to his ace; and making a part of his court at arts of Tiberius, as often as he believed himself Caprea, next to Macro, enjoyed the second to be observed, he became jealous of every pry-place in his favour. ing look, and detested such persons as seemed The emperor had a grandson’ by birth of the to be qualified to distinguish truth from appear-name of Tiberius; but Caius, who was his ances. At one time he received informers as grandson by adoption, being elder, was pointed the most acceptable members of his court; at out by this circumstance of seniority, and by the other times, he appeared to detest them as per-favour which the people still bore to the family sons who had detected his vices, and were has-of Germanicus, as heir apparent to the empire. tening to make them known to the world. Dur-Caius was encouraged by the grandfather, to ing the prosecution of his design against Sejanus, whom falsehood appeared to be a necessary inhe encouraged his spies with additional rewards, gredient in every transaction, to expect the sucand even with public honours. But after he had cession, while it was really intended for Tiberius. assuaged his passion in the blood of so many The first, though not qualified by address to victims, he turned his disgust and aversion extricate himself from any difficulties, acted, against the instruments of his cruelties, and perhaps from mere insensibility or fear, the part ordered the city to be cleared of informers by a which was fittest in his place, and which congeneral slaughter. tinued to render him sufferable at the court of In one of his letters to the senate, under the Tiberius. He acquiesced in the fate of his effects of disgust and aversion to measures which mother and of his brothers, without uttering a he had pursued for his own safety, but which single word of impatience or regret, regulated he found to involve him in growing danger and his own behaviour by the emperor’s looks; and guilt, he betrayed the distraction and anguish of whether his countenance were gloomy or gay, his mind. “May I perish,”

he said, “under formed his own upon the same model, carrying, evils still worse than those I endure, if I know under the aspect of extreme servility, while a what to write, or what I should not write.” subject, that detestable profligacy which rendered These were probably the boils, ulcers, and sores, him afterwards so cruel a tyrant, and which on the body of Tiberius, to which Julian alludes6 gave occasion to the famous saying, ” That his in presenting him among his Caesars. accession to the empire spoilt a good slave to In the memoirs which this emperor kept of the make a detestable master.“7 transactions of his reign, he stated the disgrace The accounts which are given of the latter and execution of Sejanus, as a punishment in-part of the reign of Tiberius, have more the ap flicted on him for his cruelties to the family of’ pearance of invective than of history. Even Germanicus; and yet these cruelties, which this hateful monster, it is said, was addicted to were afterwards carried to much greater heights pleasure; but of so vile a kind, as to excite deby the emperor himself, had been only begun testation and loathing, more than to increase the under the influence of that minister. indignation which is felt at his cruelties and Agrippina, with two of her sons, Nero and other crimes. His procurers had authority to Drusus, had, during the administration of Se-employ seduction, money, and force; and, in janus, been taken into custody, or banished to their endeavours to s-.,)ply his caprice, spared some of the islands contiguous to the coast of neither condition nor sex. It is difficult to con. Italy; but all of them perished after the death ceive, that a world, enlightened by the reason of Sejanus, either by the executioner, or by their and experience of so many ages; that citizens, own hands, urged to despair by the indignities acquainted with the character and the rights they were made to suffer. transmitted to them from their ancestors; that The mother perished in one or other of these military men, yet rivalling the reputation of the ways in the island Pandateria, the place of her ancient Romans, and having no interest in the exile; and the eldest of her two sons was starved horrid use that was made in the capital of the to death in one of the small islands called Pontiae, imperial and military power which they themto which he was confined.

selves bestowed and supported; should submit The second son perished in the same manner, to be commanded for so many years by a supersome time afterwards, in a prison to which he annuated monster, retired from the world, and had been committed in the palace. A diary had supposed to practise every species of piivate been kept of all the expressions of impatience abomination, as well as of public oppression. which, under this confinement, had dropt from In accounting for the patience of the Ronmans him during some years; and the reproaches under this odious reign, we may observe, that, in which were extorted from him, by his sufferings, the sense of a people who still retained the ferowere stated as the crimes for which he suffered. city of their ancestors, though possessed ot few A third son of Germanicus and Agrippina, of their good qualities, the cruelties which are Caius, better known by the name of Caligula, mentioned had less effect than thev have on our feelings. They were practised chiefly against 5 Tacit Annal. lib. vi. c. 19. 6 Vid. Caesars of Julian. 7

Tacit. Annal. c. 20. 30

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4174 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BooK VI. persons, who, being of the emperor’s family, or arose in any distant province, to the effect of raised by himself to be objects of general envy, time, rather than be obliged to employ, in rewere easily abandoned by the public to his will.

pressing them, men who were likely to eclipse Senators of distinction at Rome, having no his own glory, or to awaken his jealousy. But protection to expect from the populace, by whom as such men were likely ill to endure the state they were hated, from the troops who were of obscurity in which they were kept, he soothed Jealous of them, or from their own order, who their discontents, sometimes, by flattering them were long since stript of every remnant of real with extraordinary honours. He named them power, were abandoned to the mercy ofthe tyrant. for stations of high command; but still under The followers of his own court at Capreae, various pretences detained them at Rome, where amongst whom the executioner made a principal they were allowed to appear with the ensigns of personage, were still more in his power. They their public character, but never to enter on the were commonly executed in presence of the em-possession of its powers. peror himself, who assisted in the refinements To these particulars we may join the advanof cruelty which were practised against them. tages which Tiberius enjoyed by succeeding to It was a favourite sport to throw those, whom he Augustus, whose long and well-regulated governdoomed to destruction, from a precipice into the merit had left, throughout the empire, habits of sea, where they were received by a party from the submission and obedience, which could not be galleys, who, with boat-hooks and oars, despatch-shaken by oflences committed within the verge ed such as were otherwise likely to escape. of the court, or in the capital, and against parAfter such an account of the character of this ticular descriptions of men, in whom the empire emperor, it is painful, in accounting for the at large took little concern. success of his government, to acknowledge that The ordinary residence of this emperor, durhe was a manl of considerable ability; and that. ing eleven years in the later period of his reign, while he indulged his passions in the capital, or was in the island of Capreae. This he had chosen at his own court, yet in the provinces, where the as a place of security against any sudden attempts consequences of an error might have been fatal which might be made on his life. He nevertheor dangerous to his power, he held the reins less paid occasional visits to the continent of with a steady and a well-directed hand. Having Italy, and made some stay at his villas situated possession of the empire by means of the army, in ditferent parts of the country. In changing he maintained his authority over this order of his abode, he kept the city of Rome in continual men by a well-placed application of discipline; dread of his approach, sometimes presented himnot by any extraordinary indulgence, or bounty, self in the neighbouring villages, and in the which often corrupt, and render ungovernable, suburbs, but never entered the gates. At one those whom they are intended to gain. On this time, he came by water to the gardens of the subject, it is observed that he never made any Naumachia, and, feeling himself incommoded by general donation beside that of doubling the the concourse of people, placed guards to keep legacy which Augustus had bequeathed to the them at a distance, and soon after withdrew; at troops; and no particular one besides those which another time, in the last years of his reign, he he made to the praetorian bands to secure their ad(lvanced to the seventh mile-stone, and was in acquiescence in the fate of Sejanus; and to the the sight of the battlements, but proceeded no legions of the east, as a reward for their not farther. Being sensible of his decline and aphaving paid, to this favourite, in the height of proaching dissolution, he undertook these jourhis power, the honours which were done to him neys to keep the Romans in awe, and to check by all the other armies of the empire.l He pre-the hopes they were apt to entertain of an apserved his authority in the provinces by a jealous proaching deliverance from his tyranny. From inspection of those who were entrusted with the the same motives, he prohibited the resort of the administration of his affairs; and in this was, people to supposed oracles which he knew to be no doubt, greatly assisted by his indiflerence to consulted with respect to the prospect of his own personal friendships, which, in princes better dis-decease, and forl)ade all intercourse with astroposed than himself, have often the effect of per-logers and magicians, a class of men in whose nicious predilections and partialities. He checked skill he himself, though a contemner of the all attenmpts at conspiracies, by the impression lie established superstition, had much faith. gave of his vigilance, and by the mutual distrust On the approach of death, Tiberius, feeling with which he inspired his enemies, making his strength rapidly decline, strove to amuse the their treachery to each other the road to pre-people with another voyage, in which he once ferments, honours, and wealth. more pretended an intention to visit Rome; and The ordinary rotation and succession to office being attended by Caius, by Macro, and bty his and command, which Augustus, in continuation usual retinue of guards and parasites, he crossed of the republican forms, had still maintained, the bay of Baine, to the headland of Misenum, Tiberius, by a very natural tendency of the where he possessed a villa which had formerly monarchical spirit, in a great measure, or entirely, belonged to Lucullus.

At this place one of his abolished. Such officers as were successful in physicians, under pretence of taking his leave keeping the peace of their provinces, he generally fobr some days, pressed his hand, and took an opcontinued for many years, and sometimes for lift. portunity to feel his pulse. From this stolen He avoided, as much as possible, the necessity observation, it is said, that he ventured to intorm of employing, at the head of armies, men of Caius and Macro, that the emperor could not enterprise, forward ambition, or even superior survive many days.

capacity. He left the disorders, or troubles, that Tiberius being led by some appearances to penetrate their thloughts, or wishing to conceal 1 In the armlies of the west, the effigy of Sejanis the real state of his health, took his place, as was carried with the colours or ensigns of the legion. I usual, at table, affected to prolong the entertain

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CHAP. VII.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 475 ment, and addressed himself, at parting, with a servant arrived, and, in great consternation some particular words of attention to every guest: announced that the emperor was revived, and but after an effort of this sort, being retired to his called for assistance. The company, in a moapartment, he fainted away, and lay on his bed ment, was dispersed; and Caius, with extreme for dead. The report immediately ran from one terror, saw the ruin which threatened him for end of the villa to the other. All the officers of his premature acceptance of the court that was the guards in attendance, and all the members paid to him. But Macro retained his presence and followers of the court, repaired to Caius of mind, and put a sudden stop to the feeble with congratulations on his supposed accession efforts of returning life in Tiberius, by gathering to the empire. But while they were thus em-up the coverlet of his bed, so as to stop his ployed in paying their addresses to the successor, breath until he was suffocated. CHAPTER VII. Succession of Caius to the Empire The first Appearances of his Reign Conclusion of the History-Observations on the Sequel Accession of the Flavian Family-Vicissitudes of Cha7racter in the Emperors-Sources qf Degradation in the Imperial Establishment-Its Preservativles-Its real and continual, though almost insensible, Decline. TIBERIUS died in the seventy-eighth year ed on a supposed right of seniority, preferring of his ace, and in the twenty-third year of his Caius to the throne of Caesar. reign. By this event the imperial throne, for the By such an acknowledgment of right, the first time since its establishment, became actually monarchy gained a new advantage, and perhaps vacant. Men were left to form their conjectures one of the greatest of which it was then susceptiof what was likely to happen, or, without any ble, that some rule of inheritance should be folestablished rule of succession, to form their judg-lowed to prevent the ruinous contests which ment of what was proper to be done on this arise from an elective or disputed succession, and emergency. Every question relating to the suc-to give, if possible, together with a permanent cession had been prevented at the dernise of Au-right of the sovereign to his high estate, a corresgustus, by his having associated Tiberius in the ponding right of every citizen to his rank, to his government, a precaution by which the success-privilege, and to his property. or, instead of being left to rely on a controvert-By this declaration in favour of Caius, it ible title, was put in actual possession of the seemed to be admitted, that men were to look for sovereignty. It is likely that Tiberius would a successor to the empire in the person who stood have followed this example, if his grandson by foremost, by birth or adoption, in the family of birth, for whom he intended the empire, had Cesar; and the establishment of the monarchy been of a proper age to assume the government; appeared to be complete. The titles of emperor but this young man was no more than seventeen and prince,2 or head of the army and of the seyears of age, while Caius, the grandson by adop-nate, under which Augustus endeavoured to contion, was already five-and-twenty, had the better ceal the extent of his usurpation, came, in the pretension, and was supported by the favour of course of his own and the succeeding reign, to the Roman people. signify what, among the designations of soveIn these circumstances, the dying emperor reignty and imperial power, they now actually thought it dangerous to declare for his grandson; import, and what, through a race of men, blessbut secretly drew up a will in his iavour, of ed with virtuous or moderate dispositions, might, which he carefully lodged many copies, while he as in other instances, have passed by hereditary made the world believe, that he intended the succession to a very distant posterity; but in the succession for Caius. In this act of duplicity he persons who immediately succeeded to the gohad concealed his real. intentions, eveh from vernment, the transmission of this inheritance Macro, the commander of the pretorian bands, was accompanied with much violence and freon whom the execution of his purpose chiefly quent interruption. depended; and by these means rendered it en-Notwithstanding the acknowledgment now tirely abortive.

