History of Julius Caesar (New York Harper and Brothers, 1865-6) by Napoleon III Vol 2
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Title:History of Julius Caesar …

Author:Napoleon III, Emperor of the French, 1808-1873.

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Print Source:History of Julius Caesar …

Napoleon III, Emperor of the French, 1808-1873.

2 v. front. (port.) 23 1/2 cm.

New York

Harper & brothers,

1865-66.

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H-I S T ORY OF JULI US CESAR. VO.- II. THE WARS IN GAUL. NEW YORK: HARPER

& BROTHERS, PUBLISHERS, FRANKLIN SQUARE. 186 6.

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PUBLISHER’S NOTE. IT is, perhaps, not..‘ithout interest, in publishing the’ second volume of the History of Julius Caesar,;vritten by the Emperor. Napoleon III., to call to memory the names of’ Sovereigns and Princes who have employed, themselves upon the same subject. The King of Firance,. Charles VII;, showed. an especial admiration for the Commentaries of Cvesar, and the’ celebrated monk, Robert Gaguin, presented to -him, in 1-480, the translation’he.had made in French of the.eight’

books of the War in Gaul. We are informed of thisin the edition of the translation by the learnedmonk, printed in 1500. This edition, in large 4to, is frort the press of Antoine. erard.. (See J Ch. Brunet, Manuel du ILibraire et de l4uasteur de Livres, fourth edition, tom. I., p. 518, and the Biographie Uni. verselle, article Charles VIII) Chroles V., who professed a great admiration for Csesar, left a copy of the Commentaries filled with marginal notes, written with his own hand.’ It was at his instigation that the Viceroy of Sicily, Ferdinand Gonzaga, sent a scientific mission into France to study Caesar’s campaigns on the localities.‘The

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iv PUBLISIER’S NOTE. forty plans which were’ made by the members of this commission, and among which that of Alise is found, were published in 1575, in the edition of James Strada. The Sultan Soliman i%, contemporary of Charles V., whom he had taken for his model, sent through all Europe to procure as many copies of Casesar’s CYommentaries as could be found,i which he ordered to be collated, and caused a translation to be made into the Turkish’ language for his own daily. reading. The Kfing of n Fance, Henri IV., translated the two first books of Csesar’s Commnentaries. The manuscript of this translation was deposited in the Bibliotheque du Roi, and M. des Noyers took it thence to deliver it to Louis XIII., who, in his turn, translated the two last books’of the Commentaries. These’two translations -were joined together, and printed at the Louvre in 1630.

Louis XIV. translated the first book of the Uomnmentaries. His translation was printed at Paris in 1651, in folio, with figures. This work has not been reprinted; it is now very rare.. The reader may: consult on this subject the M&thode d’etudier l’Hfistoire of the’Abb6 Lenglet-Dufresnoy, tom. II., p. 481; and J. Ch. JBrunet, Manuel du Li6baire et de l’Amateui-de Livres, fourth edition, tom. I., p. 519. The great. CondW, who had studied with care the campaigns of Caesar, encouraged the translation of the Commentaries undertaken by Nicolas Perrot d’Ablan-,

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PUBLISHER’S NOTE. v court; it was the translation most esteemed and the most in vogue during the last century. Christina, Queen of Sweden, had composed Reflections on the Life and Actions of cesar, as we are in.

formed by J. Arckenholz in his work entitled 2Mmoires concernant CUhristine, Reine de Suede, Amsterdam, 1751-1760, tom. IV., No. 6, p. 4.

Louis Philippe Joseph d’Orleans, surnamed Egalite, was a great reader of the Commentaries. He caused a map of Ceesar’s camlpaigns in Gaul to be made. Lastly, the BEmperor Napoleon I, at St. Helena, dictated a Precis des Guerres de Csar to Comte Marchand, who published it in Paris in 1836, in 8vo.

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CONTENTS. BOOK III. THE WARS IN GAUL, AFTER THE “‘COMMENTARIES.” CHAPTER

I. POLITICAL CAUSES OF THE GALLIC WAR. PAGR I. ENTERPRISING CHARACTER OF

THE GAULS……………………….. 1 II. WARS OF1 THE ROMANS BEYOND

THE ALPS………………………. 3 1II. CONTINUAL PRE-OCCUPATION OF

THE ROMANS IN REGARD TO THE

GAULS…………………………………….. 7 IV. PLAN’FOLLOWED IN

THE RELATION OF THE WAR IN GAUL……. 13 CHAPTER II. STATE OF GAUL IN THE

TIME OF C2ESAR. I. GEOGRAPHICAL DESCRIPTION. (See Plate 1.)……………………. 15 II. POLITICAL DIVISIONS. (See Plate 2.)…………………………. 22 III.

MANNERS………………………………………………………………..

32 IV.

INSTITUTIONS………………………………………………… 41

CHAPTER III. CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE HELVETII. (Year of Rome 696.) (BOOK I.

OF THE ” COMMENTABIES.”) I. PROJECTS OF INVASION BY THE HELVETII. (See Plate 3.)…….. 49 IX. CxESAR’S ARRIVAL AT

GENEVA…………………………………. 52 III. DESCRIPTION OF THE

RETRENCHMENT OF THE RHONE. (See Plate

3.)………………………………. 52 IV. THE HELVETII BEGIN THEIR

MARCH TOWARDS THE SAONE. C.ESAR UNITES HIS TROOPS. (See Plates 2 and 4.)…………… 59 V. DEFEAT OF THE HELVETII ON THE SAoNE. (See Plates 2 and 4.) 64 VI. DEFEAT OF THE HELVETII NEAR BIBRACTE. (See Plates 4 and 5.) 72 VII. PURSUIT OF THE

HELVFTII…………………………………….76 VIII.

OBSERVATIONS………………………………………..79

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Viii CONTENTS. CHAPTER IV. CAMPAIGN AGAINST ARIOVISTUS. (Year of Rome 696.) (BOOK I. OF THE “COMMENTARIES.” PAGE I. SEAT OF THE SUEVI AND OTHER

GERMAN TRIBES. (See Plate 2.) 80 II. THE GAULS SOLICIT C2ESAR TO COME TO

THEIR SUCCOUR……… 83 III. MARCH OF CESAR’ UPON BESANON. (See Plate 4.)… ) 86 IV. PANIC IN THE ROMAN

ARMY…………………………………….. 88 V. MARCH TOWARDS THE

VALLEY OF THE RHINE. (See Plate 4.).. 91 VI. INTERVIEW BETWEEN CAESAR AND

ARIOVISTUS. (See Plate 6.).. 94 VII. MOVEMENTS OF THE TWO ARPIIES. (See Plates 2 and 6.)…. 97 VIII. BATTLE AGAINST THE GERMANS.- (See Plate 4.)……………… 99 IX.

OBSERVATIONS……………………………………………… 103

CHAPTER V. WAR AGAINST THE BELGXE. (Year of Rome 697.) (BOOK II. OF THE

“COMMENTARIES.”) I. LEAGUE OF THE BELG2E. C2ESAR ADVANCES FROM BESAN1ON TO

THE AISNE. (See Plate 4.)………………..;……………………..

106 II. C2ESAR’S CAMP AT BERRY-AU-BAC. (See Plates 2, 7, 8, and 9.).. 109

III. BATTLE ON THE AISNE………………………. 113 IV. RETREAT OF

THE BELG………………………………………..1… 115 V. CAPTURE

OF NOVIODUNUM AND BRATUSPANTIUM.. (See Plate 7.).. 116 VI. MARCH AGAINST

THE’ NERVII. (See Plates 7 and 10.)………. 118 VII. BATTLE ON THE

SAMBRE.. (See Plate 10.).)………………………. 121 VIII. SIEGE OF

THE OPPIDUM OF THE ADUATjI (See Plate 11.)….128 IX. SUBJUGATION OF

ARMORICA BY P. CRAS……………………… 1.31 X. EXPEDITION OF GALBA INTO THE VALAIS………………………. 132 CHAPTER VI. (Year of Rome 698.) (BOOK mI. OF THE ” COMMENTARIES.”) WAR OF THE VENETII  VICTORY OVER

THE UNELLI-SUBMISSION OF AQUITAINE MARCH AGAINST THE MORINI AND THE

MENAPII. I. INSURRECTION OF THE’MARITIME PEOPLES. (See Plate 12.)……

135 II. WAR AGAINST THE VENETI.! (See Plate 12.)…………… 137 III.

NAVAL COMBAT AGAINST THE VENETI. (See Plate 12.)…… 141 IV. VICTORY OF

SABINUS OVER THE UNELLI. (See Plate 13.)…… 144 V. CONQUEST OF

AQUITAINE BY P. CRASSUS…………………………146 VI. MARCH AGAINST

THE MORINI AND THE MENAPII……………. 150 VII.

OBSERVATIONS………………………………………………. 151

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CONTENTS. ix CHAPTER VII. (Year of Rome 699.) (BOOK IV. OF TlE -“

COMMENTARIES.’) INCURSIONS OF THE USIPETES -AND THEE TENCTERI -.FIRST

PASSAGE OF THE RHINE - FIRST DESCENT IN BRITAIN CHASTISEMENT OF THE MORINI AND THE MENAPII. PAGE I. CJESAR’S MARCH AGAINST THE USIPETES AND THE

TENCTERI. (See Plate

14.)…………………………………………………… 153 II.

ROUT OF THE USI’ITES AND THE TENCTERI…………………. 158 III. FIRST

PASSAGE OF’THE RHINE. (See Plates 14 and 15.)……. 160 IV. DESCRIPTION

OF BRITAIN IN THE TIME OF.CE:SAR……………… 165 V. FIRST EXPEDITION

TO BRITAIN. - (See Plates 16 and 17.)………… 172 VI. CHASTISEMENT OF

THE MORINI AND MENAPII……………………. 184 VITI. ORDER FOR

REBUILDING THE’ FLEET.’ DEPARTURE FOR ILLYRIA 185 VIII. POINTS OF

EMBARKING AND LANDING.’ DATE OF THE ARRIVAL IN BRITAIN. (See Plate 16.)……………………………………… 186 IX. RESUME OF THE

DATES OF TJIE CAMP AIGN OF 699……………… 202 CHAPTER VIII. (Year of Rome 700.) (BOOK V. OF THE “COMMENTARIES.”) MARCH AGAI*ST THE TREVIRI-SECOND DESCENT IN BRITAIN. I. AISPECTION OF THE FLEET..-MARCH AGAINST THE

TREVIRI…… 204 II. DEPARTURE FOR THE ISLE OF BRITAIN.. (See Plate 16.)……… 206 III. MARCH INTO THE INTERIOR OF THE COUNTRY.’ (See Plate 16.).. 208 IV. DESTRUCTION OF A PART OF’THE

FLEET…………………….. 210 V. CAESAR RESUMES THE

OFFENSIVE……………………………….. 211 VI. MARCH TOWARDS THE.

THAMES. (See Plate 16.)……………….. 214 VII. SUBMISSION OF A PART’

OF BRITAIN. (See Plate 16.)………….. 216 VIII. RE-EMBARKATION

OF’THE.ARMY…………………………….. 217 IX. OBSERVATIONS. (See Plate 16.)……………………………….. 219 X. PRESUMED DATES OF

THE SECOND-CAMPAIGN’ IN BRITAIN…….. 223 XI. DISTRIBUTION OF THE

LEGIONS IN’ THEIR WINTER QUARTERS. (See Plates 14 and 18.)…………………………………… 225 XII. DEFEAT OF. SABINUS

AT ADUATUCA…………2………………… 228 XIII. ATTACK ON CICERO’S

CAMP………………………….. 234 XIV. CJESAR MARCHES TO THE

SUCCOUR OF CICERO. (See Plates 14 and 27, Fig. 8.)……………………

236 XV. C2ESAR PLACES HIS TROOPS IN WINTER QUARTERS. LABIENUS DEFEATS

INDUTIOMARUS………………………………………… 246 XVI.

OBSERVATIONS………………………………………………………….250

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X -‘CONTENTS. CHAPTER IX. (Year.of Rome 701.) (BooK VI. OF THE

“COMMENTARIES.”) CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE NERVII AND THE TREVIRI  SECOND

PASSAGE OF THE RHINE -WAR AGAINST AMBIORIX AND THE EBURONES. PAGE I.

CiESAR AUGMENTS HIS ARMY…………………………. 253 II. WAR

AGAINST THE NERVII. GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF GAUL….- 254 -III. SUBMISSION OF

THE MENAPII………………;……………………… 256 IV. SUCCESS

OF LABIENUS AGAINST THE TREVIRI…………………… 257 V. SECOND

PASSAGE OF THE RHINE………………………………… 260 VI. WAR

AGAINST AMBIORIX. (See Plates 2 and 14.)……………….. 262 VII. THE

SICAMBRI ATTACK ADUATUCA. (See Plate 18.)…………….. 265 CHAPTER X.

(Year of Rome 702.) (BooK VII. OF THE “COMMENTARIES.”) REVOLT OF GAUL 

CAPTURE OF VELLAUNODUNUM, GENABUM, AND NOVIODUNUM-SIEGES OF AVARICUM AND

GERGOVIA - CAMPAIGN OF LABIENUS AGAINST THE PARISII  SIEGE OF ALESIA. I.

REVOLT OF GAUL 272…………………………………………. 272

II. CJESAR BEGINS THE CAMPAIGN. (See Plate 19.)………………… 275

IIL TAKING OF VELLAUNODUNUM, GENABUM, AND NOVIODUNUM. (Se.e, Plate.19.)….. 278 IV. SIEGE OF AVARICUM., (See Plate 20.)…………………………. 287 V. ARRIVAL OF CJESAR AT DECETIA, AND MARCH TOWARDS AUVERGNE. (See Plates 19 and 21.)… 299 VI. BLOCKADE OF

GERGOVIA. (See Plates 21 and 22…………………. 303 VII.

OBSERVATIONS……………………………………………… 319

VIII. C2ESAR LEAVES GERGOVIA IN ORDER TO JOIN LABIENUS……….. 320 IX.

EXPEDITION OF LABIENUS, AGAINST THE PARISIT. (See Plate 23.) 323 X. THE

GAULS ASSUME THE OFFENSIVE…………………………….. 32g XI.

JUNCTION OF C&ESAR AND LABIENUS. BATTLE OF THE VING3rANNE. (See Plates 19
and 24.)……………….. 331 XII. BLOCKADE OF ALESIA. (See Plates 25, 26, 27, and 28.)………… 338 XIII. DETAILS OF THE EXCAVATIONS AT MONT

AUXOIS. (See Plates 25, 27,. and 28.)………………. 358 CHAPTER XI.

(Year of Rome T03.) (BOOK VIII. OF THE ” COMMENTARIES.”) I. EXPEDITION

AGAINST THE BITURIGES AND CARNUTES………….. 367 II. CAMPAIGN AGAINST

THE BELLOVACI. (See Plates 29 and 30.)….. 369 III. BATTLE ON THE

AISNE……………………………. 377

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CONTENTS. xi PAGE IV. DEVASTATIOf OF THE COUNTRY OF THE

EBURONES……………… 379 V. EXPEDITION AGAINST

DUMNACUS…………………… i………. 381 VI. CAPTURE OF

UXELLODUNUM. (See Plates 31 and 32.)………….. 383 VII. EXCAVATIONS

MADE AT PUY D’ISSOLU.- (See Plates 31 and 32.)..: 390 VIII. COMPLETE

SUBMISSION OF GAUL…………………………………… 395 BOOK IV.

RECAPITULATION OF THE WAR IN GAUL, ANT) RELATION OF EVENTS AT ROME FROM

696 TO 705. CHAPTER I. EVENTS OF THE YEAR 696. I. DIFFICULTIES OF C2ESAR’S

TASK…………………………………. 399 II. CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE

HELVETII……………………….,,,,, 402 III. CAMPAIGN AGAINST

ARIOVISTUS…………………….. 405 IV. SEQUEL OF THE CONSULSHIP OF

L. CALPURNIUS PISO AND AULUS

GALBINIUS……………..4………………………………. 408 V.

INTRIGUES OF CLODIUS………………………………………….. 409

VI. POMPEY CONSULTS CESAR ON THE RETURN OF CICERO……..4… 410 VII.

POMPEY BELIEVES HIMSELF THREATENED BY A SLAVE OF

CLODIUS…….11……………………11…………………………………..

CHAPTER II. EVENTS OF THE YEAR 697. I. WAR AGAINST THE

BELGiE………………………………. 413 II. RETURN OF

CICERO………………………………………….. 416 III. POMPEY

IS CHARGED WITH THE SUPPLYING OF FOOD…………. 419 IV. FESTIVALS TO

COMMEMORATE C.ESAR’S VICTORIES…………….. 420 V. RIOTS AT

ROME………………………………………………. 421 CHAPTER

III. EVENTS IN ROME DURING THE YEAR 698. I. PRESENCE IN ROME OF PTOLEMY

AULETES….4……………….. 424 II. CLODIUS NAMED J/EDILE. TRIAL OF

MILO………………….. 426 III. RETURN OF

CATO………………………… 429 IV. STATE OF ANARCHY IN

ROME…………………………………….. 430 V. THE INTERVIEW AT

LUCCA…………………..:…………………… 433 VI. CONSEQUENCES

OF THE INTERVIEW AT LUCCA. CONDUCT OF

CICERO………………………………………………………………

438 VII. INTRIGUES.OF POMPEY AND CRASSUS TO OBTAIN THE CONSULSHIP 443

VIII. CAMIPAIGN AGAINST THE PEOPLES ON THE SHORES OF THE OCEAN 445

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xii CONTENTS. CHAPTER IV. EVENTS OF THE YEAR 699. PAGE I. CAMPAIGN, AGAINST THE:USIPETES AND THE TENCTERI…………. 449 II. FIRST DESCENT

-IN ENGLAND……………………………………. 451 III. C&ESAR’S

HABITS WHEN IN CAMPAIGN……………………………… 452 1V.

CONSULSHIP OF POMPEY AND CRASSUS…………………………… 453 V.

MOTION OF TREBONIUS ON THE GOVERNMENT OF THE PROVINCES 456 VI. POMPEY’S

SUMPTUARY. LAW………………………………… 461 VII. DEPARTURE

OF CRASSUS FOR SYRIA………………………………. 462 VIII. CATO

PROPOSES TO DELIVER CJESAR TO THE GERMANS…………. 464 CHAPTER V.

EVENTS OF THE YEAR 700. I. SECOND DESCENT IN

ENGLAND…………………………………….. 467 II. DISPLACEMENT

OF THE ARMY.’ DISASTER OF SABINUS……….. 468 III. L. DOMITIUS

AHENOBARBUS.AND APPIUS CLAUDIUS PULCHER,

CONSULS……………………..70……………………

IV.:RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF PTOLEMY IN EGYPT……………….. 472 V.

CORRUPTION OF THE ELECTIONS………………………………. 474 VI.

DEATH OF CAESAR’S DAUGHTER…………………………………. 476

VII. CAESAR’S BUILDINGS AT

ROME……………………………………… 477 VIII. HIS RELATIONS

WITH CICERO…………………….. 478 CHAPTER VI. EVENTS OF THE YEAR

701. I. EXPEDITION TO THE NORTH OF GAUL. SECQND PASSAGE OF THE

RHINE…………………… 484 THE’

RHINE…………………………………………………. 484 II.

PURSUIT OF

AMBIORIX……………………………………………….. 485 III.

C. DOMITIUS CALVINUS AND M. VALERIUS MESSALA, CONSULS.. 486 IV.

EXPEDITION.OF CRASSUS AGAINST THE PARTHIANS, AND HIS

DEATH………………………………………………………………

488 V. CONSEQUENCES OF THE DEATH OF CRASSUS……………………… 499

CHAPTER VII. EVENTS OF THE YEAR 702. I. MURDER OF

CLODIUS…………………………… 501 II. THE REPUBLIC IS DECLARED

IN DANGER…………………………. 505 III. POMPEY SOLE

CONSUL…………………………………………. 506 IV. TRIAL OF

MILO…………………………………. 508 V. POMPEY TAKES AS HIS

ASSOCIATE CAECILIUS METELLUS PIUS

SCIPIO…………………………………………………………..

514 VI. INSURRECTION OF GAUL, AND CAMPAIGN OF 702………………… 516

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CONTENTS. xiii CHAPTER VIII. EVENTS OF THE YEAR 703. PAGE I. NEW TROUBLES

IN GAUL, AND THE CAMPAIGN ON THE AISNE… 528 II. CMESAR’S POLICY IN GAUL

AND: AT ROME………………………. 530 III. SULPICIUS RUFUS AND M.

CLAUDIUS; MARCELLUS, CONSULS…… 536 IV. SPIRIT WHICH ANIMATES CESAR’S

ADVERSARIES……………… 538 V. THE QUESTION OF RIGHT BETWEEN. THE

SENATE AND CAESAR… 542 VI. INTRIGUES TO DEPRIVE C2ESAR OF’HIS

COMMAND…………….. 548 CHAPTER IX. EVENTS OF THE YEAR 704. I. C.

CLAUDIUS MARCELLUS AND L. }EMILIUS PAULUS, CONSULS… 554 II. CAESAR

REPAIRS TO THE CISALPINE…………………………. 559 III. POMPEY

RECEIVES OVATIONS, AND ASKS C2ESAR TO RIETURN HIS TWO

LEGIONS………………………………………………. -…..564

IV. THE SENATE VOTES IMPARTIALLY………………………… 569 V.

VIOLENT MEASURES ADOPTED AGAINST C&ESAR………………….. 570 VI.

STATE OF PUBLIC OPINION…………………………………………..

572 CHAPTER X. EVENTS OF THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE YEAR 705. I. C. CLAUDIUS

MARCELLUS AND L. CORNELIUS LENTULUS, CONSULS 579 II. LENTULUS CARRIES THE

SENATE AGAINST CIESAR………………. 581 III. CAISAR HARANGUES HIS

TROOPS…………………………………… 588 IV. C2ESAR IS DRIVEN

TO CIVIL WAR………………………………… 590 V. CAESAR CROSSES

THE RUBICON…………………………… 592 APPENDIX. APPENDIX A.

CONCORDANCE OF, DATES OF THE ANCIENT ROMAN CALENDAR WITH THE JULIAN STYLE, FOR THE YEARS OF ROME 691-709………………….. 595 APPENDIX B.

CONCORDANCE OF ROMAN AND MODERN HOURS, FOR THE YEAR OF ROME 699 (55 B.C.), AND FOR THE LATITUDE OF PARIS………….. 638

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xiv CONTENTS. APPENDIX C. LIST OF ANCIENT COINS FOUND IN THE EXCAVATIONS

AT ALISE. PAGt NOTE ON THE ANCIENT COINS COLLECTED’ IN’THE EXCAVATIONS

ATALISE 640 COINS STRUCK IN THE MINT AT ROME………………………

642 COINS STRUCK IN SOUTHERN ITALY……………………………….

644 COINS STRUCK OUT OF

ITALY…………………………………………. 644’ GAULISH COINS

(FROM CAMP D, ON THE BANKS OF THE OSE)……….. 645 APPENDIX D. NOTICE

ON C.ESAR’S LIEUTENANTS. 1. T. ArTTUS

LABIENUS..,……………………………………….. 648 2.- PUBLIUS

LUCINIUS’CRASSUS………………………………………… 648 3.‘L.

ARUNCULEIUS COTTA………………………………….. 649 4. QUINTUS

TITURIUS SABINUS;…………………. 649 5. Q.

PEDIUS…………………., 649 6. SERVIUS SULPICIUS GALBA. 649 7.

DECIMUS JUNIUS BRUTUS…………………………… 650 8. PUBLIUS

SULPICIUS. RIUFUS…………………… 651 9. LUCIus MUNATIUS

PLANCUS…………………. 652 10. MARCUS LICINIU

S’CRASSUS…………………. 652 11, CAIUS

FABIUS………………………………………………………….

653 12. L. RosCIUS…………………………… 653 13. TITUS

SEXTIUS…… 653 14. Q. TULLIUS

CICERO,……………………………………………. 654 15. CAIUS

TREBONIUS…………….. 655 16. MINUCIUS

BASILUS……………………………… 656 17. C. ANTISTIUS’

REGINUS………………………………………………….. 656 18.

M. SILANUS……………… 656 19. C. CANINIUS REBILUS……………..

656 20. M. SEMPRONIUS

RUTILUS……………………………………………….. 657 21.

MARCUS ANTONIUS (MARK ANTONY)………………………………….. 657

22. PUBLIUS VATINIUS………………………… 657 23. Q. FUFIUS

CALENUS………………………….. 658 24. L.

C2ESAR………………………… 658

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LIST OF PLATES TO VOLUME II. PAGE 1. GENERAL’MAP OF

GAUL………………………………………… 1 2. GENERAL MAP OF

THE PEOPLES OF GAUL IN THE TIME OF C2ESAR 23 3. COURSE OF THE RHONE, FROM

GENEVA TO THEE AS DE L’ECLUSE.. 54 4. GENERAL MAP OF THE CAMPAIGN OF THE

YEAR 696……………… 60 5. PLAN OF THE FIELD OF BATTLE OF THE

HELVETII………………… 73 6. PLAN OF THE FIELD OF BATTLE OF

ARIOVISTUS…………………… 97 7. GENERAL MAP OF THE CAMPAIGN OF

THE YEAR 697……………… 107 8. PLAN OF THE FIELD OF BATTLE OF THE

AISNE……………………. 110 9. CAMP OF CJESAPR ON THE

AISNE…………………………….111 10. PLAN OF THE FIELD OF BATTLE

OF THE SAMBRE…………………. 121 11. PLAN OF THE OPPIDUM OF THE

ADUATUCI………………………….. 129 12. MAP OF THE CAMPAIGN

AGAINST THE VENETI……………. 137 13; EXPEDITION OF SABINUS TO THE

UNELLI…………………………… 145 14. GENERAL MAP OF THE

CAMPAIGN OF THE YEAR 699…………… 153 15. BRIDGE OF PILES BUILT ON

THE RHINE……………………….. 162 16. MAP OF BRITAIN FOR THE TWO

EXPEDITIONS………………………… 175 17. PLAN OF

DOVER…………………………….. 176 18. PLAN OF ADUATUCA. 231 19.

GENERAL MAP OF THE CAMPAIGN OF THE YEAR 702…………… 277 20. PLAN OF

AVARICUM…………………………………….. 288 21. PLAN OF

GERGOVIA…… 304 22. CAMP OF C&ESAR AT

G1ERGOVIA…………3……………… 307 23. MAP OF’ THE CAMPAIGN OF

LABIENUS AT LUTETIA……………… 325 24. PLAN OF THE FIELD OF BATTLE

OF THE VINGEANNE…………….. 334 25. PLAN OF ALESIA……………340

26. VIEWS OF MONT AUXOIS…………………………………. 343 27.

DETAILS OF THE ROMAN WORKS AT ALESIA……………………. 345 28.

Idem……………….. 346 26. MAP OF THE CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE

BELLOVACI……………………. 370 30. CAMP OF CAESAR AT MONT

SAINT-PIERRE……………………… 372 31. PLAN OF

UXELLODUNUM……………………………………….. 384 32. DETAILS

OF THE ROMAN WORKS AT UXELLODUNUM……… 390

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JULI.US CES A R. BO O K I II. THE WARS IN GAUL, AFTER THE “COMMENTARIES.”

CHAPTER I. POLITICAL’CAUSES OF THE GALLIC WAR. I. THERE are peoples whose existence in the past Enterprising Char-only reveals itself by certain brilliant apacterofthe Gaul. paritions, unequivocal proofs of an energy which had been previously unknown. During the interval their history is involved in obscurity, and they resemble those long-silent volcanoes, which we should take to be extinct but for the eruptions which, at periods far apart, occur and expose to view the fire which smoulders in their bosomi.‘Such had been the Gauls. The accounts of their ancient expeditions bear witness to an organisation already powerful, and to an ardent spirit of enterprise. Not to speak of migrations which date back perhaps nine or ten centuries before our era, we see, at the moment when Rome was beginning to’aim at greatness, the Celts spreading themselves beyond their frontiers. Ini the time of Tarquin the Elder (Years of Rome, 138 to 176), 1 II. A

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2 HISTORY OF JULIUS C2ESAR. two expeditions started from Celtic Gaul: one proceeded across the Rhine and Southern Germany, to descend upon Illyria and Pannonia (now Western Hungary); the other; scaling the Alps, established itself in Italy,.in the country lying between those mountains and the Po. (1) The invaders soon transferred themselves to the right bank of that river, and nearly the whole of the -territory-comprised between the Alps and the Apennines took the name.of Cisal pine Gaul.

More-than’two-centuries afterwards, the descendants of those Gauls marched upon Rome, and burnt it all but the Capitol. (‘) Still a century later (475), we see new bands issuing from Gaul, reaching Thrace by the-valley of’the Danube,.(3) ravaging Northern -Greece, and bringing back to.Toulouse the gold-plundered from the Temple of Delphi. (‘) Others, arriving at Byzantium, (5) pass’into Asia,-establish their dominion over the whole region on this side Mount Taurus, since called Gallo-Grcecia, or Galatia, -and maintain in-it,-a sort.of military feudalism until the time of the war of Antiochus.’() These facts-obscure as they may be in history, prove-the spirit’ of adventure and the warlike genius of the Gaulish race, which thus, in fact, inspired.a general terror. During nearly two centuries, from 364 to 531,.Rome struggled against the Cisalpine Gauls, and more than.once the defeat of her armies (1) Justin, XXIV. 4.-Titus Livius,V. 48. (2) Polybius, -II. 17-i9.-Titus Livius,V. 35.

(3) Pausanias, X. 19-23. Diodorns Siculus, Eclog., XXII. 13. (4) Strabo, IV., p. 156, edit. Diibner and Miiller.-Justin, XXXII. 3. (5) Polybius, IV. 46. (6) Justin, XXV. 2.-Titus Livius, XXXVIII. 16.-Pausanias,VII. 6, ~

5.

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POLITICAL: CAUSES OF -THE GALLIC WAR. 3 placed her -existence in danger.

It was, as it were, foot by foot that the Romans effected the conquest of Northern Italy, strengthening it as they proceeded by the. establishment of colonies. Let us here give a recapitulation of the principal warsl against the Gauls, Cisalpine and Transalpine, which have already:been spoken.of in-the first volume of the::present work., In 531 the Romans: took the offensive, crossed the Po, and subjugated a great part of the Cisalpine., But hardly had the north -of Italy been, placed under the supremacy of the Republic, when Hannibarl’s:invasion (536) caused anew, an in-. surrection of the’ inhabitants of those countries, who helped to increase the numbers of his army; and even ~when that.great captain was obliged to quit Italy, they continued t. d-efend their independence during thiirty-four years. The struggle, renewed in 554, ended only in 588, for we will not take-into -account the partial insurrections:.which followed.

During this -time, Rome had-not only to ~combat the Cisalpines, assisted by the Gauls-from beyond the Alps, but also to make war upon the. men of their race in Asia (565) and’in Illyria. In this last-mentioned- province the colony of Aquileiawas founded,(571), and several wild tribes of Liguria, who held -the defiles of,the Alps, were subjugated (588). II. In 600, the Romans, called to the assistance of f the Romns the Greek town of-Marseilles, which was beyond the Alps. attacked. by the Oxybii and the Deciates, Ligurian tribes of.the Maritime Alps, (1) for the first (1) Polybius, XXXIII. 7, 8.-Titus Livius, Epitome, XLVII.

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4 HISTORY OF:JULIUS GCSAR. time-carried their arms -to-the- other side of the, Alps. They followed the;course: of the Corniche, and crossed the Var; buttit: took, according to Strabo, a: struggle of eighty years before they-obtained from -the Ligures an’extent of twelve stadia (2‘223 ils.), a narrow passage on th’ coast ofthe: sea, to enable them to! pass through: GOaul:i’into SSpain (1).-::Neverthelessj the legions pushed-their encroachments’ between the Rhone and the Alps.  The conquered territory was given to the people of Marseilles who soon, attacked again’ by the peoples of.the-Maritime Alps, implored a second time the support. of Rome. In 629, the-Consul M. Fulvius Flaccus was sent against the Salluvii;:,and, three years-afterwards,(2). the proconsul( C. Sextius Calvinus drove t-heni back far from the sea-coast, and founded the town: of Aix: (Aguce Sextic). (3) The-Romans: by protecting the people of Marseilles, had extended-their dominion on the coast; by contracting other allianees; they penetrated-into the interior. The -dui:were at war with the Allobroges:and the Arverni..The proconsul Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus? unfited: with-the-: former,,and defeated -the Allobroges, in: 633, atVindalium, on the Sorgue: (Sulgas.). not far:from the Rho-ne.

Subsequently, Q. Fabius; Maximus, gandson: of Paulus E3milius, gained, at the confluence of the lIsre and the Rhone, a decisive victory over the Allobroges, and over Bituitus, king of the Arerni. By:this success Q.

Fabius gained the, surname, of A lobrogicus., (4) The Arverni pre(1).

Strabo, IV.,’.169. (2). Titus Livius,. Epitome,: LX.: (3) Titus Livius, Epitome, -LXI (4) Strabo,. IV., pp. 154, 159.-Titus’Livius, Epitome, LXI.

Florus, III. 2. -Velleius Paterculus, II. 10.

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POLITICAL CAUSES OF THE GALLIC WAR. tended to be descendants of the Trojans, and boasted a,common origin with the Romans; (1) they remained independent, but their dominion, which extended from the banks of the Rhine to the neighbourhood of Narbonne and Marseilles, was limited to: their ancient territory. The Ruteni, who had been their allies against Fabius, obtained similarly the condition of not being subjected to the Roman, power, and were exempted from all tribute. (2) In 636, the Consul Q. Marcius Rex founded, the colony of Narbo Marcius, which gave its name to the Roman province called Na2rbonesnis. (3) The movement which had long thrust the peoples of the north, towards the south had slackened during several centuries, but in. the seventh century of the foundation of Rome it, seems to have recommenced with greater intensity than ever. The Cimbri and the Teutones, (4) after ravaging Noricum and Illyria, and defeating the army of Papirius Carbo sent to protect Italy (641),.had marched across Rhaetia, and penetrated by the valley of the Rhine to the country of the Helvetii. They drew with them a part of that people, spread into Gaul, and for several years carried there terror and desolation. The-Belgoe alone offered a vigorous resistance. Rome, to protect her province, sent against them, or against.the tribes of the Helvetii, their allies, five generals, who were successively vanquished: the Consul M. Junius. Silanus, in 645; M. Aurelius Scaurus, in 646;‘L. Cassius Longinus, in (1) Lucan, I. 424.

(2) Cssar, De Bello Gallico, I. 45.-Strabo, IV., p. 158. (3) Titus Livius, Epitome, LXII. Eutropius, IV. 10.-Velleius Paterculus, I. 15. (4) Strabo, vII., p. 243.

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6 HISTORY OF JULIUS, CASAR. 647; () lastly, in’ the year 649, the proconsul Q. Servilius Caepio (2) and Cn. Manlius Maximus. The two last each lost his army. () The very existence of Rome was threatened. Marius, by the victories gained at Aix over the Teutones (652), and at the Campi Raudii, not far from the Adige, over the Cimbri (653), destroyed the barbarians and saved Italy. The ancients often confounded the Gauls with the Cimbri and Teutones; sprung from a common origin, these peoples formed, as it were, the rear.guard of the great army of invasion’which, at an unknown epoch, had brought the Celts into Gaul from the shores’of the Black Sea. Sallust (4) ascribes to the Gauls the defeats.of: Q.Caepio and Cn. Manlius, and Cicero (6) designates under the: same name the barbarians who were destroyed by Marius. The fact is that all the peoples of’the north were always ready to unite in the same effort when it was proposed to throw them.selves upon the south of Europe. From 653 to 684, the Romans, occupied’with in. testine wars, dreamt not of increasing their power beyond the Alps; and, when internal peace was restored, their generals, such as Sylla, Metellus Creticus, Lucullus, and Pompey, preferred the easy and lucrative conquests of the East. The vanquished peoples (1) This victory was gained by the Tigurini, a people of.

Helvetia, on the territory of the Allobroges. According to the Epitome of Titus Livius (LXV.), the battle took place in the district of the Nitiobriges, a people inhabiting the banks of the Garonne, which is not very probable. (2) After pillaging the temple of Toulouse. (3) Titus Livius, Epitome, LXVII.-Tacitus, Germania, 37. (4) Jugurtha, 114. (5) Orat. de Provinciis Consularibus, 13.

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POLITICAL CAUSES OF THE GALLIC WAR. 7 were abandoned. by the Senate to the exactions of governors, which. explains the readiness with which the deputies of the Allobroges entered, in 691, into Catiline’s conspiracy;‘fear led them to denounce the plot, but they experienced no gratitude for their revelations. () The Allobroges rose, seized the town of Vienne, (2) which was devoted to the Romans, and surprised,-in 693, Manlius Lentinus, lieutenant of C. Pomptinus, governor of the Narbonnese.

Nevertheless, some time after, the latter finally defeated and -subdued them. ” Until the time of Caesar,” says Cicero,:” our generals were satisfied with repelling the Gauls, thinking more of putting a stop to their aggressions than of carry. ing the war among them. Marius himself did not penetrate to their towns and homes, but confined him. self to opposing a barrier to these torrents of peoples which Were inundating Italy. C. Pomptinus, who suppressed the war raised by the Allobroges, rested after his victory. Caesar alone resolved to subject Gaul to our dominion.” (‘) III. It results from this summary of facts that the Cotinual Pre-o~- constantl thought of the Romans was, Pation of the rR
during several centuries, to resist the mans in regard to the Gauls.

Celtic peoples established on either side of the Alps. Ancient authors proclaim aloud the fear which held Rome constantly on the watch. “The (‘) Orat. de Provinciis Consularibus, 13. (2) The fugitives from Vienne founded the town which subsequently took the name of Lugdunum, in a place called Condate, which is synonymous with confluence. (Dio Cassius, XLVI.

50.) (3) Orat. de PProvinciis Consularibus, 13.