Inade in favour of hereditary right, the example Macro, having been for some time past in ac-of a formal resignation and resumption of the sotual concert with Caius on the measures that vereignty, set by Augustus, and repeated by were necessary to secure the succession; and Tiberius, had entailed a kind of farce on the emboth being equally surprised to find, at the de-pire, to be acted, not only at the accession of sucmise of Tiberius, a formal conveyance of the cessive masters, but in the same reign, at every sovereignty in a different channel, their first in-period of ten years. At every such period the tention was to cancel this deed; but they soon appointment of an emperor was supposed to be found, that the testator had made so many copies renewed: the occasion was attended with much of his will, and lodged them so securely, as to solemnity, and the celebration of a great festival render their design impracticable. It was deter-for the entertainment of the people.3 mzined, therefore, as more advisable, to refer the malter to the senate, and to obtain an act, found-2 Imperator et Princeps.? “tR Dbecennalia

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476 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK VI. Caius, therefore, while he was far from admit-Notwithstanding the favourable appearances ting any doubt of his right to the sovereignty, which presented themselves at the accession of nevertheless, mimicked the caution or artifice Caius, he not having, either in his understanding with which Augustus and Tiberius proceeded to or dispositions, the permanent foundation of any assume the reins of government. He repeated good character, his personal vices soon broke ou the same professions of respect and of zeal for the in one of the most brutal and sanguinary tyrancommonwealth, the same expressions of personal nies of which ther-is any example in the history modesty, the same unwillingness, to undertake of mankind. Having no choice of amusement the government, the same reluctant compliance above that of the lowest people, he soon plunged, with the pressing requests of the senate and peo-together with them, into every species of dissi pie, the same affectation of filial piety to his prepation and debauchery; remained who-le days decessor, and of indulgence or candour to those and nights in the theatres and in the circus, enwho had, in any way, obstructed his own ad-tertained with the fights of gladiators, the baiting vancement. It was become the fashion to affect of wild beasts, and all the other species of shows destroying all papers and records, from which of which the Romans, once a warlike people, any one coull fear to have matter of accusation now a corrupted populace, were so immoderately brought against him; but it was become the fond. practice to preserve them with great care. Ambitious citizens under the republic, and While the new emperor passed from Misenum even the late emperors, with their court, had octo Rome, he was attended on the highways by casionally given their attendance at such enterincredible numbers of people, who, animated by tainments, more to please the humour of the the affection which they bore to his father Ger-populace than to gratify their own: but this em manicus, and by the hopes of exchanging a cruel peror himself, in respect to the qualities of his and jealous tyrant for a youth of a noble and vir-mind, was to be ranked with the lowest of the tuous extraction, received him with acclamations vulgar. He considered the circus as the princiof joy, calling him their propitious star, the child pal scene of his glory, and the number of shows and the nursling of the Roman people, and he could procure as the measure of his greatness. bestowing tipon him every other appellation That the scenes might not be interrupted, or the of fondness and respect. It is scarcely to be spectators be obliged to retire to their meals, he doubted, as his mind was then elated with joy, fed them in the theatre. He promoted persons for his deliverance from the insidious and cruel to office of state, or marked them out for disgrace jealousy of his predecessor, and moved by the o, ruin, according to the ardour or indiffrcnce affection and cordiality with which his succes-which they seemed to have for these entertain sion was acknowledged by all orders of men, ments. In the degree of extravagance to which that he must have felt a real, however tempo-he carried this matter, he incurred an immoderary, gleam of good-will and affection of man-rate expense; and, besides applying to this purkind.

When officiously told of some offences pose the ordinary revenue of the empire, squanwhich had been committed against his person or dered, within the year, a saving of about two-andhis pretensions, he said, “That he had done twenty millions sterling, left in the treasury by nothing to merit the hatred of any one, and his predecessor. should be deaf to the whispers of informers or In the sequel of these vile misapplications of spies.”

Affecting to follow the impulse of his time, the satietyhe experienced led him to indulge own filial piety, and to be moved by the affec-himself in the most scandalous and offensive detionate sympathy of the Roman people, he bauch. A sense of the public hatred or contempt hastened to the island of Pandateria, where his which he incurred, galled him with jealousy mother Agrippina had suffered sb long a confine-and disgust; and these passions soon ripened ment under the tyranny of Tiberius, raked up into a general enmity to mankind. Every species the ashes of her funeral pile, embraced her re-of brutal indulgence, qualified with the name of mains, and ordered them to be carried with great pleasure; deliberate murders, under the pretence ostentation to Rome. Although decency re-of the execution of justice, ordered without any quired him to observe the forms, and to carry the formalities of trial, perpetrated in his own preaspect of mourning for his late adoptive father sence, and attended with expressions of insult and prede’cessor, he complied with what he knew and scorn from himself, make up the sequel of a to be the wishes of the Roman people, affecting reign which began with some professions and to reverse many orders that were established in propitious appearances of moderation and regard the administration and policy of the preceding to the opinion of the world. But the degree to reign. which human nature itself was disgraced and Here then, if not before, we may date the insulted, in these detestable abuses of power, final and irretrievable extinction of the Roman hastened an attempt to relieve the empire from republic, not only in the subversion of its own the dominion of this monster. He fell in about instith.tions, and in the actual substitution of three years after he began to reign, in one of different forms, but in the acknowledgment of a the passages of his own palace, by the hands right which made the succession to imperial of Cherea, an officer of his guard, who, withpower hereditary, as well as the extent of it far out any intention to supplant or to succeed him beyond what was consistent with the preroga-in the empire, formed a conspiracy against hib tives formerly enjoyed by the senate and people life. of Rome. At this termination, therefore, of the The senate, for a few hours after this event, Roman republic, agreeably to the design of this flattered themselves in the belief that the governhistory, the narration must cease or conclude, ment had devolved on themselves; and Cherea, with a very general view of what befel the em-by whose hands the tyrant had fallen, fondly pire in the succession of masters, and in the re-wished for the restoration of the republic but the iult:fits own greatness. praetorian bands thought themselves entitled to

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CHrAP. VII.] OF TIlE ROMAN REPUBLIC 7, dispose of the empire. Before their officers had a contempt of that very dignity to which he him. taken any measures for this purpose, a few strag-self was raised as sovereign of so great an empire. gling soldiers pervading the courts and recesses Having a talent for music, he became, or believed of the palace, seized upon Claudius, the brother himself to be, a distinguished performer, exhibitof Germanicus, and uncle of Caligula, who, as ed his skill on the public theatres, and travelled a changeling devoid of ordinary understanding, through Greece in the character of an artist, to had been long neglected or overlooked in the pa-receive the applauses of a people supposed to exlace. This being the person who seemed by his cel in discernment and taste. relation to the late emperors, to have the best The contempt which Nero incurred in quitting claim to the name and succession of the Casarian the character of sovereign for that of musician, or Claudian families, they raised him on their became more fatal to him than the general deshoulders, yet trembling with fear, lest he should testation which he had formerly excited. A rebe involved in the fate of his kinsman Caligula, volt which took place at first in Gaul, was followand hastening with their burden to the fortress ed by a defection of all the armies of the empire, or barrack, were received by their companions and reduced him to the necessity of quitting, with shouts and acclamations, which announced together with his life, a situation of which he to the senate and the people that a successor was proved so unworthy. Next to the fears whicl given to the throne of Cwesar. assailed him on the prospect of death, he was The inactivity of this new sovereign might most affected, it is said, with surprise, that the have furnished the world with at least an inno-world could submit to lose the hand of so great cent master, if his want of capacity could have a performer. been supplied without committing his power into Such then, in the first period of this monarchy, hands equally disposed to abuse it with the worst was the progress of a sovereignty erected by the of his predecessors. Fit only to be a pageant in Caesars with so much violence, bloodshed, and the ceremonies of a court, or a tool to be employ-criminal address. According to our ideas of ined by those who got possession of him, he came heritance, the succession did not once take place at last into the hands of the second Agrippina, in the family of the first founder, but was pieced the daughter of Germanicus, and sister of Cali-out by continual adoptions from the Octavian, gula, who, though his niece, became his wife, the Claudian, and, last of all, from the Domitian and prevailed upon him to adopt the young Do-family. mitius Ahenobarbus, her son by a former hus-The reign of Augustus has been generally apband; and by these means made way for his suc-plauded, and may be considered as a model for cession to the empire under the appellation of those, who wish to govern with the least possible Nero.

opposition or obstruction to their power. It may This impetuous, severe, and profligate woman, serve likewise as a caution to those, who need to equally ardent in the acquisition as in the abuse be told under what disguise the most detestable of power, mistook, for parental affection, the tyranny will sometimes approach mankind. The earnest passion with which she wished to govern wary design which marked the character of Auin the name of her son. Having ability enough, gustus, was followed by worse principles in the however, where she was not misled by her pas-breasts of those who succeeded him; and the dosions, to distinguish the proper instruments of minion he established, merely to subject the emgovernment, she endeavoured to procure for him pire to his own power, without any disposition to in the tutory of Burhus, who was placed by her abuse it, became, in the sequel, an instrument of means at the head of the praetorian bands, and of the vilest tyranny, and brought upon the public Seneca, who was by her means likewise recalled stage of the world actors, whom their dispositions from banishment to his place in the senate, the and characters must otherwise have condem. ed most able or specious direction which the times to obscurity, or exposed as a disgrace and a blecould afford. mish to human nature. N.ero acting for some time what Burhus sug-The manners of the imperial court, and the gested, and speaking what Seneca dictated, ap-conduct of succeeding emperors, will scarcely peared to be a prodigy of wisdom and ingenuity. gain credit with those who estimate probabilities But his own personal disposition, making its from the standard of modern times. But the way in a little time through the mask of sayings Romans were capable of much greater extremes and of actions which were not his own, gave suf-than we are acquainted with. They retained, ficient evidence, that the circumstance of having through all the steps of the revolution which been the mere puppet, though actuated by the they had undergone, their ferocity entire, withmost able and ingenious hands, does not bestow out possessing, along with it, any of those better ingenuity or ability, and that a direction, how-qualities, which, under the republic, had directed ever wise, received from others without discern-their courage to noble, at least to great and na. ment or knowledge of its value, cannot carry to tional, purposes. the mind of those who submit to it the character Augustus had established the military governof wisdom. ment with great caution, and even affected the The name of Nero, after the person who bore appearances of a citizen, while he secured all the it had, during a few years in the beginning of powers of a master. Hiis successors retained in his reign, been supposed the model of royal and public the same familiarity of manners, without philosophic virtue,t has become proverbial for the same guard against its abuses, and affected caprice, folly, brutality, insolence, and cruelty. to be popular in the city and in the camp, withTo the contempt of his subjects he at last joined out the circumspection which preserved the first emperor from the contagion of mean and degradI The quinquennium Neronis, was a proverbial ex-ing examples. The state itself was just emerged pression for what promised well, but turned out other-from democracy, in which the pretensions to wise equality checked the ordinary uses which, under

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478 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK VI. monarchies, are made of fortune and superior partial affection, but the gross excess of an ap condition.

The distinctions of royalty, and with petite unacquainted with decency and above re. these the proprieties of behaviour, in high rank, straint. were unknown. An attempt at elegant magni-In this state of manners the first successors of ficence and courtly reserve, which, in established Caesar, not having the habits of a courtly dlecomonarchies, makes a part of the royal state, and rum to preserve them from the conta(ion of mean a considerable support of its dignity, were avoid-and degrading vices, and not considering their ed in this fallen republic, as more likely to excite own elevation as any other than a mere post of envy and hatred, than deference or respect. advantage, from which they could indulge every The Roman emperors, perhaps, in point of ex-caprice with impunity, after a few attempts in pense, both public and private, exceeded every the beginning of a reign to prejudice the worlk other sovereign of the world; but their public in their favour, plunged into every species of exexpenses consisted in the exhibition of shows cess, that a vile disposition, set free from restraint, and entertainmrants, in which they admitted the and exasperated by the sense of general aversion, meanest of the people to partake with themselves. could incur. Persons inclined to this course geTheir personal expenses ccnsisted not so much nerally proceed in their vices, until they meet in the dstentation of elegance or refined pleasure, with some obstacle which necessity or fear preas in a serious attempt to improve sensuality into sents to them, and where they meet with no suc. a continual source of enjoyment; and their plea-obstacle, they preserve no bounds. sures consistedl, of consequence, in the excesses A perfect freedom from all external restraint of a brutal and retired debauch. This debauch would be sufficiently dangerous for persons of was supported by continual endeavours to excite the best dispositions; but to those who are cursed satiated appetite, to prolong its gratifications, and with the worst, such a freedom from restraint to supply the defects of mere animal pleasure, would be accompanied with certain ruin. It is with conceits of fancy and efforts of buffoonery indeed nowhere to be found; but the first sucor low humnour. cessors of Casar flattered themselves that thev The manners of imperial Rome are thus de-had found it; and as they supported the first ofscribed in the remains of a satire,l as elegant in fences which they committed against the rules the style, as it is gross and disgusting in the mat-of propriety, by setting reason itself and the sense ter, and which we may suppose to be just in the of mankind at defiance, they came to apprehend general representation, whatever we may think of a species of pleasure in braving the detestation its application to any of the princes whose names which they incurred by their infamies.4

They and succession have been mentioned.2 pursued the first strokes of injustice and malice Although it would be absurd to imagine such by a continual warfare of distrust, prevention, a satire levelled at the corruptions of a modern and revenge against those to whom they sup. court, whose principal weakness is vanity, and posed that their persons or government were whose luxury consists in ostentation; we must odious; and they persisted in this course until not, therefore, reject every supposed application the extreme itself, being what nothing less than of it to the pollutions of a Roman barrack, or, the possession of sovereign power could support, what nearly resembled a barrack, the recesses of appeared characteristic of empire, and worthy of a Roman palace, where the human blood that the descendants of Cesar. was shed in sport, was sometimes mixed with During this unhappy succession of Casars, the wine that was spilt in debauch.3 The re-the supreme power had been, for the most part, presentations of Petronius may be applied, in held or disposed of by the praetorian bands. some parts, to the court of Tiberius and Clau-These troops being posted in the capital, overdius, more properly than to that of Caligula or awed the senate and people, and though not fit Nero; or may have been a general satire levelled to contend with the legions who were still emat the corruptions of the times, without any such ployed in actual service, they gave possession of application. But with respect to one or other of the empire, at every vacancy, before the armies those emperors, every part in the feast of Tremal-of the frontier had time to deliberate or to take chio may have been a genuine though disguised part in the choice. picture. This pre-eminence, however, of the praetorian Even in the court of the sober Augustus, plea-bands had been impatiently suffered by the legions sure was but another name for debauch. Love of the Rhine and the Danube. They wished. at was no more than the ebullition of temperament, the death of Augustus, to have given a specimen without the allurements of elegance, or the se-of their consequence in naming a successor to duction of affection or passion. In the license the empire; but being then overruled by the of the sexes. both of them alike resorted to the dutiful spirit or moderation of Gernanicus, they places of public debauch. Women of the highest acquiesced in the government of lTiberius, and rank affected the manners of prostitutes, and, to remained in quiet under all the successions realize the evidence of their victories, collected which followed; until, being excited by the dethe ordinary rewards of prostitution. Such was fection of Gaul, which happened under Nero, the debauch for which Julia, the daughter of and impatient of the mockery of sovereignty exAuogustus, was infamous, and in which she exhibited in the infamies of that unhappy person, hibited, as has been observed, not the weakness they entertained, almost in every quarter of the of a mind misled by passion, or seduced by some empire at once, the project of giving a better and more respectable sovereign to the world.

Within the compass of one year and a few 1 That of Petronius. months, after it was known that the province 2 Mr. Voltaire has with contempt rejected its supposed application to the manners of a court. 3 The Romans had combats of gladiators exhibited 4 Magnitudo infamie cujus apud prod gos novissime,while they were at table. voluptas.

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CHAP. VIT.] OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 479 af Gaul had revolted from Nero, all the armies on the imperial throne, different emperors paid from the fChine and the Danube, from Gaul, unequal degrees of respect to the civil forms Syria, Spain, and Britain, were for their march which were handed down to them from the retowards Italy, for the important purpose of giv-public, and which were still retained at least in ing a sovereign to the empire.

And it is remark-name. But the characters of sover-ign in the able, that this project did not originate with the empire, and head of the army, were necessarily leaders, or appear to be suggested by the ambition united in the same person; and, in proportion as of generals, but arose from a spirit of commotion the army itself came to be corrupted, the imperial which pervaded the troops. establishment suffered, not an occasional and Every legionary soldier, excited by the desire temporary abuse, but a radical and irrecoverable of rapine, by the prospect of possessing the capi-decline of its character and force. tal. and of rioting in the riches and pleasures of The prwetor;an bands were early debauched Italy, conceived the design of pushing forward by their resildence in the capital, the principal his general to the head of the empire. They seat of licentiousness; they were inspired with burst at once from their quarters, and, consider-presumption from the access which they had to ing themselves as set free from every species of practise on the vices of their sovereign, and they government, whether civil or military, set no outran all the armies of the empire in profligacy bounds to their violence. Augmenting their insolence, and venality. They were, upon this fury by the consideration of the punishments account, broke or disbanded with indignation by they incurred, in case they should fail in their Galba, the first provincial officer who was ad attempt, they passed through every city and pro-vanced to the purple; but this reformation only vince in their way, like a storm that wastes and made way for others, who being placed in the lestroys whatever is opposed to its course. With-same school of disorder and-vice, soon equalled in the short period we have mentioned, a motley their predecessors in all the evils which they had assemblage of provincial troops, dressed in the brought on the capital, and on the empire. garb of their different countries, with different The contagion of military arrogance gradually arms and different languages, mixed with the spread from the barrack or camp of the pretorian Roman legions, who, now for many years stran-bands, to the legions of the frontier, and, together gers to each other, met on the Po and the Tiber with the hopes of raising a favourite leader to to dispose of the empire.

And, in the sequel of the head of the empire, promised indulgence of their contest, whether as victors or vanquished, crimes and exemption from every painful rewhether moved by insolence or despair, did equal straint. The practice of disposing of the empire execution on the pacific inhabitants.

was followed by that of selling it for pecuniary These troubles, however, ended in the eleva-bounties, and formally capitulating with every tion of a great and respectable officer5 to the new master for a relaxation of discipline and the throne of Caesar, and in the substitution of the impunity of crimes. Flavian family to that of Claudius and of Julius. In proportion as the character of Roman At the accession of Vespasian every army had citizen lost its consideration and its consequence, tried its strength, and competitors from the court, the name was easily communicated to all the the senate, and the camp had made trial of their subjects or natives of any province. But this fortune. The victors in this contest received a promiscuous admission of every subject, under willing submission from the pacific inhabitants the same predicament of a Roman citizen, inof the provinces, who were ready to congratulate stead of raising the provincials to the dignity of themselves on the return of public tranquillity. Romans, sunk the latter to the level of provincial Fortunately the first emperors of the new subjects; extinguished all the sentiments on family, Vespasian himself, and the eldest of his which the legions of old were wont to value two sons,6 come from the school of experience, themselves, and, with their loss of self-estimahad learned the value of reason, humanity, and tion as Romans, probably diminished the interest justice in the government of mankind; and they they had in the preservation of the Roman name. accordingly exhibited a character which, in some They became by degrees, and at every succesof its parts, was still new on the throne of sion, more mercenary and venal in the choice of Coesar: the character of wisdom, propriety, and their masters, more brutal in the exercise of their humanity, assumed, for its own sake, and with-force against their fellow-subjects; and with a out any intention to circumvent the people, or to continual degradation from bad to worse, substiimpose upon the world. But the fortunes of tuted for the order, courage, and discipline of this second imperial family, like those of the Roman legions, mere ferocity, and a disposition first, soon devolved on a7
person equally unfit to to rapine and mutiny. sustain them, and equally unfit to be suffered by In composing such armies, the natives of the the patience of an abject court or a submissive more rude and uncultivated provinces took the world. ascendant over those of the more civilized and As mankind are known to run, occasionally, pacific; and the empire itself sometimes received from one extreme to another, the evils which had its master from its most barbarous extremities, been experienced in the characters of some of and from the nurseries of brutality, ignorance, the preceding emperors, perhaps helped to direct and violence. the armies of the empire, at times, to think of From such a general tendency to corruption, the opposite extreme; and they made a compen-it is not surprising that an empire, though once sation, in some of their elections, for the mis-of such mighty power, should, in process of time, chiefs which they had brought upon the world in verge to its ruin; it is rather surprising, that a others. fabric. mouldering so fast within, should have Amidst the variety of examples that were set so long withstood the storm with which it was naturally assailed from abroad. From the ac5 Vespasiar.

6 Titus. Domitian. cession of Caligula to the admission of Alaric

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480 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION [BOOK VI. tnto Rome, was a period of no more than about of the republic far down in the empire,‘and the four hundred years; but from the same epoch to doctrines of Epicurus, which had prevailed the reduction of Constantinople by the Turks, in the later times of the commonwealth, now was a period of one thousand four hundred and gave way to those of Zeno and the Stoics. sixteen years. So long was it before the lights While men had rights to preserve, and hazardof civil, political, and military wisdom, erected ous duties to perform on the public scene, they by the Roman commonwealth, though struck had affected to believe, with Epicurus, that pleaout bv the Goths and Vandals in the west, and sure was the standard of good and of evil. YBut continually sinking in the east, were entirely ex-now, when the public occupations of state were tinguished. withheld from them, and when personal safety The fabric of the empire had many advantages was the highest object in their view, they returnto account for so long a duration, both in the ed to the idea, which seemed to have inspired nature of its materials and in the disposition of the virtue of ancient times, that men were made its parts.

The provinces were conveniently happy by what they themselves were and persituated for mutual intercourse and for mutual formed, not by what they possessed. Under the support; and there was an easy access from the discouragements of many a cruel and oppressive seat of dominion, to the farthest bounds of the reign, men of education and of high descent empire.

The order established by Augustus, accordingly had recourse to the philosophy of and confirmed by Tiberius, remained unaltered, Zeno, as to a consolation and support: and even by many of their successors. The worst although they were deprived of the opportunity of the Caesars suffered that order to subsist in to act upon their own ideas in any distinguished the provinces, and never looked beyond the court situation, they gave sufficient evidence of their and capital for the objects of their jealousy, and sincerity, in the manly indifference with which fit subjects of tyranny. Even in such hands the they sometimes incurred the consequences of engine of empire continued to work, because the their independence and freedom of mind. master neither pretended to understand, nor at-From these materials, the law was sometimes tempted to interpose in the operation of its dis-furnished with practitioners, the senate with its tant parts. And the authority of government members, the army with commanders, and the continued high in the extremities of this vast empire itself with its head; and the throne of dominion, while it sunk or was abused in the Caesar, in the vicissitudes to which it was exposed, centre.

presented examples as honourable to human Valour and discipline, the best preservatives nature in some instances, as they were decgradof many other valuable qualities, being long in ing and shameful in others. In these varieties, request, though sometimes impaired in the Ro-however, it is no disparagement to the good, to man legions, still formed examples of a noble and suppose that they were not able to comnpensate heroic virtue, which qualified some of those, who the bad, or to produce effects, to which the attained to the more high and respectable stations greatest abilities in a few individuals cannot in the military profession, to fill with advantage extend. the imperial throne. The wisdom of Nerva gave rise to a succes The inhabitants of the empire in general sion, which, in the persons of Trajan and the were corrected of that ferocity, or reduced from Antonines, formed a counterpart to the race of that national spirit which renders subjects reTiberius, Caligula, Claudius, and Nero; and it fractory. They were addicted to pacific arts. must be admitted, that if a people could be happy tractable, and easily retained within the bounds by any other virtue than their own, there was a of their duty; and they acquiesced in any go-period in the history of this empire, during which vernment, however negligent or incapable. Some the happiness of mankind may have been sup. of the emperors promoted this orderly and pacific posed complete. This however is but a fond disposition, by the confidence which they taught and mistaken apprehension. A people may rethe sulbject to have in the security of his person ceive protection from the justice and humanity and of his property, and by the encouragement of single men; but can receive independence, which they gave to pursuits and applications vigour, and peace of’ mind only from their own. which inspire the love of peace and tranqulllity.1 Even the virtues of this happy succession could It may appear strange, but it is true, that even do no more than discontinue, for a while, the untler the government of mere soldiers of fortune, former abuses of power, administrate justice, the principles of law, founded in the maxims of restrain the guilty, and protect the innocent. the republic, though in some things perverted to Many of the evils under which human nature the purposes of despotic power, was made the was labouring, still remained without a cure; object of a select profession, and was studied as and the empire, after having in the highest dea rule of peace and of property. The civil law gree experienced the effects of wisdom and goodwas thus not only suffered to remain in force, ness, was assailed anew with all the abuses of but received, from the pleadings of advocates, the the opposite extreme.2 decisions of juldges, and the edicts of princes, continual accessions of light and authority, which 2 These extremes scarcely gain credit vith the modern reader, as they are so much beyond what his has rendered it the great basis of justice to all own experience or observation call parallel. Nero the modern nations of Europe. seems to have been a Demon, and Aurelius a DiviPhilosophy continued in repute from the times nity; and these prodigies, whether in the extreme of good or of evil, exhibited, amidst the ruins of the Ro. man republic, are no longer to be found. Individuals 1 Vespasian gave salaries of about 8001. a year to were then formed on their specific dispositions to wismasters of rhetoric at Rome. Marcus Aurelius gave dom or folly. In later times, they are more cast in a l.a-aries to many teachers of philosophy at Athens. general mould, which gives a certain formn indepenid. Hadrian established the school of liberal arts, called ent of the materials. Religion, fashion, and manners the Athenum. Dio. Cass. lib. lxxi. c. 37. Sextus Au-prescribe more of the actions of men, or mark a deeper relius Victor de Caesaribus. tract in which men are constrained to move.

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CnAP. VII.J OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 481 For many ages, nevertheless, the frontier con-for its preservation were in process of time negtinued to be defended, and the internal peace of lected. As the spirit which gave rise to those the empire to be tolerably secure. Commerce forms was gradually spent, human nature fell flourished, and the land was cultivated; but into a retrograde motion, which the virtues of ill these were but poor compensations for the want dividuals could not suspend; and men, in the ap of that vigour, elevation, and freedom, which plication of their faculties even to the most ordiperished with the Roman republic itself, or with nary purposes of life, suffered a slow and insenthe political character of the other nations which sible, but almost continual decline. had been absorbed in this ruinous abyss. In this great empire, the fortunes of nations The military and political virtues, which had over the more cultivated parts of the earth. being been exerted in forming this empire, having embarked on a single bottom, were exposed to finished their course, a general relaxation ensued, one common and general wreck. Human nat;lre turder which, the very forms that were necessary languished for some time under a suspension of national exertions, and the monuments of former The maxims of a christian and a gentleman, the times were, at last, overwhelmed by one general remains of what men were taught by those maximsnoin the days of chivalry, pervade every rank, have some effect in places of the least restraint; and if rance. The effects of this irruption constitute a they do not inspire decency of character, at least awe mighty chasm in the transition from ancient to the profligate with the fear of contempt, from which modern history, and make it difficult to state even the most powerful are not secure. Insomuch, the transactions and manners of the one in a that if human nature wants the force to produce an Aurelius or a Trajan, it is not so much exposed to the way to be read and understood by those whose intamies of a Domitian or a Nero. habits and ideas are taken entirely from the other 3P

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INDEX. A Effects ajllnc(tion with Casar, 281. Is appointed second in command by Caesar, 292. Holids the Achiean League, 35. government of Italy, ib. Is named consul by ActiuLm, naval battle of, 397, 398. Caesar, in conjunction with himself, 317. His Adherbal attacked by Jugurtha, 108.

Flies to the speeches in the senate on the death of Caesar Rornans, ib.

Put to death by Jugurtha, ib. 326, 327. Presides at the obsequies of Caesar, 328. zEdile of the People, office of, instituted, 17. Su-Pronounces the funeral oration, 329. Moderate perseded by Patrician XEdile, 28. The office administration for some time, 330. He becomes revived by Agrippa, 393. arbitrary, 331. His first conference with Octavius.Amilius. See Ernilius. Cesar, 334; and dissension with him, 335.

EHis.c1Gtna, eruption of, 100. journey to Brundusium, 337. DissatiSfaction of Afranius, appointed one of Pompey’s lieutenants the troops there, and severities of Antony, 338 in Spamn, 266. Compelled to submit to Caesar, He returns to Rome, 339. Two of his legions 272. desert to Octavius, b. He proceeds to expel Africa. See Cartkaginians Mlassinmssa. Jugur-Decimus Brutus from Cisalpine Gaul, 340 His tha, &c. message to Decimus, ib. Lays siege to Mutina, A.grarian Law, first proposed 18. Lex Licinia 341. Is ordered to desist by the senate, 342. Afadopted, 27. Agrarian Law of Caesar, 193. fects to treat, 343. Is declared a rebel, ib. ConAgrippa becomes the counsellor of Octavius, 370. tinues, notwithstanding, the siege, 346. Repels Htis operations in Gaul, 382. Is appointed to the army of Pansa, 347. Is worsted by Hiirtius conduct the war against Sextus Pompeius, 383. and Octavius, ib. Necessitated to pass the Alps, Defeats the fleet of Pompeius, 385. Undertakes ib. Joined by Lepidus and his army, 348. The the office of edile, 393. Presides in the military act of attainder against him reversed, 354. Forms departmentof Rome, 399.