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8 HISTORY OF JULIUS COASARI Romans,” says Sallust, “had then, as in our days, the opinion that all other peoples must yield to their courage; but that with the Gauls it was no longer for glory, but for safety, that they had to fight.” (1) On his part, Cicero expresses himself thus: “From the beginning of our Republic, all our wise men have looked upon Gaul as the most redoubtable enemy of Rome. But the strength and multitude of thse peoples had prevented us until now from combating them all.” (2) In 694, it will be remembered, rumours of an invasion of the Helvetii prevailed at Rome. All political pre-occupation ceased at once, and resort was had to the exceptional measures adopted under such circumstances. (2) In fact, as a principle, whenever a war against the Gauls was imminent, a dictator was immediately nominated, and a levy en masse ordered. From that time no, one was exempted from, military service; and, as a provision against an attack of those barbarians, a special treasure had been deposited in the Capitol, which it was forbidden to touch except in that eventuality. (4) Accordingly, when, in 705, Caesar seized upon it, he replied to the protests of the tribunes that, since Gaul was subjugated, this treasure had become useless.’ () War againstthe peoples beyond the Alps was thus, for Rome, the consequence of a long antagonism, which must necessarily’

end in a desperate struggle, (1) Jugurtha, 114. (2) Cicero, Orat. de Provinciis Consularibus, 13. (3) Cicero, Epist. ad Atticum, I. 19. (4) Plutarch, Ccesar, 41.-Appian, Civil Wars, II. 41. (5) Appian, Civil Wars, II. 41.

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POLITICAL CAUSES OF THE GALLIC WAR. 9 and the ruin of one of the two -adversaries. This explains, at the same time, both Caesar’s ardour and:the enthusiasm excited by his successes. Wars undertaken in accord:with the traditional:sentiment of’a country have alone the privilege’ of moving deeply the fibre of the people, and the importance: of a: victory is measured by the greatness of the disaster:which would have followed a;defeat.’ Since the fall of Carthage, the conquests in Spain, in Africa, in Syria, in Asia, and in Greece, enlarged the Republic, but did not consolidate it, and a check in those different parts of the world would have diminished the power of Rome without compromising it.

With the peoples of the North, on the contrary, her existence was at stakle,’ and upon her reverses equally as upon her successes depended the triumph of barbarism or civilisation. If Caesar had been vanquished by the - Helvetii or the Germans,- who can say what’-would’have become of Rome, assailed by the numberless hordes of the North rushing eagerly-upon Italy? And thus no war excited the public feeling so intensely as that of Gaul. Though Pompey had car. ried the Roman eagles to the shores of the Caspian Sea, and, by the tributes he had imposed on the vanquished, doubled the revenues of the State, his triumphs had only obtained ten days of thanksgivings. The Senate decreed fifteen, (1) and even twenty, (2) for Caesar’s victories, and, in honour of them, the people offered sacrifices during sixty days.. (3) (‘) Plutarch, Ceasar, 41.-Appian,.Civil Wars, II.

41. (2) Appian, Civil Wars, II. 41. (3) Cicero, Orat. de Provinciis Consularibus, 11.-Dio Cassius, XL. 50.

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10 HISTORY OF JULIUS CmSAR. When, therefore, Suetonius ascribes the inspiration of the campaigns of this great man to the mere desire of enriching -himself: with plunder, he is false’ to history and to good sense, and assigns the most vulgar motive to a noble design. When other historians ascribe to Cesar the sole intention of seeking in Gaul a means of rising to the supreme power by-civil war, they show, as we have remarked elsewhere, a distorted view; they judge events by their final result, instead of calmly estimating the causes which have produced them.

The sequel of this history will -.prove that all the responsibility of the civil war belongs/not to C&esar, but to Pompey, And although -the former had his eyes incessantly fixed on his enemies at Rome, none the less for that he pursued his conquests, without making them subordinate to his personal interests. If he had sought. only his own elevation in his military successes, he would have followed an entirely opposite course. We should not have seen him-sustain during eight years a desperate struggle, and incur the risks of enterprises such as those of Great Britain and Germany. After his first campaigns, he need only have returned to Rome to profit by the advantages he had acquiredc; for, as Cicero says, (‘) “he had already done enough for his glory, if he had not done enough for the Republic;” and the same orator adds: “Why would Caesar himself remain in his province, if it were not to deliver to the Roman people complete a work which was already nearly finished? -Is he retained by the agreeableness of the country, by (1) Cicero, Orat. de Provinciis Consularibus, 14.

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POLITICAL-CAUSES OF THE GALLIC WAR. 11 the-beauty of the towns, by the politeness and amenity of the individuals and peoples, by the-lust of victory, by the desire of extending the limits of our empire? Is there anything.more uncultivated than those countries, ruder.than those towns, more:ferocious than those. peoples, and more admirable than the multiplicity of Caesar’s. victories? Can he find limits farther off than the. ocean?. Would his. return to his country offend either:.the people who sent him or the Senate which has loaded him with honours? Would his absence increase the desire we have to see him? Would it not rather contribute, through lapse of time, to make-people: forget him, and to cause the laurels to fade which he had gathered in the midst of the greatest perils?:If,-then, there any who love not Cesar, it is not their policy to-obtain his recall from his province, because that would be to recall him to glory, to triumph, to the congratulations and supreme honours of the Senate, to the favour of the equestrian order, to the affection of the people.” (1) Thus, after the send of 698, he might have led his army back into Italy, claimed triumph, and obtained power, without having to seize upon it, as Sylla, Marius, Cinna, and even Crassus and Pompey, had done. If Caesar had accepted the government of Gaul with the sole aim of having an army devoted to his designs, it must be admitted that so experienced a general would have taken, to commence a civil war, the simplest of the measures suggested by prudence: instead of separating himself from his army, he would have. kept it with him, or, at least, brought it near to Italy, (‘) Cicero, Orat. de Provinciis Consularibus, 12.

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12 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. and distributed it in such’ a manner that he could reassemble it quickly; he would have preserved, from the immense booty taken in Gaul, sums sufficient to supply the expenses of the war.

Caesar, on the contrary, as we:shall see in the sequel, sends first to Pompey, without hesitation, two legions which are required from himj under the pretext of the expedition: against the Parthians. He undertakes to disband his troops if!Pompey will-do -the same, and he arrives at Ravenna at the head of a single legion, leaving the others beyond: the Alps, distributed from the Sambre as faras the Saone. (1) He. keeps within thb limit of his government without making any preparation which indicates hostile intentions, (2) wishing, as Hirtius says, to settle the quarrel by justice rather than by arms. (3) In fact, he has collected so little money in the military chest, that his soldiers club together to procure: him the sums necessary for his enterprise, and that all voluntarily renounce their pay. (4) Caesar offers Pompey an unconditional reconciliation, and it is only when he sees his advances rejected, and his adversaries meditating his ruin, that he boldly faces the forces of the Senate, and passes the Rubicon. It was not, then, the’ supreme power which Caesar went into Gaul to seek, but the pure and elevated glory which arises from a national war, made in the traditional interest of the country. (1) It is stated in the “

Commentaries’? that Czesar placed in winter quarters four legions among the Belgxe, and the same number among the 2Edui. (De Bello Galico, VIII.

54.)-”’ Caesar had with him but 5,000 men and 300 horse. He had left the rest of his army beyond the Alps.” (Plutarch, Ccesar, 36, and Appian, Civil Wars, II. 34.) (2) Appian, Civil Wars, II. 35. (3) De Bello Gallico, VIII. 55. (4) Suctonius, Ccesar, 68.

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POLITICAL CAUSES OF THE GALLIC WAR. 13 IV. In reproduc in in the following chapters the nlan followed in the relation -:of the: war: in Gaul, we -
have Relation of the War in.-au..:: borne:-in: m;inld the words of Cicero.. “CQesar,” he:: says “has written memoirs worthy of great praise.

Deprived-of all oratorical art, his style, like a handsome-:body stripped of clothing, presents itself -naked,.uprighltand graceful.: -In his desire to furnish materialsto future: historians, he has, perhaps, done a.hing agreeable to the little minds who will be-tempted -to load.these. natural graces with frivo: lous ornaments::; but he.. has for ever deprived men of sense of the desire of writing, for nothing is more agreeable in history than a correct and luminous brevity.” (1) Hirtius, on his part, expresses himself in the following terms: “These memoirs enjoy an approval so general, that Caesar has much more taken from others than given to them the power:of writing the history of the events which they recount., We have still more reasons than all others for admiring it, for others know only how correct and accurate this book is; we know the facility and rapidity with which it was composed.” (‘) If we would act upon the advice of these writers, we must digress as little,as. possible from the “

Commentaries,” but without restricting ourselves to a literal translation.

We have, then, adopted the narrative of Caesar, th0ough sometimes changing the order of the matter: we have abridged passages where there was a prodigality of details, and developed those which required elucidation. In order to indi(1) In Suetonius, Ccsar, 56.-Cicero, Brutus, 75. (2) Preface of Hirtius to Book VIII. of the ” Commentaries.”

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14 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. cate in a more precise manner.the localities which witnessed so many battles, we have employed the modern names, especially in cases where ancient geography did not furnish corresponding names. The investigation of the battle-fields and siege op. erations has led.to the, discovery of visible and certain traces of the Roman.entrenchments. The reader, by comparing the plans of the excavations with the text, will be convinced of the rigorous accuracy of Caesar in describing -the countries:he passed over, and the works he caused to be executed,

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CHAPTER -II. STATE OF GAUL IN THE TIME OF CAESAR. (See Plate I.) I.

TRANSALPINE Gaul. had for its boundaries the Geogrphical De-ocean, the Pyrenees,: the Mediterranean, scription. the-Alps, and the Rhine. This portion of Europe,- so well marked out by nature, comprised what is now France, nearly the whole of Switzerland, the -Rhine Provinces, Belgium, and the south of Holland.. It had the form of an irregular pentagon, and the country of the Carnutes (the Orlganai8s) was considered to be its ceitre. (1) An uninterrupted chain of heights divided Gaul, as it divides modern France, from north’ to south, into two parts. This’ line commences at the Monts Corbieres, at the foot of the Eastern Pyrenees, is “continued by the Southern Cevennes and by the mountains of the Vivarais, Lyonnajs, and Beaujolais (called the Northern C6vennes), and declines continually with the mountains of the Charolais and the:Cote-d’Or, until it reaches the plateau-of Langres;. after quitting this plateau, it leaves to the east the Monts Faucilles, which unite it to the Vosges, and, inclining towards the northwest, it follows, across the mountains of the Meuse, the western crests &f the Argonne and (‘) De Bello Gallico, VI. 13.

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16 HISTORY OF JULIUS CASAR. the Ardennes, and terminates, in decreasing undulations, towards Cape Griz-Nez, in the Pas-de-Calais. This long and tortuous ridge, more or less interrupted, which may be called the backbone of the country, is the great line of the watershed. It separates two slopes. On the eastern slope flow the Rhine and the Rhone, in opposite directions, the first towards the Northern Sea, the second towards the IMediterranean; on the western slope rise the Seine, the Loire, and the Garonne, which go to throw themselves’into the ocean. These rivers flow at the bottom. of vast basins, the bounds of which, as is well known, are indicated by the lines of elevations connecting the sources of. all the tributaries of the principal stream. Theebasin: of the -Rhine is separated from that of the Rhone by the. onts Faucilles, the southern extremity of the Vosges,. called Le trouee de Belfort, the Jura, the Jorat (the heights which surroun the:-Lake of:Geneva on the, n0oth), and the lofty chain of the Helvetic Alps.’ In:-its upper.part, it: embraces. nearly all Switzerland:, of’which the Rhine forms. the northern; boundary, inm its icourse, from. east to west, from the-Lake of Con’stance: to 1 BAle..

Near this town..the river turns’ abruptly towards the north. The basin widens, limited’- to:the east by the mountains which separate it from the: Danube and the Weser;.to’the west, by the, northern-part of the great line of iwater. shed.(the mountais: of the Meuse, the Argonne, and the western Ardennes).: It’is intersected, from.Mayence::to-Bonn, by.-chains nearly parallel to the course of the river, which separate-its tributaries. From Bonn to’the point where the Rhine divides into two

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STATE OF GAUL IN THE TIME OF CAESAR. 17 arns, the basin opens still more; it is flat, and has no longer a definite boundary. The southern arm bore already, in the time of Caesar, the name of Waal (Vahalis), and united with the Meuse (1) below Nimeguen. To the west of the basin of the Rhine, the Scheldt forms a secondary basin. The basin of the Rhone, in which is comprised that of the Saone, is sharply bounded on the north by the southern extremity of the Vosges and the Monts Faucilles; on the west, by the plateau’of Langres, the C6te-d’Or, and the Cevennes; on the east, by the.Jura, the Jorat, and the Alps. The Rhone crosses the Valais and the Lake of Geneva, follows an irregular course as far as Lyons, and runs thence from north to south to the Mediterranean. Among the most important of its secondary basins, we may reckon those of the Aude, the Herault, and the Var. The three great basins of the western slope are. comprised between the line of watershed of Gaul anhd the ocean. They are separated from each other by two chains branching from this line, and running from the southeast to the. northwest. The basin, of the Seine, which includes that of the Somme, is separated from the basin of the Loire by a line of heights which branches from the. C6te-d’Or under the. name of the mountains of the Morvan, and is continued by the very low hills of Le Perche to the extremity of Normandy. A series of heights, extending from north to south, from the hills of Le Perche to Nantes, enclose the basin of the Loire to the west, and leave outside the secondary basins of Brittany. (‘) De Bello Gallico, IV. 10. II.-B

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18 HISTORY OF JULIUS CJESAR. The basin of the Loire is separated from that of the Garonne by a long chain starting from Mont Lozere, comprising the mountains of Auvergne, those of the Limousin, the hills of Poitou, and the plateau of Gatine, and ending in flat country towards the coasts of La Vendee. The basin of the Garonne,. situated to the south of that of the Loire, extends to the Pyrenees. It comprises the secondary basins of the Adour and the Charente. The vast country we have thus described is protected on the north, west, and south by two seas, and by the Pyrenees.

On the east, where it is exposed to invasions, Nature, not satisfied with the defences she had given it in the Rhine and the Alps, has further retrenched it behind three groups of interior mountains-first, the Vosges; second, the Jura; third, the mountains of Forez, the mountains ~of Auvergne, and the Cevennes. The Vosges run parallel to the Rhine, and are like a rampart in the-rear of that river. The Jura, separated from the Vosges by the Gap (trouee) of Belfort, rises like a barrier in the interval left between the Rhine and the Rhone, preventing, as far as Lyons, the waters of this latter river from uniting with those of the Saone. The Cevennes and the mountains of Auvergne and Forez form, in the southern centre of Gaul, a sort of aitadel, of’which the Rhone’ might be considered as the advanced fosse. The ridges -of this group of mountains start from a common centre, take opposite directions, and form the valleys whence flow, to the

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STATE OF GAUL IN THE TIME OF CAESAR. 19 north, the Allier and the Loire; to the west, the Dordogne, the Lot, the Aveyron, and the Tarn; to the south, the Ardeche, the Gard, and fhe -Herault. The valleys, watered by navigable rivers, presented -thanks to the fruitfulness of their soil and to their easy access-natural ways of communication, favourable both to commqece and to war. To the north, the valley of the Meuse; to the east, the valley of the Rhine, conducting to that of the Saone, and thence to that of the Rhone, were the grand routes which armies followed to invade the south. Strabo, therefore, remarks justly that Sequania (Franchee.ComtM) has always been the road of the Germanic invasions from Gaul into Italy. (1) From east to west the principal chain of the watershed might easily be crossed in its less elevated parts, such as the plateau of Langres and the mountains of Charolais, which have since furnished a passage to the Central Canal. Lastly, to penetrate from Italy into Gaul, the great lines of invasion were the valley of the Rhone and the valley of the Garonne, by which the mountainous mass of the C6vennes, Auvergne, and Forez is turned. Gaul presented the same contrast of climates which we observe between the north and south of France. While the Roman province enjoyed a mild temperature and an extreme fertility, (2) the central and northern part was covered with vast forests, which rendered the climate colder than it is at present; (3) yet the (‘) Strabo, IV. 3, p. 160. _2) The Narbonnese reminded the Romans of the climate and productions of Italy. (Strabo, IV. 1, p. 147.) (3) Pomponius Mela, who compiled in the first century, from old authors, an. abridgment of Geography, says that Gaul was rich in wheat and pastures,

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20 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. centre produced in abundance wheat, rye, millet, and barley. (1) The greatest of all these forests was that of the Ardennes. It extended, beginning from the Rhine, over a space of two hundred miles, on one side to the frontier of the Remi, crossing the.country of the Treviri; and, on another side, to the Scheldt, across the country of the Nervii. (2) The “Commentaries” speak also of forests existing among the Carnutes, (8) in the neighbourhood of the Saone, (4) among the Menapii (5) and the Morini, (~) and among the Eburones. (7) In the north the breeding of cattle was the principal occupation, (8) and the pastures of Beland covered with immense forests: “Terra est frumenti precipue’ac pabuli ferax, et amcena lucis immanibus.” (De Situ Orbis, III.

2.)-De Bello Gallico, I. 16. The winter was very early in the north of Gaul. (De Bello Gallico, IV. 20.) Hence the proverbial expression at Rome of hienms Gallica. (Petronius, Satir. 19.-Strabo, IV., pp. 147-161.)-See the “Memoire on the Forests of Gaul” read before the Acaddmie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, by M. Alfred Maury. (t) Strabo, IV., p.

147.-Diodorus Siculus, V. 26. (2) Caesar, after having said (V. 3) that the forest of the Ardennes extended from the Rhine to the frontier of the Remi, ad initium Remnorum, adds (VI. 29) that it extended also towards the Nervii, ad Nervios. Nevertheless, according to chapter 33 of book VI., we believe that this forest extended, across the country of the Nervii, to the Scheldt. How otherwise could.Cesar have assigned to the forestof the Ardennes a length of 500 miles, if it ended at the eastern frontier of the Nervii? This number is, in any case, exaggerated, for from the Rhine (at Coblentz) to the Scheldt, towards Ghent and Antwerp, it is but 300
kilometres, or 200 miles. (3) De Bello Gallico, VIII. 5. (4) “Citra flumen Ararim……reliqui sese fugme mandarunt atque in proximas silvas abdiderunt.” (De Bello Gallico, I. 12.) (5) “Menapii propinqui Eburonum finibus, perpetuis paludibus silvisque muniti.” (De Bello Gallico, VI. 5.) (6) “(Morini et Menapii)…… silvas ac paludes habebant, eo’ se suaque contulerunt.” (De Bello Gallico, III. 28.) () “(Sugambri) primos Eburopum fines adeunt…… non silvw.morintur.” (De Bello Ggllicoj VI. 35.) (8) Strabo, p. 163, edit. Didot.

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STATE OF GAUL IN THE TIME OF C2ESAR. 21 gic Gaul produced a race of excellent horses. (1) In the centre and in the south the richness of the soil was augmented by productive mines of gold, silver, copper, iron, and lead. (‘) The country was, without any doubt, intersected by carriage roads, since the Gauls possessed a great number of all sorts of wagons; (8) since there still remain traces of Celtic roads, and since Caesar makes known the existence of bridges on the Aisne, (4) the Rhone, (I) the Loire, (6) the Allie’r; (7) and the Seine. (8) It is difficult to ascertain, exactly the number of the population; yet:we may presume, from the contingents furnished by the different states,‘that’it amounted to more’than seven millions of souls..(“) (‘) De Bello Gallico, IV. 2. (2) Strabo, pp. 121, 155, 170, edit. Didot. (3) “, Carpenta Gallorum.”

(Florus, I. 13.)-“- Plurima Gallica (verba) valuerunt, ut reda ac petorritum.” (Quintilian, De Institutione Oratoria, lib. I., cap. v. 57.) ” Petorritum enim est non ex Grsxcia dimidiatum, sed totum transalpibus, nam est vox Gallica. Id scriptum est in libro M. Varronis quarto decimo Rerum Divinarum; quo in loco Varro, quum de petorrito dixisset, esse id verbum Gallicum dixit.” (Aulus Gellius, XV. 30.)-”’ Petoritum et Gallicumrn vehiculum est, et nomen ejus dictum esse existimant a numero quatuor rotarum. Alii Osce, quod hi quoque petora quatjuor vocent. Alii Grsece, sed aioXucIc dictum.” (Festus, voc. Petoritum, p. 206, edit.

Miiller.)- “Belgica esseda, Gallicana vehicula. Nam Belga civitas est Gallice in qua hujusmodi vehiculi repertus est usus.” (Servius, Commentaries on the Georgics of Virgil, lib. III. v. 204. Casar, De Bello Gallico, IV. 33, and passing.) (4) De Bello Gallico, II. 5. (5) De Bello Gallico, I. 7. (6) De Bello Gallico, VII. 11. (7) De Bello Gallico, VIL

34, 53. (8) De Bello Gallico, VII. 58. (9) The reckoning of these contingents is the most positive element for estimating the state’of the population. We find in the ” Commentaries” three valuable statements: 1st, the numerical state of the Helvetian immigration in 696 (De Bello Gallico, I. 29); 2nd, that of the Belgic troops,: in the campaign of 697 (De Bello qallico,II. 4); 3rd, the census of the Gaulish army which, in 702, attempted to raise the siege of Alesia (De Bello Gallico, VII. 75.)

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22 HISTORY OF JULIUS-CtASAR. II. Gaul, according to, Caesar, was divided into three great regions, distinct by language, manners, and laws: to the north, Belgic Of 368,000 men, composing the agglomeration of the Helvetii and their allies, 92,000 were able to bear arms; that is, abopt a quarter of the population. In the campaign of 697, the Be]gic coalition counted 296,000 combatants, and, in 702, at the time of the blockade of Alesia, the effective force of a great part of Gaul amounted to 281,000 m’en. But, in order not to count twice the different contingents of the same states, we suppress from the enumeration of the year 702 the contingents of the countries already mentioned in the census of 697, which reduces the effective force to 201,000 men. Yet this number cannot’ represent the total of men fit for war; it comprises only the troops which could easily be sent out of the territory,.and which were more numerous’accordingly as the people to which they belonged were nearer to the theatre of military:operations. Thus Caesar informs us that the Bellovaci, who could bring into. the field 100,000 men, only furnished 60,000 picked men in 697, and 10,000 in 702. The contingent of the Atrebates, which had been 15,000 men in 697, was reduced to 4,000 in 702; that of the Nervli, of 50,000 in the former year, sank to 5,000; and that of the Morini similarly from 25,000 to 5,000. From these circumstances we may be allowed to infer that the Gauls armed three-fifths of their-male population when the enemy was near their territory, and only one-fifth, or even one-sixth, when he was more distant. If, then, we would form an idea of the total number of men able to carry arms in Gaul, we must augment the contingents really furnished, sometimes by two-fifths, sometimes in a higher proportion, according to the distances which separated them from the. seat of war. By this calculation, the levies of 697 represent 513,600 men capable of carrying arms, and those of 702, at’ least 573,600; we add together these two numbers, because, as stated above, each army comprises different populations, which gives 1,087,200 men, to whom we must add 92,000

Helvetii; moreover, it is indispensable to take into account the contributive capability of the populations which are not mentioned in the “Commentaries” among the belligerents at the two epochs indicated above, such as the Pictones, the Carnutes, the Andes, the Remi, the Treviri, the Lingones, the Leuci, the Unelli, the Redones, the Ambivareti, and the peoples of Armorica and Aquitaine. By an approximate estimate of their population according to the extent of their territory, we shall obtain the number of 625,000 men. Adding together these four numbers, to obtain the total number of men capable of bearing arms, we shall get 513,600+573,600+92,000+625,000= 1,804,200 men. Quadrupling this number to get, accordingto the proportion applied to the Heltetii, the total of the population, we shall have 7,216, 800 inhabitants for:.Gaul, the Roman province not included. In fact, Diodorus Siculus, who wrote in the first century of our era, says (lib. V., c. 25) that the population of the different nations of Gaul varies from 200,000 to 50,000 men,

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STATE OF GAUL IN THIE TIME OF CAESAR. 23 Gaul, between the Seine, the Marne, and the Rhine; in the centre, Celtic Gaul, between the Garonne and the Seine, extending. from the ocean to the Alps, and comprising Helvetia;. to the south, Aquitaine, between the Garonne: -and the Pyrenees. (1) (See Plate 2.): We must, nevertheless, comprise in Gaul the Roman province, or the Narbonnese, which began at Geneva, on the left bank of the Rhone, and extended in the o.uth as far as Toulouse. It answered, as nearly as possible, to the limits of the countries known in modern times as Savoy, Dauphine, Provence, Lower Languedoc, and Roussillon. The populations who inhabited it were of different origins: there were found there Aquitanians, Belge, Ligures, Celts, who had all long undergone the influence of Greek civilisation, and especially establishments founded by the Phocseans on the coasts of the Mediterranean. (2) which would make a mean of.125,000 men. If we take the word davSpEc in the sense of inhabitants, and if we admit with Tacitus that there were in Gaul sixty-four different nations, we should have the number of 8,000,000
inhabitants, very near the preceding. (‘) Pliny expresses himself thus: “

The country comprised under the name of Gallia Comata is divided into three peoples, generally separated by rivers. From.the Scheldt to the Seine is Belgic Gaul; from the Seine to the Garonne, Celtic, called also Lyonnese; from thence to the Pyrenees is Aquitaine.” (Hist. Nat., IV.

xxxi. 105.) (2) PEOPLES COMPOSING TIHE ROMAN PROVINCE: The Albicd (the.

south of the department of the Lower Alps, and the north of the Var). (De Bello Civil., I. 34; II. 2.) The Allobl’oges, probably of Celtic origin, inhabited the northwest of Savoy, and the.greater part of the department of the Isere. The Helvii, inhabitants of the ancient Vivarais (the southern part of the department of the Ardeche), separated from the Arverni by the Cdvennes. (De Bello Gaeico, VII. 8.) The Ruteni qf the Province (Ruteni Provinciales), a fraction of-the Celtic nation of the Ruteni, incorporated into the Roman province, and whose territory extended over a part of the department of the Tarn.

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24 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAfSAR. These three great regions were subdivided into many states, called civitates-an expression which, in the “

Commentaries,” is synonymous with nations (1) -that is, each of these states had its organisation and its own government. Among the peoples mentioned by Ceesar, we may reckon twenty-seven in Belgic Gaul, forty-three in Celtic, and twelve in Aquitaine:- in all, eighty-two in Gaul proper,:and seven in the Narbonnese. Other authors, admitting, no doubt, smaller subdivisions, carry this number to three or four hundred; (2) but it appears that under Tiberius there were only sixty-four states in Gaul. (‘) Perhaps, in this number, they reckoned only the sovereign, and not the dependent, states. PEOPLES COMPOSING THE ROMAN PROVINCE

(continued). The Sallyes, qr Salluvii (the Bouches-du-Rhone, and western part of the 4Var). (De Bello Civil., I. 35, edit.‘Nipperdey.) The Vocontii (departments of the Drome and Upper Alps, southern part of the Isbre, and the northern part of the Ardeche). The Volcce occupied all Lower Languedoc, from the Garonne to the Rhone. They had emigrated from the north of Gaul. They were subdivided into the Volcm Tectosages, who had Tolosa (Toulouse) for their principal town; and the Volce Arecomici. The Deciates (western part of the department of the Maritime Alps). I -The Oxybii (eastern part of the department of the Not mentioned by var).

Cesar. The Sordones, of the same race as’ the Aquitanians, | inhabiting the Eastern Pyrenees and the Aude. The Caturiges. ) Independent peoples on the upper channels of the DuThe Centrones. rance and the Isere, and in the mountains of the The Graioceli. Tarentaise. (1) De Bello Gallico, III. 10.

(2) Four hundred, according to Appian (Civil War, II. 150); three hundred and five, according to Flavius Josephus ( Wars of the Jews, II. xxviii.

5); three hundred, according to Plutarch (Ccesar, 15); about a hundred and forty, according to Pliny (Hist. Nat., III. 5; IV. 81-33). (3) “, Nevertheless, it was said at Rome that it was not only the Treviri’and the JEdui who revolted, but the sixty-four states of Gaul.” (Tacitus, Annal., IlI. 44.)-The revolt in question was that of Sacrovir, under Tiberius.

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STATE OF GAUL IN THE TIME OF CAESAR. 25 1. Belgic Gaul. The Belgse were considered more warlike than the other Gauls, (1) because, strangers to the civilisation’of the Roman province and hostile to commerce, they had not experienced the effeminating influence of luxury. Proud of having escaped the Gaulish enervation, they claimed with arrogance an origin which united them with the Germans their neighbours, with whom, nevertheless, they were continually at war. (2) They boasted of having defended their territory against the Cimbri and the Teutones, at the time of the invasion of Gaul. The memory of the lofty deeds of their ancestors inspired them with a great confidence in themselves, and excited their”warlike spirit. (3) (‘) Strabo, IV., p. 163, edit. Didot. (2) Although of Germanic origin, like the Nervii, and glorying in it (Tacitus, Germania, 28), the Treviri were often at war with the Germans. (Cwsar, De Bello Gallico, VII. 6a.) (3) PEOPLES OF BELGIC GAUL: The Aduatuci, who occupied a part of the province of Namur, The Ambiani, a people of the department of the Somme. Their chief town was Samarobriva (Amiens). The Ambivareti, established on the left bank of the Meuse, to the south of the marsh of Peel. The Atrebates, the people of the ancient Artois, and of a part of French Flanders. Their principal oppidumn was Nemetocenna (Arras).

-The Bellovaci, occupying the greater part of the department of the Oise (the ancient Beauvaisis), and who extended, probably, to the sea. (Pliny, Hist. Nat., IV. 17.) The Cale4es, whose territory answered to the ancient Pays de Caux (the western and. central part of the department of the Seine-Inferieure). The Leuci, who occupied the southern part of the department of the Meuse, the greater part of that of the Meurthe, and the department of the Vosges. The 3tediomatrices. They extended from the upper course of the Meuse to the Rhine (department of the Moselle, and part of the departments of the Meuse, the Meurthe, the Upper Rhine, -and the Lower Rhine). 2

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26 HISTORY OF JULIUS CASAR. The most powerful nations among the Belgae were the Bellovaci, (1) who could arm a hundred thousand PEOPLES OF BELGIC

GAUL (continued). The Menapi, who occupied the territory comprised between the Rhine and the mouths of the Scheldt. The M}orini, who inhabited the western part of the department of the Pasde-Calais, and extended to near the mouths of the Scheldt. The Nervii, established between’the Sambre and the Scheldt (French and Belgic’Hainaut,‘provinces of Southern Brabant,’ of Antwerp, and part of Eastern Flanders). The writers posterior to Caesar mention Bagacum (Bavay) as their principal town. The Ceutrones, the Geiduni,-‘ Clients’(or dependents) of the Nervi, whose territoThe Grudii, ) ries appear to have been situated on the left of The Pleumoxii, t the Meuse, from Me’zieres to near Hasselt. The Levaci, ) The, Remi, whose territory embraced the greater part of the departments of the Marne and the Ardennes, a fraction of the departments of the Aisne’ and the Meuse, and of the province of Luxemburg. Their principal town was Durocortorum (Rheims). The Suessiones, the people of the ancient Soissonais, whose territory comprised the greater part of the department of the Aisne.

Principal oppidum, Noviodunum (Soissons). The Treviri, separated from Germany by the Rhine, and occupying the whole lower basin of the Moselle (Rhenish Luxemburg, Prussia, and Bavaria). The Treviri had for clientsThe Condrusi, established to the south of the Meuse, in the ancient Condroz, and who reached almost to Aix-la-Chapelle. The Eburones, occupying part of the provinces of Liege and Limburg, and reaching to the Rhine through the ancient duchy of Juliers. The Ceresni, ) whose territories extended on.

the east of the Meuse, The Pcemanz, to the north of the Remi and the Treviri. The Triboces, established on both banks of the Rhine, occupied the central part of the Grand Duchy of Baden and the north of the department of the Lower Rhine, perhaps already invaded, on the leftboank.

Their presence on the left bank of the Rhine appears from Cxesar’s account. (De Bello GCallico, IV. 10.) The Veliocasses, whose territory embraced the ancient Vexin, and who occupied part of the departments of the Seine-Inferieure and the Eure. The Veromandui, occupying the ancient Vermandois, the northern part of the Aisne, and the eastern part of the Somme. (‘) I’ Qui belli gloria Gallos omnes Belgasque praxstabant.” (De Bello Gallico, II. 4, and VIII. 6.)

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STATE OF GAUL IN THE TIME OF C}ESAR. 27 men, and whose territory extended to the sea, (1) the Nervii, the Remni, and the Treviri. 2. Celtic Gaul.

(2) The central part of Gaul, desig(‘) Pliny, Hist. Nat., IV. xxxi. 17.

(2) PEOPLES OF CELTIC GAUL: The Arverni extended over a vast region, comprising the present departments of the Puy-de-Dome and Cantal, and part of those of the Allier and the Upper Loire. Gergovia was their principal town. The Arverni had for clientsThe Cadurci Eleutheri, whose territory answered to the ancient Quercy (department of the Lot).’[This epithet of Eleutheri, which is found in Cssar (De Bello Gallico, VIII. 75), leads us to believe that in southern Quercy there existed Cadurci placed under the dominion of Rome.] The Gabali, who occupied the ancient Gdvaudan (the department of the Lozere). The Vellavi, whose territory answered to the ancient Velay (department of the Upper Loire). The Aulerci formed an extensive nation, which was subdivided into three great tribes, established over the country from the lower course of the Seine to the Mayenne. 1. The AAulerci Cenomanni, a fraction of whom was, as early as the sixth century of Rome, established in Cisalpine Gaul, between the Oglio and the Adige, and who occupied in Gaul the greater part of the territory now forming the department of the Sarthe; 2. The Aulerci Diablintes, the northern and central parts of the department of the Mayenne. 8. The Aulerci Eburovices, the central and southern part of the department of the Eure. The Bituriges, a nation which had more than twenty towns. Avaricum (Bourges) was the principal. Their territory embraced the ancient Berry (departments of the Cher, the Indre, and part of the Allier). Tlhe’ Carnutes occupied the greatest part of the present departments of Eure-et-Loir, Loir-et-Cher, and Loiret. Genabum (Gien) was one of their most important towns. The iEdui occupied the modern departments of Saone-et-Loire and the Nievre, and a part of those of the Cote-d’Or and the Allier. Their principal oppidum was Bibracte (Mont-Beuvray), the place of which was subsequently taken by Augustodunum (Autun). Cabillonum (Chalon-surSa6ne), Matisco (Macon), and Noviodunum, afterwards called Nivernum (Nevers), were also reckoned among their most important places. The iEdui had for clientsThe Ambarri, a small tribe situated between the SaSne, the Rhone, and the Ain (department of the Ain).

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28 HISTORY OF JULIUS CiESAR. nated by the Greek’writers under the name of Celtkica, and the inhabitants of which constituted in the eyes PEOPLES OF

CELTIC GAUL (continued). The Ambluaretes, a people occupying a district around Ambierle (arrondissement of Roanne, department of the Loire). (?) The Aulerci Brannovices, a tribe which dwelt between the Saone and the Loire, occupied the ancient country of Brionnais. The Blannovii, who occupied a territory round Blanot (Saone-etLoire). (?) The Boii, a fraction of a great nomadic nation of this name, of Celtic origin, authorised by Coesar to establish themselves on the territory of the Edui, between the Loire and the Allier. The Segusiavi, who occupied the ancient Forez (departments of the Rhone and the Loire), and extended to the left bank of the Saone. The Essuvii, established in the department of the Orne.

The Helvetii, who were subdivided into four tribes or pagi; their territory occupied the part of Switzerland which extends from the north shore of the Leman to the Lake of Constance. The Lemovices, whose territory answered to the Limousin (departments of the Upper Vienne and the greater part of the Correze and the Creuse). The Lingones, whose territory embraced the greatest part of the department of the Haute-Marne and a fraction of the departments of the Aube, the Yonne, and the Cote-d’Or. The A4fandubii, established between the AEdui and the Lingones (department of the. C6te-d’Or), occupied the ancient country of Auxois.

Alesia (Alise) was their principal oppidum. The feldce occupied the north’of the department of the Seine-et-Marne and a small part of the department of the Oise. The Nitiobriges occupied the greatest part of the department of the Lotet-Garonne and a fraction of the Tarn-et-Garonne. The Parisii, whose territory embraced the department of the Seine and a great part of the department of the Seine-et-Oise. Their principal town was Lutetia (Paris). The Petrocorii, established in the ancient Perigord (department of the Dordogne). The Rauraci, whose origin is perhaps German, established on both banks;of the Rhine, towards the elbow which that river forms at Bale. The Ruteni occupied the ancient province of Rouergue (department of the Aveyron). The Senones, established;between the Loire and the Marne. Their principal town was Agedincum’(Sens). Their territory comprised a part of the departments of the Yonne, the Marne, the Loiret, Seine-et-Marne, and the Aube. The Sequani, whose territory embraced the ancient Franche-Comtd (Jura,

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STATE OF GAUL IN THE-TIME OF CAESAR. 29 of the Romans the Gauls properly so named (Galli), was the most extensive and most populous. Among the most important nations of Celtic Gaul were reckoned the Arverni, the JEdui, the Sequani, and the PEOPLES OF CELTIC GAUL (continued). Doubs, Haute-Saone, and part of the Haut-Rhin). Principal town, Vcsontio (Besanpon). The Turones, who occupied Touraine (department of Indre-et-Loire). The peoples whom Csesar calls maritime, or Armorican, wereThe Ambibari, established at the point where the departments of La Manche and Ille-et-Vilaine join. The Ambiliates, whose territory comprised the part of the department of Maine-et-Loire situated to the south of the Loire. The Andes, occupying Anjou (department of Maine-et-Loire and a fraction of the department of the Sarthe). Thle Curiosolitce, occupying the greatest part of the department of the Cotes-du-Nord. The Lemovices Armorici, fixed to the south of the Loire, in the southern part of the department of the Loire-Inferieure and the west of that of Maine-et-Loire. The Lexovii, occupying the department of Calvados, and -a fraction of that of the Eure.