Encourages Octavius a confederacy with Octavius and Lepidus, ib. to resign the sovereignty, 411 Retires from pub-Horrors of their proscriptions, 355. Antony relic service, 425. Is recalled, ib. Marries the ceives with joy the head and right hand of the daughter of Octavius, 427. Death and character, murdered Cicero, 359. Transports part of his 434. army into Greece against Brutus and Cassius, Agrippa Posthumus, 434. Comes of age, 443. Is 363. Pitches his camp in view of the enemy, degraded and banished, 444. 364. Is joined by Octavius, 365. VarioiusoporaAgrizplna, the daughter of Agrippa, is married to tions and skirmishes, ib., 366. His speech to the Germanicus, 454. Perishes, with two of her army after the death of Cassius, ib. D)efeats the sotIS, under the tyranny of Tiberius, 473.

republican army, 367. Makes a new partition Ahenoha-erbs, Domitius, defends Marseilles against of the empire with Octavius, 369. Sets out for Caesar’s army, but is at last obliged to sub-Asia, ib. Raises contributions in Ephesus, &c. mit, 273-275. 374. Meets Cleopatra in Cilicia, and accompaAlesia in Gaul, blockade and reduction of, 241-nies her into Egypt, ib. Hastens to Athens, 375. 244. Sails with‘200 galleys to Brundusium, and inAlexandria, in Egypt, contest there, between Julius vests it, 376. Gets possession of it, ib. Is reconciled Caesar and the government of Ptolomy, 391-393. to Octavius, ib. Marries Octavia, ib.

Concludes Alps, passage of the, by Hanlnibal, 45. a treaty of peace with Sextus Pompeius, 378. Ambiorix ensnares and cuts off part of Caesar’s ar-Sets out for the East, 379. His residence at my, 227, 228. Is afterwards punished by Caesar, Athens, ib. Arrives at Tarentum, 382. Re229. solves with Octavius to hold the consulate f;ir Amnhrones. See Cimbri. five years longer, 383. Sets out for Svria, in. Aundriscits claims the crown of Macedonia, 84. Is Cleopatra visits him, 389. His stores and lhagsuppressed by the Romans, ib. gage seized by the Parthians, ib. He treats w-ilh Antiochus, king of Syria, arrives in Greece with an the king of Parthia for peace, 390; who declines army, 64. Returns home, ib. Meditates the it, and harasses him on his retreat, ib. Embarks invasion of Greece and Italy, 65. The Romans with Cleopatra for Egypt, ib. Declines an interprepare to repel him, 66. He arrives with an view with his wife, 391. Passes into Armenia, army at Demetrias, ib. Spends the winter at and is victorious there, 393. Returns to AlexChalcis, 67. His army routed near Thermopylhe, andria in triumph, ib. His extravagant behavioltr ib. His fleet defeated by the Romans, 68. An-there, ib. He declares war against Octavius, tiochus himself defeated by Lucius Scipio, ib. 395. Is suspended in the consulship by the Makes peace with the Romans, ib. Senate, ib. Posts his army at the entrance of Antonius, Marcus, put to death by Marius, 136. the gulph of Ambracia, 396. Addresses his offiCaius, is elected to the consulate, along cers. in view of a battle, 397. Battle of Actium, with Cicero, 171. in which he is defeated, and flies wilth Cleopatra Lucius, opposes the pretensions of Octa-towards Egypt, 398. Attempts to join the Ruovius at Rome, 371. Is shut up in Perusia, and man legions, 400.

Rejected by them, ihb. His obliged to capitulate, 373. strange conduct at Alexandria, ib. His fleet sur 4ntony, Mark, serves in Gaul under Julius COesar, renders to Octaviuis, and his army is routed, 401 248.’ Is sent thence by Caesar, to Rome, 249. Is WVounds himself; has an interview with Clec.appointed commander of Caesar’s forces in Italy, patra, and dies, ib.

Ilis character, ib. 265. Follows Cesar to Epirus with additional Appi,:s Clauidlus attempts to procure Virginia, 21 troops, 280. Lands in the Bay of Nymphilus, iI Apuleius. See Saturmir:us. 483

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4d4 INDEX. Arabia, expedition Into, under _Elius Gallus, 425. with the,irammand of all their forces, 348. is Unsuccessful, ib. abandoned by his army, 354; seized at Aquileia Archelaus. See Mithridates. and put to death by orders of Antony, 355. Ariovistus involved in a war with Caesar, 201. Holds a conference with him, 202. Is defeated i b. C Aristobulus usurps the Jewish throne, 167. Is d.spossessed by Pompey, 168. Cepto, Q.

Serv. opposes the tribune Saturninus, Armenia. See Tigranes. 121. Is condemned, 124. Asdrubal. See Hasdrubal. Caesar, Caius Julius, birth of, 123. Is saved from Asia, first expedition of the Romans into, 68. They proscription by Sylla, 146. Is taken by pirates, interest themselves in its concerns, 99. See An-whom he afterwards pursues and punishes, 150.

tony, Bithynia, Crassus, Lucullus, 3Mithridates, &c. Is suspected of a hand in the conspiracy of CatiAthens, siege and blockade of, by Sylla, 133. line, 170). Is elected Edile, ib. Opposes the exeAttuatici reduced by Caesar, 206. cution ofLentulus, 176. Character compared with Augustus, title of, first bestowed on Octavius Caesar, that of Cato, 180, 181. His policy in supporting 417 See Octavius. the pretensions of Pompey, 183. Is appointed to Autetes, Ptolomy, the dethroned king of Egypt ar-the government of Lusitania, 185. Returns to rives in Rome, 210. Disputes about his restora-Rome, 188. Is refused a triumph, ib. Is elected tion, ib. He is restored by Gabinius, 217. Consul, 189 His violence in carrying through Avaricum, in Gaul, siege and reduction of, by Cma-his agragrian law, 190, 191. Reforms introduced sar, 238, 239. by him, 192. Appointed Proconsul in Gaul for five years, 193. His marriage to Calpurnia, 195. B

Arrives in his province, 199. Hinders the Helvetii from passing the Rhone, 200. Defeats them Bacchanals, society of, 77 on the Soane, 201. Resolves to make war upon Ballot, secret, introduction of, in elections, &c. 89.

Ariovistus, ib. Holds a conference with him, 202. Bankruptcy treated as a crime by the laws of the Defeats him, ib. Marches against the Belgic twelve tables, 20. nations, 204, 205. Defeats-the Nervii. 206. ReBaths, public, established at Rome by Agrippa, 394. duces the Attuatici, ib.

Influences the transacBelgee, reduced by Caesar, 205. tions at Rome, 210.

Is visited at Lucca by PomBeflutus, Sicinius, heads the Plebeian Mutiny at pey and Crassus, 211. Sets out for Brittanv, the Mons Sacer, 15. and destroys a fleet there, 212. His command in Bibulus, elected Consul along with Caesar, 193. Op-Gaul renewed for other five years, 215. Cuts poses the agrarian law, 194. Is made Proconsul off two German hordes, 218, 219.

Projects the of Syria, 250. Commands the fleet of Pompey, 277. invasion of Britain, ib. Lands at the Downs, 220. Blocks up the harbour of Oricum, 279. Dies, ib. Re-embarks for the Continent, ib. Second invaBithynLza, bequeathed to the Romans, 151. Over-sion of Britain, 222. Defeats Cassivelaunus, 223. run by Mithridates, ib. Passes the Thames, ib.

Receives the submission Vocchuts, King ofMauritania, at first assists Jugurtha, of Britain, and returns to Gaul, 224 Roolts the 113.

Afterwardsdelivershim uptothe Romans, Gauls, 228. Punishes Ambiorix, 229.

Endea114. Sends to Rome a presentof golden images, vours to hold the consulate without resigning his 125. province, 235, 236. Again advances against the 1ribery in tl e elections at Rome, 226. Gauls, 237. Besieges and reduces Avaricum?ritain, Caesar projects the invasion of, 219. Lands 238. Crosses the river Allier, 239. Retreats, 240 at the Downs, 220. His fleet shattered by a Is joined by Labienus, ib. Defeats the cavalry storm, ib. He re-embarks for the Continent, ib. of Vercingetorix, 241; and finally routs him, 243, Second invasion of Britain, 222. Landing-place 244. Operations in Gaul, in his eighth campaign probably Pigwell Bay, ib.

The Roman fleet 246-248. Extends his influence in Rome, 249 again shattered by a storm, 223. Cassivelaunus, -252. Detaches one legion from his army, by a British chieftain, harasses Caesar, ib.; but is de-desire of the Senate, 254; and restores to Pornm feated, ib. Caesar’s account of the inhabitants of pey a borrowed legion, ib. Recalled by the SeBritain, ib. They submit to him, 224. nate, and ordered to dismiss his army, 257.

Ret;rittany, inhabitants of, defeated by Casar at sea, solves to march towards Rome, 258. Seizes on 213 Ariminum, ib. Corfinium is delivered up to him,:-undusium, port of, becomes the retreat of Pompey, 261. Proceeds to Brundusium, ib. Gets pos261 Casesar arrives there, and takes possession session of it, 262. Prepares to march to Spailn, of the port, 262.

Brundusium is besieged and ib. Has an interview with Cicero, 263. Visits taken by Antony, 376. Rome, ib. Seizes the public treasure, 264. Sets B-utus, Marcus, forms a conspiracy against Caesar, out for Spain, 266.

Invests Marseilles, 267. Ar321. Reveals the secret to his wife, 323. Death rives in Spain, ib. Worsted in a skirmish with of Caesar, 324. Brutus retires to the Capitol, 325. the enemy, 268. Throws a bridge over the Se.

Appears in the Forum, ib. His speech to the gra, ib. Pursues the army of Pompey, 269. He people, 327, 328. Appointed to the government turns their flank, ib. Harasses them in their reof Macedonia, 331. Superseded by the Senate, treat to Ilerda, 270. Receives their submission, 332. Persists in setting out for his province, 336. 272. Accession of Varro and his legions to CieArrives in Greece, 344. Is well received in sar, 273. Takes possession of Marseilles, 275. Is Macedonia, ib. Is condemned, in absence, for named Dictator by the Senate at Ronle, ib. Quells the murder of Julius Caesar, 353. Prepares for a mutiny in his army, 276. Arrives at Rome, war with Octavius, Antony, and Lepidus, 361. and assumes the title of Dictator, ib. Is chosen Reduces Xanthus in Lycia, 362. Joins Cassius, Consul, ib. Sets sail for the coast of Greece, 277. 363. Marches westward, 364. Is interrupted Proposes peace to Pompey, 278; but continues by Antony’s army, ib. Encamps, with Cassius, his hostile exertions, ib. Is joined by a great renear Phitippi, ib. Operations and skirmishes, inforcement under mark Antony, 281. Inter365. Death of Cassius, ib.

Endeavours to pro-cepts the direct communication of Pompey with tract the war, ib. Is totally routed, 367. His Dyrrachium, 282. Repeats his propositions for death and character, 368. peace, ib. Forms the project of investing Pom— Decirnus, is besieged in Mutina, 347. Rais-pey in his station, 283. Is surprised by Pompey ing of the siege ib. Is vested by the Senate and suffers a partial defeat, ib. Attacks a detach

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INDEX. 485 ment of Pompey’s army with success, 284; but Capree, island of, becomes the residence of tne at last is obliged to abandon his lines, ib.

Con-Emperor Tiberius, 466. tinues to retreat, 286. Directs his march towards Capua; and its district of Campania, the first proThessaly, ib.

Encamps near the village of Phar-vincial government established by the Romans, salus, 287 Gains the battle of Pharsalia, 288, 34. (IVote.) 289.

Pursues Pompey, 290. Arrives in Egypt, Carbo, Papirius, elected Consul, 107. Defeated by and is presented with the head of’ his rival, ib. the Cimbri, 109. His death, 107. Is decreed Consul for five years, Dictator for one I Cneits Papirius, Consul, opposes Sylla in year, and Tribune for life, 292. Remains in Italy, 138. Is afterwards killed by Pompey in Egypt, 294. His passion for Cleopatra, ib. Is Sicily, 141. invested in Alexandria, ib. Twice defeats the Carthage, city of, its antiquity, 35.

Description of Egyptian fleet, 295. Routs the Egyptians, ib. its local situation, 82. The city besieged, ib.; Marches against Pharnaces, and gains a victory, reduced and burnt, 83; ordered to be rebuilt for 297.

Arrives in Italy, ib. Proceeds to Rome, ib. a Roman colony, 105. Quells a mutiny in his army, 298, 299. Sets sail Carthlaoinian Republic, rise and progress of the for Africa, whither the republicans had retired, 35. The Carthaginians unite with the Romans, ib. Lands near Adrumentum, 300.

Advances against Pyrrhus, 36, 37. The Romans forcibly from Ruspina, and encounters Labienus and Pe-dispossess them of Messina, which gives rise to treius, 301. Falls back upon Ruspina, and forti-the first Punic war, ib. The Romans defeat fies himself there, 302. Lays siege to the town their fleet, 38. Land in Africa, and defeat their of Uzita, 303. Raises the siege, 304. Surprises army; but are roulted in their turn, by Xantippus, the town of Zeta, 305. Invests Thapsus, 306. ib. Great naval engagements, ib. CarthagiDefeats Metellus Scipio, ib. Takes possession of nians make concessions to obtain peace; which Utica, 310; whence he embarks for Sardinia, ib.; ends the first Punic war, ib. Mlutiny a:rd inand soon after proceeds to Rome, ib. Is declared vasion of the mercenaries at Carthagie, 39. Dictator for ten years, and Censor, under the Carthaginians surrender the islald of Sartitle ofPrrefectus Morum, &c., 311. His speech dinia to the Romans, 40. Second Punic war to the Senate and People, ib. His fiour succes-breaks out, 43. (See Halnibal.

Scipio Africasive triumphs, 312. Amuses the populace with nus.) Battle of Zama, and end of this war, 58. shows and feasts, ib. His plan of government, The Carthaginians resolve to re-tak6 Emporia, 313, 314. Sets out for Spain, where the sons of 80. Are defeated by Massinissa, ib. Make a Pompey are in arms, ib. Totally defeats them formal surrender of the city of Carthage, ib. near Munda, 315. Names himself Consul along Give up all naval and military stores, 81. Are with Mark Antony, 317. Enforces sumptuary required to abandon Carthage, ib. Prepare to regulations, ib.

His plans and policy, 318. IIis repel the commands of the Romans, ib. Gain a character contrasted with that of Sylla, ib. He partial advantage, 82; but are finally subd ued oy aspires to the title of King, 319. A conspiracy Scipio, 83. formed against him, 320. IIe receives, at Rome, Casca, one of the conspirators against Casaar, 321, a visit from Cleopatra, 321. (NAote.) He plans a 324. Elected tribune, 338. series of wars, 322 Fixes the succession of office Cassius, Sp Consul, courts popularity, 18. Confor two years, ib. Progress of the conspiracy demned on suspicion of treason, ib. against him, 32-2-324. Heis killed in the Senate ~ Caius, under Pompey, burns and dehouse, ib. His will, 328. His funeral, ib., 329. stroys C sar’s shipping at Messina,29‘2. Silbmits Comparison of his character with that of Octa-to Cmsar, ib. Begins a conspiracy against CMevius, 407. sar, 321. Appointed to the government cfl’Syria, C esar, Augustus. See Octavitus. 331. Superseded in favour of’ Dolabella, lb. - —

Germanicus. See Gersmanicus. Persists in taking possession of the province, 336. - - Caits, born, 428. Admitted into the order Is supported by the Senate, 344. Is condemned, of manhood, and declared chief of the Roman in absence, for the murder of Julius Crnsar, 353. youth, 439.

Appointed to the command of the Blockades Dolabella in Laodicaea, ib., 354. Bearmy in Syria, 441. Wounded, ib. Dies on his comes master of Laodicea, ib. Acquires the way home, ib. possession of Syria, 361. Marches with his army Lucius is refused the consulate, bult ad-to Smyrna, and joins Brutus, ib. Reduces the mitted into the priesthood, 439. Admitted to island of’Rhodes, 362. Returns, and again i;orms the order of manhood, ib.

Dies at Marseilles, a junction with Brutus, 363. Ilis speech to the 441.

united army, ib. His division is defeated by Crzsarion is proclaimed by Mark Antony heir to Antony, 365. Causes a slave to put an end to his father, 400. Killed by order of Octavius, his life, ib. 402. Ca!i’ine, Lucius Sergius, first appearance of, 140 caleants, Fuslus, defends Antony in the Senate, 341, Ills conspiracy, 173, 174. ITis designs frustrated, 342. ib., 175. Takes the field, 178. Is defeated and Valigula, Caius Cmsar, admitted into the confi-killed by Petreius, ib. dence of the Emperor Tiberius, 466. Declared Cato, the Censor, characteristic manners of, 76. His successor in the empire, 470. Succeeds Tibe-speech against the luxury of the times, 78. His rius accordingly, 475. His government, 476. Is eagerness for the destruction of Carthage, 80. killed by Chierea, ib. Obtains a triumph at Rome, 86. Calvinls, Doinitius, defeated at sea by the fleet of - of Utica, anecdote of, while a boy, 11t6,147. Bruttus and Cassius, 366. He urges the necessity of punishing capitally the Camillus defeats the invaling Gauls, and relieves Catline conspirators, 177.

Character, compared the Capitol, 25. with that of Caesar, 180, 181. lie opposes the Canne, battle of, 49, 50. agrarian law, 190. Is sent on a commission to Canuleius, the Tribune, proposes the repeal of the Cyprus, 196. His return from Cyprus, 209, 210. prohibition against the intermarriage of Patricians His repulse at the election of P-etors, ib. He and Plebeians, 22. The repeal agreed to, ib. opposes Pompey and Crassus, 214. Is unsutcCapitol, tie, besieged by the Gauls, 25. Held out cessful as a candidate for the Consulship, 245. by Manlius, hence named Capitolinus, ib. Re-Is appointed to the command of Sicily, 265; but lieved by Camillus, ib. is necessitated to withdraw from it, ib. Sails Cappadocia, murder of the king of, 104. into the African seas, 291. Lands at Berenice

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486 INDEX. and marches to the Roman province, ib. Takes Cleopatra is excluded from her share of the thror,. his station at Utica, 293.

Continues to encourage’ 289. She engages the affections of Julius CEesar the Patriots against Caesar, 307, 308. Kills him-294. Is placed, by Ctesar, on the throne of Egypt, self, ib. His character, ib.; al*, 405.

295. Pays a visit to Casar at Rome, 321 (Note.) Cato, Caius, the tribune, interposes his negative to Meets Mark Antony in Cilicia, 374. Pays him suspend the usual election of magistrates, 214. a visit in Syria, 389.

Conveys him to AlexanCatulus, L. Luctatius, Consul, obliged to fly befbre dria, 390. Accompanies him to Greece with her the barbarous nations, 119.

Returns and routs fleet, 395. Is defeated in the battle of Actium, them, 120. Partakes in the triumph at Rome and flies to Egypt, 398. Her policy on arriving with Marias, ib. His death, 136. there, 400. 1ier last interview with Antony –- Luctatius, opposes Pomlpey’s pretensions, 401.

Receives a visit from Octavius, 402. She 162, 163. His character and death, 189. puts herself to death, ib. Censor, office of, separated from that of Consul, 21. Clients and patrons, original Romans divided into The office revived, 164. Becomes almost obso-11. lete, 244. Is revived in the person of Julius C-Clodins, Publius, profanes the sacred rites. 186. Is sar, under the title of Prwfectus Morum, 311. tried and acquitted, ib.

Elected a tribuneof the Held by Augustus, 429. people, 195. Projects the ruin of Cicero, ib. His Census, state of the classes and centuries at its policy, ib, 196. Opposes a proposal to recall establishment, 11. (Note.) Account of the Cen-Cicero, 203. Procures his own election as wdile sus, 12. Numbers of the Roman people at the 209. Stands candidate for the office of pretor time of the Gracchi, and during the consulate of 231. Is killed in a fray with Milo, 232. Pompey, 99, 157. Coin, Roman, operation on, 39. Centumvirs, appointed to assist the prmtor, 39. Colonies, Roman, number of, in Italy, 39. Centuries, account of this division of the citizens, Column, or line of a Roman army, ten men deep 11. State of the centuries at the establishment 288. of the census, ib. (Note.) Comitia, account of the, 28. Cheeronea, battle of, 133. Commons and nobles, distinction of, 91. Christ, birth of, 440. Constitution, Roman, review of the, 28. Cicero, Marcus Tullius, birth of, 118. Begins to Consul, office of, first established, 14. Extensive be distinguished at the bar, 146.

Lends his aid nature of, ib. Claimed by the Plebeians, 22; to the advancement of Pompey, 164. Stands yielded to them, under the title of Military Tricandidate for the consulate, 171. Is elected, ib. bune, ib.

Censor separated from the office of Pleads the cause of Rabirius, 172, 173. De-Consul, 23. Title of Consul claimed by the plenounces Catiline, 174. Is warned of the conspi-beian order, 27. Yielded to them, 28. Power of racy of Lentulus, and detects it, 176, 177. Sup-the Consuls, 29. ports the pretensions of Pompey and Caesar, 188, Corinth, reduced and burned by the Romans, 85. 189. Is persecuted by the tribune Clodius, 195.

Coriolanus, Caius Marcius, proposes to abolish the Is abandoned by Pompey, 197. Leaves Rome, office of tribune, 17. Is obliged to fly, ib. ib.

Frailties in his character, 198. Recalled Joins the enemies of Rome, ib.

from exile, 203, 206. Arrives at Rome, ib. Corn, gratuitous distribution of, first proposed, 18. Pleads the cause of Milo, 234, 235. Appointed Cornelia, the mother of the Gracchi, her address to to the province of Cilicia, 245. His operations Caiuus her son, 102, 103. there, 250, 251.

His return to Rome, 255. His - daughter of Metellus Scipio, married to irresolution upon the flight of Pompey, 263. Has Pompey the Great, 231. an interview with Caesar, ib. Retires for a time Cornelius, Dolabella. See Dolabclla. from Rome, 332. Upon his return, delivers his Lentulus. See Lentllus. first philippic against Antony, 333. Is courted Merula. See llerula. by Octavius, 335. Encourages Brultus and Cas- –- Scipio. See Sctpio. sills, and declares against Antony, 337. Has the Cornificius maintains the province of Africa, 360. chief direction of affairs at Rome, 343. Is in-Is defeated and killed, 361. cluded in the list of the proscribed, 355. Flies Crassets, Marcus, marches against the revolted from Rome, 358. His death and character, ib., gladiators, 155; routs them, ib Elected to the con359. sulate, 156. His great private riches, 157.

SeCicero, Quintus Tullius, is besieged in his camp by cretly unites himself to Pompey and Caesar, 188. Ambiorix, 228., Relieved by Caesar, 229. Renews his confederacy with these leaders, 211. Cilicia, province of, committed to Cicero, 245. Ope-Again elected Consul, 214. Secures to himself rations there, 250, 251. the province of Syria for five years, 215. Sets Cimbri, (various barbarous nations under this out for his province, ib. His progress there, 221. name) defeat the Romans under Papirius Carbo, Invades Mesopotamia, 222. Is partially defeated 109. Again defeat them under the Consul Sila-by the Parthians, 230. Is betrayed by Surena at nus, 111. Overcome two Roman armies on the a conference, and slain, 231. Rhone, 115. One division routed by Marius, 119. ~ Publius, son of Marcus, serves in Gaull The other division cut off by Catulus and Marius, 206. Is detached to the assistance of his fiather ib., 120. in Syria, 222. Is cut off by the Parthians, 230 Cinna, Cornelius, elected Consul, 132. Withdraws 231. from Rome, 135. Is again reinstated in the con-Crete, inhabitants of, war with the Romans, 157. sulship, ib.

Massacre which follows, ib., 136; Are reduced by IMetellus, 164. at last stopped by Cinna, ib. Prepares to oppose Critognatues, a Gaulish warrior, his speech to his Sylla, 137, 138. Is killed in a mutiny, ib. army, 242. -
son of the former, joins himself to the party Curmin, Centuries, and Tribes, Roman citizens di of Brutus, 325. vided into, 11. Cippi, in the Roman outworks, what, 241. Curile Ediles, (directors of the public amusements,) Cisalpine Gaul. See Gaul. office instituted, 28. Claudius, brother to Germanicus, his supposed im-Curio, the tribune, supports Cesar’s cause at Rome becility, 437. Is raised to the sovereignty, 477.

252. Sent by him to Sicily, 265; of which he Clemens personates Agrippa Posthumus, and sets acquires possession, ib. Follows the party of up a claim to the imperial throne, 456. Is put to Pompey into Aflrica, 276. Is overm helmed by death, ib. the Numidian allies, 277

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INDEX. 487 Cynocephale, battle of, 62, 63. tavius, 371. Flies to Brui (ium, and embarks Cyrene, kingdom of, becomes a Roman province, for Greece, 374. Her death, 376. 124. G D Gabintus, the tribune, his speech in favour of Pom Decemvirs vested with a temporary sovereignty, 19. pey’s pretensions, 161, 162. Is involved in Catl[Do not resign at the period of’

their commission, line’s conspiracy, 176. Holds the government 20. Are overturned, on occasion of the death of of Syria, 217. Restores Auletes to the throne of Virginia, 21. Egypt, ib. Tried for extortion, and forced into Dentatus, his many hazardous services, 24. exile, 225. – Curius, the consul, reduces Tarentum, 33. Galatians, the, reduced by the Romans, 69. Dictator, first nominated, 14. His powers, 15. Du-Gallus, Asinius, persecuted by Tiberius, 468. ration of his office, ib. Gaul, Cisalpine, first conquered, 41. Inhabitants Volabella stirs up tumults in Rome, 293.

Assumes of, admitted to the roll of Roman citizens, 276. the office of Consul, 325. Is appointed to super-Gauls, defeat the Roman army on the Allia, 25. sede Cassius in Syria, 332. Surprises Smyrna, Burn the city of Rome, ib. Are routed and dis345. Proceeds to Laodicaea, 353. Is there blocked persed by Camillus, ib. Are again defeated, 41. up by Cassius, 354. Dies by the hand of a con-Are routed by Hannibal, 44. Further wars with fidential follower, ib. the Romans, 61. (See Ccesar, Caius Julius.) Drama, progress of the, at Rome, 89. Gaul divided into four separate governments, Drusilla. See Livia. 424. See Brittany, Helvetii, &c. Drusus, livius, the tribune, proposes several im-Germanicus, Cesar, birth of, 437. His marriage to portant laws, 126. Is assassinated, ib. Agrippina, 453. The army of Gaul offer to *_  (Germanicus,) explores the coasts of the place him on the throne, ib. He rejects their Northern Ocean, 435. Is saluted by the army proposal, ib.; and quells the Mutiny, 455. His Imperator, ib. Defeats the German nations, 436. operations in Germany, 458. Is sent to tranquilPenetrates to the Elbe, 437. His death, i. lize the provinces of Asia, 459. Passes into — son of Tiberius, acts as Quaestor, 446. Is Egypt, ib. Dies at Antioch, ib. entered on the list of Consuls, 447. Sent to Germans. (SeeAriovistus. Caesar.) Twohordes quell a mutiny in the army, 453. Poisoned by invade Gaul, 217. Are cut off’ by Caesar, 218. Sejanus, 464. The Germans defeat the Romans, 446. Dyrrachium, armies of Pompey and Caesar encamrnp Gladiators, first exhibition of, 39.