The Namnetes, who occupied, in the department of the Loire-Inferieure, the right bank of the Loire. The Osismii, whose territory answered to the department of Finistere. The Pictones, occupying Poitou (departments of La Vendee, the DeuxSevres, and the Vienne). The Redones, whose territory embraced the greatest part of the department of Ille-et-Vilaine. The Santones, occupying Saintonge, Aunis, and Angoumois (departments of the Charente and the Charente-Inferieure, and a part of the department of the Gironde). The Unelli, the people of the ancient Cotentin (department of La Manche). The Veneti, whose territory included the department of Morbihan.

To itese maritime peoples we must addThe Caletes, The Essuvii,. mentioned above. The MGorini,) We may also join to the Celtic populationsThTe SNatuaes, Alpine tribes, established on the upper course of the The Veag, ) Rhone, in the Valais and the Chablais. The Veragri, -

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30 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. Helvetii. Tacitus informs us that the Helvetii had once occupied a part of Germany. () These three first peoples often disputed the supremacy of Gaul. As to the Helvetii, proud of their independence, they acknowledged no authority superior to their own.

In the centrIe; and south of Celtic Gaul dwelt peoples who had also a certain importance. On the west and northwest were various maritime populations designated under the generic name of Armobicans, an epithet -which had, in the Celtic tongue, the meaning of maritime. Small Alpine tribes inhabited the valleys: of the upper course of the Rhone, at the eastern extremity of Lake L6mon, a country which now forms the Valais. 3.

Aquitaine. (2) Aquitaine commenced on the left (1) Tacitus, Germania, 28.

(2) PEOPLES OF AQUITAINE: The Ausci, who occupied the centralpart of the department of the Gers, the most powerful of the nations of Aquitaine, according to Pomponius MeIa (III. 2). The Bigerriones occupied Bigorre (department of the Hautes-Pyrenees). The Cocosates, established on the coasts of the Gulf of Gascony, in the Landes (the southern part of the department of the Gironde and the northern of the department of the Landes). Tuie Flusates occupied the northwest part of the department of the Gers and part of that of Lot-et-Garonne, The Gates, at the confluence of the Gers and the Garonne. The Garumni, in the south of the department of the Haute-Garonne. The Ptianes, probably towards Pau and Orthez. The Sibuzates appdar to have occupied the ancient country of Soule (Basses-Pyre’ndes). The Sotiates occupied the southwest part of the department of Lot-etGaronne and a part of the departments of the I;andes and the Gers. Tate Tarbelli occupied all the territory bordering upon the head of the Gulf of Gascony (departments of the Landes and the Basses-Pyrenees). The Tarusates, established on the Adour, in the ancient Tursan (the southeast part of the department of the Landes).

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STATE OF GAUL IN THE TIME OF CJESAR. 31 bank of the Garonne: it was inhabited by several small tribes, and contained none of those agglomerations which were found among the Celts and the Belgae. The Aquitanians, whoa had originally occupied a vast territory to the north of the Pyrenees, having been pushed backward by the Celts, had but a rather limited portion of it in the time of Caesar. The three regions which bomposed Gaul were not only, as already stated, divided into a great number of states, but each state (civitas) was farther subdivided into ppagi, (1) representing, perhaps, the same thing as the tribe among the Arabs. The proof of the distinct character of these agglomerations is found in the fact that in the army each of them had its separate place, under the command of its own chieftains. The smallest subdivision was called vicus. (2) Such, at least, are the denominations employed in the “Commentaries,” but which were certainly not those of the Celtic language.

In each state there existed principal towns, called indifferently by Coesar u6rs or oppicum; (8) yet this last name was given by preference PEOPLES OF AQUITAINE (continued). The Vasates or Vocates, established in the country of Bazas (the southeast part of the department of the Gironde). The Bituriges Vivisci, thebmost northern of the peoples df Aquitaine (department\of the Gironde). The Convenes (a confederacy of small tribes estab-Not mentioned by lished in the valleys of the Hautes-Pyrendes and the Caesar. southern part of the department of the HIaute-Garonne). (‘)!:Pagus, pars civitatis.” (De Bello Gallico, I. 12.) (2) Cesar inentions in different passages the existence of vici among the Helvetii (I. 5), the: Allobroges trans Rhodcnum (I. 11), the Remi (II. 7), the Morini (IIT. 29), the Menapii (IV. 4), the Eburones (VI. 43), the Boii (VIi. 14), the Carnutes (VIII. 5), and the Veragri (III. 1). (3) De Bello Gallico’VII. 15, 25, 68.

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32 HISTORY OFJULIUS CAESAR. to considerable towns, difficult of access and carefully fortified, placed on heights or surrounded by marshes. (,) It was to these opid c that, in. case of attack, the Gauls transported their grain, their provisions, and their riches. (2) Their habitations, established often in the forests or on the:bank of a river, were constructed of wood, and tolerably spacious. () III. The Gauls were tall in. stature, their skin was white, their eyes blue, their:hair fair or Manners. chestnut, which they. dyed, in order to make the colour more: brilliant. (4) They let their beard grow; the nobles alone shaved, and preserved long moustaches.:(5) Trousers or’breeches, very wide among the Belgae, but narrower among the southern (‘) The “Commentaries” name twenty-one oppida: Alesia, Avaricum, Bibracte,lBibrax, Bratuspantium, Cabillonum, Genabum, Genava, Gergovia, Gorgobina, Lutetia, Lemonunm, Melodunum, Noviodunum JEduorum, Noviodunum Biturigum,.Noviodunum Suessionum, Uxellodunum,Vellaunodunum, Vesontio, the opjidum Aduatucorum, and the oppidum Sotiatum. (2) “, Oppidum dictum quod ibi homines opes suas conferunt.” (Paulus Diaconus, p. 184, edit. Muiller.). (3) The Gauls lived in houses, or rather in huts, constructed of wood and with hurdles, tolerably spacious and of a circular form, covered with a high roof.

(Strabo, I. 163, edit.’ Didot.)-The Gauls, to avoid the heat, almost always built their habitations in the neighbourhooa of woods and rivers.

(Csesar, De Bello Gallico, VI. 30.) (4) See a very curious passage in Solinus, chap. 25, on the practice of tattooing among the Gauls. (5) Diodorus Siculus (V. 28) says that the Gauls were of tall stature, had white flesh, and were lymphatic in constitution. Some shaved; the majority had beards of moderate size.-According to Titus Livius, the Gauls possessed a tall stature (procera corpora), flowing hair of an auburn colour (promissce et rutilatca comce), a white complexion (candida corpora). (Titus Livius, XXXVIII. 17, 21, and Ammianus Marcellinus, XV.

22.) The latter adds that the Gauls had generally a threatening and terrible tone of voice, which is also stated by Diodorus Siculus (V.

31).-The skeletons found in the excavations at Saint-Etienne-an-Temple are 1‘80m. to 1 90m. in length.

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STATE OF GAUL IN THE TIME OF CAESAR. 33,Gauls, and a shirt with sleeves, descending to the middle of the thighs, composed their principal dress.

(1) They were clothed with a mantle or sale, (2) magnificently embroidered. with gold or silver among the rich, (‘) and held about the neck by means of a metal brooch. Thel Jowest classes of the people used instead an animal’s skin. The Aquitanians covered themselves, probably accoiding to the Iberic custom, with:cloth of coarse wool unshorn. (4) The Gauls wore collars; earrings, bracelets, and rings for the arms, of; gold or copper, according to their rank; necklaces of amber, and rings, which they placed on the third finger. (5) They were naturally agriculturists, and wee may suppose that the institution of private property existed among them, because, on the one hand, gll the citizens paid the tax, except the.

Druids, (6) and, on the other, the latter were judges of questions of boundaries. (7) They were not unacquainted with certain manufactures. In some countries they fabricated serges, which were in great repute, and cloths or felts; (8) in others they worked. the mines with skill, (1) Strabo, p. 163, edit. Didot. (2) Isidorps Hispalensis, Origines, I. 19, 24. -(3) Diodorus Siculus, V. 30. (4) Diodorus Siculus, V. 33. (5) Pliny, XXXIII. 24; Gold was very abundant in Gaul; silver was much less common.

The rich wore bracelets, rings on the leg, and collars, of the purest gold and tolerably massive; they had-even breastplates of gold. (Diodorus Siculus, V. 27.)-A great number of these rings and circles of gold, of very good workmanship, have been found in the Gaulish burying-places. The Museum of Saint-Germain contains bracelets and earrings of chased-gold, found, in. 1863, in a tumulus situated near ChAtill6n-sur-Seine. (6) De Bello-Gallico, VI. 14. (7) De Bello Gallico, VI. 13. (s) Pliny, Hist.

N2at., VIII. xlviii. lxxiii., p. 127, edit. Sillig. 2* I.- C

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34 HISTORY OF; JULIUS’ CSAtR. and employed themselves in the fabrication of metals. The Bituriges worked in iron, and were acquainted with the art of tinning. (‘). The artificers of Alesia plated copper with leaf-silver,to ornament-horses’ bits and trappings.- (2) The’Gauls fed.especially on the: flesh. of.swine, and their ordinary drinks were milk, ale, and mead. (3) They were reproached with being inclined.to drunkenness. (4) They were. frank and open in temper, and  hospitable towards strangers, (5) but vain and quarrelsome; (~) fickle in their sentiments, and fond of novelties,.they took sudden resolutions, regretting one day what they had-rejected with’disdain the-day before; (7) inclined (‘) De Bello Gallico, VII. 22. Pliny, XXXIV. xvii., p. 162, edit. Sillig. (2),“Deinde et argentum incoquere simili modo ccepere, equorum maxime ornamentis, jumentoramque ac jugorum, in Alesia oppido.”

(Pliny, XXXIV. xvii., p. 162.-Florus, III. 2.) (3) Milk and the flesh of wild or.domestic animals, especially swine’s flesh fresh or salted, formed the principal food of the Gauls. (Strabo, IV., p. 163.) -Beer and mead were the principal’drink of the Gauls. (Posidonius quoted by Athenxeus, IV., p. 151, Fragmenta fIistoricorum Grcc., III. 260.)-This statement is made also by Diodorus Siculus (V. 26), who informs us that this beer was made with barley. (4) Cicero already remarked the propensity of the Gauls-to drunkenness (Orat. pro Fonteio), and Ammianus Marcellinus (XV. 12) also addresses the same reproach to them, which is again stated in Diodorus Siculus (V. 26). (5),, The Gauls, in their great hospitality, invited the stranger to their meal as soon as he presented himself, and it was only after drinking and eating with them that they’ inquired his name and country.” (Diodorus Siculus, V. 28.) (6) Strabo (IV., p. 162) says that the Gauls were of a frank character and good-hearted (literally, without malice).-Ammianus Marcellinus (XV. 12), who wrote at’ the end of the fifth century,-represents the Gauls as. excessively vain. -7Strabo (IV., p.

165) assures us that they were’much inclined to disputes and quarrels. (7) Caesar often speaks of the.fickleness of temper of this people, which, during a long period, gave great trouble to the Roman people. ” Omnes fere Gallos novis rebus studere, et ad bellum mobiliter celeriterque excitari.”

(De Bello Gallico, IIL 10. ) Lampridius, in his’ Lif of Alexandcler Severus,; 59, ex

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STATE OF GAUL IN THE TIME OF VCESAR. 85 to war and eager for adventures, they showed themselves hot in the attack, but quickly discouraged in defeat. (1). Their language was very concisb and figurative; (2) in writing, they employed Greek letters, The, men were not exempt,from, a shameful vice, which we might have believed less common in this country than -among the, peoples of the East. (3) The women united an extraordinary beauty with remarkable courage and great physical force…(‘) The Gauls, according to the tradition preserved by the, Druids, boasted of being descended from the god of the earth, or from Pluto (Dis), according to the expression of Casar. (5) It wasfor this reason that they took night for their starting-point in all their divisions of time. Among their other customs, they had one which was singular: they considered it as a thing unbecoming-to appear in public with their children, presses himself thus: “But the -Gauls, those tempers hard to deal with, and who regret all they have ceased to possess, often furnished grave cares to the emperors. “-” Gallorum subita et repentina consilia.” (De Bello Gallico, III. 8.) (‘).De Bello Gallico, III; 19. (2) Diodorus Siculus.(V. 315 says that the language of the Gauls was -very concise and very figurative, and that the Gauls made great use of hyperbole in blaming and praising. (3) Diodorus Siculus, V. 32.- Strabo, IV., p. 165. - Athensus, XIII., p. 603.(4). De Bello Gallico, VII. 47 and.

48.-Among.the Gauls, the’ women were equal to the men, not only in size, but also in courage.; (Diodorus Siculusi V. 32.)-The Gaulish women were tall and strong. -Anmmianus Marcellinus (XV. 12) writes: “Several foreigners together could not wrestle against -a single Gaul, if they quarrelled with him, especially if he called for help to his wife, who even exceeds the husband in her strength and in her haggard eyes. She would become especially formidable if, swelling her throat and gnashing her teeth, she agitated her arms, robust and white as snow, ready to act with feet or fists; to give blows:as vigorous as -if they came from a catapult.” (5) De Bello Gallico, VI. 18: “Ab Dite patre prognatos.”

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36 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. until the latter had reached the age for carrying arms. (1) When he married, the man took from his fortune a part equal to the dowry of the wife. This sum, placed as a common fund, was allowed to accumulate with interest, and the whole.reverted to the survivor. The husband had the right of life and death over his wife and children.(‘) When the decease of a man of wealth-:excited any suspicion, his wives, as well as his slaves, were put to the torture, and burnt if they were found guilty. The extravagance of their funerals presented a contrast to the simplicity.‘of their life. All that the defunct had cherished during his life, was thrown into the flames after his death; and even, before the Roman conquest, they joined with it his favourite slaves and clients. (‘) In the time of Caesar, the greater part of the peoples of Gaul were armed with long iron swords, twoedged (arain), sheathed in’scabbards similarly of iron, suspended to the side by chains. c These swords were generally made to strike with the edge rather than to stab.

(‘) The Gauls had-also spears, the iron of which, (1) De Bello Gallico, VI.‘18. (2) De Bello Gallico, VI. 19. (3) The Gauls, like most of the barbarian people, looked upon the other life as resembling the present.

And with this sentiment, at the funeral, they threw into the funereal pile, letters addressed to the dead, which they imagined he read.; (Diodorus Siculus,V. 28.) (4) Titus Livius’tells us (XXXVIII. 17) that the Gauls had long swords (pra3longi gladii) and great bucklers (vasta scuta).

In another passage’(XXII. 46) he remarks that the’ swords of the Gauls’were long and without point (praco longi ac sinen mucronibus).-Their bucklers were long, narrow, and flat (scuta longa, cceterum-ad amplitudinem coporut parun lata et ea ipsa plana).’ (Titus Livius, XXXVIII. 21.)-“‘Et’Biturix longisque leves Suiessones in’armis.” (Lucan, Pharsalia, I. 422.)-Diodorus Siculus (V. 30) says that the Gauls had

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STATE OF GAUL IN THE TIME OF C.ESAR. 37 very long and very broad, presented sometimes an undulated form (materis;, avvtov). (1) They also made use of light javelins without arnenturn, (2) of the bow, and of the sling. Their helmets were of metal, more or less precious, ornamented with the horns of animals, and with a crest representing some figures of birds or savage beasts, the whole surmounted by a high and bushy tuft of feathers. (3) They carried a great buckler, a breastplate of iron or bronze, or a coat of mail-the latter a Gaulish invention. (4) The Leuci and the Remi were celebrated for throwing the javelin. (5) The Lingones had party-coloured breastplates. (6) The Gaulish cavalry was superior to the iron coats of mail. He adds: “Instead of glaive (VqOg), they have long swords (oraw0q), which they carry suspended to their right side by chains of iron or bronze. Some bind their tunics with gilt or silvered girdles.

They have spears (XdyXql or XoyXit) having an iron blade a cubit long, and sometimes more. The breadth is almost two palms, for the blade of these saunions (the Gaulish dart) is not less than that of our glaive, and it is a little longer. Of these blades, some are forged straight, others present undulated curves, so that they not only cut in striking, but in addition they tear the wound when they are drawn out.” (‘) Strabo, IV., p. 163, edit. Didot.-Pseudo-Cicero (Ad Herenniurm, IV. 32) writes materis. -(2) The amentunmzas a small strap of leather which served-to throw the javelin and doubled its distance of carriage? as recent trials have proved. In the De Bello Calico, V. 48, there is mention of a Gaul throwing the javelin with the amentutn; but this Gaul was in the Roman service, which.

exjilains his having more perfect arms., Strabo says that the Gauls used javelins like the Roman velites, but that they threw them with the hand, and not by means -of a strap. (Strabo, edit. Didot, II. 65. ) (3) Diodorus Siculus, V. 30. (4) Diodorus Siculus,V. 30. Varro, De Lingua Latina,V.‘116. The Museum of-Zurich possesses a Gaulish breastplate formed of long plates of iron. The Louve and the Museum of Saint-Germain possess Gaulish breastplates in bronze. (5) ” Optimus excusso Lucus Remusque lacerto.” (Lucan, Pharsalia, I. 424.) (6) Pugnaces pictis cohibebant. Lingonas armis.” (Lucan, Pharsalia, I. 398.)

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38’HISTORY OF JULIUS CZESAR. infantry; (1) it was composed of the nobles, followed by their clients; (2) yet the Aquitanians, celebrated for their agility, enjoyed a certain reputation as good infantry. ( I) In general, the Gauls were very ready at imitating the tactics -f their enemies. (4) The habit of working mines gave them a remarkable dexterity in all underground operations, applicable to the attack and defence of fortified posts. (5) Their armies dragged after them a multitude of wagons and baggag’e, even in the less impoftant expeditions. (6) Although they had reached, especially in the south of Gaul, a tolerably advanced degree of civilisation, they preserved very -barbarous customs: they killed their prisoners. “When their army is ranged in bat. tie,” says Diodorus, “‘some’of them are often seen advancing from the ranks to challenge the bravest of their enemies to single combat. -If their challenge is accepted, they chaunt a war-song, in which they boast of the great deeds of their forefathers, exalting their own valour and insulting their adversary. After the victory, they cut off their enemy’s -head,-hang it to their horse’s neck, and carry it off with.songs of triumph. They keep these hideous trophies in their (1) Strabo, IV., p. 163, edit. Didot. (2) Pausanias (Phocid., XIX. 10, 11), speaking of the ancient Gauls, who had penetrated to Delphi, says that “‘each horseman had with him two esquires, who were also mounted on horses; when the cavalry was engaged in combat, these esquires were posted behind the main body of the army, either to replace the horsemen who were killed, or to give their horse to their companion if he lost his own, or to take his place in case he were wounded, while the other esquire carried him out of the battle. (3) De Bello Civili, I. 39. (4) De Bello Gallico, III. 20 and VII. 22. (5) De Bello Gallico, III. 21 and VII. 22. (6) De Bello Gallico, VIII. 14.

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STATE OF GAUL IN THE TIME OF’CIESAR. 39 house, and the highest nobles preserve them with great care, bathed with oil of cedar, in coffers, which they show with pride to their guests.” (‘) When a great danger threatened the country, the chiefs convoked an armed council, to which the men were bound to repair, at the place and day indicated, to deliberate. The law required that the man who arrived last should be massacred without pity before the eyes of the assembly. As a means of intercommunication, men were placed at certain, intervals through the country, and these, repeating the cry from one to another, transmitted rapidly news of importance to great distances.. They often, also, stopped travellers on the roads, and compelled them to answer their questions. (2) The Gauls were very superstitious. (3) Persuaded that in the eyes of the gods the, life of a man can only be redeemed by that of his fellow, they made a vow, in diseases and dangers, to immolate human beings by the ministry of the Druids. These sacrifices had even a public character. (4) They sometimes constructed human figures of osier of colossal magnitude, which they filled with living men; to these they set fire, and the victims perished in the flames. These victims were generally taken from among the criminals, as be(‘) Diodorus Siculus,V. 29.-See the bas-reliefs from Entremonts in the Museum of Aix, representing Gaulish horsemen, whose horses have human heads suspended to the poitrel. (2) Caesar, De Bello Gallico, IV. 5; VII. 3. (3) Titus Livius (V. 46) represents the Gauls as very religious. (4) The existence of human sacrifices among the Gauls is attested by a great number of authors. (Cicero, Orat.pro Fonteio, xiv. 31.

Dionysius of Halicarnassus, I. 38. Lucan, Pharsalia, I. 444; III. 399, et seq.-Solinus, 21. Plutarch, De Superstitione, p. 171. Strabo, IV., p.

164, edit. Didot.)

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40 HISTORY OF JULIUS CASAR. ing more agreeable to the gods; but if there were no criminals to be had, the innocent themselves were sacrificed.

Caesar, who, according to the custom of his countrymen, gave to the divinities of foreign peoples the names 5f those of:Rome, tells us that the Gauls honoured Mercury above all others. They raised statues to him, regarded him as the inventor of the arts, the guide of travellers,-and the protector of commerce. (1) They also offered worship to divinities which the “Commentaries” assimilate to Apollo, Mars, Jupiter, and Minerva, without informing us of their Celtic names. From Lucan, (2) we learn the names of three Gaulish divinities, Teutates (in whom, no doubt, we must recognise the Mercury of the ” Commentaries”), Hesus or Esus, and Taranis.

Caesar makes the remark that the Gauls had’ pretty much the same “ideas with regard to their gods as other nations. Apollo cured the sick, Minerva taught the elements of the arts, Jupiter was thk master of heaven, Mars the arbiter of war.’ Often, before fighting, they made a vow to consecrate to this god the spoils of the enemy, and, after the’ victory, they put to death all their prisoners. The rest of-the booty was piled up in the consecrated places, and nobody would be so impious as to take anything away from it. The Gauls rendered also, as we learn from inscriptions and passages in different authors, worship to rivers, fountains, trees, and forests: they adored the Rhine as a god, and made a goddess of the Ardenne. (3) (‘) De Bello Gallico,VI. 17. (2) Pharsalia, I., lines 445, 446. (3),” So, in spite of their love of money, the Gauls never touched the piles of

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STATE OF GAUL IN THE TIME OF CAESAR. 41 IV. There were in Gaul, says Cvesar, only two classes who enjoyed public consideration and honours, (1) thy Druids and the knights. As to the people, deprived.of all rights, oppressed with debts, crushed with taxes, exposed to the.violences of the great, their condition was little better than that of slaves. The.Druids, ministers of religion, presided over the sacrifices, and preserved the deposit.of religious doctrines.. The youth, greedy of instruction, pressed around them. The dispensers of rewards and punishments, they were the judges of almost all disputes, public or private. To private individuals, or even to magistrates, who rebelled against their decisions, they interdicted the sacrifices, a sort of excommunication which sequestrated from society those who were struck by’it, placed them in the rank of criminals, removed them from all honours, and deprived them even of the protection of the law. The Druids had a single head, and the power of this head was absolute. At his death, the next in dignity succeeded him; if there were several with equal titles, these priests had recourse to election, and sometimes even to a decision by force of arms. They assembled every year in the country of the Carnutes, in a consecrated place, there to judge disputes. Their doctrine, it was said, came from the isle of Britain, where, in the time of Coesar, they still went to draw it as at its source. (2) gold deposited in the temples and sacred woods, so great was their horror of sacrilege.” (Diodorus Siculus,V. 27.) (1) De Bello Gallico,VI. 13, et seq. (2) “The Gauls have poets who celebrate in rhythmic words, on a sort of lyre, the high\deeds of heroes, or who turn to derision disgraceful actions.”

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42 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. The Druids were exempt from military service and from taxes. (1) These privileges drew many disciples, whose novitiate, which lasted sometimes twenty years, consisted in learning by heart a great number of verses containing their religious precepts. It was forbidden to transcribe them. This custom had the double object of preventing the divulgation of their doctrine and of exercising the memory.

Their principal dogma was the immortality of the soul and its transmigration into other bodies. A belief which banished the fear’of death appeared to them fitted to excite courage. They explained also the movement of the planets, the greatness of the universe, the laws of nature, and the omnipotence of the immortal gods. (Diodorus Siculus,V.

31.) And he adds: “They have philosophers and theologians, who are held in great honour, and are named Druids (according to certain texts, Saronides). They have diviners, whose predictions are held in great respect. These consult the future by the aid of auguries and the entrails of the victims; and, in solemn circumstances, they have recourse to strange and incredible rites. They immolate a man by striking him with a sword above the diaphragm, and they draw presages from the manner in which he falls, in which he struggles, or in which the blood flows. The authority of the Druids and bards is not less powerful in peace than in war. Friends and enemies consult thpm, and submit to their decision; it has often been sufficient to arrest two armies on the point of engaging.”-Strabo (VI., p. 164, edit. Didot) relates nearly the same facts. He makes a distinction also between the bards, the priests, and the Druids. (‘) Ammianus Marcellinus (XV. 9) speaks as follows of the ancient Druids: “The men’of that country (Gaul), having become gradually polished, caused the useful studies to’flourish which the bards, the euhages (prophets), and the Druids had begun to cultivate. The bards sang, in heroic verse, to the sound of their lyres, the lofty deeds of men;, the euhages tried, by meditation, to explain the order and marvels of nature.

In the midst of these were distinguished the Druids, who, united in a society, occupied themselves with profound and sublime questions, raised themselves above human affairs, and sustained the immortality of the soul.” These details, which Ammianus Marcellinus borrows from the Greek historian Timagenes, a contemporary of Caesar, and from other authors, show that the sacerdotal caste comprised three classes -1, the bards; 2, the prophets; 3, the Druids, properly so called.

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STATE OF GAUL IN THE TIME OF CAE SAR. 43 “We may conceive,” says~the eminent author of the Histoire des Gaulois,” what despotism must have been exercised over a superstitious nation by this caste of men, depositaries of all knowledge, authors and interpreters of all law, divine or human, remunerators, judges, and executioners.” (1) The knights, when:required by the necessities of war, and that happened almost yearly, were all bound to take up arms.. Each, according to his birth and fortune, was accompanied by a greater or less number of attendants or clients. Those who were called amboacti (2) performed in war the part of esquires. (8) In Aquitaine, these followers were named solduores; they shared the good as well as the evil fortune of the chief to whom they were attached, and, when he died, not one of them would survive him. Their number was considerable: we shall see a king of the Sotiates possess no less than six hundred of them. (4) The states were governed either by an assembly, which the Romans called a senate, or by a supreme magistrate, annual or for life, bearing the title of king, (5) prince, (6) or vergobret. (7) (1) Amedee Thierry, II. 1. (2) See Paulus Diaconus, p. 4, edit. Miller. (3) Diodorus Siculus, V. 29. (4) De Bello Gallico; III. 22. (5) Cxsar mentions the names of ten kings: 1. Catamantalcedes, among the Sequani (I. 3); 2.

Divitiacus and Galba, among the Suessiones (II. 4, 13); 3. Commius, among the Atrebates (IV. 21,.7, 35; V.,22; VI. 6; VII. 75, 76, 79; VIIMI 6, 7,10, 21, 23, 47, 48); 4. Catuvolcus, among the Eburones (V. 24, 26; VI.

31); 5. Tasgetius, among the Carnutes (V. 25, 29); 6. Cavarinus, among the Treviri (V. 54; VI. 5); 7. Ambiorix, among the Eburones (V. 24, 26, 27, 29, 38, 41; VI. 5, 6, 19, 29, 30, 31, 32, 42, 47; VIII. 24, 25); 8.

Moritasgus, among the Senones (V. 54); 9. Teutomatus, among the Nitiobriges (VII. 31, 46). (6) De Bello Gallico, VII. 88; VIII. 12. (7) De Bello Gallico, I. 16.

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44 HISTORY.OF JULIUS CAESAR. The different tribes formed alliances among.

themselves, either permanent or occasional;.the permanent alliances were founded, some on a community of territorial. interests; (1) others on affinities of races, (2) or on treaties, (‘) or, lastly, on the iright of.patronage. (4) The occasional alliances were.the results of the necessity of union against.a common danger. (5) In Gaul, not only each state and each tribe (pagus), but even eachfamily,: was divided.into. two parties (factiones); at the head of these parties were chiefs, taken from among the most considerable and influential of the knights. Caesar calls them princi’pes. (6) All those who accepted their supremacy became their clients;. and, although the principes did not exercise a regular magistracy, their authority was very extensive. This organisation had existed from a remote (‘) Thus the Civitates Armoricce (V. 53; VII. 75; VIII. 31); Belgium (V. 12, 24, 25; VIII. 46, 49, 54); the Aulerci Cenomanni and the Aulerci Eburovices (I!. 34; III. 17; VII. 4, 75; VIII.

7). See the interesting memoir by Mr.Valentine Smith. (2) Ambarri,’

necessarii e t consanguinei AEduorum (I..11); Suessiones fratres consanguineosque Remorum, qui eodem jure et iisdem legibus utuntur (II.

3); Suessiones qui Remis erant adtributi (VIII. 6). (3) In fide; thus the 2Edui with the Bellovaci (II. 14); with the Senones (VI. 4); with the Bituriges (VII. 5). (4) Eburonum et Condrusorum, qui sunt Trevirorum clientes (IV. 6); Carnutes… usi deprecatoribus Remis, quorum erant in clientela (VI. 4); imperant 2Eduis atque eorum clientibus Segusiavis, Ambluaretis, Aulercis Brannovicibus, Brannoviis (VII. 75). (5) The known federations of this kind are-1, that odf the BelgeM against the Romans, in the year 57 before Jesus Christ (De Bello Galileo, II. 4);‘2, that of the Veneti with the neighbouring tribes, in the year 56 (De Bello Gallico, I;..9); 3, that of the Treviri, the Nervii, the Aduatuci, and the Menapii, in the year 53 (De.Bello Gallico, VI. 2); 4, that of the peoples who invested Camulogenus with the supreme power, in 52 (De: Bello Gallico, VII. 57); 5, the great federation which placed all the forces of Gaul under the command of Vercingetorix (De Bello -Gallico, VII. 63). (6) De.Bello Gallico, VI. 11.

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STATE OF GAUL IN THE TIME OF CAESAR. 45 antiquity; its object was to offer to each man of the people a protection against the great, since each was thus placed under the patronage of a chief, whose duty it was to take his cause in hand, and who would have lost all credit if he had allowed one of his clients to be oppressed. (1) We see, in the “Commen. taries”: that this class of the princi2es enjoyed very great influence. On their decisions depended all important resolutions; () and their meeting formed the assembly of the whole of Gaul (concilium totius Galliea). (3) In it everything was decided by majority of votes. (‘) Affairs of the state were allowed to be treated only in these assemblies. It appertained to the magistrates alone to publish or conceal events, according as they’ judged expedient; and it was a sacred duty for any one who learnt, either from without or from public rumour, any news which concerned the civitas, to give information of it to the’ magistrate, without revealing it to any other person.. This measure had for its object to prevent rash, or ignorant men from being led into error by false reports, and from rushing, under this first impression, into extravagant resolutions. In the same manner as each state was divided’into two rival factions, so was the whole of Gaul (with the exception’ of Belgic Gaul and Helvetia) divided into two great parties, (5) which exercised over the’ others a sort of sovereignty (princi2atus); (6)’ and when, in (1) De Bello Gallico, VI. 11. (2) De Bello Gallico, V. 3, 54; VI. 11; VII. 75; VIII. 22. (.3) De Bello Gallico, I. 30. (4) De Bello Gallico, VII. 63. (5) De Bello Gallico, VI. 11. (6) De Bello Gallico, VI. 12.

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46’HISTORY OF JULIUS CESAR. extraordinary circumstances, the whole of Gaul acknowledged the pre-eminence of one particular state, the chief of the privileged state took the name: of princeps totius Gallice, as had been the case with the Arvernan Celtillus, the father of Vercingetorix, (‘) This supremacy, nevertheless, was not permanent; it passed from one nation to another, and was the object of continual ambitions and sanguinary conflicts. The Druids, it is true, had succeeded in establishing a religious centre, but there existed. no political centre. In spite of certain federative ties, each state. had been more engaged in the consideration of its own individuality than in that of the country in general. This egoistic carelessness of their collective interests, this jealous rivality among the different tribes, paralysed the.efforts of a few eminent men who were desirous of founding a nationality, and the Gauls soon furnished the enemy with.an easy means of dividing and combating them. The Emperor Napoleon I. was thus right in saying: “The principal cause of the weakness of Gaul was the spirit of isolation and locality which characterised the population; at this epoch the Gauls had no national spirit or even provincial spirit; they were governed by a spirit of town. It is the same spirit which has since forged chains for Italy..

Nothing is more opposed to national spirit, to general ideas of liberty, than the particular spirit of family or of town. From this parcelling it resulted that the Gauls had no army of the line kept up and exercised; and therefore no art and no military science. Every nation which should lose sight of the import(1) De Bello Gallico, VII. 4.

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STATE OF GAUL-IN THE TIME OF CAESAR. 47 ance of an army of the line perpetually on foot, and which should trust-to levies or national armies, would experience the fate of the’ Gauls, without even having the glory of opposing the same resistance, which was the’effect of the barbarism of the time aind of the ground, covered with forests, marshes,. and bogs,‘and without roads, which rendered it difficult to conquer and easy to defend.”(‘) Before Caesar came, into Gaul, the Adui and the Arverni were at the head of the two contending parties, each labouring to carry the day.against his rival. Soon these latter united with the Sequani, who, jealous of the superiority of the Adui, the allies of the Roman people, invoked the support of Ariovistus and the Germans. By dint of sacrifices and promises, they had succeeded in bringing them into their territory.

With this aid the Seqluani had gained the victory in several combats. (2) The Aidui had lost their nobility, a part of their territory, nearly all their clients, and, after giving up as hostages their children and their chiefs, they had bound themselves by oath never to attack the Sequani, who had at length obtained the supremacy of all Gaul. It was under these circumstances that Divitiacus had gone to Rome to implore the succour of the Republic, but he had failed;(‘) the Senate was (‘) Precis des Guerres de Cgsar, by the Emperor Napoleon I., p. 53, Paris, 1836. (2) The hostility which prevailed between the Sequani and the ZEdui was further augmented, according to Strabo, by the following cause: “‘These two tribes, separated by the Arar (the Sa4ne), both claimed the right of tolls.” (Strabo, p. 160, edit. Didot.) (3) “Divitiacus, introduced to the Senate, explained the subject of his mission. He was offered a seat, but refused that honour, and pronounced his discourse leaning on his buckler.”

(Eumenius, Panegyric of Constantine, cap. 3.)

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48 HISTORY OF JULIUS CiESAR. too much engaged with intestine quarrels to assume an energetic attitude towards the Germans. The arrival of Caesar was destined to change the face of things, and restore to the allies of Rome their old preponderance. (1) (‘) De Bello Gallico, VI. 12.

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CHAPTER III. CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE HELVETII. (Year of Rome 696.) (BOOK I.

OF THE ”’ COMMENTARITES.”) I. CAESAR, as we have seen, had received, firom the Projects of Invasion Senate and people a command which by theHelvetii.

comprised the two Gauls (Transalpine and Cisalpine) and Illyria. (‘) Yet the agitation which continued to reign in the Republic was retaining him at the gates of Rome, when suddenly, towards the’ spring of 696, news came that the Helvetii, returning to their old design, were preparing to invade the Roman province. This intelligence caused a great sensation. The Helvetii, proud of their former exploits, confident in their strength, and incommoded by excess of population, felt humiliated at living in a country the limits of which had been made narrow by nature, and for some years they meditated quitting it to repair into the south of Gaul. (t) The limits of Illyria, in the time of Caesar, are hardly known; yet it appears that this province comprised the modern Istria and part of Carniola.

Aquileia was its capital, situated at the head of the gulf of~ the Adriatic Sea, not far from the Isonzo. In fact, Strabo (I., p. 178) says that Aquileia’ was situated without the frontiers of fthe Veneti, in whose territory this town was included under Augustus. On another side, Titus Livids: (XXXIX. 55) informs us that the colony of Aquileia had been’

founded in Istria; and-Herodotus (I. 196), as well as Appian, reckons the Istrians among the peoples of I1lyria. 3 II.-D

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50 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. As early as 693, an ambitious chieftain, Orgetorix, found no difficulty in inspiring them with the desire to seek elsewhere a more fertile territory and a milder climate. They resolved to go and establish themselves in the country of the Santones (the Saintonge), situated on the shores of the ocean, to the north of the Gironde. Two years were to be employed in preparations, and, by a solemn engagement, the departure was fixed for the third year. But Orgetorix, sent to the neighbouring peoples to contract alliances, conspired with two influential personages-one of the countr. of the Sequani, the oter of that of the AEdui. He induced them to undertake to seize the supreme power, promised them the assistance of the Ielvetii, and persuaded them that those three powerful nations, leagued together, would easily subjugate the whole of Gaul. This conspiracy failed, through the death of Orgetorix, accused in his own country of a design to usurp the sovereignty. The Helvetii persisted, nevertheless, in their: project of emigration. They collected the greatest possible number of wagons and beasts of burden; and, in order to destroy all idea of returning, they burnt their twelve towns, their four hundred hamlets, and all the wheat they could not carry with them. Each furnished himself. with meal (1) for three months; and after persuading. their neighbours, the Rauraci, (2) the Tulingi, and the Latobriges, (3) to imitate their example and follow (1)” Molita cibaria.”

(De Bello Gallico, I. 5.) (2) Inhabitants of the country of BMle. The Rauraci inhabited the diocese of Bale, which was called Augusta Rauracorum. (3) Inhabitants of the south of the Grand Duchy of Baden. The town of Stulingen, near Schaffhausen, is believed to derive its name from the Tulingi.

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CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE HIELVETII. 51 them, and having drawn to them those of the Boii who had moved from Noricum to the neighbourhood of the Rhine, they fixed the rendezvous on the banks of the Rhone for the 5th of the Calends of April (the 24th of March, the day of the equinox). (1) There were only two roads by which they could leave Helvetia; one crossed the country of the Sequani, the entrance to which was defended by a narrow and difficult defile, situated between the Rhone and the Jura (the Pa.s-de-l’Ecluse), and’ where the wagons could with difficulty pass one at a time. As this defile was commanded by a very lofty mountain, a handful of men’ was sufficient to prevent.the access. The other road, less contracted and more easy, crossed the Roman province, after having passed the Rhone, which separated the Allobroges from the Helvetii, from Lake Leman to the Jura. Within this distance the river was fordable in several places. (2) At Geneva, the extreme limit of the territory of the Allobroges towards Helvetia, a bridge established a communication between the two countries. The Helvetii decided on taking the most convenient road; they reckoned, moreover, on the co-operation of this neighbouring people, who, but recently’ subjugated, could have but doubtful sympathies for the Romans. (B) (‘) De Bello Gallico, I. 3, 4, and 5.-Scholars have taken great pains to determine the concordance between the ante-Julian calendar and the Julian calendar; unfortunately, the results at which they have arrived are very imperfect. We have asked M. Le Verrier to solve this difficult problem, and we owe to his courtesy the tables placed at the end of this volume. (Appendix A.) (2) The bed of the Rhone has changed at several points since the time of Caesar; at present, according to the report of those who live on its banks, there are no fords except between Russin, on the right bank, and the mill of Vert, on the left bank. (See Plate 3.) (3) De Bello Gallico, 1. 6.