Escape and rem the neighbourhood of, 279. Lines thrown up volt of those at Capua, 154. They defeat the by Caesar at this place, 283, 284 Roman Consuls, ib. Are finally suppressed by Crassus, 155. E Gracchu/s, Tiberius, endeavours to revive the agrarian law, 93. Opposed by the tribune OctaEdile. See iFdile. vius, 94. The law passed, 95. Attempts to proEgypt, state of, in the first ages of Rome, 35. clure his reelection into the tribunate. 96. Is State of Parties in, 289, 290. (See Cesar.

Cleo-slain in the capitol, 97. patra.) Becomes a Roman province, 308.

Caius, espouses the cause of the Italian Emilsus Paulus. See Paulus.

allies, 101. Is elected a tribune, 102. Revives the EpicureancLs, sketch of their principles, 17‘9. agrarian law, 103. Is reelected tribune, 104.

EIquestrian order at Rome notice of the, 28. Urges the admission of the Italian allies to the Etolians invite Antiochus to come into Greece, 65.

roll of citizens, 105. Endeavours to get elected Are necessitated to sue for terms from the Ro-tribune, but is rejected, ib. Is killed in a fray, mans, 69; which they obtain, ib. 106. Greece. (See Pyrrhus. Achean League.) State of Greece, (U. C. 421,) 34, 35. Philip aspires to F the sovereignty of, 61. The Romans expel him, 63. The Greeks make an ineffectual struggle Faius Maximus, named Pro-dictator, 48. Saves for liberty, 84, 85. the Roman army, 49. Fimbria assassinates Flaccus, and takes command H of the army, 136. Puts an end to his life, 137. Flaccus, Fulvius, raised to the consulate, 101. Is HItamilcar forms a settlement in Spain, 42. put to death for sedition, 106. HIannibal succeeds Hasdrubal in commanding the - Valerius, assassinated by his lieutenant Carthaginians in Spain, 42. Reduces Saguntum, Fimbria, 136. 43. Begins his march towards Italy, 44. Crosses Valerils, appointed lieutenant to Sylla the Pyrennees, ib. Passes the Rhone, 45. Crosses the Dictator, 141. the Alps, ib. Defeats the Roman cavalry, 46. Flamen Dialis, or Priest of Jupiter, one of the Defeats the Romans in a general engagement, titles of Augustus, 436. 47.

Marches towards Arretium, ib.; and defeats Flaminius, the Roman Consul, takes the command the Roman army under Flaminius, ib. Proceeds in Greece against Philip, 62. Defeats Philip, ib. towards Apulia, 48. Gains the great battle of Returns to Rome, and holds a triumph, 65. Cannae, 50.

Solicits his country in vain for sup-, Caius, named Consul, 47. Engages plies, 52. Is recalled from Italy, 56. Arrives Hannibal, and perishes, with great part of his with his army at Hadrumetum in Africa, 57. army, ib. Holds a personal conference with Scipio, ib., 58. Fleet, Roman, first equipmentofa, 37. Defeats the Is routed in the battle of Zama, ib. Ilis great Carthaginia fleet, 38. Overcomes the navy of fidelity and ability, 65. He flies to Antiochus at Asia, 68. Three large fleets, part of the esta-Syracuse, ib. Endeavours to persuade Antioblishment in the time of Augustus, 421. chus to invade Italy, 66. Dies by taking poison, Fregelle, conspiracy at, suppressed, 102. 71. Furius, Publius, the tribune, violent death of, Hasdrubal, son-in-law of Hamilcar, succeeds him 123. in the command of the Carthaginian settlement Fulvia, wife of Antony, raises an army against Oc-in Spain, 42.

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488 fiDEX Hasdrubal, the brother of Hannibal. See Hannibal. Lentulus, Publius Cornelius, praetor, his conspiracy - - the son ofGisgo, opposes Scipio in Africa, in favour of Catiline, 175. Detected, ib., 176. 56. Is surprised and defeated, ib. Withdraws Put to death, 177. from the Carthaginian service, ib. Is recalled by Lepidus, M. AEmilius, elected consul, 147. Sets tile Carthaginians, 81. Defeats the Romans, 82. out for his province of Transalpine Gaul, ib. Ar Hastati, first order in the original Roman legion, 31. rives in Italy with his army; but is routed, 148. Helvetii, propose to migrate to the plains of Gaul, Flies to Sardinia, where he dies, ib. 199. Are hindered by Caesar from passing the - Marcus _Emilius, names Caesar dictator Rhone, 200. Partially defeated by him, ib.; and 275. Shares the fortunes of Antony, 331. Forms finally routed, 201. a coalition with him, 349. Is denounced as an Hiero, king of Syracuse, attaches himself to the enemy by the Senate, ib. The sentence reversRomans, 37. ed, 354. Forms a confederacy with Antony and Hirtius, C.

enters on the consulate, 341. Carries Octavius, 355. Becomes the tool ofthese leaders, on the war against Antony, 346. Is killed, 347. ib., 356.

Is overlooked in a new partition of the Hyrcainus, high-priest of the Jews restored by Pom-empire, 369. Adheres to Octavius, 373. Is sent pey, 167, 168. to Africa, as governor, 376. Claims Sicily, 386. Is supplanted in the command of the army, ib. I Retires to Italy, 387. His death, 434. Lex Canuleia passed, 22. Tlerda, town of, the armies of Cesar and Pompey -

Licinia, first proposed, 27. Revived by Tiencamp at, 267, 268. berius Gracchus, 93. Carried into execution, 99 Il1yrians, guilty of piratical depredations, 40. The - Tribonia adopted, 77. Romans make war on them, ib.

The Illyrians - Sempronia passed, 95. Revived, 103. are subdued, 75. —

Sempronia judiciaria, 104. l~aperator, title of, bestowed upon Octavius, 424. - Cecilia Didia, 123. Insubres, Gaulish nation of the, attack the Roman - Falcidia, 380. colonies of Cremona and Placentia, 61. Libo, Scribonius, entertains pretensions to the fitterest of money, 1 per cent.

only allowedi 20. throne of Cesar, 456..tsola Farnese, probably the site of the capital of Licinian law. See Lex Licinia. ancient Veise, 24.

Licinius, the consul, sails to Epirus, to attack the Italian allies, state ofthe,( U. C. 627.) 100. Claim to Macedonians, 73. Is partially defeated, ib. be enrolled as Roman citizens, 126,127. Liguria, conquered by the Romans, 70. italy, how possessed during the first ages of the Lilie, in the Roman outworks, what, 241, 242. Roman State, 9. Its limits in those times, 34. Line of the Roman army, 288. Romans become entire masters of, 60. Literature, first dawning of, among the Romans, 77. Patronized by Maecenas, 370. J Livia Drusilla, is marri&t by the Emperor Augustus, 381.

1ier zeal for the advancement of her Janus, temple of, shut, 40, 407, 424.

son Tiberius, 435, 444. Her death, 468. Jerusalem, city of; arrival of Pompey at, 167. Siege Livilla is married to Drusus, 464. Unites with Seof the temple, ib. Its reduction, ib. Pompey janus in poisoning her husband, ib. The crime enters the Holy of Holies, 168. discovered, 470. Juiba, king of Numidia, puts an end to his life, 310. Lollius is defeated by the German nations, 431. Judea, Ilyrcanus and Aristobulus contend for the Lucullus, consul, is opposed to Mithridates, 152. sovereignty of, 167.

Pompey subdues Judea, Defeats his army, ib. Totally routs him, 153. and restores Ilyrcanus, ib., 168. See Jerusalem. Marches into Armenia, and defeats Tigranes, Jugurtha joins the Romans agaiiast the Numantians, 158.

Invests Tigranocerta, ib. Routs the Ar87. Aspires to the kingdom of Numidia, 108. menian army, ib. Takes the city, ib. A mutiny Cuts off his brothers tIiemnpsal and Adherbal, ib. breaks out in the Roman army, 159.

Lucullus Is supposed to bribe the Roman Senate, 109. superseded by Pompey, 164. Obtains a t-iumph Hie endeavours to treat with them, ib. Appears at Rome, 181. as a suppliant at Rome, 110. Is dismissed from the city, ib.

Surprises Aulus Albinus, ib. Is M defeated by Metellus, 111. Fiies to M’Iauritania. 112. Is overcohle by Marias, 114. Seized by Macedonia, conquered by the Romnans, 75. The Bo(chus, and delivered up to the Romans, ib. crown claimed by Andriscus, 84. Macedonia Is brolught to Rome, andirleft to perish in a dun-reduced to a Roman province, ib. See Perseus. geon, 115. Philip. alia, daughter of Julius Caesar, is married to Pomr-lhIcenas, Caims Cilnius, becomes of the council of pey, 195. Her death, 224.‘Octavius, 370. (Grants his protection to Virgil, - daughter of Octavius, is married, 1st, to Mar-ib. (Naote.) Presides in the admmnistriltion at cellus. 422; 2dlly, to Agrippa, 427; and 3dly, to Rome, 399. Dissuades Octavius from resigning Tiberius, 434. Her debaucheries and exile, 440. the sovereignty, 413. Death and character, 438. Maclius, Sp.

is put to death, 23. K M1lanli, s (Capitolinus) defends the capitol against the Gauls, 25. Accused of aspiring to regal dig.K’alendar, Roman, reformed, by direction of Julius nity, 26; and put to death, 27. Caesar, and hence called Julian Kalendar, 313. — the consul, reduces the Galatians. ~9. IMarrellus, Marcus Claudius, consul, defeats IIan L nibal at Nola, 51.  Marcus Claudius, proposes to recall C-tsar Latins, or small states of Latium, account ofthe, 9. from Gaul, 245. Again urges the recall, 251,254 Laws of Ten Tables. See Decemvirs. Caius Claudius, elected to the consulLea.ion, Roman, account of the arrangement of the, ship, 251.’ Delivers his sword, as consul, into 31. Difference between the legion described by the hands of Pompey, 255. Polybius, and that of C0esar, ib. (Note.) Corn-sues for the consulate ten years before pared with the Grecian Phalanx, 62. Augment-the legal age, 424. I-olds the office of medlie, ih ed. 73. ]his death 425.

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INDEX. 489 Martus, Caius, his first appearance, 107. Is elected destroyed or dispersed, ib. Collects a new ar. camul, 112. Admits necessitous citizens into my, ib. Is totally routed by Lucullus, 153. Or t*ae lemions, ib. Prosecutes the war against Ju-ders his women to be put to death, ib.

His flight g rtha, lb. Defeatshim,114. Isre-electedcon- to Armenia, ib.

Again makes head against the sul, 115. Returns in triumph to Rome, ib.

Sets Romans, 160. Is routed by Pompey, 165. Forms out for Gaull, 116. Is elected consul a third plans to renew the war, 168. Puts a period to time, 118; and a fourth time, ib. Routs one di-his life, ib. His character, 169. vision of the barbarians, 119. Is elected consul Mlons Sacer, secession of a great body of Plefor the fifth time, ib. Assists Catulus in routing beians to the, 15. the barbarians, ib. Has a triumph along with Mummius, the Roman consul, reduces Corinth, 85. Catulus, 120. Elected consul for the sixth time, Munda, battle of, 315. ib. Unites his interest to that of the tribune Sa-Mutina, siege of, by Antosy, 336. Battle at, 347 turninus, ib. Acts in concert with Publius Sul-Abandonment of the siege by Antony, ib. picius, 130. Leaves Rome upon the arrival of Sylla, ib., 131. Returns, and joins himself to N Dinna, 135. Is admitted into Rome, ib., 136. iorrid scenes of murder which follow, ib. He Nabis, tyrant of Lacedaemon, curbed by the Roessumes the office of consul, ib. His death, 136. mans, 64. –-, the younger, opposes Sylla, 138, 139. Is Nasica, Scipio, overthrows the faction of Tiberius defeated at Prasneste, ib. Kills himself, 140. Gracchus, 97. Mar, Publius Virgilius. See Virgilius. Navy, Roman, origin of the, 38. Mareilles, city of, invested by Cassar, 245. Defeat Nero, Tiberius Claudius, retires into Sicily, 374.

of’he Marseillian fleet, 269, 273. Progress of Livia is separated from him, 381. the siege of Marseilles, 374. Second naval de- — Tiberius Claudius. See Tiberius. feat,i b. The city yielded up to Caesar, 275. —

Domitius Ahenobarbus, succeeds to the so3Massiiassa joins the Roman army in Africa against vereignty, 477. His weakness and folly, ib. the Carthaginians, 55. Dispossesses Syphax, and and death, ib. ascends the Numidian throne, 56. Afterwards Nervii, the, one of the Belgic nations, resolve to opwithdvaws from the Roman interest. 82. pose Caesar, 205. Are routed by him, 206. Massacre ordered by Sylla, 140. By Octavius, Nobles and Commons, distinction of, 91. Antony, and Lepidus, 356, 357. Nonius, Sufenas, elected tribune, but slain by the Memrnius. Cails, forges an edict of senate, 226. faction of Saturninus, 121. Exposes the transaction, ib. Norbanus, C. Junius, consul, defeated by Sylla, 139. lMerula, L.

Cornelius, elected consul, 135. Kills himself, 141. priest of Jupiter, his boldness in death, 136; Numantia, in Spain, obstinate resistance made by also, 436. the inhabitants against the Romans, 86. Siege Mesopotamic. See Crassus. of this stronghold, 87. Its reduction by famine, Messina, possession of, disputed between the Car-ib., 88. thaginians and Romans, 37. Numidias. (See Sqphax.) Contest for the crown Aletellus Macedonicus, Quintus Ceecilius, ordered of, 108. (See Jugurtha.) Numidia becomes a by Labeo to be thrown from the Tarpeian rock, Roman province, 310.. Saved by the interposition of another tribune, ib. O — Numnidicus, Q. Cacilius, is elected consul, 111. DefeatsJugurtha in Africa, ib. Opposes the Oaths, sacredness of, among the Romans, 77. faction of Marius and Saturninus, and is forced Octavia, is married to Mark Antony, 377. She goes into exile, 122. Recalled by the Roman peo-to Greece to meet her husband, 391. Antony ple, 123; and again elected to the consulate, ib. forbids her advance, ib.