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52 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. II. Caesar, learning that the -Helvetii intended to C~sesar’ Arrival at pass through the Roman: province, left Geneva. iRome hastily in the month: of March, hurried by forced marches into Transalpine Gaul, and, according to Plutarch, reached Geneva in eight days. (‘) As he.had in’the province only a singlegion, he ordered: a levy of as many men as possible, and then destroyed the. bridge of Geneva..

Informed of his’ arrival, the Helvetii, who were. probably not yet all assembled, sent their men of noblest rank’ to demand a’ passage through’

the. country of the Allobroges, promising to commit no injury there; they had, they said, no other.road to-quit their> country. Caesar was inclined to refuse’ their demand. at once, but he called to, mind the-defeat and death of the Consul L.‘Cassius;. and’wishing to obtain time to collect the troops’ of’which. he had ordered the levy, he gave them hopes of a favourable reply, and adjourned it to thet Ides of April (8th of April).

By this delay he gained a f6rtnight;. it was employed in fortifying. the left bank of the Rhonei between Lake Leman.and the Jura. (2) If we -estimate at 5,000 men the legion which was in the province, and at 5,000
or 6,000 the number of soldiers of the new levies, we see that Cfesar had.

at his disposal, to defend the banks of the Rhone, about 10,000 or 11,000
infantry. (3) III. The distance from. Lake Leman to the Jura, (t) Plutarch, Ccesar, 18. (2) This. part ofthe Jura on the left baik of the Rhone is called the Mont ~du Vuache. (). De’Bello Gallico, I. 8.

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CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE IIELVETII. 53 Description of the following the sinuosities of the river, is Retrenchment of the Rhone. 2.9 kilombtres, or 19,000 Roman paces (millia passutum decerm novem). (‘) It is on the space comprised between these two points that a retrenchment was raised.which is called in the” Commentaries” muLrus fossaque.- This could not be a continuous work, as the ground to be defended is intersected by rivers and ravines, and the banks of the Rhone are almost everywhere so precipitous that it would have been. useless to fortify them. Csesar, pressed for time, can only have made retrenchments on the weakest points of the line where the passage of the river was easy; indeed, this is what Dio Cassius tells us.(2) The labours of the Romans were only. supplementary, on certain points, to the formidable natural obstacles which the.Rhone presents in the greater part of’ its course. The only places where an attempt could’be made to pass it, because the heights there sink towards the banks of the river into practicable declivities, are situated opposite the modern villages of Russin, Cartigny, Avully, Chancy, and Cologny. In these places they cut the upper part of.the slope into a perpendicular, and afterwards hollowed a trench, the scarp of which thus gained an elevation of sixteen feet. These works, by uniting the escarpments of the Rhone, formed, from Geneva to the Jura, a continuous line, which presented an impassable barrier. Behind (‘) M. Queypo, in his learned work on.the weights and measures of the-ancients, assigns to the Roman foot, subdivided into twelve inches, a length of 0‘29630m. The Roman pace was five feet, so that the mile wais equivalent to a length of 1481-50 m. (2) Dio Cassius says that ” Caesar fortified with retrenchments and walls the most important points.” (XXXVIII. 31.)

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54 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. and along this line, at certain distances, -posts and closed redoubts rendered it impregnable, (See Plate (t) The retrenchments which Ceesar calls maurus fossaque could not be a wall, in the usual acceptation of the word: first, because a wall would have been but a weak obstacle; further, becaus.e fhe materials were not found,on the spot;, and lastly, because if so great a quantity of stones had been collected on the bank of the Rhone, we should still find traces of them. I have therefore sought another explanation, and thought that mturus might be understood of a.natural escarpment rendered steeper by a slight work.

Penetrated with this idea, I sent Baron Stoffel, the commandant of artillery, to inspect the localities, and’the result of his researches has fully confirmed my suppositions. The following is a summary of his report:Considered in its ensemble, from Geneva to the Pas-de-l’Qcluse, the Rhone presents -the appearance of an immense fosse from 100 to 120 metres broad, with abrupt’ and very elevated scarp and counter-scarp. The parts where it does not present this character are few, and of relatively small extent. They are the only ones where operations for passing the river could be attemptedthe only ones, consequently, which Cwsar would have need to fortify on the left bank. 1. From Geneva to the confluence of the Arve and the Rhdne, an extent of 11 kilometres.* Breadth of the river, 90 to 100 metres. The left bank is flat in the whole of this extent. The right bank has escarpments almost vertical, the height of which varies from 15
to 35 m’etres. (See Plate 3, mean profile between Geneva and the Arve.) No attempt at passage could have taken place, neither at Geneva, nor between that town and the Arve. 2.f From the Arve to the plateau of Aire-la-Ville, extent 121 kilometres.After leaving the confluence of the Arve, the heights of the right bank of the Rhone increase in elevation; the’escarpments become formidable.-The left bank is bordered with similar escarpments, and the river runs thus between high and abrupt banks, everywhere impassable. It preserves this character to a kilometre’above’

the ravine of Avril, near Peney. The profiles a a and b b give an idea of the escarpments of the banks from the Arve to the ravine of Avril..(See Pate 3.)-Tlie heights which, on the right bank of the Rhone, extend from Vernier to Peney, sink gradually from one of these villages towards the other, and they form to the east of the ravine of Avril a plateau, the mean elevation of which above the bed of the river is only 20 metres.

Opposite, on the left bank, extends the-plateau of Aire-la-Ville. Length, 1;700 metres; breadth, 700 metres; mean elevation above the bed of the Rhone, 20 to 25 metres. The heights of Peney are well disposed for the establishment of an army, and the plateau of Aire-la-Ville would permit an army, the Rhone once passed, to deploy easily. But, in spite of these advantages, it is certain that the Helvetii attempted no operation on this side, for the Rhone flows at

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CAMPAIGN AGAINSTTHE HELVETII. 55 This retrenchment,- which required only from two to three days’ labour, was completed when the deputies returned, at the time appointed, to hear Caesar’s the foot of a slope of the height of from 14 to 16 mentres and an inclination of at least 45 degrees, 3.

From the plateau of Aire-la-Ville to the point of Epeisses, extent 6
kilometres.-Down the river from the escarpments of Peney, the heights of the right bank (heights of Russin) form with those of the left bank an immense amphitheatre, nearly circular, the arena of which would be the ground represented green on Plate 3 (diameter, 11 kilometres). From the heights of Russin we can descend into the plain to the water of the river.

The Rhone, in this part, has never been deep or rapid. The left bank is little elevated, entirely fiat opposite the mill of Vert, and the slope of the heights which command it is far from impracticable. Thus, it was here possible for the Helvetii to effect the passage of the river, and climb the heights of the left bank, if they had not been fortified or guar’ded.

This operation presented least difficulty in the part t t o. And we can hardly doubt that the Romans fortified it to add to the natural obstacles, which were insufficient in this extent. (See the profile c c.) An attentive examination of the locality, the discovery of certain irregularities of ground, which we may be allowed to consider as vestiges, lead us to explain in the following manner the expression murum fossanque perducit, Caesar took advantage of the mean heights at the foot of which the Rhone flows, to cause to be made, on the slope towards the river, and beginning with the crest, a longitudinal trench, of such a depth that the main wall had an elevation of 16 feet. The earth arising from the excavation.was thrown down the side of the slope, and the crest was furnished with palisades. (See the profie of the retrenchment.) It was, properly speaking, a fosse, the scarp of which was higher than the counter-scarp. The hills on the left bank, which rise opposite Russin, are accessible, especially in an extent of 900 metres, reckoning from the point where the ravine which descends to Aire-la-Ville opens upon the river. They form there, among other peculiarities of the ground, a terrace 8 metres in breadth, rising from 13 to 14 metres above the plain, and descending to this by a tolerably uniform talus of 45 degrees. The Romans’would be able to prevent the access by means of the trench just described. They, no doubt, continued it to the point o, where the terrace ceases, and the heights become impracticable. It would then have been from 800 to 900 metres long. If we continue to descend the Rhone, we meet, on the left bank, first with the perpendicular escarpments of Cartigny, which are 70 or 80 metres in height, and then abrupt beaches to near Avully.

Below Cartigny, the Rhone sur  rounds a little plain, very slightly inclined towards the river, and presenting a

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6HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. reply. He flatly refused the passage, declaring that he would oppose it with all his means. Meanwhile the Helvetii, and the people who: took projection of land (v r) from 5 to 6 metres high, with a talus of less than 45 degrees. The bank being of small elevation, the Helvetii might have landed there. To prevent this, the Romans opened, in the talus which fronted the Rhone, a trench similar to the preceding: it was 250 metres long. The heights of Avully and Epeisses leave between them and the river a tolerably vast space, composed of two distinct parts.

*The first is formed of gentle slopes from Avully to a projection of land, q p; the other part is a plain comprised between this projection of land and the left bank of the river. On the right bank a torrerit-like river, the London, debouches into flat ground named La Plaine. The Helvetii might have made their preparations for passing the Rhone there, and directed their efforts towards the western point of La Plaine, in face of the low and flat land comprised between the left bank and the escarpment q p. In this part the left bank is only from 1 to 2 mbtres high. Moreover, the slopes of Avully are not difficult to climb, and therefore the Romans must have sought to bar the passage in this direction. (See the broken profile d ef.) The escarpment q p, from its position and height, is easy to fortify. Its length is 700 metres; its mean elevation above the plain, 18.

It presents to the river a talus of less than 45 degrees. The Romans made in this talus, along the crest, a trench, forming wall and fosse. Its length was 700 metres. 4. From the point of Epeisses to the escarpments of Etournel, extent 6 kilomentres. From’Epeisses to Chancy) the Rhone flows in a straight line, and presents the appearance of a vast fosse, 100
metres wide, the walls of which. have an inclination of more than 45
degrees. (See the profile g g.) At 200 metres above Chancy, at k, the character, of the banks changes suddenly. The heights on the right sink towards the river in tolerably gentle slopes, through an extent of 2,300
metres, reckoning firom k to the escarpments of Etournel. Opposite, on the left bank, extends the plateau of Chancy. It presents to the Rhone, from k to z, in a length of 1,400 metres, an irregular crest,-distant from 50 to 60 mbtres from the river, and commanding it by about 20 metres. The side towards the Rhone, from k to z,‘presents slopes which-are very practicable. (See the profile h h.) The: position of Chancy was certainly th% theatre of the most serious attempts on the part of the Helvetii.

Encamped on the heights of the right bank, they could easily descend to the Rhone, and there make their preparations for passing, on an extent of 1,500, metres. The river once crossed, they had only before them, from k to z, slopes which were practicable to debouch on the plateau of Chancy.

The Romans had then to bar the gap k z by joining the impassable escarpments which terminate in k with those which commence at z, and which are

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CAMPAIGN, AGAINST THE HELVETII. 57 part in their. enterprise, had assembled on the right bank of the Rhone. When they learnt that they.must renounce the hope of quitting.their country without also inaccessible. To effect this; they opened from one of these points to the other, in the.upper part. of.the. slope at: the foot of which the,. Rhone flows, a longitudinal, trench k z, similar to that already spoken of. It was 1,400
metres in length. 5. From the escarpments. of Etournel to the Pas-de-l’Ecluse, an extent of 6 kilometres.-At the escarpments. of Etournel, the’Rhone, removes fiom the heights on the right, and only returns to them towards the hamlet of the Isles,. 2 kilometres farther.

down.: These’heights form a vast, semi-elliptical, amphitheatre, embracing a plain slightly inclined towards the river. It is marked by a green tint on Plate 3. People. can descend from all sides, and approach the Rhone, the bank of which is flat. Opposite, the left bank presents insur-“
mountable obstacles until below’. Cologny, at s. But below this point, from: s to y, the bank is flat, and the heights situated behind are accessible on an extent of 2 kilomietres. The Helvetii, established on the heights of Pougny and.Colonges, could descend to the Rhone, and cross it between Etournel and the hamlet of Les Isles. The Romans had thus to unite the escarpments which terminate at Cologny with the impracticable slopes of the mountain of’Le Vuache.. Here again we shall see that they took advantage of the peculiarities, ofthe ground. At the village’of Cologny, the heights form a triangular:plateau, s u x, of which the point s advances like a promontory towards the:Rhone, which. it commands perpendicularly by at least 20 metres. A projection of land, s u, bounds it in front, and separates’it from a plain which extends to the river.

The’ escarpment produced by.this projection of land presents: to the Rhone a slope of about 45 degrees. It rises over the plain about 14.metres towards’ its extremity s, but diminishes’gradually in height, until it is.

only 2 to 3 metres in height near the point u. ~ (See the profile n n.) The Romans hollowed, on.the slope of the escarpment from s to u, a length of 800 m’etres, a trench forming wall and fosse, The:plateau’of Cologny; situated in the rear, offered a favorable position for the defence of this retrenchment. (See the profile pp.) - They prolonged their works towards the west as far as y.; beyond that; the heights lpresented sufficient natural obstacles. We. may thus. estimate that, from Cologny to the mountain of Le Vuache, the Romans executed from 1, 600 to 1,700 m’tres of retrenchinents. To sum’ up: the works executed on five, principal points, between Geneva and the Jura,‘represent a total length of about 5,000
metres, that is, less than the sixth part of the development of the.

course of the. Rhone. Admitting that Caesar had at his disposal: 10,000
men, we may suppose that he. distributed them in the following manner.:-3,000 men on the heights of Avully, his head-quarters;’ 2,500
at-Geneva; 1,000 on the plateau of Aire-la3*

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58 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. opposition, they resolved to open themselves a passage by force. Several times sometimes by day, and sometimes by night-they crossed the Rhone, some yVille; 2,000 at Chancy; and 1,500 on the plateau’of Cologny. These 10,000 men might be concentrated: in two hours, on the heights between Aire-laVille and Cartigny; in three hours, on the heights of Avully; in three hours and a half, on the plateau of Chancy; in three hours and a half, these troops, with’the exception of those encamped at Geneva, might be brought. together between Cologny and the fort of L’Ecluse. It would require five hours to carry the detachment from Geneva thither. The detachments mentioned above, with the exception of that of Geneva, were established in% what Cresar calls the castella.

These were constructed on the heights, in the proximity of the retrenchments which had to be defendednamely, at Aire-la-Ville, Avully, Chancy, and Cologny. They consisted probably of earthen redoubts, capable of containing a certain number of troops. They are represented by squares in Plate 3. Cesar could reconnoitre every instant the march and designs of the Helvetii, the heights of the left bank of the Rhone presenting a great number of positions where it was easy to place advantageously -posts of observation. Commandant Stoffel has pointed out six, which are marked on Plate 3. As it will be observed, the Helvetii, in crossing the Rhone, could not be disturbed by darts thrown from the top of the retrenchments, for these darts would not carry to the left bank of the river. Now there exists at present, between this bank and the foot of the heights in which these trenches were cut, flat ground of more or less extent. Admitting, then, that the Rhone flowed nineteen centu. ries ago in the same bed as at the present day, we may ask if the Romans did not construct, in these low parts near the bank, ordinary retrenchments, composed of a fosse and rampart. The excavations undertaken by the Commandant Stoffel have revealed everywhere, in these plains, the existence of ground formed by alluvium, which would lead us to believe that the Rhone once covered them.

However, even if at that epoch these little plains had been already uncovered, either wholly or in part, we can hardly suppose that Coesar would have raised works there, since the heights situated in the rear permitted him, with less labour, to create’ a more redoubtable defence-that of the trenches opened along the crests. As we see, the obstacle presented to the assailants began only. with these trenches, at the top of the slopes. As to the vestiges which still appear to exist, they may be described as follows. The slopes which the Romans fortified at Chancy, from k to z,‘and at Cologny, from s to y, present, in the upper parts, in some places, undulations of ground, the form of which denotes the work of man. On the slope of Chancy, for instance, the’ground presents a projection, i i (see the pro.file h h), very distinctly marked, and having the remarkable peculiarity’that it is about 11 feet high and 8 to 9
feet broad.- Now, is it not evident that, if one of the fosses

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CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE HELVETII. 59 -by fording, others with the aid of boats joined together, or of a great number of rafts of timber, and attempted to carry the heights, but, arrested-by the strength of the retrenchment (opeoris munitione), and -by the efforts: and missiles of the soldiers who hastened to the threatened points (Concaurs et tells), they abandoned the attack. (‘) IV. The only road which now remained was that The Helvetii begin which lay across the country of the SeThe Helvetii begin therMarnh Coward quani (the Pas-de-l’Ecluse); but this narunites his Troops. urow defile could not be passed without the consent of Its inhabitants. The llelvetii charged which have been described should get filled up, either naturally, by the action of time, or by the processes of agriculture, it would take absolutely the form i i, with the dimensions just indicated? It would not, therefore, be rash to consider these peculiarities of the ground, such as i i, as traces of the Roman trenches.

We must further mention the projection of land v r, situated below Cartigny. Its form is so regular, and so sharply defined, from the crest to the foot of the talus, that it is difficult not to see in it the vestiges of a work made by men’s hands. It is easy to estimate approximately the timewhich it would have taken Cresar’s troops to construct the 5,000 metres of trenches which extended, at sepaiate intervals, from Geneva to the Jura. Let us consider, to fix our ideas, a’ground A D V, inclined at 45 degrees, in which is to be made the trench A B C-D. The great wall A B C had 16 Roman feet in elevation: we will suppose that A B was inclined at 5 on 1, and that the small wall D C was 6
feet high. The amount of rubbish removed would be as follows:-Section A B

C D64 square feet, or, reducing it into square metres, AB C D-=5 square metres 60 centimetres. The metre in length of the earth thrown out would give thus 5 60 cubic metres. If we consider the facility of labour in the trench, since the earth has only to be thrown down the slope, we shall see that two men can dig three metres in length of this trench in two days.

Therefore, admitting that the 10,000 men at Cxesar’s disposal had only been employed a quarter at a time, from two to three days would have been sufficient for the execution of the complete work. (‘) De Bello Gallico, L

8.

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60 HISTORY JULIUS CAESAR. -the Aiduan Dumnorix, the son-in-law of Orgetorix, to solicit it for them. High in credit among the Sequani, Dumnorix obtained it; and the two peoples entered into an engagement, one to leave the passage free, the other to commit no disorder; and, as pledges of their convention, they: exchanged hostages. (‘) When Caesar learned that the Helvetii-were preparing to pass through the lands of the Sequani and the Adui on’ their way to the Santones, he resolved to oppose them, unwilling to suffer the.establishment of warlike and hostile men in a fertile and open country, neighbouring. upon that of the Tolosates, which made part of the Roman province. (2) But, as he had not at hand sufficient forces, he resolved on uniting all the troops he could dispose of in his vast command. He entrusts, therefore, the care of the retrenchments on the Rhone to his lieutenant T. Labienus, hastens into Italy by forced marches, raises there in great haste two legions (the 11th and 12th), brings from Aquileia, a town of Illyria, (3) the three legions which were there in winter quarters (the 7th, 8th, and 9th), and, at the head of his army, takes across the Alps (see Plate 4) the shortest road to Transalpine Gaul. (‘) The Centrones, the Graio(1) De Bello Gallico, I.

9.-The country of the Sequani comprised the Jura, and reached to the Pas-de-1’Ecluse. (See Plate 2, Map of Gaul.) (2) It has been considered to have been an error of Cesar to place the Santones in the proximity:of the Tolosates: modern researches have-prioved that the two peoples were not more than thirty or forty leagues from each other. (3) Several authors have stated wrongly that Coesar went into Illyria; he informs us himself (De Bello Gallico, III. 7) that he went thither for the first time in the winter of 698. (4) We believe, with General de Gceler, from the itinerary marked on the Peutingerian table, that the troops’ of Cesar passed by Altinum (A’itino), Man-: tua, Cremona, Laus Pompei (Lodi Vecchio), Pavia, and Turin;‘but, after quit

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CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE HELVETII. 61 celi, and the Caturiges (see page 24, note), posted on the heights, (1) attempt to, bar his road; but’he overthrows them in several engagements, and from Ocelum ( Usseau), (). the extreme point of the Cisalpine, reaches in. seven days. the territory of the Vocontii, making thus about twentyfive kilometres a day.- He next-penetrates into the country-of the Allobroges, then into that of the Segusiavi, who bordered on the Roman province beyond the Rhone. (3) ting this last-place, we consider that they followed the route of Fenestrella and Ocelum. Thence they directed their march across the Cottian Alps, by Cesena and Brigantium (Brianpon); then, following the road indicated by the Theodosian table, which appears to have passed along the banks of the Romanche, they proceeded to Cularo (Grenoble), on the frontier of the Vocontii, by Stabatio (Chahotte or Le Monestier, Hautes-Alpes), Durotincum (Villards-d’Arenne), Mellosecum (MIisoen or Bourg-d’Oysans, Isere), and Catorissium (Bourgd’ Oysans or Chaource; Isere). (‘) “Locis superioribus occupatis.” (De Bello Gallico, I. 10.) (2) There is difference of opinion as to the site of Ocelum. - The following remark has been communicated to me’ by M. E. Celesia, who is’preparing a work on ancient Italy:- Ocelum only meant, in the ancient Celtic-or Iberian language, principal passage.

We know that, in -the Pyrenees, these passages were called ports. There existed places of the name of Ocelum, in the Alps, in Gaul, and as far as.

Spain.. (Ptolemy, IT. 6.)-The itineraries found in the baths of Vicarello indicate, between Turin and Susa, an Ocelum, which appears to us.to have been that of which Cwsar speaks; there was a place similarly named in Maurienne, on the left bank of the Arc, at an equal distance from the source. of that river and the town of Saint-Jean: it is now Usseglio.

There was another-in the valley of the Lanzo, on the left bank’ of the Gara, from which appears to be derived the name of Garaceli or Graioceli; it was called Ocelum Lanciensium. The Ocelum of Cnesar, according to M.

Celesia, who adopts the opinion of D’Anville, was called Ocelum ad Clusonem fluvium; it was situated in the valley of the Pragelatto, on the road leading from Pignerol to the defile of Fenestrella. - This’ place has continued to preserve its primitive name of Ocelum, Occelum, Oxeltim, Uxelum’( Charta Adeladis, an. 1064),.whence by corruption its modern name of Usseau. According to this hypothesis, Ceesar would have passed from the valley of Chiusone into that of Pragelatto, and thence, by Mount Gen’evre, to Brian9on, in order to arrive among’the Vocontii. Polya.nus (Stratag.; VIII. xxiii. 2) relates that Caesar took advantage of a mist to escape the mountaineers. (3),“Segusiavi sunt trans Rhodanum primi.” (De Bello’Gallio, I. 10.) It is to be supposed that there existed a bridge on the Rhone, near Lyons.

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62 HISTORY OF’ JULIUS CAESAR. These operations took two months; (‘) the same time had been employed by the Helvetii in negotiating the conditions of their passage through the country of the Sequani, moving from the Rhone to the Saone, and beginning to pass the latter river. They had passed the Pas-de-l’Ecluse,‘followed the right bank of the Rhone as far as Culoz, then turned to the east through Virieu-le-Grand, Tenay, and Saint-Rambert, and, thence crossing the plains of Amberieux, the river Ain, and, the vast plateau of the Dombes, they had arrived at the Saone, the left bank of which they occupied from Trevoux to,Villefranche. (‘See Plate 4.) The slowness of their march need not surprise us if we consider that an agglomeration of 368,000 individuals, men, women, and children, dragging after them from 8,000 to 9,000 wagons, through a defile where carriages could only pass one abreast, (1) Caesar had deferred his reply till the Ides of April (April the 8th). If it were then decided to bring the legions from Aquileia, the time necessary to bring them would have been as follows: 6 days employed by the couriers to proceed from Geneva to Aquileia. This time does not appear to us too short, since Coesar had employed 8 days to go from Rome to Geneva, and that the distance fiom Geneva to Aquileia is only 1,000 kilometres, while it is 1,200 from Geneva to \Rome; 8 days to assemble the legions-in 581, it required only eleven days to enroll four legions (Titus Livius, XLIII. 45); 28 days from Aquileia to Ocelum (Usseau) (681 kilom.), reckoning 24 kilomitres for a day’s march; 6 days’ halts; 7 days from Ocelum to Grenoble (174 kilom.) (De Bello Galico, I. 10); 5 days from Grenoble to Lyons (126 kilom.) 60

According to this reckoning, Cxesar required 60 days, reckoning from the moment when he decided on this course, to transport his legions frobm Aquileia to Lyons; that is to say, if he sent; as is probable, couriers on the 8th of April,;’ the day he refused the passage to the Helvetii, the head of his column arrived at Lyons towards’the 7th of June.

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CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE HELVETII. 63 would necessarily employ several weeks in passing it. (‘) Caesar, no doubt, calculated beforehand, with sufficient accuracy, the time it would take them to gain the banks of the SaBne; and we may therefore suppose that, at the moment when he repaired into (). To estimate the volume and weight represented by the provisions for three months for three hundred and sixtyeight thousand persons of both sexes and of all ages, let us allow that the ration of food was small, and consisted, we may say, only in a reserve of meal, trium mensium molita cibaria, at an average of I of a pound (I of a pound of meal gives about a pound of bread); at this rate, the Helvetii must have carried with them 24,840,000 pounds, or 12,420,000 kilogrammes of meal. Let us allow also that they had great fourwheeled carriages, capable each of carrying 2,000 kilogrammes, and drawn by four horses. The 100 kilogrammes of unrefined meal make 2 cubic hectolitres; therefore, 2,000 kilogrammes of meal make 4 cubic metres, so.that this would lead us to suppose no more than 4 cubic metres as the average load for the fourwheeled carriage. On our good roads in France, levelled and paved, three horses are sufficient to draw, at a walking pace, during ten hours, a fourwheeled carriage carrying 4,000 kilogrammes. It is more than 1,300 kilogrammes pet collar.

We suppose that the horses of the emigrants drew only 500 kilogrammes in excess of the dead weight, which would give about 6,000 carriages and 24,000 draught animals to transport the three months’ provisions. But these emigrants were not only provided with food, for they had also certainly baggage. It appears to us no exaggeration to suppose that each individual carried, besides his food, fifteen kilogrammes of baggage on an average. We are thus led to add to.the 6,000 provision carriages about 2,500 other carriages for the baggage, which would make a total of 8,500
carriages, drawn by 34,000 draught animals. We use the word animals instead of horses, as at least a part of the teams would, no doubt, be composed of oxen, the number of which would diminish daily, for the emigrants would be led to use the flesh of these animals for their own food. Such a column of 8,500 carriages, supposing them to march in file, one carriage at a time, on a single road, could not occupy less than thirty-two leagues in length, if we reckon fifteen metres to each carriage. This remark explains the enormous difficulties the emigration would encounter, and the slowness of its movements: we need, then, no longer be astonished at the twenty days which it took three-quarters of the column to pass the Saone. We have not comprised the provisions of grain for the animals themselves; yet it is difficult to believe that the Helvetii, so provident for their own wants, had neglected to provide for those of their brasts, and that they had reckoned exclusively for their food on the forage they might find on the road.

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64 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. Italy, he hoped to bring thence his army in time to prevent them from passing that river. He established his camp near the confluence of the Rhone and the Sabne, on the heights which command Sathonay; thence he could equally manceuvre on the two banks of the Saone, take the Helvetii in flank as they marched towards that river, or prevent them, if they crossed it, from entering into the Roman province by the valley of the Rhone. It was probably at this point that Labienus joined him with the troops which had’ been left with him, and which raised to six the number of his legions. His cavalry, composed principally of iEdui and men raised in the Roman province, amounted to 4,000 men. During this time the Helvetii were ravaging the lands of the Ambarri, those of the.idui, and those which the Allobroges possessed-on -the right bank of the Rhone.

These peoples implored the succour of Coesar. He was quite disposed to listen to their prayers. (‘) V. The Saone, which crossed the countries of the Defeat of the lel-Adui and the Sequani,(‘) flowed, then ion the Sane.

as now, in certain places with an extreme sluggishness. Caesar says that people could not distinguish the direction of the current.’ The Helvetii, who had not learned to make bridges, crossed the (‘) De Bello Gallico, I.

11. (2) It is an error to’translate Arar, quod pe. fines,Eduorum et Sequanorun in Rhodanum influit, by the words, ” the Safne, which forms the common boundary line of the JEdui and the Sequani.” C/esar always understands by fines, territory, and:not boundary line. He expresses himself very differently when he speaks of a’river’separating territories.

(De Bello Gallico, I. 6, 33; VII; 5.) The expressibn per fies thus confirms the supposition that the territories of these two peoples extended on both sides of the Saone. ($ee Plate 2.)

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CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE HELVETII. 65 river, between Trevoux and Villefranche, on rafts and boats joined together. As soon as the Roman general had ascertained by his scouts that three-quarters of the barbarians were on the other side of the river, and the others were still on his side, he left his camp towards midnight (de tertia vigilia) (see note 1 on page 69) with three legions, came upon those of the Helvetii who were still on the left bank, to the north of Trevoux, in the valley of the Formans, towards six o’clock in the morning, after a march of eighteen kilometres, attacked them by surprise in the midst of the confusion of passing the river, and slew a great number. Those who could escape dispersed, and concealed themselves in the neighbouring forests. This disaster fell upon the Tigurini (the inkabitants of the Cantons of Vaud, ]i~‘ibugy, and a part of the canton of Berne), one of the four tribes of which the nation of the Helvetii was composed, the same which, in an expedition out of Helvetia, had formerly slain the Consul L. Cas. sius, and made his -army pass under the yoke. (C) After this combat, Caesar, ih order to pursue the (‘) De Bello Gallico, I. 12.-The excavations, carried on in 1862, between Trevoux and Riottier, on the plateaux of La Bruyere and Saint-Barnard, leave no doubt of the place of this defeat. They revealed the existence of numerous sepulchres, as well Gallo-Roman as Celtic. The tumuli furnished vases of coarse clay, and many fragments of arms in silex, ornaments in bronze, iron arrowheads, fragments of sockets. These sepultures are some by incineration, others by inhumation. In the first, the cremation had nowhere been complete, which proves that they had been burnt hastily, and excludes all notion of an ordinary cemetery. Two common fosses. were divided each into two compartments, one of which contained cinders, the other human skeletons, thrown in pell-mell, skeletons of men, women, and children. Lastly, num/erous country ovens line, as it were, the road followed by the Helvetii. These ovens, very common at the foot of the abrupt hills of Trdvoux, Saint-Didier, Frans, Jassans, and Mizdrieux, are found again on the left bank of the Ain and as far as the neighbourhood of Ambronav. 11.-E

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66 HISTORY OF JULIUS CiESAR. other part of the enemy’s army, and prevent its marching towards the south, threw a bridge across the Saone, and transported his troops to the right bank. The barques which followed him for the conveyance of provisions would necessarily facilitate this operation. It is probable that a detachment established in the defiles on the right bank of the-SaBne, at the. spot where Lyons now stands, intercepted the road which would have conducted the Helvetii towards the Roman province. As to the three legions which remained in the camp of Sathonay, they soon rejoined Caesar. The Helvetii, struck by his sudden approach, and by the rapidity with which he had effected, in one single day, a passage which had cost them twenty days’ labour, sent him a deputation, the chief of which, old Divico, had commanded in the wars against Cassius. In language full of boast and threatening,‘IDivico reminded Caesar of the humiliation inflicted formerly on the Roman arms..

The proconsul replied that he.was not forgetful of old affronts, but that recent injuries were sufficient motives for his conduct. Nevertheless, he offered peace,. on condition that. they should give him hostages. “The Helvetii,” replied Divico, “have learned from their ancestors to receive, but not to give, hostages; the Romans ought to know that.” This proud reply closed the interview. Nevertheless, the Helvetii appear to have been desirous of avoiding battle, for next day they raised their camp, and, cut off from the possibility of following the course of the Saone to proceed towards the south, they took the easiest way to reach the country of the’

Santones, by directing their march towards the

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CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE HELVETII. 67 sources of the Dheune and the Bourbince.

(See Plate 4.) Thisr lkro0’en country, more’ove, permitted them to resist the Romans with advantage.. They followed across.the mountains of Charolais the Gaulish road, on the’ trace of which was, no doubt, subsequently constructed the Roman way from Lyons to Autun, vestiges of which still exist; the latter followed the course of the Saone as far as’Belleville, where it parted from it abruptly, crossing over the Col d’Avenas, proceeding through the valley of the Grosne to’ Cluny, and continuing by SaintVallier to Autun. At SaintVallier they would quit this road, and march towards the Loire to pass it’at Decize. (‘) Caesar followed the Helvetii,‘and sent before him (1), Coesar declares, on two different occasions, the fixed design of the Helvetii to establish themselves in the country of the Santones (I. 9 and 11), and Titus Livius confirms this fact in these words: ”’ Cmesar Helvetfos, gentem vagam, domuit, quae, sedem quaerens, in provinciam Casaris Narbonem ithr facere volebat.” (Epitome, CIII.) Had they, for the execution of this project, the choice between several roads (the word ” road” being taken here in the general sense)? Some authors, not considering the topography of France, have believed. that, to go to the Santones, the Helvetii should have marched by the shortest line, from east to west, and passed the Loire towards Roanne. - But they would have had first to pass, in places alrnost impassable, the mountains which separate the Sa6ne from the Loire, and, had they’ arrived there, they would have found. their road barred by another chain of mountains, that of Le Forez, which separates the Loire from the Allier. The only means of going from the Lower Saone into Saintonge consists in travelling at first to the northwest towards the sources of the Bourbince, where is found the greatest depression of the chain of mountains which separates the Saone from the Loire, and-nmarching subsequently to the west, to descend towards the latter river. This is so true, that at an epoch very near to our own, before the construction of the railways, the public conveyances, to go from Lyons to La Rochelle, did not pass by Roanne, but took. the direction to the northwest, to Autun, and thence to Nevers, in the valley of the Loire. We understand,. in exploring this mountainous country, why Caesar was obliged to confine himself to pursuing the Helvetii, without being ever able to attack them.

We cannot find a single point where he could have gained upon them by rapidity of movement, or where he. could execute any manceuvre whatever.

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68 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. all his cavalry to watch their march. These, too eager in the pursuit, came to blows with the enemy’s cavalry in a position of disadvantage, and experienced some loss. Proud of having repulsed 4,000 men with 500 horsemen, the Helvetii became sufficiently emboldened to venture sometimes to harass the Roman army. But Caesar avoided engaging his troops; he was satisfied with following, day by day, the enemies at a distance of five or six miles at most (about eight kilometres), opposing the devastations they committed on their passage, and waiting a favourable occasion inflict a defeat upon them. The two armies continued their march extremely slowly, and the days passed without offering the desired opportunity. Meanwhile, the provisionment of the Roman army began to inspire serious uneasiness; wheat arrived no longer by the SaBne, for Caesar had been obliged to move from it in order to keep up with the Helvetii. On another hand, the Aidui delayed, under vain pretexts, sending the grain which they had promised. The harvest, too, was not yet ripe, and even forage failed. As the day for distribution approached, Caesar convoked the Aduan chiefs, who were numerous in his camp, and overwhelmed them with reproaches. One of them, Liscus, occupied in his country the supreme magstracy, under the name of vergobret; he’

denounced Dumnorix, the brother of Divitiacus, as opposing the sending -of provisions; it was the same Dumnorix who had heretofore secretly negotiated the passage of the Helvetii across the country of the Sequani, and who, placed at the head of the Aiduan contingent, had, in the last

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CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE HELVETIL 69 combat, by retreating with his men, led to the flight of the whole body of the cavalry. Csesar sent for Divitiacus, a man devoted to the’Roman people, and revealed to him the culpable conduct of his brother, which merited ai exemplary punishment.

Divitiacus expressed the same opinion, but, in tears, implored the pardon of Dumnorix. Caesar granted it to him,, and contented himself with placing him under surveillance. It was, indeed, good policy not to alienate the ~Eduan people by any excessive severity against a man of power among them.

The Helvetii, after advancing northward as far as SaintVallier, had turned to the west to reach the valley of the Loire, Arrived near Issy-l’Eveque, they encamped on the banks of a tributary of the Somme, at the foot of Mount Tauffrin, eight miles from the Roman army. Informed of this circumstance, Csesar judged that the moment had arrived for attacking them by surprise, and sent to reconnoitre by what circuits the heights might be reached. He learnt that the access was easy, and ordered Labienus to gain, with two legions, the summit of the mountain by bye-roads, without giving alarm to the enemy, and to wait till he himself, marching at the head of the four other legions, by the same road as the Helvetii, should. appear neat their camp; then both were to attack them at the same time. Labienus started at midnight, taking for guides the men who had just explored the roads. Csesar, on his part, began his march at two o’clock in the morning (de quarta qvigl. ia), (‘) preceded by his cavalry. At the head of his (‘) The Romans used little precision in the division of time.

Forcellini (Lex.,

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70 HISTORY OF JULIUS CESAR. scouts was P. Considius, whose-former services under L. Sylla, and subsequently under M. Crassus, pointed him out as an experienced soldier. voce Hora) refers to Pliny and Censorinus.

He remarks that the day-that is, the time between the rising and setting of the sun-was divided into twelve parts, at all seasons of the year, and the night the same, from which it would result that in summer the hours of the day were longer than in winter, and vice versa for the nights.-Galenus (De San. Tuend., VI. 7) observed that at Rome the longest days were equal to fifteen equinoctial hours. Now, these fifteen hours only reckoning for twelve, it happened that towards the solstice each hour was more than a quarter longer than towards the equinox. This remark was not new, for it is found in Plautus. One of his personages says to a drunkard: “Thou wilt drink four good harvests of Massic wine in an hour!” “Add,” replied the drunkard, ” in an hour of winter. ” (Plautus, Pseudolus, v. 1,302, edit.