Iter prudent conduct, - Pius, Q. Caecilius, joins Sylla, 138. Defeats 392.

Ier death, 436. the army of Carbo, 139. Is elected consul, 143. Octavius, M. the tribune, opposes the Licinian law Conducts the war against Sertorius, 149. The 94. Is degraded from the tribunate, 95. war successfully terminated, ib. Obtains a tri- - Caius, (Ctesar Augustus,3
grand-nephex umpli, 156. of Jllius Cmasar, his first public appearance, 333. — Creticus, Q. Caecilius, is raised to the conSets out from Apollonia for Italy, 334. Assumes sulate, 157. Sets out for the island of Crete, ib. Cesar’s name and desio-natiol, ib. Arrives al Reduces the Cretans, 164. Obtains a triumph Rome, ib. Ilolds a conference with Antony, ib. at Rome, 181. 335. Declares against him, 337. Advances to –— Nepos, the tribune, proposes to invite Pom-Rome, ib. His situation and address, 338. Named pey and his army to Rome, 181. His motion propiietor, 313.

Marches against Antony, 344. overruled, 182. Flies to the camp of Pompey, ib. Antony is defeated, 347. Sues for the office of - Cornelius Scipio.

See Scipio, Metellus. consul, 350. A deputation of soldiers demand Milo, tribune, prosecutes Clodius for his crimes, the consulate for him, 351.

Itis granted, ib. He 204. Opposes the election of Clodius as aedile, enters Rome with his army, 352. Enters on 209. Is accused by Clodius, but acquitted, ih. office, 353. Repeals the acts of attainder against Is tried for the murder of Clodins, 234. Is con-Antony and Lepidus, 354. Has an interview demned, and retires to Marseilles, 235. At-with these leaders, and forms a coalition with tempts to take possession of Capua, 291. them, 355. They concert a list of proscriptions, ib..M4inutios Ruffius opposes Hannibal, 49. He passes into Greece against Brutus and CasMithridafes, king of Pontus, involves himself in a sius, 364. Tries to provoke a general engage. war with the Romans, 129, 130. Orders a ge-ment, ib., 367. Totally defeats the republican neral massacre of the Roman citizens in Asia, army, ib. Makes a new partition of the empire 133. His army defeated by Sylla, near Chaero-with Antony, 369. Sets out for Rome, ib.

His nea, ib.; and afterwards at Orchomenos, 134. He arrival, 370. Connives at the excesses of his soltreats with Sylla, 136, 137. Joins Sertorius, and diery, ib., 371. Takes the field against Antonius prepares to make war on the Romans, 148. De-the consul, and Fulvia the wife of Antony, ih Flares war, and takes possession of Cappadocia Shuts up Antonius in Perusia, 373. Dreadful and Phrygia, 151. Overruns Bithynia. 152. Lays excutions which follow, ib. Forms with Antosiege to the town of Cyzicus, ib. His army is e* - new partition of the empire, 376. Con. 3Q

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490 INDEX. cludes a treaty of peace with Sextus Pompeius, }ib. (Note.) The Patricians necessitated to ad 377-379. Repudiates his wife Scribonia, and mit the Plebeians into several of their rights and marries Livia Drusilla, 381. Renews the war privileges, until the distinction of Patrician and with Sextus, ib. Is defeated by him, 382. Plebeian becomes merely nominal, 16, 21, 22, 23, Lands in Sicily with a part of his army, 383. 27, 28. See Plebeians. His transports defeated and dispersed, 384. He Patrons and Clients, distinctions among the origina’ takes Mylae, 385. His fleet defeats that of Romans, 11. Pompeius, ib. He becomes master of Sicily, Paulus, L. Emilius, elected to the consulship, 49 ib. Strips Lepidus of his share of the sove-Takes the field against Hannibal, ib. Is slain ai reignty, ib. Amount of his forces, 387. Mutin-the battle of Cannae, 50.

ous spirit among them quelled, ib., 388. He -~ Emilius, son of the former, elected consul returns to Italy, ib. His masterly policy there, 74.

Prosecutes the war against Perseus, ib. Deib. Rupture with Antony, 394.

Prepares for feats him at Pydna, ib. war, ib. Embarks for Greece with an army, 396. Pedius, Q. named consul, 353. Moves and carries Takes his station in Epirus, ib. Prepares his a repeal of the act of attainder against Antmny fleet for action, 397. Totally defeats Antony, and Lepidus, 354. Dies, 356. 398. Continues to reside some time in Asia, 399. Peneus, action on the, 73. Is met at Brundusium by the senate and magis. Perseus, son of Philip, ascends the throne of Macetrates, ib. Sets out for Egypt, ib. Defeats the donia, 71. Prepares to assert the independence enemy, 401.

Has an interview with Cleopatra, o, ls kingdom, 72. Partially defeats the Ro402. Returns to Rome, 409. His three tri-mans, 73. Offers to treat with them; but Els ad umphs, ib. Appropriates exclusively to himself vances are rejected, ib. Is routed at Pydna, 75, the title of Imperator, 411. Holds a consultation and taken prisoner, ib. with Agrippa and Maecenas about resigning the Perusia, in Italy, siege of, 373. sovereignty, ib., 412.

Purges the senate of ob-Petreius, appointed one of Pompey’s lieutenants in noxious menmbers, ib. His pretended resignation Spain, 266. His fidelity and attachment, 271. of the sovereignty, 413-415. Agrees to conHe is obliged to capitulate to Caesar, 27a. tinue to hold a share of the government, 416. Petronius, his satire applicable to the court of the The senate bestow on him the title of Augustus, Roman Emperors, 478. 417. Ills political establishment as emperor,ib., Phalanx, Grecian, compared with the Roman le418. Iis domestic establishment, 419. Extent gion, 62. of his empire, ib., 420. His family and court, Pharnaces invades Armenia, 296.

Defeats Domi422. Passes into Gaul, and afterwards resides tius Calvinus, ib. Attacks Casar, bat is routed, some time in Spain, 423. His illness and reco-297. very, 425.,Sets out for Egypt, 427. Returns to Pharsalia, great battle of, 288. Comanrative loss Rome, 429. Reforms the list ofsenators, ib. Re-on the different sides in the action, 289. peats the farce of a resignation, ib. Revives the Philip, King of Macedonia, unites with the Cartha. aw for encouraging marriage, 430,431. Spends ginians against the Romans, 51. Makes peace two years in Gaul, 432. Returns to Rome, 433. with the Romans, 55; but furnishes assistance to Acts as principal mourner at the funeral of the Carthaginians, ib. Attacks Athens, 61. Is Agrippa, 434.

Assumes the title of Flamen Di-defeated near Pheram in Thessal7, 62.

Obliged alis, or Priest of Jupiter, 436. Resumes the go-to accept of the terms of the Romans, 63. Joins vernument for ten years more, 437. Makes inno-the Romans, 67. His death, 71. vations respecting criminal trials, ib., 438. Re-Philippi, battle of, 368. assumes the office of ordinary consul, 440. Pidna. See Pydna. Banishes his daughter Julia, ib. Again resumes Pirates, their numbers and audacity in the Italian the government for ten years longer, 441. Begins seas, 160. Are dispersed and ruined by Pomto languish and decay, 442. Builds an imperial pey, 164. mansion on the Palatine hill, ib. Is thrown into Piso, Calpurnius, the consul, his campaign against alarm and dejection, 445, 446. His amusements Jugurtha, 109. His treaty with that prince, ib. in his old age, 447. Enters on a fifth period of His success in Macedonia, 118. ten years, ib. Assumes Tiberius as his associate –- appointed governor of Syria, 459. Is tried in the empire, 448, Dies, ib. His will, 449. for the murder of Germanicus, ib. Puts himself His character, 450, 451. to death, 461. Orchomenos, battle of, 134 Plancus marches to the support of Lepidus against Antony, 346. Retreats, 349. Joins the party of P the Triumvirate, 354. Is named consul, 360. Plautius, the tribune, obtains the enactment of sePalaiurnm, the height on which the Romans first veral useful laws, 128. took post, 11. Plebeians held in abject degradation by the PatriPansa, C. Vibius, named to the consulate, 341. cians, 14. They retire, in a body, to the Mons Marches towards Gaul, 347. Is woundled, ib. Sacer, 15. A treaty concluded, by which the Dies, 348. tribunitian power is established, 16.

They exParthians, are invaded by the Romans under Cras-tend their powers, 21. Are found entitled to sus, 222. Partially defeat Crassus, 230. Pass enact laws, ib. Procure the abrogation of the the Euphrates, to expel the Romans from Syria, law against their intermarriage with the nobles, 252.

Are routed by Caius Cassius, ib. Again 22. Obtain a right to be elected Military Tri invade and overrun Syria, 379. Are defeated bunes with consular power, ib.; afterwards, to by Ventidius, ib. Cut off a part of the army of be elected consuls, 27; and, at last, fill all the Antony, 389. Their unc,ommon method of car-offices of Slate along with the Patricians, 28. See rying on war, ib., 390. (Note.) They send a re-Patricians. ference to the Romans respecting the succession Pleminius, his great abuse of power at Locri, 54. to the throne of Parthia, 423. Is ordered prisoner to Rome, 55. Patricians and Plebeians, division of the Roman Policy of tile Romans, 70, 85. people into, 11. The Patricians become possess-Polybius, the historian, a prisoner in Italy for seed of a complete aristocracy, 14. Patricians and venteen years, 84. Plebeians frequently stood in the relation of cre-Pompey, Cneius, (surnamed the Great,) birth of, ditor and debtor, as well as of patron and client, 118.

Joins himself to Sylla, 138. Quells thl

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INDEX. 491 disturbances in S’cily, 141. Finishes the war in Pretorian’ands, first appointed, 421. Assume Africa, 143. Returns to Rome, and obtains a the disposal of the sovereignty of the empire, triumph, 144.

Is pronounced the Great by Sylla, 478. Are broke by Galba, but succeeded by ib. His desire of personal consideration, ib. Is others, 479. sent to Spain, 149. Is partially defeated, ib. But Principles, second order in the original Roman ]e afterwards successfully finishes the war, ib. Ob-gion, 31. tains a triumph at Rome, 156. Procures his Proscription, origin of this name and practice, 141 election as consul along with Crassus, ib. His Proscriptions of Sylla, ib. Of the second Trium deportment as a private citizen, 157. His dis-virate, Octavius, Antony, and Lepidus, 356-358.

simulation, 161. (See Caflulus, Lutatius, Gabi-Publius Sextins, is the first plebeian consul, 28. nius.) Is invested with the supreme command Ptnic war, origin of the first, 37. Termination, 38. over all the fleets and armies of the Republic for Origin of the second, 42. (See Hannibal.

Scipio three year:,, 163. Appointed to supersede Lu-Africanus.) Termination, 59. Commencement cullus in Pontus, &c. 164. Routs the army of of the third, 80. Its conclusion, 83. Mithridate:;. 165. Marches into Syria, 1 7. Pydna, battle of, 75. Takes possession of Jerusalem, ib., 168.

Be-Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, marches an army into sieges and reduces the Temple, ib. Enters the Italy, 32. (Gains some partial victories over the Holy of’ lolies, ib. Sets out for Europe, 169. Romans, ib., 33. Leaves Italy, and returns Arrives at Rome, 183. His splendid triumph, home, ib.

184. Political manceuvres, 187, 188. Unites his interest to that of Caesar and Crassus, ib. His Q marriage to Julia, 195 Is vested with proconsular power, 207. Visits Caesar at Lucca, where Queisitor, president of the criminal court at Rome these, leaders renew their confederacy, 211. 89.

Elected to the consulate the second time, 214. Quastior, account of the office of, 23. Secures to himself the province of Spain for five years, 215. But remains in Italy, ib. His in-R trigues at Rome, 220. Death of J
llia, 224. Proposal to name him Dictator, 228. He marries Rabirius, Caius, is active in suppressing the faction Cornelia, 231. Is named sole consul, 233. His of Saturninus, 122. Brought to trial as an acconduct, 235.

Renewal of his government in complice in the death of Saturninuis, 172.

The Spain for other five years, ib. Assumes Metel-trial pult off, and the prosecution dropt, 173. lus Scipio for his colleague inqthe consulate, 244. Regulus, Atilius, the consul, is made a captive in His jealousy of Cesar, 249. Is invested, by the Africa, 38. Senate, with the supreme command over the Religion, state of, among the original Romans, 12.

treasury and forces of the Republic, 257. Re-Revolutions in the Roman state: change from a motires to Capula on the approach of Caesar to Rome, narchy to a republic, 13. From a republic to an 259. Falls back to Brundusium, 261. Embarks empire, 311-318. for Epirus, 262. The army of Pompey in Spain Rhodes, island of, is reduced by Cassius, 362. is subdued by Camsar, 272,273. Pompey gathers Rhone, passage of the, by Hannibal, 44, 45. a large force in the East, 277; and collects a Rome, city of.-Extent of the city under the mofleet, ib. Chooses a dilatory war, 281. Sur-narchy, 13. Immensity of the common sewers, prises and carries one of Caesar’s stations, 284. ib. (Note.) City burned by the Gauls, 25.

ReDefeats him, 286. Directs his march towards building of the city, 26.

Streets first paved with Thessalv, ib. Encamps near the village of Phar-stone, 76. Rome taken by Sylla, 131. The city salus, 287. Is routed in the battle of Pharsalia, invested by Cinna and Marius, 135; capitulates, 288, 289. Flies to Egypt, 290. Is murdered by ib. The Capitol accidentally burned down, 139. order of Ptolomy the king, ib. Julius Caesar ornaments the city with various Pompey, Cnoeus, eldest son of Pompey the Great, public works, 225. The aqueducts begun by heads an army in Spain, in opposition to Caesar, Caesar, completed by Antony and Octavius, 378. 314.