Ritschl.)-Vegetius says that the soldier ought to make twenty miles in five hours, and notes that he speaks of hours in summer, which at Rome, according to the foregoing calculation, would be equivalent to six hours and a quarter towards the equinox. (Vegetius, IMil., I. 9.) Pliny (Hist.

Nat., VII. 60) remarks that, “at the time when the Twelve Tables were compiled, the only divisions of time known were the rising and setting of the sun; and that, according to the statement of Varro, the first public solar dial was erected near the rostra, on a column, by M. Valerius Messala, who brought it from Catania in 491, thirty years after the one ascribed to Papirius; and that it was in 595 that Scipio Nasica, the colleague of M. Popilius Lvenas, divided the hours of night and day, by means of a clepsydra or waterclock, which he consecrated under a covered building.” Censorinus (De Die Natali, xxiii., a book dated in the year 991
of Rome, or 338 A.D.) repeats, with some additions, the details given by Pliny. “There is,” he says,” “the natural day and the civil day. The first is the time which passes between the rising and setting of the sun; on the contrary, the night begins with the setting and ends with the rising of the sun. The civil day comprises a revolution of the heaven-that is, a true day and a true night; so that when one says that a person has lived thirty days, we must understand that he has lived the same number of nights. “We know that the day and the night are each divided into twelve hours. The Romans were three hundred years before they were acquainted with hours. The word hour is not found in the Twelve’Tables. They’said in those times,‘before or after mid-dayv.’, Others divided the day, as well as the night, into four parts-a practice which is preserved in the armies, where they divide the night into four watches.” Upon these and other data, M. Le Verrier has had the goodness to draw up a table, which will be found -t the end of the volume, and which indicates the increase or decrease of the hours with the seasons, and.the relationship of the Roman watches with our modern hours. (See Appendix B.)

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CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE HELVETII. 71 At break of day Labienus occupied the heights, and Caesar was no more than 1,500. paces from the camp of the barbarians; the latter suspected neither his approach nor that of his lieutenant. Suddenly Coisidius arrived at full gallop to announce that the mountain of which Labienus was to take possession was in the power of the Helvetii; he had recognised them, he said, by their arms and their military ensigns. At this news, Cesar, fearing that he was not in sufficient force against their whole; army, with only four legions, chose a strong position on a neighbouring hill, and drew up his men in order of battle. Labienus, whose orders were not to engage in battle till he saw the troops of Coesar near the enemy’s camp, remained immovable, watching for him. It was broad daylight when Caesar learnt that his troops had made themselves masters of the mountain, and that the Helvetii had left their camp. They escaped him thus, through the false report of Considius, who had been blinded by a groundless terror. Admitting that the Helvetii had passed near Issyl’Eveque, Mount Tauffrin, which rises at a distance of four kilometres to the west of that village, answers to the conditions of the text. There is nothing to contradict the notion that Labienus and Caesar may have, one occupied the summit, the other approached the enemy’s camp within 1,500 paces, without being per. ceived; and the neighbouring ground presents heights which permitted the Roman army to form in order of battle. (‘) (‘) De Bello Gallico, 1. 22.

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72 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR VI. That day the Helvetii continued their advance efeatoftheelveto Remilly, on the Alene. Since the tiinear Bibacte.

passage of the Saone, they had marched about a fortnight, making an average of not more than eleven or twelve kilometres a day. (1) According to our reckoning, it must have been the end’ of the month of June. CGesar followed the Helvetii at the usual distance, and established his camp at three miles’ distance from theirs, on the Cressonne, near Ternant. Next day, as the Roman army had provisions left for no more than two days, (2) and as, moreover, Bibracte.(Mont Beuvray), (3) the greatest and richest (1) They reckon from Villefranche to Remilly about 170 kilometres. (2) Each soldier received twentyfive pounds of wheat every fortnight. (3) It is generally admitted that Bibracte -stood on the site of Autun, on account of the inscription discovered at Autun in the seventeenth century, and now preserved in the cabinet of antiquities at the Bibliotheque Impdriale. Another opinion, which identifies Bibracte with Mont Beuvray (a mountain presenting a great surface, situated thirteen kilometres to the west of Autun), had nevertheless already found, long ago, some supporters.

It will be remarked first that the Gauls chose for the site of their towns, when they could, places difficult of access: in broken countries, these were steep mountains (as Gergovia, Alesia, Uxellodunum, &c.); in flat countries,they were grounds surrounded by marshes (such as Avaricum).

The JEdui, according to this, would not have built their principal town on the site of Autun, situated at the foot of the mountains. It was believed that a plateau so elevated as that of Mont Beuvray (its highest point is 810 m2etres above the sea) could not have been occupied by a great town.

Yet the existence of eight or ten roads, which lead to this plateau, deserted for so many centuries, and some of which are in a state of preservation truly astonishing, ought to have led to a contrary opinion.

Let us add that recent excavations leave no further room for, doubt. They have brought to light, over an extent of 120 hectares, foundations of Gaulish towers, some round, others square; of mosaics, of foundations of Gallo-Roman walls, gates, hewn stones, heaps of roof tiles, a prodigious quantity of broken amphorae, a semicircular theatre, &c.. Everything, in fact, leads us to place Bibracte on Mont Beuvray: the striking resemblance of the two names, the designation of IpotVpLov, which Strabo gives to Bibracte, and even the vague and persistent tradition which, prevailing among the inhabitants of the district, points to Mont Beuvray as a centre of superstitious regard.

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CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE HELVETII. 73 town of the 2Edui, was not more than eighteen miles (twenty-seven kilometres) distant, Caesar, to provision his army, turned from the road which the Helvetii were following, and took that to Bibracte. (See Plate 4.) The enemy was informed of this circumstance by some deserters from the troop of L. Emilius, decurion (1) of the auxiliary cavalry. Believing that the Romans were going from them through fear, and hoping to cut them off from their provisions, they turned back, and began to harass the rear-guard. Caesar immediately lea his troops to a neighbouring hill-that which rises between the two villages called the Grand-Marie and the Petit-Marie (see Plate 5)and sent his cavalry to impede the enemies in their march, which gave him the time to form in order of battle. He ranged, half way up the slope of the hill his four legions of veterans, in three lines, and the two legions raised in the Cisalpine on the plateau above, along with the auxiliaries, so that his infantry covered the whole height. The heavy baggage, and the bundles (sarcince) (2) with which the soldiers were loaded, were collected on one point, which was defended by the troops of the reserve. While Csesar was making these dispositions, the Helvetii, who came (‘) The cavalry was divided into turmce, and the turma into three decuries of ten men each.

(2) The word sarcina, the original sense of which is baggage or burthens, was employed sometimes to signify the bundles carried by the soldiers (De B~ello qallico, II, 17), sometimes for the heavy baggage (De BelZo Civili, I, 81). Here we must take sarcince as comprising both. This is proved by the circumstance that the six legions of the Roman army were on the hill.

Now, if Ceesar had sent the heavy baggage forward, towards Bibracte, as General de Gceler believes, he would have sent with it, as an escort, the two legions of the new levy, as-he did, the year following, in the campaign against the Nervii. (De Bello Gallico, II. 19.) 4

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74. HISTORY OF JULIUS CfESAR. followed by all their wagons, collected them in one place; they then, in close order, drove back the cavalry, formed in phalanxes, and, making their way up the slope of the hill occupied by the Roman infantry, advanced againstthe first line. (1) Caesar, to make the danger equal, and to deprive all of the possibility.of flight, sends away the horses of all the chiefs, and even his own, (‘) harangues his troops, and gives the signal for combat. The Romans, from their elevated position, hurl the pilum, (3) break the enemy’s phalanxes, and rush upon them sword in hand. The engagement becomes general. The Helvetii soon become embarrassed in their movements: their bucklers, pierced and nailed together by the same pilurn, the head of which, bending back, can no longer be withdrawn, deprive them of the use of their left arm; most of them, after having long agitated their arms in vain, throw down their bucklers, (‘) De Bello Gallico, I. 24.-In the phalanx, the men of the first rank covered themselves with their bucklers, overlapping one another before them, while those of the other ranks held them horizontally over their heads, arranged like the tiles of a roof. (2) According to Plutarch (Ccesar, 20), he said, “I will mount on horseback when the enemy shall have taken flight.” (3) The pilunm was a sort of javelin thrown by the hand: its total length was from 1‘70 to 2 metres; its head was a slender flexible blade from 0‘60 to 1 metre long, weighing from 300 to 600
grammes, terminating in a part slightly swelling, which sometimes formed a barbed point. The shaft, sometimes round, sometimes square, had a diameter of from 25 to 32 millimetres. It was fixed to the head by ferules, or by pegs; or by means of a socket. Such are the characteristics presented by the fragments of pila found at Alise. They answer in general to the descriptions we find in Polybius (VI. 23), in Dionysius (V. 46), and in Plutarch (Marius). Pila made on the model? of those found at Alise, and weighing-with their shaft from’ 700 grammes to 1‘200 kilog., have been thrown to a distance of 30 and 40 metres: we may therefore fix at about 25
metres the average distance to which the pilunr carried.

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CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE HELVETII. 75 and fight without them. At last, covered with wounds, they-give way, and retire to the mountain of the castle of La Garde, at a distance of about 1,000 paces; but while they are pursued, the Boii and the Tulingi, who, to the number of about 15,000, formed the last of the hostile columns, and composed the rear-guard, rush upon the Romans, and without halting attack their right flank. (‘) The Helvetii, who had taken refuge on the height, perceive this movement, return to the charge, and renew the combat. Caesar, to meet these two attacks, effects a change of front (conversa signa 6ipar’tito intulerunt) in his third line, and opposes it to the new assailants, while the first two lines resist the Helvetii who had already been repulsed. (2) This double combat was long and furious. Unable to resist the impetuosity of their adversaries, the Helvetii were obliged to retire, as they had done before, to the mountain of the castle of La Garde; the Boii and Tulingi towards the baggage and wagons. Such was the intrepidity of these Gauls during the whole action, which lasted from one o’clock in the afternoon till evening, that not one turned his back. Far into the night there was still fighting about the baggage. The barbarians, having made a rampart of (t) Latere aperto, the right side, since the buckler was carried on the left arm. We read, indeed, in Titus Livius:” Et cum in latus dextrum, quod patebat, Numidae jacularentur, translatis in dextrum scutis,” &c. (XXII. 50.) (2) Dio Cassius (XXXVIII. 33) says on this subject that ”’ the Helvetii were not all on the field of battle, on account of their great number, and of the haste with which the first had made the attack. Suddenly those who had remained in thq rear came to attack the Romans, when they were already occupied in pursuing the enemy. Caesar ordered his cavalry to continue the pursuit; with his legions, he turned against the new assailants.”

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76 HISTORY OF JULIUS CASAR. their wagons, some threw from above their missiles on the Romans; others, placed between the wheels, wounded them with long pikes (natarc3 ac tragulce). The women and children, too, shared desperately in the combat. (1) At the end of an obstinate struggle, the camp and baggage were taken. The daughter and one of the sons of Orgetorix were made prisoners, This battle reduced the Gaulish emigration to 130,000
individuals. They began their retreat that same evening, and, after marching without interruption day and night, they reached on the fourth day the territory of the Lingones, towards Tonnerre (see Plate 4): they had, no doubt, passed by Moulins-enGilbert, Lormes, and Avallon. The Lingones were forbidden to furnish the fugitives with provisions or succour, under pain of being treated like them. At the end of three days, the Roman army, having taken care of their wounded and buried the dead, marched in pursuit of the enemy. (2) VII. The Helvetii, reduced to extremity, sent to (‘) Plutarch, Ccesar, 20. (2) De Bello Gallico, I.

26.-Till now the field of battle where Caesar defeated the Helvetii has not been identified. The site which we have adopted, between Luzy and Chides, satisfies all the requirements of the text of the “Commentaries.”

Different authors have proposed several other localities; but the first cause of error in their reckonings consists in identifying Bibracte with Autun, which we cannot admit; and further, not one of these localities fulfils the necessary topographical conditions. In our opinion, we must not seek the place of engagement to the east of Bibracte, for the Helvetii, to go from the Lower Safne to the Santones, must have passed to the west, and not to the east, of that town. Cussy-la-Colonne, where the field of battle is most generally placed, does not, therefore, suit at all; and, moreover, Cussy-la-Colonne is too near to the territory of the Lingones to require four days for the Helvetii to arrive there after the battle.

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CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE HELVETII. 77 Pursuit of the Hel-Cesar to treat for their submission. The vetii. deputies met him on his march, threw themselves at his feet, and demanded peace in the most suppliant terms. He ordered them to say to their fellow-countrymen that they must halt on the spot they then occupied, and await his arrival; and t!hey obeyed. As soon as Caesar overtook them, he required them to deliver hostages, their arms, and the fugitive slaves. While they were preparing to execute his orders, night coming on, about 6,000 men of a tribe named Verbigeni (Soleure, Argovie, Lucerne, andpart of the Canton of Berne) fled, either through fear that, having once delivered up their arms, they should be massacred, or in the hope of escaping unperceived in the midst of so great a multitude. They directed their steps towards the Rhine and the frontiers of Germany. On receiving news of the flight of the Verbigeni, Caesar ordered the peoples whose territories they would cross to stop them and bring them back, under pain of being considered as accomplices. The fugitives were delivered up and treated as enemies; that is, put to the sword, or sold as slaves. As to the others, Caesar accepted their submission: he compelled the Helvetii, the Tulingi, and.the Latobriges to return to the localities they had abandoned, and to restore the towns and hamlets they had burnt; and since, after having lost all their crops, they had no more provisions of their own, the Allobroges were ordered to furnish them with wheat. (1) These meas(1) “He drove back this people into their country as a shepherd drives back his flock into the fold.” (Florus, II. x. 3.)

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78 HISTORY OF JULIUS CJESAR. ures had for their object not to leave Helvetia without inhabitants, as the fertility of its soil might draw thither the Germans of the other side of the Rhine, who would thus become borderers upon the Roman province. He permitted the Boii, celebrated for their brilliant valour, to establish themselves in the country of the ~dui, who had asked permission to receive them. They gave them lands between the Allier and the Loire, and soon-admitted them to a share in all their rights and privileges. In the camp of the Helvetii were found tablets 2n which was written, in Greek letters, the number of all those who had quitted their country: on one side, the number of men capable of bearing arms; and on the other, that of the children, old men, and women.

The whole amounted to 263,000 Helvetii, 36,000 Tulingi, 14,000 Latobriges, 23,000 Rauraci, and 32,000 Boii-together, 368,000 persons, of whom 92,000
were men in a condition to fight. According to the census ordered by Caesar, the number of those who returned home was 110,000. (1) The emigration was thus reduced to less than one-third. The locality occupied by the Helvetii when they made their submission is unknown; yet all circumstances seem to concur in placing the theatre of this event in the western part of the country of the Lingones. This hypothesis appears the more reasonable, as Csesar’s march, in the following campaign, can only be explained by supposing him to start from this region. We admit,then, that Caesar received the submission of the Helvetii on the Armangon, towards Tonnerre, and it is there that we suppose him to have (‘) De Bello Gallico, I. 29.

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CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE HELVETII. 79 been encamped during the events upon the recital of which we are now going to enter. VIII. The forces of the two armies opposed to each other in the battle of Bibracte were about Observations. equal, for Coesar had six legions-the 10th, which he had found in the Roman province; the three old legions t(7th, 8th, and.9th), which he had brought from Aquileia; and the two new ones (11th and 12th), raised in the Cisalpine. The effective force of each must have been near the normal number of 6,000 men, for the campaign had only begun,. and their ranks must have been increased by the veterans and volunteers of whom we have spoken in the first volume (page 456). The number of the legionaries was thus 36,000. Adding 4,000 cavalry, raised in the Roman province and among the iEdui, and probably 20,000 auxiliaries, (‘) we shall have a total of 60,000 combatants, not including the men attached to the machines, those conducting the baggage, the army servants, &c. The Helvetii, on their side, did not count more than 69,000 combatants, since, out of 92,000, they had lost.one-fourth near the Saone. In this battle, it must be remarked, Caesar did not employ the two legions newly raised, which remained to guard the camp, and secure the retreat:in case of disaster. Next year he assigned the same duty to the youngest troops. The cavalry did not pursue the enemies in their rout, doubtless because the mountainous -nature of the locality made it impossible for it to act. (‘) Ceesar pursued the Helvetii, taking for auxiliaries about 20,000 Gaulish mountaineers. (Appian, De Rebus Gallicis, IV. 15, edit. Schweigh.)

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CHAPTER IT. CAMPAIGN AGAINS. ARIOVISTUS. (Year of Rome 696.) (BOOK I. OF

THE “COMMENTARIES.”) I. ON the termination of the war against the HelSeat.of the Suevi vetii, the chiefs of nearly all Celtic Gaul and other German Tribes. went to congratulate Caesar, and thank him for having, at the same time, avenged their old injuries, and delivered their country from immense danger. They expressed the desire to submit to his judgment certain affairs, and, in order to concert matters previously, they solicited his permission to convoke a general assembly. Csesar gave his consent. After the close of the deliberations, they returned, secretly and in tears, to solicit his support against the Germans and Ariovistus, one of their kings. These peoples were separated from the Gauls by the Rhine.

from its mouth to the Lake of Constance. Among them the Suevi occupied the first rank. They were by much the most powerful and the most warlike. They were said to be divided into a hundred cantons, each of which furnished, every year, a thousand men for war and a thousand men for agriculture, taking each other’s place alternately: the labourers fed the soldiers. No boundary line, among the Suevi, separated the property of the fields, which remained common, and’no one could prolong his residence on the

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CAMPAIGN AGAINST ARIOVISTUS. 81 same lands beyond a year. However, they hardly lived upon the prdduce of the soil: they consumed little wheat, and drank no wine; milk and flesh were their habitual food. When these failed, they were fed upon grass. (1) Masters of themselves from infancy, intrepid hunters, insensible to the inclemency of the seasons, bathing in the cold waters of the rivers, they hardly covered a part of their bodies with thin skins. They were savages in manners, and of prodigious force and stature.

They disdained commerce and foreign horses, which the Gauls sought with so much care. Their own horses, though. mean-looking and ill-shaped, became indefatigable through exercise, and fed upon brushwood. Despising the use of the saddle, often, in engagements of cavalry, they jumped to the ground and fought on foot: their horses were taught to remain without moving. (2) The belief in the dogma of the immortality of the soul, strengthened in them the contempt for life. (3) They boasted of being surrounded by immense solitudes: this fact, as they pretended, showed that a great number of their neighbours had not been able to resist them: and it was reported, indeed, that on one side (towards the east) their territory was bounded, for an extent of 600 miles, by desert plains; on the other, they bordered upon the Ubii, their tributaries, the most civilised of the German peoples, because their situation on the banks of the Rhine placed them in relation with for(1) Appian, De Bello Celt., IV. i. 3. (2) Tacitus (Germania, iv. 32) speaks of this custom of the German horsemen of fighting on foot. Titus Livius (XLIV. 26) ascribes this practice to the Bastarni (the Moldavians). (3) Appian, De Bello Celt., IV. i. 3. 4* I.-F

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82 HISTORY OF JULIUS COESAR eign merchants, and because, neighbours to the Gauls, they had formed themselves to their manners. (1) Two immense forests commenced not far from the Rhine, and extended, from west to east, across Germany; these were the Hercynian and Bacenis forests. (See Plate 2.) The first, beginning from the Black Forest and the Odenwald, covered all the country situated between’the Upper Danube and the Maine, and comprised the mountains which, further towards the east, formed the northern girdle of the basin of the -Danube; that is, the Boehmerwald, the mountains of Moravia, and the Little Carpathians. It had a breadth which Caesar represents by nine long days’ march. (2) The~ other, of much less extent, took its rise in the forest of Thuringia; it embraced all the mountains to the north of Bohemia, and that long chain which separates the basins of the Oder and the Vistula from that of the Danube. The Suevi inhabited, to. the south of the forest Bacenis, the countries situated between the forest. of Thuringia, the Boehmerwald, the Inn, and the Black Forest, which compose, in our days, the Duchies of Saxe-Meiningen and Saxe-Coburg, Bavaria, and the greater part of Wurtemberg. (3) To the east of the Suevi were the Boii (partly in Bohemia and par~tl (1) De Bello Gallico, IV. 1, 2, 3.-General de Goeler, in our opinion, extends the territory of the Ubii much too far to the south. (2) De Bello GalEico, VI.

25.-This statement agrees well enough with the length of the Black Forest and the Odenwald, -which is sixty leagues. (3) It is difficult to fix with precision the localities inhabited at this period by the German peoples, for they were nearly all nomadic, and were continually pressing one upon another. Coesar, in his fourth book De Bello Gallico (cap. 1), asserts that the Suevi never occupied the, same territory more than one year.

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CAMPAIGN AGAINST ARIOVISTUS. 83 in the northwest-of Austria; (‘) to the north, the:Cherusci, separated from the Suevi by the forest Bacenis; to the west, the Marcomanni (the upper and middle course of the JfMaine) and the Sedusii: (between the Maine and. the Neckar); to the south, the Harudes (on the north:of the Lake of-Constance),‘the Tulingi, and the Latobriges (the soulthern part of the Grand Duchy of Baden). On -the two banks of the Rhine dwelt the Rauraci (the territory of Bdle and part of the Brisgau); the Triboces (part of Alsace and of the, Grand Duchy of Baden): on the right bank were the Nemetes (opposite Spire); theVangiones (opposite Wormns); the-Ubii, from the Odenwald to the watershed of the Sieg and the Ruhr. To the north of the Ubii were the Sicambri, established in Sauerland, and nearly as far as the Lippe. Finally, the Usipetes and the Tencteri were still farther to the north, towards the -mouth of the Rhine. (See Plate 2.) II. The Gaulish chiefs who had come to solicit the The Gauls solicit succour of Caesar made the following Caesar to come to their assistance. complaints against Ariovistus: -” The German king,” they said, “had taken advantage of the quarrels which divided the different peoples of Gaul; called in formerly by the Arverni and the (1) Strabo (VII., p. 244) relates, after Posidonius, that the Boil had inhabited first the Hercynian forest; elsewhere he says (V. 177) that the Boii established themselves among the Taurisci, a people dwelling near Noricum.

The same author (VII. 243) places-the solitudes inhabited by the Boii to the east of Vindelicia (Southern Bavaria and Western Austria). Lastly, he says-(IV. 471) that the Rhoetii and the Vindelicii are the neighbours of the Helvetii and the Boii. The Nemetes and the Vangiones subsequently passed over to the left bank of the Rhine, towards Worms and Spire, and the Ubii towards Cologne.

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84 HISTORY’OF JULIUS C}ESAR. Sequani, he had gained, with their co-operation, sevI-eral victories over, the AEdui, in consequene of which the latter were subjected to the most,humiliating conditions. Shortly afterwards his yoke grew heavy on the Sequani themselves, to such a degree that, though conquerors with him, they Mare now’ more wretched than the vanquished ~Edui. Ariovistus has seized a third. of their territory; (1) another third is on the point of being given up, by his orders, to 24,000

Harudes, who have joined him some months ago. There are 120,000 Germans in Gaul, The contingents:of the Suevi have already arrived on the bank~ of the:Rhine., In a few years -the invasion of Gaul by -the.Germans will be general. Coesar alone can prev’ent it, by his prestige and that of the’Roman name, by. the -force of his arms, and by the fame of his recent Victory.,” -Gaul:thus came voluntarily, in the persons of her chiefs, to throw herself into the arms of Caesar, take him for the arbiter of her destiny, and implore him to be her saviour., He spoke encouragingly, and promised them his support. Several considerations engaged him to -act upon these complaints. He could not suffer -the Jdui,.:allies of Rome, to be brought under subjection by the barbarians. He saw a. substantial danger for the Republic in the numerous immigrations of fierce peoples who,. once masters of Gaul; would not fail, in imitation of the Cimbri and Teutones, to invade the Roman province, and thence fall upon Italy. Resolved to prevent these dangers, he proposed an -interview with Ariovistus, who was (1) Which formed the present Upper Alsace.

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CAMPAIGN AGAINST ARIOVISTUS. 85 probably occupied, since the defeat of the Helvetii, in collecting an army among the Triboci (towards Strasburg), (1) as well to oppose the further designs of the Romans, as to defend the part of the country of the Sequani which he had seized. Ariovistus; it will be remembered, had been declared, under Caesar’s consulate, ally and friend of the Roman people; and’this favour would encourage the expectation that the head of the Germans would be willing to treat; but he refused with disdain the proposed interview. Then Caesar sent messengers to him to reproach him with his ingratitude. ” If Ariovistus cares to preserve his friendship, let him make reparation for all the injury he has inflicted upon the, allies of Rome, and let him bring no more barbarians across the Rhine:; if, on the contrary, he rejects these conditions, so many acts of violence will be punished in virtue of the decree rendered by the Senate, under the consulate of M. Messala and M. Piso, which authorises the governor of Gaul to do that which he judges for the advantage of the Republic, and enjoins him to defend the iAdui and the other allies of the Roman people*” By this language, Coesar wished to show that he did not violate the law, enacted a year before under his consulate, which forbade the governors to leave their provinces without an order-of the Senate. He purposely appealed to an old decree, -which gave un(‘) We look upon it as certain, from the tenth chapter of Book IV. of the “Commentaries,” that the Triboci occupied also the left bank of the Rhine. We therefore n’aturally place among this German people the spot where the army of Ariovistus was assembled,:Moreover, to understand the campaign about to be related, we must not seek this place, in the valley of the Rhine, higher than Strasburg,

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g36 -HISTORY OF JULIUS C2ESAR. limitedi powers, to the governor of Gaul, a province the importance of. which had always required exceptional laws.

(1) The reply of Ariovistus was equally proud:-‘ Coesar ought -o know as: well as he the right of the conqueror: he admits no interference in the -treatment reserved for the vanquished-;, he has himself causes of complaint: against the proconsul, whose presence diminishes -his revenues; he will not restore the hostages to the iAdui; the title of brothers and allies of the Roman people will be of little service to them. He cares little for threats.- No one has ever braved Ariovistus with impunity. Let anybody attack him, and he will.learn the valour of a people: which, for fourteen years, has:never sought shelter under a roof.” (2) II, This, arrogant.reply, and news calculated to MarchofCe.a” give alarm,’ hastened Caesar’s decision, po Besanon. In fact, on one side the }Edui complained to him of the.devastation of their country by the Harudes; and, on-the other, the Treviri announced that the hundred. cantons of the Suevi were preparing to,cross. the. Rhine, () Caesar, wishing to prevent the (1) In the speech which Dio Cassius.puts in the mouth of Cmesar before entering on the. campaign against Ariovistus, he dilates upon the right which the governor of the Roman province has to act according to circumstancesp and to take only his own advicet:This -speech is naturally amplified and arranged by Dio Cassius, but the principal arguments must be true. (Dio Cassius, XXXVIII. 41.-De Bello Gallico, I. 33, 34, 35.) (2) De Bello Gallico, I. 36. (3) Since this information was given to Cesar by the Treviri, it is certain that the Suevi assembled on the Rhine, opposite or not far from the country of the Treviri, and, in all probability, towards Mayence, where the valley of the Maine presents a magnificent and easy opening upon the Rhine,

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CAMPAIGN AGAINST ARIOVISTUS. 87 junction of these new bands with the old troops of Ariovistus, hastened the collecting of provisions, and advanced against the Germans by forced marches. The negotiations having probably lasted during the month of July, it was now the beginning of August.

Starting from the neighbourhood of Tonnerre, where we have supposed he was encamped, Cuesar followed the road subsequently replaced by a Roman way of which vestiges are still found, and which, passing by Tanlay, Gland, Laignes, Etrochey, and Dancevoir, led to Langres. (1) (See Plate 4.) After three long days’ marches, on his arrival towards Arc-en-Barrdis, he learnt that Ariovistus was moving with all his troops,to seize Besangoni the most considerable place in Sequania, and that he had already advanced three days’ march beyond his territory. CQesar considered it a matter of urgency to anticipate him, for this place was abundantly provided with everything necessary for an army. Instead of continuing his march towards the Rhine, by way of Vesoul, Lure, and Belfort, he advanced, day and night, by forced marches, towards Besangon, obtained possession of it, and placed a garrison there. (2) The following description, given in the “Commen. (t) Between Tanlay and Gland, the Roman way is still called the Route de Cdsar. (See the map of the Etat-3Major.)’(2) To explain this rapid movement upon Besan9on, we must suppose that, Caesar, at the moment when he received news of the march of Ariovistus, believed him to be as near Besan9on as he was himself. In fact, Caesar might fear that during the time the news had taken to reach him, the German king, who’ had already advanced three days’ journey out of his territory, might have arrived in the neighbourhood of Mulhausen or Cernay. Now COesar was at Arc-en-Barrois, 130 kilometres from Besan9on, and the distance from this latter town to Cernay is 125 kilometres.

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88 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. taries,” is still applicable to the present town. “It was so well fortified by nature, that it offered every facility for sustaining war. The Doubs, forming a circle, surrounds it almost entirely, and the space,of sixteen hundred feet, (‘) which is not bathed by the water, is occupied by a high mountain, the base of.which reaches, on each side, to the edge of the river. The wall which encloses this mountain makes a citadel of it, and connects it with the opidum.) (2) During this rapid movement of the Roman army on Besanqon, Ariovistus had advanced very slowly. We must suppose, indeed, that:he halted when he was informed of this march; for, once obliged to abandon the hope of taking that place, it was, imprudent to separate himself any farther from his reenforcements, and, above all, from the Suevi, who were ready to pass the Rhine towards Mayence, and await the Romans in the plains of Upper Alsace, where he could advantageously make use of his numerous cavalry.

IV. During the few days which Caesar passed at Panic in the Roman Besangon (the middle of August), in orArmy. der to assure himself of provisions, a general panic took possession of his soldiers. Public rumour represented the Germans as men of gigantic stature, of unconquerable valour, and of terrible aspect. Now there were in the Roman army many young men without experience in war, come from (1) The “Commentaries” give here the erroneous number DC: the breadth of the isthmus which the Doubs forms at Besan9on cannot have undergone any sensible variation; it is at present 480 metres, or 1,620 Roman feet. The copvists have, no doubt, omitted an M
before DC. (2) De Bello Gallico, I. 38.

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CAMPAIGN AGAINST ARIOVISTUS. 89 Rome, some out of friendship for Caesar, others in the hope of obtaining celebrity without trouble. Caesar could not help receiving them. It must have been difficult, indeed, for a general who wished to preserve his friends at Rome, to defend himself against the innumerable solicitations of influential people. (1) This panic had begun with these volunteers; it soon’gained the whole army.

Every one made his will; the least timid alleged, as an excuse for their fear,-the difficulty of the roads, the depth of the forests, the want of provisions, the impossibility of obtaining transports, and even the illegality of the enterprise. (2) Caesar, surprised at this state of feeling, called a council, to. which he admitted the centurions of all classes. He sharply reproached the assembled chiefs with wishing to penetrate his designs, and to seek information as to the country into which he-intended to lead them. He reminded them that their fathers, under Marius, had driven out the Cimbri and the Teutones; that, still more recently, they had defeated the German race in the revolt-of the slaves; () that (‘) s”o… qui ex urbe, amicitioe causa, Cwesarem secuti, non magnum in re militari usum habebant.” (De Bello Gallico, I. 39.)-We see in the subsequent wars Appius repairing to Ca3sar to obtain appointments of military tribunes, and Cicero recommending for the same grade several persons, among others, M. Curtius, Orfius, and Trebatius. “I have asked him for a tribuneship for M. Curtius.” (Epist. ad Quint., II. 15; Epist..Famil., VII. 5, a letter to Csesar.) Trebatius, though a bad soldier, was treated with kindness, and at once appointed a military tribune. “I wonder that you despise the advantages of the tribuneship, especially since they have allowedyou to dispense with the fatigues of military service.” (Cicero, Epist.Famil., VII. 8.)-” Resign yourself to the military service, and remain.” (Cicero, Epist. Famil., VII.

1i1.)Trebatius appeared liftle satisfied, complained of the severity of the service, and, when Caesar passed into Britain, he prudently remained on the’ Continent. (2)3 Dio Cassius, XXXVIII. 36. (3) This shows that then, in Italy, a great number of slaves were Germans.

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90 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. the Helvetii had often beaten the Germans, and that they, in their turn, had just beaten the Helvetii, As to those who, to disguise their fears, talk of the difficulty of the roads and the want of food, he finds it very insolent in them to suppose that their general will forget his duty, or to pretend to dictate it to him. The care of the war is his business: the Se. quani, the Leuci, and the Lingones will furnish wheat; in fact, it is already ripe in; the fields (jcrame esse in agris fr.umenta matwra). As to the roads, they will soon have the opportunity of judging of them themselves. He is told the soldiers will not obey, or raise the ensigns (signa laturi). (1) Words like these would not shake him; the soldier despises the voice of his chief only when the latter is, by his own fault, abandoned by fortune or convicted of cupidity or embezzlement. As to himself, his whole life proves his integrity;: the war of the Helvetii affords evidence of his favour with fortune; for which cause, without delay, he will break up the camp to-morrow morning, for he is impatient to know if, among his soldiers, fear will prevail over.

honour and duty. If the army should refuse to. follow him, he will start:alone, with the 10th legion, of which he will make his praetorian cohort.. Caesar had always loved this legion, and, on account of its valor,.had always the greatest.confidence in it,. This, language, in which, without having recourse to the. rigours of discipline, Caesar appealed to the honour: of his soldiers, exciting at the same time the emulation both of those whom he loaded with praise (1) This Latin phrase indicated the putting the troops in march.

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CAMPAIGN, AGAINST ARIOVISTUS. 91 and of those whose services he afected to disdain,this proud assertioon of his - right to command pro. duced a wonderful:revolution in the minds bf the men, and inspired the troops with great ardour for fighting. - The 10th-legion first charged its tribunes to thank him.for the good opinion he had expressed towards them, and declared that they were ready to march. The other legions then sent their excuses by their tribunes and centurions of the-first.class, denied their hesitations and fears, and pretended that they had never given,any judgment upon the war, as that appertained only to the general. (‘) V.

This agitation having been calmed, Csesar sought March towards the information concerning the roads from alley of the Rhie..Divitiacus, who, of all the Gauls, inspired him-with the greatest amount of confidence. In order to proceed from Besangon, to the valley of the Rhine, to meet Ariovistus, the - Roman army had to cross the northern part.of the Jura chain. This country is composed of two very distinct parts. The first comprises the valley.ofthe Doubs from Besangon to Montbeliard, the valley of the Oignon, and the intermediate country, a mountainous district,broken, much covered with wood, and, without doubt, at the time of Caesar’s war in Gaul, more difficult than at present. The other part, which begins at the bold elbow made by the Doubs near Montbeliard, is composed of lengthened undulations, which diminish gradually, until they are lost in.-the plains of the Rhine. It is much less wooded than the first, and offers easier communications. (See Plate 4.) (1) De Bello Gallico, I. 41.

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92 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAS’AR. Caesar, as he had announced, started early on the morrow of the day on which he had thus addressed his officers, and, determined on conducting his army through an open country, he turned the mountainous and difficult region just described, thus making a circuit of more than fifty miles (seventy-five kilometres), (‘) which is represented by a semi-circumference, the diameter of which would be the line drawn from Besalgon to Arcey. It follows the present road from BesanGon to Vesoul, as far as Pennesieres, and continues by Vallerois-le-Bois and Villersexel to Arcey.. He could perform this distance in four days; then he resumed, on leaving Arcey, the direct road from Besangon to the Rhine by Belfort and Cernay. On the seventh day of a march uninterrupted since leaving Besangon, he learnt by his scouts that the troops of Ariovistus were at a distance of not more than twentyfour miles (36 kilometres).

Supposing 20 kilombtres for the day’s march, the (‘) There has been much discussion-on the meaning of the words milliurn amn plius quinquaginta circuitu. Some pretend that the number of fifty miles means the whole distance, and that thus Caesar would have taken seven days to travel fifty miles, which would make about seven kilometres a day: this supposition is inadmissible. Others pretend, on the contrary, that we must add fifty miles to the direct distance. This last interpretation is refuted by a passage in the “Commentaries!’ (De Bello Civili, I. 64). We read there, Ac tantumfuit in militibus studii, ut, milliurnm vi. ad iter addito circuito, &c. This shows that when Caesar means to speak of a turn of road, to be added to the total length of the route, he is careful to indicate it. We consider it more simple, therefore, to admit that the fifty miles are only a part of the distance perfoi’mned during the seven days’ march; that is, that after making a circular detour of fifty miles, which required three or four days, Caesar had still to march some time before he met the enemy, following the direct road from Besanqon to the Rhine. The study of the ground completely justifies this view, for it was sufficient for Caesar to make a circuit of fifty miles (or seventy-five kilometres) to turn the mass of mountains which extends from Besanqon to Montbeliard.

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CAMPAIGN AGAINST ARIOVISTUS. 93 Roman army would have travelled over 140
kilometres in seven days, and would have arrived on the Thur, near Cernay.

(By the road indicated, the distance from Besangon to the Thur is about 140 kilometres.) At this moment, Ariovistus would have been encamped at 36
kilom.tres from the Romans, to the north, near Colmar: Informed of the arrival of Caesar, Ariovistus sent him word “that he consented to an interview, now that the Roman-general had come near, and that’ there was no longer any danger for him in going to himp’ Cesar did not reject this overture, supposing’ that Ariovistus had returned to more reasonable sentiments. The interview was fixed for the fifth day following. (‘) In the interval, while there was, a frequent exchange of messages, Ariovistus, who feared some ambuscade, stipulated, as an express condition, that Caesar should bring with him no foot soldiers, but that, on both sides, they should confine themselves to an escort of cavalry. The latter, unwilling to furnish any pretext for a rupture, consented; but, not daring to entrust his personal safety to the Gaulish cavalry, he mounted on their horses men of the 10th legion, which gave rise to this jocular saying of one of the soldiers: ” Cesar goes beyond his promise; he was to make us praetorians, and he makes us knights.” (2) (1) It is probable that, during the negotiations, Ariovistus had approached nearer to the Roman camp, in order to facilitate intercommunication; for, if he had remained at a distance of thirty-six kilometres from Coesar, we should be obliged to admit that the German army, which subsequently advanced towards the Roman camp, in a single day, to within nine kilombtres, had made,a march of twentyfive kilombtres at least,.which is not probable when we consider thatit dragged after it wagons and women and children, (2) De Bello Gallico, I. 42.

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94’ IHISTORY OFE JULIUS CAESAR. VI. Between the two armies extended a vast plain, Interview between that which is crossed by the Ill and the Caesar and Ariovistus. Thur. A tolerably large knoll rose in it at a nearly equal distance from either camp. (1) This was the place of meeting of-the two chieftains. CCesar posted -his mounted legion at 200 paces-from the knoll, and the cavalry of Ariovistus stood at the same distance. The latter demanded that the interview should take place on horseback, and that each of the two chiefs should be accompanied -only by ten horsemen. When they met, CQesar reminded Ariovistus of his favours, of those of the. Senate, of the interest which the Republic felt in the Aidui, of that constant policy of the Roman people which, far from suffering the (‘) Planities erat magna, et in ea tumulus terrenus satis grandis’… (De Bello Gallico, I. 43.)-This phrase would be sufficient itself to prove that the encounter of the two armies took place in the plains of Upper Alsace. We may ask how, in spite of a text so explicit, different writers should have placed the field of battle in the mountains of the Jura, where there is nowhere to be found a plain of any extent. It is only at Mulhausen, to the north of the Doller, that the vast plain of the valley of the Rhine opens.

Camsar employs three times the word tumulus to designate the eminence on which his interview with Ariovistus took place, and he never calls it collis., Is it not evident from this that we must consider’ this tumulus as a rounded knoll, insulated in the plain? Now it is to be considered that the plain which extends to the north of the Doller, between the Vosges and the Rhine, contains a rather large number of small rounded eminences, to which the word collis would not apply, and which the word knoll or tumulus perfectly describes.‘The most remarkable of these are situated, one near Feldkirch, the other between Wittenheim and EnSisheim.

We may suppose that the interview took place on one of these knolls, marked 231 on Plate 6. General de Gceler’has’adoptedt as the place of the interview an eminence which rises on the left bank of the Little Doller, to the north of the village of Aspach-le-Bas. Caesar would have called this eminence’ collis, for it is rather extensive, and, by its elongated form, but not rounded, does not at all represent to the eye what is commonly called a knoll or tumulus; moreover, contrary to the text, this elevation is not, properly speaking, in the plain. It is only separated from theehills situated to the’ south by a. brook, and the plain begins only from its northern slope.

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CAMPAIGN AGAINST ARIOVISTUS. 95 abasement of its allies, sought incessantly their elevation.:He repeated his first conditions. Ariovistus, instead of accepting them, put forward his own claims: ” He had only crossed the Rhine at the prayer of the Gauls; the lands which he was accused of having seized, had been ceded to him; he had subsequently been attacked, and had scattered his enemies; if he has sought the friendship of the Roman people, it is in. the hope of benefiting by it; if it becomes prejudicial to him, he renounces it; if he has carried so many Germans into Gaul, it is for his personal safety; the part he occupies belongs to him, as that occupied by the Romans belongs to them; his rights of conquest are older than those of the Roman army, which had never passed the limits of the province. Caesar is only in Gaul to ruin it. If he does not withdraw from it; he will regard him as an enemy, and he is certain that by his death he shall gain the gratitude of a great number of the first and most illustrious personages in Rome. They have informed him by their messengers that, at this price, he would gain their good-will and friendship. But if he be left in free possession of-Gaul, he will assist in all the wars that Coesar may undertake.” Caesar insisted on the; arguments he had already advanced: “It was not one of the, principles of the Republic to abandon its allies; he did not consider that Gaul belonged to Ariovistus any more than to the Roman people. When formerly Q. Fabius Maximus vanquished the Arverni and the Ruteni, Rome pardoned them, and neither reduced them to provinces nor imposed tribute upon them. If, then, priority of

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96 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. conquest be invoked, the claims’ of the Romans to ~the empire of Gaul are the most just; and if it be thought preferable to refer to the Senate, Gaul ought to be free, since, after victory, the Senate had willed that she should preserve her own laws.”

During this conversation, information was brought to Caesar that the cavalry of Ariovistus were approaching the knoll, and were throwing stones and darts at the Romans. Caosar immediately-broke up the conference, withdrew to his escort, and forbade them to return the attack, not from fear of an: engagement with his favourite legion, but in order to avoid, in case he should defeat his enemies, the suspicion that he might have taken advantage of their good faith to surprise them in. an interview.

Nevertheless, the arrogance of Ariovistus, the disloyal attack of his cavalry, and-the’ rupture-of the conference, were soon known, and excited the ardour and impatience of the Roman troops. Two days afterwards, Ariovistus made a proposal for a renewal of the conference, or for the sending to him of one of Caesar’s lieutenants. Caesar refused, the more so because, the day before, the’Germans had again’advanced and thrown their missiles at the -Romans, and that thus his lieutenant would not have been safe from the attacks’of the barbarians. He thought it more prudent to send as his deputy Valerius -Procillus, the, son of a Gaul who had become a Roman citizen,.who spoke the Celtic language, and who was on.familiar terms with Ariovistus, and M. Mettius, with whom the German king was bound by the rights of hospitality. They had hardly entered

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CAMPAIGN AGAINST ARIOVISTUS. 97 the camp of Ariovistus, when he ordered them to be thrown into fetters, under pretence that they were spies. (‘) VII. The same day; the German king broke up his Movements of the camp, and took another position at the twoArmies. foot of the Vosges (sub monte), at a dis. tance of 6,000 paces from that of Caesari betweenSoultz and Feldkirch, not far from the Lauch. (See Plate 6.) Next day he crossed the Thur, near its confluence with the Ill, ascended the left banks of the ill and the Doller, and only halted at Reiningen, after having gone two miles (three kilometres) beyond the Roman camp. By this manoeuvre, Ariovistus cut off C~esar’s communication with Sequania and the ~Edu. an country, but he left open the communications with the country of the Leuci and the Lingones. (2) (See the Map of Gaul, 2.) The two armies thus encamped at a short distance from each other. During the five following days, Csesar drew out his troops each day, and formed them in order of battle at the head of his camp (pro castris suas copias produxit), but was not able. to provoke the Germans to fight; all hostility was limited to cavalry skirmishes, in which the latter were much practised. To 6,000 horsemen was joined an equal number of picked men on foot, among whom each horseman had chosen one to watch over him in combat. According to circumstances, the horsemen (‘) De Bello Gallico, I. 47. (a)‘It is not unworthy of remark that Cmssar’s communications with the Leuci and the Lingones remained open. We have seen that, in his address to the troops at Besan9on, he reckoned on obtaining from these peoples a part of his supplies. 5 II.-G

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98 HISTORY.OF JULIUS,CAESAR. fell back upon the footmen, or the latter advanced to their assistance. Such was their agility, that they kept up with the horses, running and holding by the mane. () Caesar, seeing that Ariovistus persisted in shutting himself up in his camp and intercepting his communications, sought to re-establish them, chose an advantageous position about 600 paces (900 mrtres) beyond that occupied by the Germans, and led thither his army drawn up in three lines. He kept the first and second under arms, and employed the third on the retrenchments. The spot on which he established himself is perhaps the eminen4ce situated on the Little Doller, to the north of Schweighausen. Ariovistus sent thither about 16,000 of his light troops and all his cavalry, to intimidate the Romans and impede the works. Nevertheless, the third line continued them, and the two others repelled the attack. The camp once fortified, Coesar left in it two legions and a part of the auxiliaries, and took back the four others to the principal camp. The two Roman camps were 3,600 metres distant from each other. Hitherto Csesar had been satisfied with drawing out his troops and backing them upon his retrenchments; the next day, persisting in his tactics (instituto Suo) of trying to provoke Ariovistus to fight, he drew them up at a certain distance in advance of the principal camp, and placed them in order of battle (paulum a mnajoribus castris progressus, acier instruxit). In spite of this advanced position (ne turn (1) Tacitus (Germania, VI. 32) and Titus Livius (XLIV. 26) speak of this method of fighting employed by the Germans.

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CAMPAIGN.AGAINST ARIOVISTUS. 99 quiderm), Ariovistus persisted in not coming out. The Roman army re-entered the camp towards midday, and a part of the German troops immediately attacked the small camp. Both armies fought resolutely till evening,’ and there were many wounded on both sides. Astonished at seeing that, in spite of this engagement, Ariovistus’still avoided a general battle, Caesar interrogated the prisoners, and -learnt that the matrons charged with consulting destiny had declared that. the Germans could not be conquerors if they fought before the new.moon. (‘) VIII. Next day, leaving a sufficient guard in the Battleagainst two camps, Caesar placed all his auxiliaties in view of the enemy, in advance of the smaller camp; the number of the legionaries being less than that of the Germans, he sought to conceal his inferiority from the enemy by displaying other troops. While the Germans took these auxiliaries for the two legions which occupied the lesser camp, the latter left it by:the Decuman gate, and, unperceived, went to rejoin the other four. Then Caesar drew up his six legions in three lines, and, marching forward, he led them up to the enemy’s camp (usque ad castra hostium access’t). This offensive movement allowed the Germans no longer the choice of avoiding ~battle: they quitted their camp, descended into the plain, (2) drew up in line, by order of nations, at equal (D) De Bello Gallifo, L 50.-The predictions of these priestesses, who pretended to know the future by the noise of waters and by the vortexes made by the streams in rivers, forbade their giving battle before the new moon. (Plutarch, C(esar, 21.) (2) ” Having skirmished opposite their retenchments and the hills on which

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100.HISTORY OF JULIUS C.ZESAR. intervals - Harudes, Marcomanni, Suevi, Triboces, Vangiones, Nemetes, and Sedusii; and, to deprive themselves of all possibility of flight, inclosed themselves on the sides and in the rear by a circuit of Zarriages and wagons, on which they placed their wom  en: dishevelled and in tears, these implored the warliots, as they marched to’ the battle, not to deliver them in slavery to the Romans. In’

this position, the Roman -army faced the east, and the German army the: west, and their lines extended over a space now partly cove*id by the forest of Nonnenbruch. (‘) Caesar, still more to animate his soldiers, determined to give them witnesses worthy of their courage, and placed at the head of each legion either one of his lieutenants or his quaeestor.

(2) He led the attack in person, with his right wing, on the side where the Germans seemed weakest. The signal given, the legions: dash forward; the enemy, on his side, rushes to the encounter.. On both sides: the impetuosity is so great that the Romans, not having time to use the pilum, throw it away, and fight hand to hand with the sword. But the Germans, according to their custom, to resist an attack of this kind, form rapidly in phalanxes of three or four hundred men, (3) and covthey were’encamped, he exasperated and excited them to such a degree of rage, that they descended and fought desperately.” (Plutarch, Ccesar, 21.) (1) General de Goeler adopts this same field of battle, but he differs from us in placing the Romans with their back to the Rhine. It would-be impossible to understand in this case how, after their defeat, the Germans would have been able to fly towards that river, Caesar cutting off their retreat; or how Ariovistus, reckoning upon the arrival of the Suevi, should have put Cxesar between him and the reenforcements he expected. (2) As the legions were six in number, the above phrase proves that in this campaign Cusar had one qurestor and five lieutenants. (See Appendix D.) (3j 1Dio Cassius,XXX~VIII. 49. We have adopted. the version of Dio Cas

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CAMPAIGN AGAINST ARIOVISTUS. 101 er their bare heads with their bucklers.

They. are pressed so close together, that even when dead they still remain standing. () Such was the ardounr of the legionaries, that many rushed upon these sort..of tortoises, tearing aw.ay the bucklers, and striking the enemies from. above. (2) The: short and sharp-pointed swords of the Romans had the advantage over: the long swords of the Germans,(‘) Nevertheless, according to Appian, the legions owed their. victory chiefly to the superiority..of,their tactics -and.the steadiness with which they kept their ranks..(‘):Ariovistus’s left did not resist long; but while it was driven back and put to flight, the right, forming in deep masses, pressed the Romans hard.. Young P. Crassus, commander of the cavalry placed: at a distance’ from the thick of the battle, and better placed to judge of its incidents, perceived this, sent the third line to the succour of the wavering legions, and restored the combat. Soon Ariovistus’s right -was obliged.to,give way in its turn; the -rout then became general, and the Germans desisted from flight only when they reached the Rhine, fifty miles from the field of battle. () They descended, no doubt, the valley-of the sius, as we cannot admit-with Orosius that an.army of more than 100,000. men could have formed only a single phalanx. (‘) Dio Cassius, XXXVIII. 49. (2) Orosius expresses himself thus.:. “.United in, one phalanx, and: their heads protected by their.bucklers, they attempted, thus covered, to break the Roman lines; but some Romans, not less agile than bold, rushed upon this sort of tortoise, grappled with the German soldiers body to body, tore from’ them their shields, with which: they were covered.as with scales,and stabbed them:through the shoulders.”.(Orosius, VI, 7.) (3) Dio Cassius, XXXVIII. 49. (4) Appian, De Bello Celt.,tV.:1, 3.. (5) The manuscripts followed by the early editors of the “Commentaries” gave some the number of 50 miles, others that of.5
miles.. We believe that

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102 HISTORY‘0EF JULIUS C1ESAR. Ill as far as Rhinau, thus retracing a part of the road by which -they had come. (See Plate 4.) Caesar sent his cavalry after’them; all who were overtaken were cut to pieces; the rest attempted to swim across the river, or sought safety in boats. Among the latter was Ariovistus, who threw himself into a boat (1) he found attached to the bank. According to Plutarch and Appian, (2) 80,000 men perished in the combat and during the pursuit. Two of the wives of the German’king experienced the same fate; one was a Sueve, the other a Norician. Of his two daughters, one was killed and the other taken prisoner. Caesar says that, as he himself pursued’ the enemy with his cavalry, he experienced a pleasure equal to that given by victory when he recovered, first Procillus, loaded with a triple chain, and who had thrice Cxsar wrote 50
miles. This is proved by the very words he employsj neque 1priusfugere destiterunt…. which could not be applied to a flight of merely a few miles. Moreover, the testimony of old writers confirms the number of 50
miles: Paulus Orosius relates that the carnage extended over a space of 40
miles; Plutarch, over 300 or 400 stadia, that is, 35 or 50 miles, according to the editions; and J. Celsus (Petrarch) (De Vita J. Ccesaris, I., p. 40, edit. Lemaire) says, usque ad. ripamz Rheni fuga perpetua fuit, a phrase in, which the word perpetua is significative. Modern writers,-
supposing erroneously that Caesar had indicated’the distance, that is, the shortest line from the field of battle to the Rhine, have discussed lengthily the number to be adopted. They have overlooked’ the fact that the Latin text states, not exactly the distance from the’field of battle to the Rhine, but the length of the line of retreat from the battle-field to the river. This line may have been oblique towards the’ Rhine,‘for it is probable that the retreat of the Germans lay down the Valley of the Ill, which they had previously ascended. We must therefore seek towards Rhinau the point where they attempted to re-pass the river. (I) According to Dio. Cassius (XXXVIII. 50), Ariovistus,‘followed by his cavalry, succeeded in escaping. Having reached the right bank, he: collected the fugitives; but he died shdrtly afterwards (De Bello Gallico, V. 29), perhaps of his wounds.. (2) AppianDe Bello Celt., IV. 1, 3.-Plutarch, Cbesar, 21.

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CAMPAIGN AGAINST ARIOVISTUS. 103 seen the barbarians draw, lots whether he should be burnt alive or not, and, subsequently, M. Mettius, both of whom, as we have seen, had been sent by him as messengers towAriovistus. The report of this glorious exploit having spread beyond the Rhine, -the Suevi, who had come to its banks, returned home. The Ubii, who dwelt near the river, pursued their terrified bands, and slew a considerable number of the fugitives. Caesar, having concluded two great wars in one single campaign, placed his army in winter quarters among the Sequani rather sooner than the season required-at the beginning of September and left them under the command of Labienus. He then left, and went to hold the assemblies in Cisalpine Gaul. (‘) IX. There are several things worthy of remark in this campaign: Observations. 1. The resolution taken by Caesar to gain possession of. Besangon, and thus to anticipate Ariovistus. We see the importance which he attaches to that military position as a point of support and of supply. 2. The facility with which a whole legion-transforms itself into cavalry. 3. The judicious use which Caesar makes of his light troops (alarii); by assembling them in mass, so that the enemy should believe in a greater number of legions. (‘) De Bello (allico, I.

53. The war against Ariovistus became the subject of a poem by P.

Terentius Varro Atacinus (De Bello Sequanico). (Priscian, X., p. 877, P.)

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104 HISTORY OF JULIUS.CEASAR. 4. Lastly, this singular circumstance, that the, third line, which-serves as -reserve and decides the.fate of the battle, receives from young P. Crassus,. and.not from the general-in-chief, the order to attack. The dates of the principal events of this year may be indicated in the following manner:Rendezvous of the Helvetii on the banks of the Rhone (the day of the equinox)……. March 24. Caesar refuses them a passage through: the province… April 8.

Arrival at the confluence of the Rhone and the:Sabne of the legions:from Italy and Illyria.. June 7. Defeat of the Tigurini on the Saone. June 10.

Passage of the Saone by Coesar… June 12. About fifteen days’ march- (-De Bello Gallico, L. 15).. From June 13 to June 27. Manceuvre of Labienus, to surprise the Helvetii…. June 28. Battle of Bibracte.-….. June 29.

Ceasar remains three days interring the dead; marches on the fourth; employs six days in his march from the field of battle to the country of the Lingones, and there overtakes. the. Helvetii in their retreat, From June 30 to July 8. Negotiations with Ariovistus (a month), From July 8 to August 8. Departure of Caesar (from Tonnerre, to meet Ariovistus)……

August 10.

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CAMPAIGN AGAINST ARIOVISTUS. 105 Arrival of Caesar at Besangon… August 16. Abode of Caesar at Besangon, From August 16 to August 22. Departure from Besangon (” the harvest is ripe,” De Bello Gallico, I. 40) August 22.

March of seven days from Besangon to the Rhine. From August 22 to August 28. Interview (five days afterwards). September 2. Manceuvres (about eight days), From..September 3 to September 10. Battle of the Thur (fought before the new moon, which took place on the 18th of September)’…..

September 10. 5*

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CHAPTER V. WAR AGAINST THE BELG_/E. (Year of Rome 697.) (BOOK II. OF THE

“COMMENTARIES.”) I. THE brilliant successes gained by Caesar over the League of the Bel-elvetii and the German’s had delivered League of the Belg.. Car advan-the Republic from an immense danger, cest from Besanne.

to the Aisne. but at the same time they had roused the distrust and jealousy of most of the nations of Gaul. These conceived fears for their independence, which were further increased by the presence of the Roman army in Sequania. The irritation was very great among the Belgae. They feared that their turn to be attacked would come when Celtic Gaul was once reduced to peace. Besides, they were excited by influential men who understood that, under Roman domination, they would have less chance of obtaining possession of the supreme power. -The different tribes of Belgic Gaul entered into a formidable league, and reciprocally exchanged hostages. Caesar learnt these events in the Cisalpine province, through public rumour and the letters of Labienus. Alarmed at the news, he raised two legions in Italy, the 13th and 14th, and, in the beginning of spring, (1) (‘) ” Inita restate.” (be, Bello Gallico, II. 2.) .stas, according to Forcellini, signifies the, period comprised between the two equinoxes of spring and autumn.

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.WAR AGAINST THE BELG2E:. 107 sent them into Gaul, under ihe command of the lieutenant Q. Pedius. (1) It is probable that these troops, to reach Sequiania promptly, crossed the Great St. Bernard, for Strabo relates that one of the three routes which le’d from Italy into Gaul passed by Mount Pcerinus (Great St. Bernard), after’ having traversed the country of the Salassi ( Valley of Aosta), and that this latter people offered at first to assist Caesar’s troops in their passage by levelling the roads and throwing bridges across the torrents; but that, suddenly changing their tone, they had rolled masses of iock down upon them and pillaged their baggage. It was no doubt in the sequel of this defection that, towards the end of the year 697, Caesar, as we shall see farther on, sent Galba into the Valais, to take vengeance on the mountaineers for their perfidious conduct. and to open a safe communication with Italy. (2) As soon as forage was abundant he rejoined his legions in-person, probably at BesanQor, since, as we have seen, they had been placed in winter quarters in Sequania. - He charged the Senones and the other Celts who bordered: upon Belgic Gaul to watch what was doing there and inform him of it.: Their reports were unanimous: troops were being raised, and an army was assembling. Caesar then decided upon immediately entering into campaign.

His army consisted of eight legions: they bore the numbers 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, and 14. As their effective force, in-consequence of marches and previous combats, cannot have been complete, we may admit (‘) See his biography, Appendix D. (2) Strabo, IV. 171, V. 174.

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108 HISTORY OF JULIUS CASAR. a mean of-5,000 men to the legion, which would make 40,000 men of infantry.’.Adding to these.one-third of auxiliaries, Cretan archers,. slingers, and Numidians, the total-of infantry would.have been‘53,000 men. There was, in. addition.to these,.

5,000 cavalry and a bod f of Aduan troops. under-the, cQmm  of Divitiacus. Thus the army of Caesar amounted to at least 60,000 soldiers, without reckoning the:‘servants for the machines, drivers, and valets, who, according. to the instance cited. by.Orosius, amounted’to. a very considerable number. (1) After securing provisions, Cesar started from Besangon, probably in the second. fortnight in’May, passed the Saone at Seveux (see Plate 4)‘crossed.the country of the Lingones. in -the.

direction of Langres, at Bar-sur-Aube, and  entered; towards Vitry-le-Frangois, on the territory of the Remi, having-marched in about a fortnight 230 kilometres, the distance from Besancon to Vitry-le-Frangois.

(2) The Remi were the first Belgic people. he. encountered in his road (quia proximi’Gallice ex Belgis sunt). Astonished at his. sudden appearance, they’rsent two deputies, Iccius and Adectmborius, the-first -personages of their country, to make Itheir submission, and offer provisions’ and.everyl kind of succour. They in(‘) “In the year 642, the consul C. Manlius: and the proconsul. Q. Caepio were defeated by the Cimbri and the Teutones,‘and there perished 80,000 Romans and allies and 40,000 valets (colones et, lixce). Of all the. army,. tenmen only escaped.” (Orosius, V. 16.) These data are no doubt exaggerated, for Titus Livius (XXXVI. 38) pretends that Orosius took his information from Valerius of Antium, who habitually magnified his numbers. (2) This route, the most.direct from Besan9on.,to the territory of the: Remi’,is still marked by the numerous vestiges of the Roman road which joined Vesontio with Durocortorum (Besanfon with Rheims).

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WAR. AGAINST THE BELGA. 109 formed Csesar that all the Belgae were in arms, and that thei Germans on that side the Rhine had joined the coalition:; for themselves, they had refused to take any part in;it, but the excitement..was so great that they had not been able to dissuade from.their warlike projects: the Suessiones themselves, who were united with, them by community of origin, laws, and interests. ” The Belge,”

they, added, “proud of having been formerly the only people of Gaul who preserved their territory: from the invasion of the Teutones and Cimbri, had the loftiest idea of their own valour. In their general assembly, each people had engaged to furnish the. following contingents: The Bellovaci, the: most warlike, could send into the field 100,000 men; they have promised 60,000 picked troops, and claim the supreme: direction of the war. The Suessiones, their neighbours, masters of a vast and fertile territory, in which are reckoned twelve towns, furnish 50,000 men; they have for their king Galba, who has been invested, by the consent of the allies, with the chief command. *The Nervii, the most distant of all, and: the most. barbarous among these peoples, furnish the same number; the Atrebates, 15,000; the Ambiani, 10,000; the Morini, 25,000; the Menapii, 7000; the Caletes, 10,000; the Veliocasses and the Veromandui, 10,000; the Aduatuci, 19,000; lastly, the Condrusi, Eburones~ Caresi, and Paemani, comprised under the general name of Germans, are to send 40,000; in all, about 296,000 men. (1) II. Caesar could judge, from this information, the for(1) De! Bello, Gallico II. 4.

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110 HISTORY OF JULIUS CJESAR. Casarss Camp at midable character of the league which he Berry-au-Bac. had now to combat. His first care was to try to divide {he hostile fprces, and, with this view, he induced Divitiacus, in spite of the friendly relations which had long united the’Aidui with the Bellovaci, to invade and ravage the territory of the latter with the LEduan troops. He then required the senate of the iRemi to repair to his presence, and. the children of’theprincipes to be brought to him as hostages; and then, on information that Galba was marching to, meet him, he resolved to move to the other side of the Aisne, which crossed the extremity of the territory of the Remi (quod est in extremis Remorum finibus), (1) and encamp there in a strong position, to await the enemy’s attack. The road he had hitherto followed led straight to the Aisne, and crossed it by a bridge at the spot where now stands the village of Berrry-au-Bac. (See Plate 7.) He marched in great haste towards this bridge, led his army across it, and fixed his camp on the right side of the road, on the hill situated between the Aisne and the Miette, a small stream with’marshy banks, which makes a bend in that river between Berry-auBac and Pontavert. (See Plate 8.) This hill, called Mauchamp, is of small elevation (about 25 metres) above the valley of the Aisne, and in its length, from east to west, it presents sufficient.space for the Roman army to deploy. Laterally, it sinks to the level of (1) The word fines, in Caesar, always signifies territory. We must therefore understand by extremi fines the part of the territory farthest removed from the centre, and not the extreme frontier, as certain translators have thought. The Aisne crossed the northern part of the country of the Remi, and did not form its boundary. (See Plate 2.)

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WAR AGAINST THE BELGAX. 111 the surrounding ground by slight undulations, and the side which looks upon the Miette descends by a gentle slope towards the banks of the stream. This position offered several advantages: the Aisne defended’one side. of the camp; the rear of the army was protected, and the transports of provisions could arrive in safety through the countries of the Remi and other friendly peoples. Csesar ordered a work to be constructed on the right bank of the Aisne, at the extremity of the bridge, where he established’ a post (see Plates 8 and 9), (1) and he left on the other side of the riv er the lieutenant Q. Titurius Sabinus with six cohorts. The camp was surrounded by. a retrenchment twelve feet high, and by a fosse eighteen feet wide. (2) Meanwhile the Belgse, after having concentrated their forces in the country of the Suessiones, to the north of the Aisne, had invaded the territory of the Remi.;O0 their road, and at eight miles from the Roman camp (see Plate 7), was a town of the Remi called Bibrax ( Vieux-Laon). (2) The Belgse attacked C) The retrenchments of this tete-du-pont, especially-the side parallel to the Aisne; are still visible at Berry-au-Bac. The gardens of several of the inhabitants are made upon the rampart itself, and the fosse appears at the outside of the village in the form of a cistern. The excavations have displayed, distinctly the profile of the fosse. (2) The excavations undertaken in 1862, by bringing to light the fosses of the camp, showed that they were 18 feet wide, with a depth.of 9 or 10. (See Plates 8 and 9.) If, then, we admit that the. platform of earth of the parapet was 10
feet wide, it would have measured 8 feet in height, which, with the palisade of 4 feet, would give the crest of the parapet a command of 22
feet above the bottom of the fosse. (3) The following localities.have been suggested for Bibrax: Bievre, Bruyeres, 1Neufchdtel, Beaurieux, and the mountain called Vieux-Laon. Now:that the camp of COesar has been discovered on the hill of Mauchamp, there is only room to hesitate between Beaurieux and Vieux-Laon, as they are the only localities

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112 HISTORY OFJULIUS CAESAR. it vigorously, and it was defended with difficulty all day. These peoples, like the Celts, attacked fortresses by surrounding them’with a crowd of combatants, throwing from every side a great quantity of stones, to drive the defenders away from the walls; then, forming the tortoise, they advanced against the gates and sapped the walls. When night had put a stop to-the attack, Iccius, who commanded in the town, sent information to Coesar that he could hold out no longer, unless he received prompt succour. Towards midnight the latter sent him Numidians, Cretan archers, and Balearic slingers, who had the messengers of Iccius for-their guides. This reenforcement raised the courage of the besieged, and deprived the enemy of the hope of taking the town;.and after remaining some time round Bibrax, laying waste the land and burning the hamlets and houses, they marched towards Csesar, and halted at less than two miles from his camp. Their fires, kindled on the right bank of the Miette, indicated a front of more than 8,000 paces (twelve kilometres).

The great numbers of the enemy, and their high renown for bravery, led the proconsul to resolve to postpone the battle. If his legions had in his eyes an among thosejust mentioned-which, as the:text requires, are eight miles distant from:the:Ronian camp..But:Beaurieux-will not suit, for the reason that even if the’Aisne had passed, at the time of the Gallic war, at the foot of the heights on ywhich the town is situated, we cannot understand how the reenforcements sent by Cesar could have crossed the river and penetrated into the place, which the Belgian army must certainly have invested on all sides. This fact is, on the contrary, easily understood when we apply it to the mountain of Vieux-Laon, which presents.towards the south impregnable escaipments. The Belgwe would have surrounded it on all parts -except on the south, and it was no doubt by that side that, during the night, Cmesar’s reenforcements would enter the town.

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WAR AGAINST THE BELGJE. 113 incontestible superiority, he wished, nevertheless, to ascertain what -he could expect from his cavalry, which was composed of Gauls. For this purpose, and to try, at the same time, the courage of the Belgae, he engaged them every day in cavalry combats’ in the undulated plain to the north of the camp. Once certain that his troops did not yield in valour to those of the enemy, he resolved to draw them into a general action.- In front.of the entrenchments was an extensive tract of.ground, advantageous for ranging an army in order of battle. This commanding position was covered in front and on the left by the marshes of the Miette. The right only remained-unsupported, and: the Belgse might have taken the Romans in flank in the space between the camp.and the stream, or turned them by passing between the camp and the Aisne. To meet this. danger, Caesar.made, on each of the two slopes of the hill, a fosse, perpendicular to the line of battle. about 400 paces (600 m~tres) in length, the first reaching from the camp to the Miette, the second joining it to the: Aisne. At the extremity of these fosses he established redoubts, in which were placed military machines. (1) III. Having made these dispositions, and having.left in the camp his two newly-raised leBattle on the Aisne. gions, to serve as a reserve in case of need, Coesar placed the six others in array of battle, the right resting on the retrenchments. The enemy (1) De Bello Gallico, II, 7. Plaie 9 gives the plan of the camp, which has been found entire, and that of the redoubts with the fosses, as they have been exposed to view by the exca tins but we have found it impossible to explain the outline of the redoubts.) IL H

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114 HISTORY OF JULIUS CJESAR. also drew out his troops and, deployed them in face of the Romans. The two armies remained in observation, each waiting till the other passed the marsh of the Miette, as the favourable moment for attack. Meanwhile, as they remained thus stationary, the cavalry were fighting on both sides. After a successful charge, Caesar, perceiving that the enemies persisted in not entering the marshes, withdrew his legions. The Belgoe immediately left their position to move towards the Aisne, below the point where the Miette entered it.

Their’object was to cross the river between Gernicourt’ and Pontavert, where there were fords, with part of their troops, to carry, if they could, the redoubt commanded by the lieutenant Q. Titurius Sabinus, and to cut the bridge, or, at least, to intercept the convoys of provisions, and ravage the country of the Remi, to the south of the Aisne, whence the Ro.

mans drew their supplies. The barbarians were already approaching the river, when Sabinus perceived them from the heights of Berry-au-Bac; (1) he immediately gave information to Caesar, who, with all his cavalry, the light-armed Numidians, the slingers, and the archers, passed the bridge, and, descending the left bank, marched to meet the enemies towards the place threatened. When he arrived there, some of them had already passed the Aisne. An obstinate struggle takes place. Surprised in their passage, the Belgae, after having experienced considerable loss, advance intrepidly over the corpses to cross the river, but are repulsed by a (‘) De Bello Gallico, II. 12.-Sabinus evidently commanded on both sides the river.

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WAR AGAINST THE BELGAE. 115 shower of missiles; those who had reached the left bank are surrounded by the cavalry and massacred. (1) IV. The Belgse having failed in taking the oppidurm Retet of the Bel-of Bibrax, in drawing the Romans upon disadvantageous ground, in crossing the river, and suffering, also, from want of provisions, decided on returning home, to be ready to assemble again to succour the country which might be first invaded by the Roman army. The principal cause of this decision was the news of the threateined invasion of the country of the Bellovaci by Divitiacus and the _Edui: the Bellowtci refused to lose a single instant in hurrying to the defence of their hearths., Towards ten o’clock in the evening, the Belgae withdrew in such disorder that their departure resembled a flight. Caesar was informed immediately by his spies, but, fearing that this retreat might conceal a snare, he retained his legions, and even his cavalry, in the camp. At break of day, better informed by his scouts, he sent all his cavalry, under the orders of the lieutenants QP-.

fiduesand L. Aurunculeius Cotta, (2) and ordered Labienus, with three legions,s-to follow them, These troops fell upon the fugitives, and slew as many as the length of the day would permit. At’ sunset they gave up the pursuit, and, in obedience to the orders they had received, returned to the camp. (3) The coalition of the Belgae, so renowned for their valour, was thus dissolved. Nevertheless, it was of (‘) De Bello Gallico, II.

12.-Sabinus evidently commanded on both sides the river. (2) See the biographies of Caesar’s lieutenants, Appendix D. (3) De Bello Gallico, II.

11.

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116 HISTORY OF JULIUS CJESAR. importance to-the-Roman general, i:n order to.secure the, pacification of the country, to go and-reduce to subjection in their homes the peoples who had dared to enter into league against him. The nearest were the Suessiones, whose territory bordered upon that of the Remi. V. The day after the. fight of the enemy, before Capture of Novio-they had recoveredifrom their fright, Coedunum and R]ratuspantium.: sar broke up his camp, crossed. the Aisne, descendedtts left. bank, invaded the country of the Suessiones, arrived after a long day’s march (45 kilo. matres) before Noviodunum (Soismns) (see Plate 7), and, informed that this town had a weak-garrison, he attempted.the same day to carry it-by assault; he failed, through: the. breadth. of the fosses, and the height of the walls., He then retrenched his camp, ordered covered. galleries to be advanced (vineas agere, () -and all things, necessary for a siege to be collected. Nevertheless,. the; crowd of’

fugitive Suessiones threw themselves. into.the town during -the: following night. The galleries. having been.pushed rapidly towards the walls, the foundations of a terrace (2) (1) The vinece were small huts constructed of light timber work covered with hurdles an’d hides of animals. (Vegetius, Lib. IV. c. 1.6.)‘See the figures on the Trajan column. In a regular siege the vinece were constructed out of reach of the missiles, and they were then pushed in file one behind the other up:to the’-wall of the place.

attacked, a process which was termed agere vineas; they thus formed long covered gallerids which, sometimes placed at right angles to.the wall and sometimes parallel, performed the same part as the branches and parallels in modern sieges. (2) The terrace (agger) was an embankment, made of any materials, for the purpose of establishing either platforms’ to command the ramparts of a besieged town, or viaducts to conduct the towers and machines against the walls,

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WAR AGAINST THE BELGA. 117 to pass the fosse (aggerejcto) were established; and towers were constructed.i The Gauls, astonished. at the-greatness and novelty of these workS, so:promptly: executed,:; offered: to surrender. They’ obtained safety of:life-at thei prayer of the Remi.

Caesar received as hostages the principal chiefs’ of the country and -even the two: sons of King Galba, exacted the -surrender of -all, their arms, and accepted the submission of the Suessiones. lHe then conducted his army into the country of the Bellovaci, who -had shut themselves up, with all they possessed, in the oppidun of Bratuspantium (Breteuil). (1) The army was only at about five miles’ distance from it, when all the aged-men, issuing from the town, came, with extended hands, to implore the generosity of the Roman general; when he had arrived:under the Walls of the place; and while he was establishing his camp, he saw the women; and-children also demanding peace as suppliants from the top -of the walls. Divitiacus, in the name of the ~dui, interceded in their favour.

After the retreat of the Belgmae and, the disbanding of his troops,he had returned to the preswhen the approaches to the place presented slopes which were too difficult to climb. These terraces were used also sometimes to fill up the fosse. The agger was most commonly made of trunks of trees, crossed and heaped up like the timber in a funeral pile.-(Thucydides, Siege of Platcea.-Lucan, Pharsalia.-Vitruvius, book XI., Trajan Column.) (‘) Antiquaries hesitate between’Beauvais, Montdidier, or Breteuil. We adopt Breteuil as the most probable,‘according to the dissertation on Bratuspantium, by M. l’Abbe Devic, cure of Mouchy-le-Chatel. In fact, the distance from Breteuil to Amiens is just twentyfive miles, as indicated in the”Commentaries.“‘We must add, however, that M. l’Abb6 Devic’does not place Bratuspantinum at Breteuil itself, but close to that town, in the space now come prised between the communes of Vaudeuil, Caply, Beauvoir, and their dependencies.-Paris, 1843, and Arrais, 1865.

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118 HISTORY OF JULIUS CJSAR. ence of Caesar. The latter, who had, at the prayer of the Remi, just shown himself clement towards the Suessiones, displayed, at the solicitation of the AEdui, the same indulgence towards the Bellovaci. Thus obeying the same political idea of increasing among the Belgse the influence of the peoples allied to Rome, he pardoned them; but, as their nation was the most powerful in Belgic Gaul, he required from them all their arms and 600 hostages. The Bellovaci declared that ihe promoters of the war, seeing the misfortune they had drawn upon their country, had fled into the isle of Britain. It is curious to remark the relations which existed at this epoch between part of Gaul and England. We know, in fact, from the ” Commentaries,” that a certain Divitiacus, an IEduan chieftain, the most powerful in all Gaul, had formerly extended his powerinto the isle of Britain, and we have just seen that the chiefs in the last struggle against the Romans had found a refuge in the British isles. Caesar next marched from Bratuspantium against the Ambiani, who surrendered without resistance. (1) VI. The Roman army was now to encounter more formidable adversaries. The Nervii ocMarch against the ~Nervii.‘cupied a vast territory, one extremity of which touched upon that of the Ambiani. This wild and intrepid people bitterly reproached the other Belgae for having submitted to foreigners and abjured the virtues of their fathers. They had resolved not to send deputies, nor to accept peace on any condi(‘) De Bello Gallico, II. 15.