Is defeated and slain, 31] 5. The great common sewers cleansed, and public ~ –— Sextus, younger son of Pompey the Great, baths established, 393.

394. The city adorned holds out, in the province of Sicily, against the by many public buildings, 424. Is overflowed usurpations of the second triumvirate, 361. Cal-by inundation of the Tiber, 443. culates on securing the possessions of Sicily and Rullus, Servilius, tribune, proposes his agrarian Sardinia, 373. Joins himself to Antony, 375. law, 171. Rejected, 172. Blocks up the ports of Italy, 377. Is invited to a Rutilius, P. retires in exile to Smyrna, 125. personal conference with Octavius and Antony, ib.; which ends in a treaty of peace, 378. He S
returns to Sicily, ib. Prepares fbr war against Octaviuts, 381. Defeats him at sea, 382. Is de-Sabinus, Titus, his death, 467. feated in his turn by Agrippa, 384. Destroys the Sagruntutm, scege of, by Hannibal, 43.

transports of Octaviius, ib. Ilis own fleet is to-‘allulstius, Crispus, made pretor, 298. Acts under tally defeated by Agrippa, 385. His flight to Caesar in a military capacity, 301. Is made goLesbos, ib. He sues for protection from Antony, vernor of Numlia, 310. 390. Is refused, and put to death, 391. Sumnites, their character, 32. They maintain an Pontus, kingdom of. See MAitdhridates. arduous struggle against the Romans, ib.

Porcia, the daughter of Cato, and wife of Brutus, Sardinia, sovereignty of; is acquired by the Roher resolution and constancy, 323. Her death, 369. mans, 40. Prefect, or governor of a province, first appointed, Saturnin7us Apuleins. the tribune, is elected to the 33. office of tribune, 121. Proposes several popular PrTefectus Annonk, duties of this occasional officer, acts, ib. Is elected tribune a third time, 122. 23.

His death, ib. Preetor. institution of the offS-if, 28. Confined Scipio, Publius Cornelius, the consul, marches to the Patrician order, ib. A second praetor ap-against Hannibal, 45. Arrives at the Rhone, pointedl, 39. The number of prmators augmented and embarks for Etruria, ib., 46.

Meets Ifanni to six, 89. Persons pass through the office, in bal on the Ticinus, where his cavalry is defeated, order to acquire the hereditary title, 383 ib. Is joined by his colleague, Sempronlus, and

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it”1.1) INDEX. as army ib rhe Romans defeated, 47. See Sigontus, correction of a passage in his treatise 3C H!:mlnuao (Note.) Se.mvi Nfricanus, Publius Cornelius, son of the Sicilu, revolt of the slaves in, 88. Another revolt former, makes his appearance, 52. Is appointed 11g.

Becomes the refuge of Pompeius Sextus to the chief command of the army in Spain, 53. 373. Campaign of Octavius in, 384, 385. Takes New Carthage, ib.

Applies himself to Silver, first coined by the Romans, (U. C. 485) 33. the study of Grecian literature, 55. Sails for Sipylus, Mountains of, 68.

Africa, and lands at Hippo, ib, Sets fire to the Sophonisba, daughter of Hasdrubal, stipulates with Carthaginian camp, and defeats the army, 56.

the king of Numidia, to aid the Carthaginians, 55 Invests Tunis and Utica, ib. Raises the block-Spain, ancient natives of, their character, 42.

Haade, and advances to the plain of Zama, 57. milcar forms a settlement in Spain, ib. (See Holds a personal conference with Hannibal, ib. IHannibal.) Sempronius the proconsul defeated Gains a complete victory at Zama, 58; and dic-in Spain, 64. Progress of the Romans in the tates terms of peace to the Carthaginians, 59. conquest of Spain, 69, 70. Further progress, 86

Receives the title of Africanus, 65. Passes into Divided into Western and Eastern provinces, ib. Asia against Antiochus, 68. Defeats the forces Reduction of Lusitania, the western province, ib., of Asia, ib. Dies in a species of voluntary exile, and of Numantia, a principal stronghold in the 71. eastern province, 88. Pompey sent against Ser — Asiaticus, Lucius Cornelius, brother of torius in Spain, 149. (See Sertorius.) State of Africanus, is elected consul, 68. Totally de-Spain under the government of Pompey, 266 feats Antiochus in Asia, ib. Several warlike cantons retain their indepen - – Publlus. Emilianus, son of AEmilius Paulus, dence, 423. Are reduced, ib. Spain is sepa. and adopted grandson of Africanus, is appointed rated into three governments, 424. to the chief command against Carthage, 82. Re-Spartacus, leader of the revolted gladiators, defeats duces Carthage, 83. Is sent against the Numan-the Roman consuls, 155. Is routed, and himself tians in Spain, 87. Subdues them, 88. Opposes killed by Crassus, ih. the Licinian law, 97. Ilis death, 99. Stimuli, in Roman outworks, what, 242. N .. asica. See Xzasica. Stoics, account of their principles, 179. — Cornelius Metellus, son of Nasica, becomes Strabo, Cneins Pompeius, holds a triumph, 129. the colleactie of Pompey in the consulate, 244. Sulpicius, consul, is sent to the relief of Athens, 62

Comtlmands the main body of the army at Phar- - Publiuts, tribune, his turbulent character, salia, 288. Flies to Africa, 291. Commands the 130.

His death, 131. army of the republic there, 298. Is defeated by Sumptuary laws of the Romans, remarks on the, Caesar at Thapsus, 306, 307. He kills himself, 76. These laws revived, 90. Further account 310. of them, 118.

Sumptuary regulations of Julilus Segra, or Sicoris, campaign of Caesar on the, Ctesar, 317. 266-273. Superstition of the ancient Romans, 61, 77.

Sejanus, _Elius, his mission to the mutinous legions Sylla, the quaestor, prosecutes the war against Jlon the Danulle, 453. Becomes the confidential gurtha, 113. Goes to the court of Bocchus, 114. favourite of’ Tiberius, 463, 464. Applies to the Is elected pretor, 125. Is sent into Asia, ib. Is Emperor for permission to marry the widow of elected consul, 129. Prepares for war with MiDrusls, 45. Is anmlised with an ambiguous an-thridates, ib. Is recalled, 130. Marches in a stwer, ib. Receives the highest marks of favour hostile manner to Rome, 131. Takes the city, from Tiberius, 463.

The Emperor, however, re-lib. Sets oult for Asia, 132. Takes Athens, 133.

solves on his rtin, ib. Denounces him to the Defeats the army of MIithridates, near Cheronea, Senate as guilty of treaso.n, 470; who condemn ib.; and again, at Orchonlenos, 134. Receives him to death, 471.

Cruel fate of his infant chil-the submission of Mithridates, 137. Sets sail for dren, ih. Italy, ib. Defeats Norbanus the consul, 139

Sea;proiats, Tiberius Longus, the consul, joins his Defeats the young Marius, ib. Enters the city, army to that of S:-ipiou, in. order to repel Hanni-140. Routs the Marian party, ib. Orders a laI, 46. Is defe:Le;-el v the (Cartthaginians, 47. massacre, ib. Procures his nomination as dicta-, the lio.nac proconsul, defeated in tor, 141. HIis policy, 142. Reforms in the conmSpain by the natives, 64. Ilis death, ib. monwealth introduced by him, ib., 143. Holds,ceulte, account of the, untder the monarchy, 11.

triumphs, ib. Resigns thedictatorship, 144. His YUnder the aristocracvy, 14. Restored after the character, &e. ib. Death, 145; and obsequies, usurpation of the deceminvirs, 21. Review of the ib. His character contrasted with that of Julius constitution of the Senate, “S. Extent of their Casar, 318. powers, 29. Irnfllence as administrators of the Syphax, king of Numidia, joins with the Carthagltreasury, 30. (No7e.) Secrecy and despatch of nians, 56. Loses his throne, ib. the Senate, 79. Character of, 91. The Senate Sylpilus, Mountains of. See Sip)“lus. redtcel to a mere form, 121. Regains the as-Syria becomes a Roman province, 167. The decendant, 123. Senate-house burned bhy the peo-pendencies of Judea anti Celesyria annexedl to ple, 232. The Senate leaves Rome, 259. Is re-it, 168. Is invaded by the Parthians, 379. They presented at Thessalonica, 277. Account of the are defeated, ib. See Antiochus. Crassus. DeSetlate which met at IJtica, 298. The Senat:e metrius. Gabilus. comes to be entirely imodelled by Augustus, 429. Undlergoes a continual decav, 433.

Fines for T non-attendance increased, 436. Complete degradation of the Senate, 472.‘T’les, twelve, of the Roman law, prepared by the,c.‘torius, harbours the Mariam party in Spare, decemvirs, 20. Remarks on the clause by which 148. Defeats Pompey, 149. Is betrayed and as-a father may sell his child, ib. (Note.) sassinated, ib. ahpsus, battle of. See Thapsus.

S;‘lvers, common, immensity of those at Rome, Tarentum, city of, applies to Pyrrhus for protection arlkl conjectures respecting their antiquity, 13. against the Romans, 32. Falls into their hands, ib. rNote.) Tecinus, action on the, 46. 5’ettLlS, Publius, the first plebeian raised to the Tectosages. See Cimbri. dignity of consul, 28. Temple at Jerusalem, besieged and reduced by’corisr. See Sescra. Pom’o)l 167, 168.

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INDEX. 493 Teutones. See Cimbrt. federacy, 211. (See Coztr Crassus Pomvey.

Tlhatpss, battle of, 306. - Second Triumvirate, Octavius, Antonv and Theatre at Rome, condemned, as likely to become Lepidus, atrocity of the articles of their agree a source of corruption, 89. Theatre of Pompey ment, 354. Character of each, 356. (See Anto. opened, 214. ny. Lepidus.

Octavzus.) Thermopylae, battle of, in which Antiochus is defeated by the Romans, 67. Thessaly, campaign of Pompey and Caesar in, 278-289. Utica, in Africa, becomes the station of Cato after Thrasimenus, lake, 47 the battle of Pharsalia, 293. Casar takes possesTiberiuLs, Claudius Nero, sues for the consulate, sion of the town, 309. 424. Holds the office of qusstor, ib. Is sent Uxellodunum, a fortress in Gaul, is besieged and with a commission to Armenia, 428. Elected reduced by Cwsar, 248. prator, 429. Is advanced in the confidence of Uzita, in Africa, besieged by Ciesar, 303.

The the Emperor, 434; and marries his daughter siege raised, 304. Julia, ib. Retires to the island of Rhodes, 439. Is recalled; and is adopted by the Emperor, 441. V Reduces the barbarians in Dalmatia; 445. The tribunitian power prolonged in his person for five years, 447. Is associated with Augustus in Valerius, Manius, is chosen Dictator, 15. the empire, 448. Assumes the reins of govern-Varro, C. Terentius, elected to the consulship, 49 ment, 452. Puts Agrippa to death, ib. Sends Is eager to give the Carthaginians battle at Can. his son Drusus to Panonia, 453, 454.

Character nae, ib. Is defeated 50; yet honourably received and manners of Tiberius, 457; also, 461-464. at Rome, 51. Becomes jealous and distrustful, ib., 465. Fixes –– appointed one of Pompey’s lieutenants in his residence in the island of Capreae, 466. Ac-Spain, 266. cuses Agrippina and her eldest son Nero before Veia, city of, is besieged for ten years; reduced, the Senate, 468. The Senate banish them, ib. and its citizens enslaved, by the Romans, 24. Tiberius confers the highest marks of favour on Velites, or light-armed infantry, their service, 31. Sejanus, 469; but effects his ruin, 470. His cru-Veneficium, name for the statutory crime of poison Ity, 472, 473 His odious life in private, ib.

ing, 77. His death, 475. Venttdius, the lieutenant of Antony, defeats the;Tiberius Gracchus. See Gracchlus. Parthians, and expels them from Syria, 379. Is’J’igranes, king of Armenia, refuses to deliver up honoured with a triumph at Rome, 388. Mithridates to the Romans, 157. Is defeated by Vercingetorix heads the Gauls in opposing Caesar, Lucullus, 158. Is again defeated, ib. Applies 237. His cavalry is routed by Caesar, 241. He for aid to the king of Parthia, ib. Casts himself is surrounded and cooped up by the Romans at on the mercy of Pompey, 165. Alesia, 241, 242. Again routed by Caesar, 243. Tlreasury, public, directly under the administration Is taken and put to death, 244, 312. Of the Senate, 29.

Vespasian raised to the sovereignty, 479. Trebta, battle of the, 47.

Vettius, his supposed conspiracy against Pompey Trials, Criminal, regulations respecting, 233, 234. 195. His death, ib. Important innovation by Augustus, 437. Viriathus defends Lusitania for ten years against Triarii, body of reserve, in the original Roman le-the Romans, but is at last assassinated, 86. gion, 31. Virgilius, Publius Maro, protected by Maecenas Tribes, account of this division of the Roman citi-370. (Note.) zens, 11. Virginia is killed by her own father, to prevent her - - of the city, notice of, 92. dishonour by Appius Claudius, 21. Tribune, the office of, first instituted, 16. Nature of it explained, ib. The persons of the Tribunes X held inviolable, ib. Their number fixed at ten, ib. Great abuses take place in the exercise of Xantippus, the Spartan, totally routs the Roman the tribunitian power, 130. Restraints imposed, army in Africa, 38. 142. These removed by Pompey, 156. Xanthus, storm of, by Brutus, 362.

The inhabit, Tribunes, Military, Plebeians admitted to be elect-ants perish by their owni hande ib. ed, 22. Triumph, institution and nature of the, 12, 24. Y Triumvirate, combination of Caesar, Pompey, and Cramcus, so called, 188. They renew their con-Zamia, great battle of, 58 THE END.

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