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WAR AGAINST THE BELG2E. 119 tion. Foreseeing the approaching invasion of the Roman army, the Nervii had.drawn into alliance with them two reighbouring peoples, the Atrbhates. and the Veromandui, whom they had persuaded to risk with iem- -the fortune of war: the Aduatuci, also, were already on the way to join the coalition. The women, and all those whose age rendered. them unfit for fighting, had been placed in safety, in a spot defended by a marsh, and inaccessible to an army, no doubt at Mons.

(1) After the submission of the Ambiani, Csesar left Amiens to proceed to the country of the Nervii; and after three days’ march on their territory, he arrived probably at Bavay (Baagacum), which is considered to have been their principal town. There’he learnt by prisoners that he was no more than ten miles (fifteen kilomettres) distant from the Sambre, and that the enemy awaited him posted on the opposite bank of the river. () He thus found himself.on the left bank, and the Nervii were assembled on the right bank. (:) (See Plate 7.) In accordance with.the.-informations he had received, Caesar sent out a reconnoitring party of scouts and centurions, charged with the selection’of a spot fa(‘) De Bello Gallico, II. 14, 15, 16. Mons is,- in fact, seated on a hill completely surrounded by low meadows, traversed by the sinuous courses of the Haine and the Trouille.

(2) According to scholars, the frontier between the Nervii and the Ambiani lay towards Fins and Bapaume. Supposing the three days’ march of the Roman army to be reckoned from this point, it would have arrived, in three days, of twentyfive kilombtres each, at Bavay. (3) If Caesar had arrived on the right bank’ of the Sambre, as several authors have pretended, he would already have found that river at Landrecies, and would have had no need to learn, on the third day of his march, that he was only fifteen kilometres’

from it.

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120 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. vourable for the establishment of a camp. A.

certain number of the Belge, who had recently submitted, and other Gauls, followed him, and accompanied him in his march:. Some of them, as was known subsequently by the prisoners, having observed during the preceding days. the usual.order of.march of the army, deserted djring the night to; the Nervii, and informed them that behind each of the legions there was a long column of baggage; that the legion which arrived first at the camp being separated by a great space from the others, it would be easy;to attack the soldiers, still charged with their bundles.(sarcince); that this legion once routed and its baggage captured, the others would not dare to offer any resistance. This plan of attack was.the more readily embraced byi the Belgae, as the nature of the locality favoured its execution. The Nervii, in fact, always weak in cavalry (their whole: force was composed of infantry), were accustomed, in. order to impede more easily the cavalry of their neighbours, to notch and bend horizontally young trees, the numerous branches of which, interlaced and mingled: with brambles and: brushwood, formed thick hedges, a veritable: wall which nothing could pass through, impenetrable even to the eye. (1) As this kind of obstacle was very embarrassing to the march of the Roman army, the Nervii resolved to hide themselves in the woods which then covered the heights of Haumont, to watch there the moment when it would debouch on the opposite (l) It is worthy of remark,7that still at: the present day the fields. in the neighbourhood of the Sambre are surrounded with. hedges very similar. to those here described. Strabo (II., p. 161) also mentions these hedges.

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WAR AGAINST THE BELGA. 121 heights of the-Sambre, to-wait till they perceived the file of baggage, and then immediately to rush upon the troops which preceded. (1) (See Plate 10.) VII. The centurions sent to reconnoitre had -selectBattle on the ed for the establishment of the camp the Sambre. heights of Neuf-Mesnil. Those descend in a uniform slope to the very banks of tlie river. Those of EBoussieres, to which -they:join, end, on the contrary, at the Sambre, in sufficiently bold escahrpments, the elevation of which varies from five to fifteen metres, and which, inaccessible near. Boussieres, may be: climbed ai little;:lower, opposite the wood of Quesnoy.; The Sambre, in-all this extent, was no more than about three feet deep. On tile right bank, the’heights of Haumont, opposite those of Neuf-Mesnil, descend -on all sides in gentle’and regular slopes to the level of the river.: In the lower part, they were bare for a breadth of about 200 Roman paces (300 metres), reckoning from the Sambre; and then the woods began; which covered the upper parts. It was in these woods, impenetrable to the sight,-that the Belgae remained’concealed. They were there drawn up in order of battle:’:on the right, the Atrebates; in the centre, the Veromandui; on the left, the.Nervii; these latter’ facing the’escarpments( of the.Sambre. On the open part, along the river, they had placed some posts of cavalry. (See Plate 10.) Caesar, ignorant of the -exact position where the Belgae were, encamped, directed his march towards the”.heights:6of Neuf-Mesnil. His cavalry preceded (1) De Bello Gallico, II. 17. 6

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122 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. him, but the order of march was different from that which had been communicated to the Nervii by the deserters; as he approached the enemy, he had, according to his custom, united six legions, and placed the baggage in the tail of the column, under the guard of the two legions recently raised, who closed the march. The cavalry, slingers, and archers passed the Sambre and engaged the cavalry of the enemy, who at one moment took refuge in the woods, and at another resumed the offensive, nor were ever pursued beyond the open ground.’ Meanwhile, the six legions debouched. Arrived on the place chosen for the camp, they began to retrench, and shared the labour among them. Some proceeded to’

dig the fosses, while others spread thlemselves over the country in search of timber and turf. They had hardly begun their work, when the Belgae, perceiving the first portion of the baggage (which wasthe moment fixed for the attack), suddenly issue from the forest with all their forces, in the order.of battle they had adopted, rush upon the cavalry and put it to rout, and run towards the Sambre with such incredible rapidity that:they seem to be everywhere at once at the edge of the wood, in the river, and in the midst of the Roman troops; then, with the same celerity, climbing, the hill, they rush towards the camp, where the soldiers are at work at the retrenchments. The Roman army is taken off its guard. Caesar had to provide against everything at the same time. It was necessary to raise the purple standard as the signal for hastening to arms, (1) to (t) “The signal for battle is a purple mantle, which is displayed before the general’s tent.” (Plutarch, Fabius Maxinzus, 24.)

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WAR AGAINST THE BELGAE. 123 sound the trumpets to recall the soldiers employed in the works, to bring in those who were at a distance, form the lines, harangue the troops, give the word of order. (1) In this critical situation, the experience of the soldiers, acquired in so many combats, and the presence of the lieutenants with each legion, helped to supply the place of the general, and to enable each to take, by his own impulse, the dispositions he thought best. The impetuosity of the enemy is such that the soldiers have time neither to put on the enSigns, (2) nor to take the covering from their bucklers, nor even to put on their helmets. Each, abandoning his labours, runs to range himself in the utmost haste under the first standard which presents itself. The army, constrained by necessity, was drawn up on the slope; of the hill, much more in obedience to the nature of the ground and the exigencies of the moment than according to military rules. The legions, separated from one another by thick hedges, which intercepted their view, could not lend each other mutual succour; they formed an irregular and interrupted line: the 9th and 10th legions were placed on the left of the camp, the 8th and 11th in the centre, the 7th and 12th on the right. In this general confusion, in which it became as difficult to carry succour to the points threatened as to obey one single command, everything was ruled by accident. (‘) Signum dare,’” to give the word of order.” In fact, we read in Suetonius: “Primo etiam imperil die signum excubanti tribuno dedit: Optimanz?natrem.” (Nero, 9; Caligula, 56.-Tacitus, Histor., III. 22.) (2) The soldiers wore either the skins of wild beasts, or plumes or other ornaments, to mark their grades.e “Excussit cristas galeis.” (Lucan, Pharsalia, line 158.)

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124 HISTORY OF JULIUS CASAR. Caesar, after taking the measures most urgent, rushes towards the troops: which-chance presents first-to him, takes them as he finds them in his way, harangues them, and, when he comes to. the 10th legion, he recalls:to its memory,- a in:a few words,: its ancient valour. As the enemy was already within. reach-.of the missiles, he-orders the attack;: then, proceeding:towards another point to encourage his troops, he finds them already-:engaged. The soldiers of the.

9th and 10th legions throw; the pilum,: and fall, sword in’ hand, upon the Atrebates, who,.fatigued by:their’rapid advance, out of breath, and: pierced with wounds, are soon driven back from the hill they-have- just climbed.’ These two legions, led no doubt by Labienus, drive them into:the-Sambre, slay a great number, cross the river at their heels, and’ pursue them.up the slopes of the:-right bank. The. enemy, then thinking-to take’advantage, of the commanding position, form: again, and renew the’com-. bat:;‘but the Romans repulse them anew, and, continuing their-victorious march, take possession of the Gaulish camp.’ ilIn the centre, the -8th:and 11th le-: gions, attacked by the Veromandui; had driven them back upon -the, banks of the Sambre, to the foot of the heights, where the combat still. continued.,While on,the -left and in the centre: victory declared for the Romans, on the right wing; the‘7th and 12th legions were in danger of being overwhelmed under the efforts -of the whole. army of the Nervii, composed of 60,0000, men. These intrepid -warriors, led:by their chief, Boduognatus,Aad dashed across the Sambre in face of the escarpments of the left bank;

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WAR AGAINST THE BELGEi.‘125 they-had boldly climbed these, and: thrown them. selves, in close rank, upon: the two legions of the right wing.

These legions were placed in a position the more-critical, as the victorious movements of the left and centre, by stripping almost entirely of troops that part of the field of battle, had. left them without support;. The Nervii take advantage of these circumstances: some move towards the:summit of. the heights to seize the camp, others outflank the two legions on the right wing (aperto latere). As chance would have it, at this same -moment, the cavalry and light-armed foot, who had, been repulsed.at, the first attack,.regained pell-mell the camp; finding themselves unexpectedly in face of the enemy, they are confounded, and take: to flight again in another direction. The valets of the army, who, from the Decuman gate and the summit of the hill, had.seen the Romans cross the river victoriously,.and had issued forth in hope of: plunder, look back; perceiving the Nervii in, the camp, they fly precipitately. The tumult is further increased: by the cries of the baggage-drivers, who rush about in terror. Among the auxiliaries in the Roman army, there was.a body of Treviran-cavalry,.who enjoyed among the Gauls a reputation for valour.

When they saw the camp invaded, the legions pressed and almost surrounded, the valets, the cavalry, the: slingers, the Numidians, separated,, dispersed, and flying on all sides, they believed that all was lost, took the road for their own country, and proclaimed everywhere in their march that the Roman army was destroyed. Caesar had repaired fi-om the left wing to the other

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126 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. -points of the line. When he arrived at the right wing, he had found the 7th and 12th legions hotly engaged, the ensigns of the cohorts of the 12th legion collected on the same point, the soldiers pressed together and mutually embarrassing each other, all the centurions of-the 4th cohort and the standard-bearer killed; the standard lost; in the other cohorts most of the centurions were either killed or wounded, and among the latter was the primipilus Sextius Baculus, a man of rare bravery, who was destined soon afterwards to save the legion of Galba in the Valais. The soldiers who still resisted were -exhausted, and those of the last ranks were quitting the ranks to avoid the missiles; new troops of enemies continually climbed the hill, some advancing to the front against the Romans, the others turning them on the two wings. In this extreme danger, Caesar judges that he can hope for succour only from himself: having arrived without buckler, he seizes that of a legionary of the last,ranks and rushes to the first line; there, calling the centurions by their names and exciting the soldiers, he draws the 12th legion forward, and causes more interval to be made between the files of the companies in order to facilitate the handling of their swords. His example and encouraging words restore hope to the combatants and revive their courage. -Each man, under th~e eyes of his general, shows new energy, and this heroic devotedness begins to cool the impetuosity of the enemy. Not-far thence, the 7th legion was pressed by a multitude of assailants.

Coesar orders the tribunes gradually to bring the-two legions back to back,. so that each presented its front to the enemy

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WAR AGAINST THE BELGZi. 127 in opposite directions. Fearing no longer to be taken in the rear, they resist with firmness, and fight with new ardour. While Cesar is thus occupied, the two legions of the rear-guard, which formed the escort of the baggage (the 13th and 14th), informed of what was taking place, arrive in haste, and’appear in view of the enemy at the top of the hill. On his part, T. Labienus, who, at the head of the 9th and 10th, legions, had made himself master of the enemy’s camp on the heights of Haumont, discovers what is passing in the Roman camp. He judges, by the flight of the cavalry and servants, the greatness of the danger with which Caesar is threatened, and sends the 10th legion to his succour, which, repassing the Sambre, and climbing the slopes of Neuf-Mesnil, runs in haste to fall upon the rear of the Nervii. On the arrival of these reenforcements, the whole aspect of things changes: the wounded raise themselves, and support themselves on their bucklers in order to’take part in the action; the valets, seeing the terror of the enemy, throw themselves unarmed upon men who are armed; and the cavalry, (‘) to efface the disgrace of their flight, seek to outdo the legionaries in the combat. Meanwhile the Nervii fight with the courage of despair.

When those of the first ranks fall, the nearest take their places, and mount upon their bodies; they are slain in their turn; the dead form heaps; the survivors throw, from the top of this mountain of corpses, their missiles upon the Romans, and send them back their own pila. “How can we, then, be astonished,” says Caesar, “that such (‘) Except the Treviran cavalry, who had withdrawn.

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128 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. men dared to cross a broad river, climb its precipitous banks, and overcome the difficulties, of the ground, since nothing appeared too much for their courage?” They met death to the last man, and 60,000 corpses covered the field. of battle so desperately fought, in which the fortune of Caesar had narrowly escaped wreck. After -this struggle, in:which, according: to the ” Commentaries,”:the, race and name of the Nervii were nearly annihilated,: the old men, women, and children, who had sought refuge in the middle of the marshes, finding no hopes of safety, surrendered. (1) In dwelling on the misfortune of their country, they said that,:of 600 senators, there remained only.three; and-that, of 60,000:. combatants, hardly 500’ had survived. Caesar, to show his clemency towards the unfortunate who implored it, treated these remains of the Nervii with, kindness; he left them their lands and towns,.

and enjoined’ the neighbonring peoples not only not to. molest them, but even to protect them from all outrage and violence. (2) VIII. This victory was gained, no doubt, towards Siege of the Oppi-. the;end of July. Caesar’

detached the dum of the Aduatuci..7th legion, under the orders of young P.

Crassus, to reduce the maritime peoples of’the shores of the ocean: the Veneti, the Unelli, the Osismii, the Curiosolitae, the Essuvii, the Aulerci, and the Redones. He proceeded in person, with. the seven other legions, following the course of the Sambre, to meet the Adu(‘) According to Titus Livius (Epitome, CIV.), 1,000 armed men succeeded in escaping.

(2) De Bello Gallico, II. 28.

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WAR AGAINST THE BELGAE. 129 atuci, who, as we have seen above, were marching to join the Nervii. They were the descendants of those Cimbri and Teutones who, in their descent upon the Roman province and Italy in the year 652, had left on this side the Rhine 6,000 men in charge of as much of the baggage as was: too heavy to be carried with them. After the defeat of their companions by Marius, and many vicissitudes, these Germans had established themselves towards the confluence of the Sai*bre and the Meuse, and had there formed a state. IX As soon as the Aduatuci were informed of the disaster of the Nervii, they returned to their own country, abandoned their towns and forts, and retired,with all they possessed, into one oppidurm, remarkably fortified by nature. Surrounded in. every direction by precipitous rocks of great elevation, it was accessible only on one side -by a gentle slope; at most 100 feet wide, defended by a fosse and double wall of great height, on which they placed enormous masses of rock and pointed beams. The mountain on which the citadel of Nanumr is situated (1) answers sufficiently to this description. (See Plate 11.) (‘) According to the researches which have been carried on by the Commandant Locquessye in the country supposed to have been formerly occupied by the Aduatuci, two localities only, Mount Falhize and the part of the mountain’of Namur on which the citadel is built, appear to agree with the site of the oppidum of the Aduatuci. But Mount Falhize is not surrounded’with rocks on all sides, as the Latin text requires. The’ countervallation would have had a development of more than 15,000 feet, and it would have twice crossed the Meuse, whiclhis.

difficult to admit. We therefore adopt, as the site of the opo2idumn of the Aduatuci, the citadel of Namur..Another locality, Sautour, near Philippeville, would answer completely to Caesar’s description, but the compass of Sautour, which includes only three hectares, is too small to have contained 60,000 individuals. The site of the citadel of Namur is already in our eyes very small. 6*~ 1~II.-I

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130 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. On the arrival-of the army, they made at.

first frelquent sorties, and engaged in battles on a small scale. Later, when the place was surrounded by a countervallation of twelve feet high in a circuit of 15,000 feet, (1) with numerous redoubts, they kept close in their oppid’urn.. The Romans. pushed forward their covered galleries, raised a terrace under shelter of these galleries, and constructed a tower of timber, intended to be pushed against the wall. At the sight of these preparations, the Aduatuci, who, like most; of the Gauls, despised the Romans on account of their small stature, addressed the besiegers ironically from their walls, not understanding how a great machine, placed at a great distance, could be put in motion by men so diminutive.  But when they saw this tower move and approach the walls, struck with a sight so strange and so new to them, they sent to implore peace, demanding, as the only condition, that they should be left in possession of their arms.

Caesar refused this condition, but declared that if they surrendered before the ram had struck their wall, they should be placed, like the Nervii, under the protection of the Roman people, and preserved from all violence. The besieged thereupon threw such a quantity of arms into the fosses that they filled them almost to the height of the wall and the terrace; yet, as was afterwards discovered, they had retained about one-third. They threw open their gates, and that day remained quiet. (‘) We translate quindecim millium by 15,000 feet; the word pedum, employed in the preceding sentence, being understood in the text. When Caesar intends to speak of paces, he almost always uses the word passus.

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WAR AGAINST THE:BELGAE. 131 The Romans had occupied thee town;; towards evening, Cesar: ordered them to’ leave it, fearing the violences which the soldiers might commit on-the inhabitants during the night. But these, believing that after the surrender of the place the postst-of the countervallation would be guarded with less care, resume the arms they had concealed, furnish themselves with bucklers of bark of trees, or wicker, covered hastily with skins, and, at midnight, attack the part of the works which seems most easy of access; Fires, prepared by Caesar, soon announce the attack. The:soldiers rush to the spot from the nearest redoubts; and, though the enemies fight with the obstinacy of despair, the missiles thrown from the entrenchments and the towers disperse them, and they are driven back into the town with a loss of 4,000 men. Next day the gates were broken in without resistance, and, the town once taken, the inhabitants were sold publicly to the number of 53,000. (‘) IX. Towards the time of the conclusion of this Subjugation of Ar-siege (the first days of September), Caemorica by P. Crassus. sar received letters from P.

Crassus. This lieutenant announced that the maritime peoples on the coasts of the ocean, from the Loire to the Seine, had submitted. On the arrival of this news at Rome, the Senate decreed fifteen days of thanksgivings.

(2) These successful exploits, and Gaul entirely pacified, gave to the barbarian peoples so high an opin(1) De Bello Gallico, II. 33.. (2) De Bello Gallico, II. 35.-Plutarch, Ccesar, 20.-Cicero, Epist. Famil., I. 9, 17, 18.

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132 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. ion of the Roman power, that the nations beyond the Rhine, particularly the Ubii, sent deputies to Coesar, offeriig hostages and obedience to his orders. Anxious to proceed to Italy and’Illyria, he commanded the deputies to return; to him at the commencement of the following spring, and placed his legions, with the exception of the:1‘2th, in winter quarters, in the countries of the Carnutes, the Andes, and’the Turones, neighbouring upon the localifies where Crassus had been making war. (C) They were probably c]helonnes in the valley of the Loire, between Orleans and An. gers. X. Before he departed: for Italy, Caesar sent Servius Expeditionofaba Galba, with a part of the cavalry and the into th~e.- 12th legion, into the country of the Nantuates, the Veragri, and the Seduni (peoples of Chablais and Lower and Upper Valais), whose territory extended from the country of the Allobroges, Lake L6man, and the Rhone, to the summit of the Alps. His object was to open an easy communicatioi with Italy by way of these mountains, that is, by the Simplon and the St. Bernard, where’travellers were continually subject to exactions and vexations. Galba, after some successful battles, by which all these peoples were subdued, obtained hostages, placed two cohorts among the Nantuates, and the rest of his legions (1) This passage has generally been wrongly interpreted. The text has, Quce civitates propinquce his locis erant ubi bellum gesserat. (De Bello Gallico, II. 35.) We must add the name of Crassus, overlooked by the copyists; for if Anjon and Touraine are near Brittany and Normandy, where Crassus had been fighting, they are very far from the Sambre and the Meuse, where Caesar had carried the war.

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WAR AGAINST THE BELGIE. 133 in a town of the Veragri called Octodurus (Martigny). This’ town, situated in a little plain at the bottom of a.glen surrounded by high mountains, was divided into two. parts.by. a river (the D)rance). Galba left one bank to the.Gauls, and: established his troops on: the’ other, which. he.fortified with.a fosse and rampart.. Several dayshad passed in the greatest tranquillity, when’ Galba learnt suddenly that the Gauls had-during the night.. evacuated. the part of.the town which they occupied, and.; that the.Veragri and the Seduni were appearing in great numbers on the surrounding mountains. The situation was most critical; for not only could, Galba reckon. on no’. succour, but he had not even finished his retrenchments, or gathered in his provisions in sufficient quantity. He called’ together a council, in which it was decided, in spite of the opinions of some chiefs, who proposed to abandon the baggage and fight their way out, that they should defend the camp; but the enemies hardly gave the Romans time to make the necessary dispositions. Suddenly they rush from all sides towards the retrenchments, and throw a shower of darts and javelins (goesa). The legionaries line the rampart, and retort. Having to defend themselves against forces which are continually renewed, they are obliged to fight all at once, and to move incessantly to the points that are most threatened. The men who are fatigued, and even the wounded, cannot quit the’place. The combat had lasted six hours: the Romans were exhausted with fatigue. Already they began to be short of missiles’;. already the Gauls, with increasing audac

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134 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAiSAR. ity, were filling.up the fosse and tearing down the palisades; already the Romans were reduced to the last-extremity, when the primipilus, P. Sextius Baculus,: the same who had shown so much energy in the battle of the Sambre, and C. Volusenus, tribune of the soldiers, advise Galba that the only hope which remained was in a sally. The suggestion is adopted. At the:command of the centurions, the soldiers confine themselves to parrying the missiles, and take breath;: then, when the signal is given, rushing on all sides to the gates, they fall upon the enemy, put him to rout, and-make an immense slaughter. Of 30,000 Gauls, about 10,000 were slain. (l)e In spite.of-this, Galba, not believing himself in safety in so. difficult a country, in the, midst of hostile populations,:brought back the 12th legion into the country of-the Allobroges, where it wintered. (1) (1) De Bello Gallico, IIi. 6.

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CIIAPTER VI. (Year of Rome 698.) (BooK III. OF THE “COMMENTARIES.”).WAR OF

-THE VENETI  VICTORY OVER THE UNELLI-SUBMISSION OF AQUITAINE  MARCH

AGAINST THE MORINI AND THE MENAPII, I. WHIm Caesar was visiting Illyria and the differInsurrection of the ent towns of the Cisalpine, such as Ra.

Maime Peope’ venna and Lucca, war broke out anew in Gaul.. The cause was this. Young P. Crassus was in winter quarters with the 7th legion among the Andes, near the ocean; as he fell short of wheat, he sent several prefects and military tribunes to ask for provisions from the neighbouring peoples. T. Terrasidius was deputed to the Unelli, (‘) M. Trebius Gallus to the Curiosolitse, and Quintus Velanius, with T. Silius, to the Veneti.

This last people was the most powerful on the whole coast through its commerce and its navy. Its numerous ships served to carry on a traffic with the isle of Britain. Possessed of consummate skill in the art of navigation, it ruled over this part of the ocean. The Veneti first seized Silius and Velanius, in the hope of obtaining in exchange ~for them the return of the hostages given to Crassus. (‘) Some manuscripts read Esuvios, but we adopt Unellos, because the geographical position of the country of the Unelli agrees better with the relation of the campaign.

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136 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. Their example was soon followed. The Unelli and the Curiosolitke seized, with the same design, Trebius and Terrasidius; they entered into an engagement with the Veneti, through their chiefs, to run the same fortune, excited the rest. of the neighbouring maritime peoples to recover their liberty, and all together intimated to Crassus that he must send back the hostages if he’wished his tribunes and prefects to be restored. Coesar, then very far distant from the scene of these events, learnt them from Crassus. He immediately ordered galleys to be constructed on the Loire, rowers to be fetched from the coast of the Mediterranean, and sailors and pilots to be procured.

These measures having been promptly executed, he repaired to the army as soon as the season permitted. At the news of his approach, the Veneti and their allies, conscious that they had been guilty of throwing into fetters envoys invested with a character which is inviolable, made preparations proportionate to the danger with which they saw they were threatened.

Above all, they set to work mnaking their ships ready for action. Their confidence was great: they knew that the tides would intercept the roads on the sea-coast; they reckoned on the difficulty of the navigation in those unknown latitudes, where the’ports’are’few, and’ on the want of provisions, which would not permit the Romans to make a long stay in their country. Their determination once taken, they fortified’their oppida, and transported to them the wheat from their fields. Persuaded that the country of the Veneti would be the first attacked, they gathered together all their ships, no doubt in’the vast estuary formed

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‘WAR OF THE VENETI. 137 by the river Auray in the Bay of Quiberon. (See Plate 12.)’ They:allied themselves with the maritime peoples of the coast, from the mouth of the Loire to that of the Scheldt;(‘) and demanded succour from the isle. of Britain. (2) In spite of the difficulties of this war, Caesar undertook it without hesitation. He was influenced by grave motives: the violation of the right of nations, the:rebellion after submission, the coalition of so many peoples; above all, by the fear that’

their impunity would be an encouragement to others. If we believe Strabo, Caesar;, as well as.the Veneti, had other reasons to desire this.‘war: on one side,the latter, possessed of the commerce of Britain, already suspected the design of the Roman general to pass into that island,:and they sought to deprive him of the means; anid, on the other, Caesar could’

not attempt the dangerous enterprise of a descent on England till after he had destroyed the fleet of the Veneti, the sole masters of the ocean. (3) II. Be this. as it may, in order to prevent new risWar against the ings, Caesar divided his army so as to ocwvneti’.- cupy -the country militarily.

The lieu. ~(1) They leagued with ithe Osismii (the people of the department of Finistire), the Lexovii (department of Calvados), the’Namnetes (Loire-Infirieure), the Ambiliates (on the left bank of the Loire, to the south of Angers), the Morini (the Boulonnais and bishopric of Saint-Omer), the Diablintes ( Western Maine), and the Menapii (between the Rhine and the mouths of the Scheldt). (De Bello Gallico, III. 9.) (2) Orosius:(VI. 8) confirms this fact as’stated in the Commentaries. (3) “The Veneti fought’ at sea against Caesar; they had made their dispositions to prevent h’is passage. into the isle of Britain, because they were in possession of the commerce’of that country.” (Strabo, IV.-iv., p. 162, edit Didot.)

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138 HISTORY OF JULIUS CESAR. tenant. T. Labienus, at the head of a part of the cavalry, was sent to the Treviri, with the mission to visit the Remi and’ other peoples of Belgic Gaul, to maintain them in their duty, and to oppose the passage of the Rhine by the Germans, who were said to have been invited by the Belge.‘P. Crassus was ordered, with twelve legionary-cohorts, and a numerous body of cavalry, to repair into Aquitaine, to prevent the inhabitants of that province from swelling the forces of the insurrection.’.The lieutenant Q. Titurius Sabinus was detached with three legions to restrain the Unelli, the Curiosolitae, and the Lexovii. The young D. Brutus, (1) who had arrived from. the Mediterranean with the galleys, (‘) received: the command of the fleet, which was. increased by the Gaulish ships borrowed from,the Pictones, the-.Santones, and other peoples who had submitted.. His instructions enjoined him to sail as soon as possible for the country of the Veneti..As to Caesar, he-proceeded thither with the rest of the land army. The eight legions of the Roman army were then distributed thus.: to.the.north of the -Loire, three legions;. in Aquitaine, with Crassus, a legion and two cohorts; one legion, no doubt, on.the fleet; and two legions and eight cohorts with the general-in-chief, to undertake’ the war against the Veneti. (‘) We may admit that Caesar started from the neigh(‘) We must not confound him with M. Junius Brutus, the assassin of Coesar. Decimus:Junius Brutus was the adopted son of A. Postumius Albinus. (See Drutnann, IV. 9, and Appendix D.) (2) Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 40. (3) We suppose, in this enumeration, that the legion of Galba, cantoned the preceding winter among the Allobroges, had rejoined the army.

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WAR OF THE VENETI. 139 bourhood of Nantes, andcdirected his march to -the Roche-Bernard, where he crossed the Vilaine. -Having arrived in the country of the Veneti, he resolved to profit by the time which must pass before the:arrival of his fleet to obtain possession of the principal oppida’ -where the inhabitants took refuge. Most of these petty fortresses on the coast of the Veneti were situated at the extremities of tongues of land or promontories; at high tide they could not be reached by land, while at low tide the approach was inaccessible to ships, which remained dry. on the flats; a double obstacle to a siege. The Romans attacked them in the following manner: they constructed on the land,- at low tide, two parallel dykes, at the same time serving for terraces (aggere ac molibus), and forming approaches towards the place. During the course -.of construction, the space comprised between these two dykes continued to be inundated with water at every high tide; but.as soon as they.had succeeded in joining them up to the oppidum; this space; where the sea could.no longer penetrate, remained finally dry, and then presented to the: besiegers a sort of place of arms useful in the attack. (1) With the aid of these long and laborious works, in which the height.:of the dykes finished by equalling that of the walls, the Romans succeeded in taking several of these o?2pida. But all their labours were thrown away; for, as soon as the Veneti thought themselves no longer safe: they evacuated the oppi(I) I borrow this interpretation of the Roman works from the very instructive book of General de Goeler.

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140 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. dam, embarked with all their goods on board’their numerous vessels,’ and withdrew to the neighbouring oppida, the situations of which offered the same advantages for a new resistance.:The greater part of the fine season had passed away in this manner. Caesar, convinced at length that the assistance of his ships was’indispensable, came to the resolution of suspending these laborious and fruitless operations u:ntil the arrival of his fleet; and, that he might be near at hand to receive it, he encamped to the south of the. Bay of Quiberon, near the coast, on the heights of Saint-Gildas. (See Plate 12.) The vessels of the fleet, held back by contrary winds, had not yet been able to assemble at the mouth. of the Loire. As the Veneti had foreseen, they navigated with difficulty on this vast sea, subject to high tides, and almost entirely unfurnished with ports. The inexperience of the sailors, and even the form of the ships, added to their difficulties. The enemy’s ships, on the contrary, were built’and rigged in.a manner to enable them to wrestle with all obstacles; flatter than those of the Romans, they had less:to fear from the shallows and low tide. Built of oak, they supported the most violent shocks; the front and back, very’

lofty, were beyond the reach-of the strongest missiles. The beams -(transtra), made of’pieces of’timber a foot thick, were fixed’ with iron nails, an: inch in bigness; and the anchors were held by irion..

chains’instead of cables; soft skins, made very thin, served for sails, either.because those peoples were nearly or. entirely unacquainted with linen, or because they regarded the ordinary sails as

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WAR OF THE VENETI. 141 insufficient to support, with such heavy ships, the impetuosity of the winds of the ocean. The Roman ships were superior to them only in agility and the impulse of the oars. In everything else, those of the Veneti were better adapted to the nature of the localities and to the heavy seas. By the solidity of their construction they resisted the ships’ beaks, and by their elevation they-were secure from the missiles, and were difficult to seize with the grappling-irons (conU1(13).

(1) III. The Roman fleet, thanks to a wind from the av Combat east or north-east, was at length: enabled against the Veneti. to set sail. (‘) It quitted the Lore, and () De Bello Gallico, III. 13.-Strabo, IV., p. }62.

(2) The fleet of the Veneti, superior to that of the Romans in number, in the magnitude of their vessels, and in their rigging and sails, must have issued from the river Auray by the Morbihan entrance to the gulf, and met Brutus to fight him, instead of waiting for him at the head of the bay, where retreat would be impossible. This follows from COesar’s account: ex portu profectce, nostris adversce constiterunt. According to the memoir by M. le Comte de Grandpr%, a post-captain, inserted in the Recueil de la Sociatd des Antiquaires de France, tom. II., 1820, the wind must have been east or north-east, for it was towards the end of the summer. It appears that these winds usually prevail at that period, and that, when they have blown during the morning, there is a dead calm towards the middle of the day: it is just what happened in this combat;% the calm came, probably, towards midday. It was necessary, indeed, that the wind should be between the north and the east, to allow, on one hand, the Roman fleet to leave the Loire and sail towards’the Point Saint-Jacques, and,-on the other, to permit the fleet of the Veneti to quit the river Auray. These latter, in this position, could, in case of defeat, take refuge in the Bay of Quiberon, or fly to the open.‘sea, where the’ Romans would not have dared to follow them. With winds blowing from below, it matters not from what point, the Romans could not have gone in search of their enemies, or the latter come to meet them. Supposing That, in one tide, the Roman fleet had arrived at the mouth of the Loire towards five o’clock’ in the morning, it might have been towards ten o’clock, the moment when the battle commenced, between Haedik and Sarzeau. Supposing similarly that, as early as five o’clock in the morning, the movement

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142 HISTORY.‘OF JULIUS.- CAESAR. directed its course towards.the Bay of Quibdron and Point Saint Jaques…. (See Plate 12.) As soon as the Veneti perceived it, they sent out from the port formed-bythe.:river Auray 220
ships well armed and well equipped, which advanced to encounter it. During this time, the Roman fleet reached Point SaintJaques, where it, formed in order of battle near the shore.- That of the Veneti drew up in front of it. The battle took place under the very.:eyes of Caesar and his troops, who occupied the heights on the shore. It was the first time that a Roman fleet appeared on the ocean. Everything conspired to disconcert Brutus, as well as the tribunes of the soldiers and the centurions-who commanded each vessel: the impotence of the beaks against the Gaulish ships; the height of the enemy’s poops, which overlooked even the high towers of the Roman vessels; and lastly, the inefficiency of the missiles thrown upwards. The military chiefs were hesitating, and had already experienced some loss, (‘) when, to remedy this disadvantage, they imagined a method having some analogy of the Roman-fleet had been’announced to the Veneti, they could, in five hours, have issued from the river Auray, defiled by the entrance of the Morbihan, rallied and advanced in order of battle to meet the Romans in the part of the sea above described., As to the place where Caesar encamped, it is very probable, as we have said, that it was on the heights of Saint-Gildas; for from thence he could see the dispositions of the enemy, and perceive far off the approach of his fleet.

In case of check, the Roman galleys found, under his protection; a place of refuge in the Vilaine. Thus, he had his rear secured; rested upon the towns of the coast which he had taken; could recall to him, if necessary, Titurius Sabinus; and lastly, could’cross the Vilaine, to place that river between him and his enemies. Placed, on the contrary, on the other side of the Bay of Luiberon, he would have been too much enclosed in an enemy’s country, and would have had none of.the advantages offered by the position of Saint-Gildas. (‘) Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 41.

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WAR OF THE VENETI. 143 with that to whichiDuillius. owed his victory over the Carthaginians in 492: they tried to disable the Gaulish vessels by the aid of hooks (fakes) similar to those which were used in attacks on fortresses (non aibsimiliforma muralium-falkium).C () The falx was an iron with a. point and sharpened hook, fixed at the end of long poles,- which, suspended to the masts by ropes, received an impulsion similar to that of the ram. One or more ships approached a Gaulish vessel, and, as soon as the crew had succeeded in catching with one of these hooks the ropes which attached the yards to the masts, the sailors rowed away with all their strength, so as to break or cut the cords. The yards fell; the disabled vessel was immediately surrounded by the Romans, who boarded it; and then all depended on mere valour. This manceuvre was completely successful..

The soldiers of the fleet, knowing that no act of courage: could pass unperceived by Caesar and the -land troops, emulated one another in zeal, and captured several of the enemy’s vessels. The Gauls prepared to seek their safety in flight.- They had. alreafdy. swerved their ships to the wind, when suddenly. there came on a dead calm. This unexpected occurrence decided the victory. Left without the possibility of moving, the heavy Gaulish vessels were captured one after another; a very small number succeeded in gaining the coast under favour of the night. The battle, which began at ten o’clock in the morn(‘) We see, in fact, in Vegetius, that the wordfalces was applied.to the head of a battering-ram, armed with a point, and with a hook to detach the stones from the walls. “Quae (trabes) ant adunco prefigitur ferro, et falx vocatur ab eo quod incurva est, ut de muro extrahat lapides.” (Vegetius, IV. 14.)

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144 HISTORY OF. JULIUS CIESAR. ing, had lasted till sunset. It terminated the war with the Veneti and the. other maritime peoples of the ocean. They lost in it, at one blow, all their youth, all their principal citizens, and all their fleet; without refuge, without the means of defending any longer their opyida, they surrendered themselves, bodies and goods.

Caesar, wishing to compel the Gauls in future to respect the rights of nations, caused the whole Senate to be put to death and the rest of the inhabitants.to be sold for slaves. Cvesar has been justly reproached with this cruel chastisement; yet this great man gave such frequent proofs of his clemency towards the vanquished, that he must have yielded to very powerful political motives to order an execution so contrary to his habits and temper.’ Moreover, it was a sad effect of the war to expose incessantly the chiefs of the Gallic states to the resentments of the, conquerors and the fury of the mob. While the Roman general punished the Senate of the Veneti for its revolt and obstinate resistance,. the Aulerci-Eburovices and the Lexovii slaughtered theirs because it laboured to prevent them from joining the insurrection. (1) IV. While these events were taking place among Victory of Sabinus the Veneti, Q. Titurius Sabinus gained a over the Unelli. decisive victory over the Unelli. At the head of this nation, and other states in revolt, was Viridovix, who had been joined, a few days before, by the Aulerci-Eburovices and the Lexovii. A multitude of men of no account, who had joined him from all (1) De Bello Gallico, III. 17.

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VICTORY OVER THE UNELLI. 145 parts of Gaul, in the hope of pillage, came to increase the number of his troops. Sabinus, starting, we believe, froml the neighbourhood of Angers with his three legions, arrived in the country of the Unelli, and chose there for his camp a position which was advantageous in all respects. He established himself on a hill belonging to the line of heights which separates the basin of the S6e from that of the Celune, where we now find the vestiges of a camp called Du Chastellier. () (See Plate 13.) This hill-is defended on the west by escarpments; to the north, the ground descends from; the summit by a gentle slope of about 1,000 paces (1,500 metres) to the banks of the S6e.

Viridovix came and took a. position in face of the Roman camp, at a distance of two miles, on the heights of the right bank of the stream.

Every day he de. ployed his troops and offered battle in vain..As Sabinus remained prudently shut up in his camp, his inaction drew upon him the sarcasms of his own soldiers, and to such a degree the contempt of the enemy, that the latter advanced to the foot of his entrenchments. He considered that, in face of so great a number of troops, it was not the duty of a lieutenant, in the absence of his general-in-chief, to give battle, without at least having in his favour all the chances of success.

But, not satisfied with having convinced the enemies of his weakness, he determined further to make use of a stratagem; he persuaded a clever and cunning Gaul to repair to Viridovix, under pretence (i) This position is at the distance of seven kilometres to the east of Avranches The vestiges still visible of Chastellier are probably those of a camp made at a later period than this Gallic war, but we think that Sabinus had established his camp on the same site. 7 - II.-K

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146 HISTORY OF. JULIUS. CESAR. of being a deserter, and to spread the report that the Romans, during the following night, would quit secretly their camp, in order to go to the succour of Casar. At this news, the barbarians cried out that they must seize the favourable opportunity to march against the Romans,. and let none of them escape..Full of ardour,.

they compelled’Viridovix to give the order for arming. Already confident of victory, they load’ed themselves with branches and brush wood -to fill up the fosses, and rushed to attack the retrenchments.: In the hope \of not giving time to the Romans to assemble and arm, they advance with rapidity,: and arrive out of breath. But Sabinus was prepared, -and, at the opportune moment, he gives:the order: to issue suddenly by-the two gates, and to fall: uponthe enemies while they were encumbered with their burdens. The advantage.of the locality, the unskilfulness and fatigue of the Gauls, and the valour of the Romans, all contributed to their success.’ The barbarians, pursued by the cavalry, were cut to pieces. The neighbouring peoples immediately submitted. Caesar and Sabinus received intelligence at the same. time, one of the victory over the UJnelli, the other of the result of the combat against the Veneti. (1) V. Almost at the same time, P. Crassus, detached, Conquest of Aqui-as we have seen, with twelve cohorts and tainebyP. Crassus. a body of cavalry, arrived in Aquitaine, which, according to the ” Commentaries,” formed the third part of Gaul. (2) He believed that he could (‘) De Bello Gallico, III. 19. (2) Caesar, after having said, in the first book of his ” Commentaries, ” that

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SUBMISSION OF AQUITAINE. 147 not display too much prudence in a country where, a few years before, the lieutenant L. Valerius Praeconinus had lost his army and his life, and the proconsul L. Mallius had experienced a great defeat. Having provided for supplies, assembled the auxiliaries, and chosen by name the most courageous’ men of Toulouse and Narbonne, he led his army into the lands of the Sotiates, who, very numerous, and strong especially in excellent cavalry, attacked the Roman army during its march.

Their horsemen were at first repulsed and pursued; but, suddenly unmasking their infantry, which lay in ambush in a defile (in convalle), they charge the Romans as they were dispersed, and the battle recommenced with fury.

Proud of their ancient victories, the Sotiates expected by their valour to save Aquitaine; on their side, the troops of Crassus sought to show what they could do under a young chief, at a distance from their general and the other legions. The victory in the end remained with the Romans.

Crassus pursued his march, and having arrived before the opidum’ of the Sotiates (the town -of Sos), attempted to carry it. by assault; but the vigorous resistance he met with obliged him to have recourse to covered galleries and towers. The enemies had recourse sometimes to sallies, sometimes to subterranean galleries, carried so far that they went under the works of the besiegers- (a labour familiar to the Aquitanians on account of the numerous mines they worked); yet, all their efforts failing against the activity of the Roman soldiers, Aquitaine was one of the three parts of Gaul, states here that it formed the third part by its extent and population, which is not correct.

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148 HISTORY OFJULIUS CAESAR. they -ade:offers to surrender. Crassus accepted their submission, and the Sotiates delivered up their arms.

During the capitulation, Adiatunnus, () supreme chief of the: country, followed by 600. trusty men of the class called 8oldwues, attempted a sally from another side of the town. At the clamours which arose, theRomans ran to arms, and, after a severe struggle, drove him back into the oppidum; nevertheless, Crassus granted him the same terms as the others.

When he had received their arms and hostages, Cras, sus started for the countries of the Vasates and the Tarusates. But these barbarians,: far from being discouraged by the so prompt fall of an oppidum fortified by -nature and.art, leagued together, raised troops, and demanded succour and chiefs of the peoples of Citerior Spain, which joined upon Aquitaine.

Formerly companions in arms of Q. Sertorius, these chiefs enjoyed a great military reputation, and, in their tactics as wellt as in. their method of fortifying their camps, imitated the Romans. Crassus had too few troops to spread them:far from him, while the enemies threw out detachments on all sides, who intercepted his provisions.: At last, as he, saw their numbers increasing daily, he:became convinced that: there was danger in deferring a battle. He-assembled his: council; which was of the same opinion, -and the combat was fixed for the morrow. At daybreak, the Roman troops issued from the (‘) Nicholas of Damascus (in Athdnceus, Deipn.,VI. 249) writes in this manner the name of King Adiatomus,.and’adds that the soldurii were clothed in royal vestments.

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SUBMISSION OF AQUITAINE. 149 camp and formed in two lines, with the auxiliaries in the centre; in this position they awaited the enemy. The latter, trusting in their numbers, full of.recollections of their ancient glory, imagined that they could easily overpower the weak Roman army.

Still they thought it more_:prudent to obtain the victory without a blow, persuaded that by intercepting his,proviso ions they would force Crassus to a retreat, and that they should then, attack with advantage’ in the:confusion of his march. They therefore remained slhult up in their camp, and let the Romans range their: troops and offer battle. But this deliberate temporising, which had 1ll the appearance of fear, kindled, on the contrary, that - of the Romans: they demanded with loud cries to march against the enemy without. delay~ Crassus yields to their impatience, and leads, them forward. Some fill the fosse, others drive away:with a shower of missiles the barbarians who stand on the rampart. The auxiliaries, on whom Crassus placed little reliance for action, render, nevertheless; important services: -they pass the stones and missiles,‘or carry heaps of turf to fill up the fosse. Meanwhile the enemy was offering an obstinate resistance,-when some of the cavalry brought; information to; Crassus that, on the side of the Decuman -gate, the camp swas not so well fortified, and that the access was more easy, (1) Ie then directs the, prefects:of;the cavalry to excite the ardour of the soldiers with the hope of. recompenses; orders them t6 take the cohorts who, left to guard the camp, had not yet been engaged in (1) This combat is remarkable as being the only one in the whole war in Gaul in which the Romans attack a fortified Gaulish camp.

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1500 HISTORY OF JULIUS CJESAR. the battle, and to lead them by a long circuit to the place reported to be least defended. While the barbarians are solely occupied with the principal attack, these cohorts rush into the camp; on hearing the clamour which, arises from this attack, the assailants, led by Crassus, redouble their efforts. The barbarians, surrounded on all sides, lose courage, rush out of the retrenchments, and seek their safety in flight. The cavalry overtook them in the open plain, and of 50,000 Aquitanians or Cantabrians, hardly one quarter escaped, who only reached the camp very late in the night. At the news of this victory, the greater. part of the peoples of Aquitaine (1) submitted to Crassus, and sent spontaneously him hostages; some, nevertheless, who were more distant, and reckoned on the advanced period of the season, refused to make their submission. (2) VI. Towards the same time, Caesar, in spite of the March against the near approach of the end of the fine seaMorini and the Menapii. son, iarched against the Morini and the Menapii, who alone, after the entire pacification of Gaul, remained in arms, and had not sent him deputies. These peoples had no towns: they dwelt in caverns (‘) or under the tent. (‘) Taught by the example of their, neighbours, they avoided engaging in (‘) Of this number were the Tarbelli, the Bigerriones, the Ptiani, the Vasates, the Tarusates, the Elusates, the Gaites, the Ausci, the Garumni, the Sibusates, and the Cocosates. (2) ZDe Bello Gallico, III. 27. (3) Pliny, Hist. Nat., II. x. 6. (4) Dio Cassius, XXXIX.

44.

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SUBMISSION OF AQUITAINE. 151 pitched battles, and withdrew into the recesses of woods and marshes. Caesar, when he arrived in their country, was attacked by surprise at the moment he was beginning: to fortify his camp. He drove them back into the woods, but not without experiencing some loss; then, to open himself a wider road in the forest which had become their asylum, he caused the trees between him and the.enemy to be cut’down, and,:heaping them up to the right and the left, he formed two ramparts, which secured him from attacks on the flank. This work was executed in a few days over a great space with incredible celerity. Caesar had’ already reached-the place of refuge of the Morini and the Menapii, who retired further and further into the thickness of the forests; already he had captured their herds and baggage, which they were obliged to leave behind, when rain falling in torrents, no longer permitting the soldiers to remain under tents, compelled him.to retire. (1) He ravaged the country, burnt the habitations, and withdrew his army, which he placed in winter quarters (between the Seine and the Loire), among the Aulerci, the Lexovii, and the other peoples recently vanquished. (2) VII. The war of 698, directedl almost exclusively Observations. against the peoples on the shores of the ocean, shows clearly that CGesar already, at that time, entertained the design of making an expedition into the isle of Britain, for he not only de(t) Cmesar never entirely subjugated the northwest of Gaul. (See Sallust, cited by Ammianus Marcellinus, XV., 15.) Still’, under the reign of Augustus, in 724 and 726, there were triumphs over the Morini. (2) De Bello Gallico, III. 29.

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152 HISTORY OF JULIUS C2ESAR. stroys the only important fleet that could be brought against him, that of the Veneti, but he subjugates, either in person or by his lieutenants, all the countries which extend from Bayonne to the mouth of the Scheldt. It is worthy. of remark how much the Romans were superior to the barbarians, by discipline, tactics, and the art of sieges; with what facility they raised terraces, made dykes, or promptly cut down a forest to clear themselves a passage through it.. Truly, it is to the genius of Caesar that the glory of all these brilliant successes belongs; but we must also acknowledge that he had under his orders the best army in the world, and the men most experienced in the military profession. Among these were the chiefs placed over the machines and siege operations, named pre?fecti fabrorum. They rendered him the most signal services. Mention is made of L. Cornelius Balbus, (‘) who prepared the material of his army during his consulate, and Mamurra, (2) who, in spite of the bad character Catullus gives him in his satires, gave proof of his genius during the wars in Gaul. (1) “In prietura, in consulatu prsefectum fabrum detulit.” (Cicero, Orat. pro Balbo, 28.) (2) Mamurra, a Roman knight, born at Formice. (Pliny, Flist. Nat., XXXVI. 7.)

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CHAPTER VII.:(Year of Rome 699.) (BOOr IV. OF THE “COMMENTARIES.”) INCURSIONS OF THE USIPETES AND THE TENCTERI -FIRST PASSAGE OF THE RHINE 

FIRST DESCENT IN BRITAINCHASTISEMENT OF THE MORINI AND THE MENAPII. I. THE

Usipetes and the Tencteri, German peoples Cear’s March driven out of their place by the Suevi, etet the U had wandered during three years in difPetes and the Tenctenr. ferent countries of Germany, when, during the winter of 698 to 699, they resolved to pass the Rhine.. They invaded the territory of the Menapii (established on the two banks), surprised them, massacred them, crossed the river not far from its mouth (towards Cleves (l) and Xanten) (see Plate 14), and, (1) From Xanten to Nimegueni for a length of fifty kilombtres, extends a line of heights which.form a barrier along the left bank of the Rhine. All appearances would lead us to believe that the river flowed, in Cesar’s time, close at the foot of these heights; but nbw it has removed from them, and at Emmerich, for instance,.is’a~t a distance of eight kilo0mtres. This chain, the eastern slope of which is scarped, presents only two passes: one by a large opening at Xanten itself, to the north of the mountain called the Furstenberg; the other by a gorge of easy access, opening at Qualburg, near Cleves.. These two passes were so well defined as the entries to Gaul in these regions, that, after the conquest, the Romans closed them by fortifying the Furstenberg (Castra vetera), and founding, on the two islands formed by the Rhine opposite these-entries,.

(olonia-Trajana., now Xanten, and Quadriburgiurm, now Qualburg. The existence of these isles-facilitated at that time the passage of the Rhine, and, in all probability, it was opposite these two localities just named that the Usipetes and Tencteri crossed the river to penetrate into Gaul.

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154 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR after taking possession of the whole country, lived the rest of the winter on the provisions they found there. Caesar saw the necessity of being on his guard against the impression which this invasion would pro. duce on the minds of the Gauls. It was to be feared they would be tempted to revolt, with the assistance of the Germans who had just crossed the Rhine. To meet-this danger, Caesar crossed the mountains earlier than usual (maturius quam consuerat), and joined the army in the countries of the Aulerci and the Lexovii, between the Loire and the Seine, where it had wintered. His apprehensions were but too well founded. Several peoples of Gaul had invited the Germans to leave the banks of the Rhine and penetrate farther into the interior. Eager to respond to this appeal, the latter soon spread themselves far over the country, and already some of them had arrived at the countries of the Eburones and the Condrusi, the latter clients of the Treviri. On receiving news of this, Caesar called together the Gaulish chiefs who had invited the Germans, feigned ignorance of their conduct, addressed kind words to them, obtained cavalry from them, and, after securing his provisions, began his march against this new irruption of barbarians. He foresaw a formidable war, for the number of the Tencteri and Usipetes amounted to.

no less than 430,000 individuals men, women, and children. If we admit that among these peoples the proportion of the number of men capable of bearing arms was the same as in the emigration of the Helvetii, that is, one-fourth of the total population, we see that the

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INCURSIONS OF THE USIPETES AND THE TENCTERI. 155 Romans had to combat more than 100,000 enemies. (1) Without knowing exactly the road taken by Cmesar, we: may suppose that he promptly concentrated his army on the lower Seine to carry it towards the north, at Amiens, where he had convoked the Gaulish chiefs who had sought the support of the Germans. He followed, from Amiens, the road which.passes by Cambrai, Bavay, Charleroy, Tongres, and Maestricht, where he crossed the Meuse. (See Plate 14.) He was only a few days’. march from the Germans; when deputies came to propose, in. rather haughty language, an arrangement:-” Driven from their country, they have not taken the initiative in the war; but they (1) The account of this campaign is very obscure in the ” Commentaries.” Florus and.Dio Cassius add to the obscurities: the first, by placing the scene of the defeat of the’Usipetes and Tencteri towards the confluence of the Moselle and the Rhine; the second, by writing that Cbesar came up with the Germans in the country of the Treviri. Several authors have. given to the account of these two historians more credit than to that of Caesar himself, and they give of this campaign anl explanation quite different from ours. General de Gceler, among others( supposes that the whole emigration of the Germans had advanced as far as the country of the Condrusi, where Caesar came up with them, and that he had driven them from west to east, into the angle formed by the Moselle and the Rhine. From researches which were kindly undertaken by M. de Cohausen, major in the.Prussian army, and which have given the same re. sult as those of MM.

Stoffel and De Locqueyssie, we consider.this explanation of the campaign as inadmissible. It would be enough, to justify this assertion, to consider that the country situated between the Meuse and the Rhine, to the south of Aix-la-Chapelle, is too much broken and too barren to have allowed the German emigration, composed of 430,000 individuals, men, women, and children, with. wagons,‘to move and subsist in it. Moreover, it contains no trace of ancient roads; and if Caesar had taken this direction, he must necessarily have crossed the forest of the Ardennes, a circumstance of which he would not have failed to inform us. Besides, is it not more probable that, on the news of the approach of Caesar, instead of directing their march towards the Ubii, who were not favourable to them, the Germans, at first spread over a vast territory, would have concentrated themselves towards the most distant part of the fertile country on which they had seized-that of the Menapii?

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156 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. will not.seek to avoid it. The Germans have learnt from their ancestors, whoever may be the aggressor, to have recourse to arms, and never to prayers. They may be usefulallies to the Romans, if lands are given to them, or if they.are allowed to retain those they have conquered.. Moreover, with the exception of the Sueyi, to whom -the gods themselves are not equal, they know no people capable of resisting them.” Caesar imposed upon them, as a first condition, to quit Gaul; observing, “.Those who have not been able to defend their own lands, have no.right to claim the lands of others;” and he offered them a: settlement -among the Ubii, who were imploring his support against the Suevi.,- The deputies promised to bring an answer to. this proposal in three days; meanwhile, they begged him to suspend his march. Coesar considered that.this demalnd was only a subterfuge to gain time to recall the cavalry, which had been sent a few days before to collect plunder and provisions among the Ambivariti, (1) beyond the MOuse.. He rejected their proposal, and continued his advance. At thle appointed time, COesar, having passed the locality where Venloo now stands, was no longer more than twelve miles from the enemy; and the deputies returned as they had promised., They met the army in march, and earnestly entreated it should go no farther. When they found they could not prevail, they begged at least that the cavalry, which formed the vanguard, should not engage in action, and that they should be allowed a delay of three (1) The Ambivariti were established on the left bank of the Meuse, to the west of Rnremonde, and to the south of the marshes of Peel.

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INCURSIONS OF THE USIPETES AND THE; TENCTERI. 157 days, in order to -send deputies to the Ubii; if the latter bound themselves by oath to receive them, they would accept Caesar’s conditions.-.- The latter was not the dupe of this new stratagem,-yet he promised them to advance that day no more: than four miles, for the purpose of finding water. He invited them, further, to send’ a more numerous deputation next day. His cavalry received the order not to-provoke a combat, but to confine itself, in case of being:attacked, to remaining firm, and await the arrival -of the legions. When they learnt that Caesar was approaching the Meuse and.the Rhine, the Usipetes and Tencteri had concentrated their forces towards the confluence of those two rivers, in the most remote part of the country of the Menapii, and had established themselves on the river Niers, in the plains of Goch.- Caesar, on his side, after:leaving Venloo, had borne to the right to march to the encounter of:the enemy. Since, to the north of the Roer, there exists, between the Rhine and the Meuse, no other water.course but the INiers, he was evidently obliged to advance to that river to find water: he was four miles from it when he met, at Straelen, the German deputation, The vanguard, consisting of 5,000 cavalry, marched without distrust, reckoning on the truce which had been concluded.

Suddenly, 800 -horsemen (all at the disposal of the Germans, since the greater part of their cavalry had passed the Meuse) appeared bearing down upon Caesar’s. cavalry from the greatest distance at which they could be.

seen. In -an instant the ranks of the latter are thrown into disorder.

They have succeeded in forming again, when the German horse

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158 HISTORY OF JULIUS CCASAR. -men, according to their custom, spring to the ground, stab the horses in the bellies, and overthrow their riders, who fly in terror till they come in sight of the legions. Seventy-four of the cavalry perished, among whom was the Aquitanian Piso, a man of high birth and great courage, whose grandfather had wielded the sovereign power in his country, and had obtained from the Senate the title of “Friend.”

His brother, in the attempt to save him, shared his fate. This attack was a flagrant violation of the truce, and Caesar resolved to enter into no further negotiation with so faithless an enemy. Struck with the impression produced by this single combat on the fickle minds of the Gauls, he was unwilling to leave them time for reflection, but decided on delaying battle no longer; besides, it would have been folly to give the Germans leisure to wait the return of their cavalry. Next morning their chiefs came to the camp in great numbers, to offer their justification for the previous day’s attack in defiance of the convention, but their real object was to obtain by deception a prolongation of the truce. f Caesar, satisfied at seeing them deliver themselves into his power of their own accord, judged right to make use of reprisals, and ordered them to be arrested. The Roman army, then encamped on the Niers, was only eight miles distant from the Germans. (1) II. Caesar drew all the troops -out of his camp, formed the infantry in three lines, (‘) and placed the (1) De Bello Gallico, IV. 13. (2) ” Acie triplici instituta.” Some authors have translated these words by

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INCURSIONS OF THE USIPETES AND THE TENCTERI. 159 Rout ofthe Usipetes cavalry, still intimidated by the late com.andtheTencteri bat, in the rear guard. After marching rapidly over the short.distance which separated him from the Germans, he came upon them totally unexpected. Struck with terror at the’sudden appearance of the army, and disconcerted by the absence of their chiefs, they had the time neither to deliberate. nor to take their arms, ancdhesitated for a moment between flight and resistance. (1) While their cries and disorder announce their terror, the Romans, provoked by their perfidious conduct on the previous day, rush upon the camp. As many of the Germans as are quick enough to gainl their arms attempt to defend themselves, and combat among the baggage and wagons. But the women and children fly on every side. Caesar sends the cavalry to pursue them. As soon as the barbarians, who still resisted, hear behind them the cries of the fugitives, and see the massacre of their companions, they throw down their arms, abandon their ensigns, and rush headlong out of the camp. They only cease their flight when they reach the confuence of the Rhine and the Meuse, where some are massacred and others are swallowed up in the river.

(2) This victory, which did not cost the Romans “the army was formed in three columns;” but Coesar, operating in a country which was totally uncovered and fiat, and aiming at surprising a great mass of enemies,’

must haven marclbed in order of battle, which did not prevent each cohort from being in column. (1) Attacked unexpectedly in the afternoon, while they were sleeping. (Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 48.) (2) The study of the deserted beds of the Rhine leads us to believe that the conflueqce of the Waal and the Meuse, which is at present near Gorkum, was then much more to the east, towards Fort Saint-Andrd. In that case, Cxesar made no mistake in reckoning eighty miles from the junction of the Waal and the Meuse to the mouth of the latter river.

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160 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. a single man, delivered them from a formidable war. Caesar restored their liberty to the chiefs he had retained; but they, fearing the vengeance of the Gauls, whose lands they had ravaged,: preferred remaining with him. (‘) III. After so brilliant a success, Csesar, to secure Firstassge ofthe the results, considered it a measure of Rhine. - importance to cross the Rhine, and so seek the Germans in their homes. For this purpose, he must choose the point of passage where the right bank was inhabited by a friendly people, the Ubii. The study of this and the following campaigns leads us to believe that this was Bonn. (2) From the field (l) De Bello Gallico, IV. 14, 15. (2) The following reasons have led us to adopt Bonn as the point where Csesar crossed the Rhine: We learn from the “I Commentaries” that in 699 he debouched in the country of the Ubii, and that two,years later it was a little above (paulurn supra) the first bridge that he’established another, which joined the territory of the Treviri with that of the Ubii. Now everything leads to the belief that, in the first passage as in the second, the bridge was thrown across between the frontiers of the same peoples; for we cannot admit, with some authors, that the words paulum supra apply to a distance of several leagues. As to those who suppose that the passage was effected at Andernach, because, changing’ with Florus the Meuse (Mosa) into Moselle, they.place the scene of the defeat of the Germans at the confluence of the Moselle and the Rhine, we have given the reasons for rejecting this opinion. We have endeavoured to prove, in fact, that the battle against the Usipetes -and the.Tencteri. had for its theatre the confluence of.the Meuse and the Rhin:e.; and since, in crossing this latter river, Caesar passed from the country of Ithe Treviri into’ that: of the-Ubii, we must perceive that after his victory he must necessarily bave.proceeded up. the valley of the Rhine to go from the territory:of the Menapii to the Treviri, as far up as the territory of the Ubii, established on the right bank. This being admitted, it remains to fix, within the limits assigned to:these two last peoples, the most probable point of passage, Hitherto, Cologne: has been adopted; but, to answer to the data of the “Commentaries,” Cologne’ appears.to us to be much too far to the north. In fact, in the campaign.of 701, Caesar, having started from the banks of the Rhine, traversed the forest of the

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FIRST PASSAGE OF THE RHINE. 161 of battle, then, he proceeded up the valley of the Rhine;. he followed a direction indicated by the following localities: Gueldres, Crefeld, Neuss, Cologne, and. Bonn. (See-Plate 14.) Above all, it was Coesar’s intention to put a stop to the rage of the Germans for invading Gaul, to inspire them with fears for their own safety, and to prove to them that the Roman army dared and could cross a great river. He had, moreover, a plausible motive for penetrating’into Germany the refusal of the Sicambri to deliver up to him the cavalry of the U;sipetes and Tencteri, who had taken refuge among them after the battle. The Sicambri had replied to his demand, that the empire of the Roman people ended with the Rhine, Ardennes from east to west, passed near the Segni and the Condrusi, since they implored him to spare their territory, and directed his march upon Tongres. If he had started from Cologne, he would not have crossed the countries in question. Moreover, in this same year, 2,000 Sicambrian cavalry crossed the Rhine thirty’miles below the bridge of the Roman army. Now, if this bridge had been constructed at Cologne, the point of passage of the Sicambri, thirty miles below, would have been at a very great distance from Tongres, where, nevertheless, they seem to have arrived very quickly. On the contrary, everything is explained if we adopt Bonn as the point of passage. To go from Bonn to Tongres, Ceesar proceeded, as the text has it, across the forest of the Ardennes; he passed through the country of the Segni and Condrusi, or very near them; and the Sicambri, crossing the Rhine thirty miles below Bonn, took the shortest line from the Rhine to Tongres.

Moreover, we cannot place Coesar’s point of passage either lower or higher than Bonn. Lower, that is, towards the north, the different incidents related in the “Commentaries” are without possible application to the theatre of the events; higher, towards the south, the Rhine flows upon a rocky bed, where the piles could not have been driven in, and presents, between the mountains which border it, no favourable point of passage. We may add that Caesar would have been much,too far removed from the country of the Sicambri, the chastisement of whom was the avowed motive of his expedition. Another fact deserves to be taken into consideration: that, less than fifty years after Coesar’s campaigns, Drusus, in order to proceed against the Sicambri-that is, against the same people whom Cxesar intended to combat-crossed the Rhine at Bonn. -(Florus, IV. 12.) II.-L

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162 HISTORY OF JULIUS CIESAR. and that beyond it Coesar had no further claims. At the same time, the Ubii, who alone of the peoples:beyond the Rhine had sdught his alliance, claimed his protection against the Suevi, who were threatening them more seriously than ever. It would be a sufficient guarantee for their: safety, they said, to show himself on the right bank of the Rhine, so great was the renown of the Roman army among even the most remote of the German nations, since the defeat of Ariovistus and the recent victory; -and they offered him boats for passing the river.

Caesar declined this offer. It did not appear to him worthy of the dignity of himself or of the Roman people to have recourse to barbarians, and he judged it unsafe to.transport the army in boats. Therefore, in spite of the obstacles presented by a wide,‘deep, and rapid river, he decided on throwing a bridge across it. It was the first time that a regular army attempted to cross the Rhine. The bridge was constructed in the following manner. (See Plate 15.) Two trees (probably in their rough state), a-foot and a half in thickness, cut to a point at one of their extremities, and of a length proportionate to the depth of the river, were bound together with crossbeams at intervals of two feet from each other; let down into the water, and stuck into the ground by means of machines placed in boats coupled together, they -were driven in by blows of a rammer, not vertically, like ordinary piles, but obliquely, giving them.an.

inclination in the direction of the current. Opposite them, and at a distance of forty feet below, another couple of piles were placed, arranged in the same manner, but inclined in

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FIRST PASSAGE OF THE RHINE. 163 a contrary direction, in order to resist the violence of the river. In the interval left between the two piles of each couple, a great beam was lodged, called the headpiece, of two feet square; these two couples (hec~ utraque) were bound together on each side, beginning from the’ upper extremity, by two wooden ties (JibmIcA), so that they could neither’ draw from nor towards each other, and presented, according to the “Commentaries,” a whole of a solidity so great, that the force of the water, so far from injuring it, bound all its parts tighter together. (‘) This system formed one. row of piles of the bridge; and as many of them were established as were required by the breadth of the river. The Rhine at Bonn being about 430 mettres wide,.the bridge must have been composed: of fifty-six arches, supposing each of these to havee’been twenty-six Roman feet in length (7‘70 mtres). Consequently, there were fifty-four rows of piles. The floor was formed of planks reaching from one headpiece to the other, on which were placed.

transversely smaller planks, which were covered with hurdles. Besides this, they drove in obliquely, below each row of piles, a pile which, placed in form of a buttress (puce pro ariete subjectce), and bound in with it, increased the resist(‘) The following passage has given room for different interpretations:-’” Hec utraque insuper bipedalibus trabibus immissis, quantum eorum tigno-.rum junctura distabat, binis utrimque fibulis ab extrema parte distinebantur; quibus discltfsis atque in contrariam partem revinctis, tanta erat operis firmitudo atque ea rerum natura, ut, -quo major vis aqua se incitavisset, hoc arctius illigata tenerentur.” (De Bello Gallico, IV. 17.) It has not been hitherto’observed that the words hcec utraque relate to the two couples of.one row of piles, and not to the two piles of the same couple. Moreover, the words quibus disclusis, &c., relate to these same two couples, and not, as has been supposed, to fibulis.

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164 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. ance to the current.’ Other piles were similarly driven; in at a little distance’above the rows of piles, so as to form stockades, intended to stop trunks of trees and boats which the barbarians might have thrown down in order’ to break the bridge. These works were completed in ten days, including the time employed for the transport of the materials. Caesar crossed. the river with his army, left a strong guard at each extremity of the bridge, and marched towards the territory of the Sicambri, proc’eeding, no doubt,up the valley of the Sieg and the Agger. (See Plate 14.)‘During his march, deputies from different peoples came to solicit his alliance. He gave them a friendly reception, and exacted hostages. As to the Sicambri, at the beginning of the erection of the bridge, they had fled to the deserts and forests, terrified by the -reports of the Usipetes and Tencteri, who had takenlrefuge among them.

Caesar remained only eighteen days beyond the Rhine. During this time he ravaged the territory of the-Sicambri, returned to that of the Ubii, and promised them succour if they were attacked by the Suevi. The latter having withdrawn to the centre of their country, he renounced the prospect of combating them, and considered that he had thus accom. plished his design. It is evident, from what precedes, that Caesar’s aim was not to make the conquest of Germany, but to strike a great blow which should disgust the’barbarians with their frequent excursions across the Rhine. No doubt he hoped to meet with the Suevi, and give them battle; but learning that they had assembled at

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FIRST DESCENT IN BRITAIN. 165 a great distance from the Rhine, he thought it more prudent not to venture into an unknown country covered with forests, but:returned into Gaul, and caused the bridge to be broken. It was not enough for Caesar to have intimidated the Germans; he.formed a still bolder project, that of crossing the sea, to go and demand a reckoning of the Britons for the succour which, in almost-all his wars, and particularly in. that of the Veneti; they had sent to the Gauls. (l) IV. The Romans had but imperfect information reDescliption ofBrit-lating to Britain, which they owed to cerain in the time of Caesar. tain Greek writers, such as Pytheas of Marseilles, who had visited the Northern Sea in the fourth century before our era, and: Timaeus of Tauromenium. The Gauls who visited Britain for the. sake of traffic, knew hardly more than: the southern and south-eastern coasts.:Nevertheless, a short time before the arrival of the Romans, one of the populations of Belgic Gaul, the Suessiones, then governed by Divitiacus, had extended their domination into this island. (2) It was only after having landed in Britain. that Caesar was able to forma tolerably exact idea of its form and extent.

“Britain,” he says, ” has.- the form of a triangle, the base of.which, about -500 miles in extent, faces Gaul. The side which faces Spain, that is, the west, presents a length of about 700 miles. In this direction the island is separated from Hibernia (Ireland) by an arm of the sea, the breadth of which (1) De Bello Gallico, IV. 20. (2) De Bello Gallico, II.

4.

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166 HISTORY OF JULIUS CA2ESAR. is apparently the same as the arm of the sea which -separates Britain from Gaul; and he adds that ” the surface of Hibernia represents about one half the surface of Britain. The third part of the triangle formed by this latter island is eastward turned to the north, and 800 mileslong:; -it faces no land; only one of the angles of this side looks towards Germany.” (1) These imperfect estimates, which were to give place in the following century to others less inaccurate, (2) led the great captain to ascribe to the whole of Britain twenty times 100,000 paces in circuit.. He further gathered some information still more vague on the small islands in the vicinity of Britain. “One of them,” he writes, “is called Mona (the Isle ofM, an), and is situated in the middle of the strait which separates Britain from Hibernia.” The Hebrides, the Shetland islands (Acmodcw of the ancients), and the Orcades, which were only known to the Romans at the commencement of our era, (C) were confounded, in the minds of Caesar and his contemporaries, with the archipelago of the Feroe isles and Scandinavia. Caledonia (Scotland) appeared only in an obscure distance. Caesar represents the climate of Britain as less cold and more temperate than that of Gaul. With the exception of the beech (fagus) and the fir (abies), the same timbers were found in the forests of this island as on, the neighbouring continent. (4) They grew wheat there, and bred numerous herds of cattle. (6) (‘) De Bello Gallico, V. 13. (a) Pliny, Hist. Nat., IV. 30, ~ 16. (3) Pliny, Hist.

Nat., IV. 30, ~ 16.-Tacitus, Agricola, 10. (4) De Bello Gallico, V. 12.

(5) Strabo, IV., p. 199.

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FIRST DESCENT IN BRITAIN. 167 “The soil, if it is not favourable to the culture of the olive, the vine, and other products of warm climates,”

writes Tacitus, (1) produces in their place grain and fruits in abundance.

Although they grow quickly, they are slow in ripening.” Britain contained a numerous population. The interior was inhabited by peoples who believed themselves to be autochthones, and the southern and east-, ern coasts by a race who had emigrated from Belgic Gaul, and crossed the Channel and the Northern Sea, attracted by the prospect of plunder. After having made war on the natives, they had established themselves in the island, and became agriculturalists. (2) Caesar adds that nearly all these tribes which’ had come from the continent had preserved the names of the civitates from whence they had issued. And, in fact, among the peoples of Britain named by geographers in the ages subsequent to the conquest of Gaul, we meet, on the banks of the Thames’and the Severn, with the’ names of Belgsa and Atrebates. The most powerful of the populations of Belgic origin were found in Cantium (Kent), which was placed, by its commercial relations, in more habitual intercourse with Gaul. (3) The ” Commentaries” mention only a small number of British’ nations. These are the Trinobantes (the people of Essex and Middlesex), who proved the most faithful to the Romans, (‘) and whose principal oppidum’ was probably already, in the time of Caesar, Londinium (London),‘mentioned (‘) Agricola, 12. (2) De.Bto Gallico, V. 12.

(3).Je -Bello Gallico, V. 13 and 14. (4) De Bello Gallico, V. 20.

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168 HISTORY OF JULIUS CASAR. by Tacitus; (1) the Cenimagni (2) (Sufolk, to the north of the Trinobantes); the Segontiaci (the greater part of Ha/mpshire and Berkshire, southern counties); the Bibroci (inhabiting a region then thickly wooded, over which extended the celebrated forest of Anderida);(3) their territory comprised a small part of Hrampshire and Berkshire, and embraced the counties of Surrey and Sussex and the most western part of Kent; the Ancalites (a more uncertain position, in the north of Berkshire and the western part of Jiddilesex); the:Cassii -(Hertfordshire and Bedfordshire, central counties). Each of these little nations was governed by a chieftain or king. (4) The Belgae of Britain possessed the same manners as the Gauls, but/ their social condition was less advanced. Strabo (5) gives this proof, that, having milk in abundance, the Britons did not know how to make cheese, an art, on the contrary, carried to great perfection in certain parts of Gaul. The national character of the two populations, British and Gaulish, presented a great analogy:-” The same; boldness in seeking danger, the same eagerness to fly from it when it is before them,” writes Tacitus; “although the courage of the Britons has more of pride in it.” (6) This resemblance of the two races showed itself also in their exterior forms.

Yet, according to Strabo, the (1) Annales, XIV. 33. (2) Although the greater number of manuscripts read Cenimagni, some authors have made two names of it, the Iceni and the Cangi. (3) The Anderida Silva, 120 miles in length by 30 in breadth, extended over the counties of Sussex and Kent, in what is now called the Weald. (See Camden, Britannia, edit. Gibson, I., col. 151, 195, 258, edit. of 1753.) (4) Diodorus Siculus,V. 21.-Tacitus, Agricola, 12. (5) IV., p. 200. (6) Agricola, 11.

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FIRST DESCENT IN BRITAIN. 169 stature of the Britons was, taller than.

that of the Gauls, and their hair was less red. Their dwellings were but wretched huts made.of stubble and wood; (1) they stored up their wheat in subterranean repositories; their oppida were situated in the middle of forests, defended by a rampart and a fosse, and served for places of refuge in case of attack. (2) The tribes.of.the interior. of the island lived in a state, of greater barbarism than those of the maritime districts. Clothed. in.the skins. of animals, they fed upon milk and flesh. (3) Strabo even represents them as cannibals; and assures us that the custom existed among them of eating the bodies of their:dead relatives. (‘) The:men wore their hair very long, and a moustache; they rubbed their skin with woad, which gave them a blue colour, and rendered their aspect as combatants singularly hideous. (5) The women also coloured themselves in the same manner for. certain religious ceremonies, in which they appeared naked. (6) Such was the barbarism of the Britons of the interior, that the women were sometimes common to ten or twelve men, a promiscuousness which was especially customary amongst the nearest relatives. As to the children who were born of these incestuous unions, they were considered to belong to the first who had received into his house the mother while still a girl.(7) The Britons of the Cape Belerium ~(Coruwall) were very hospitable, and the trade: they (‘) Diodorus Siculus, V. 21. (2) De Bello Gallico, V. 21. (3) -De Bello Gallico, V. 14.

(4) Strabo, IV., p. 200. (5). De Bello Gallico, V. 14. (6) Pliny, Hist.

Nat., XXII. 1. (7) De Bello Gallico, V. 14. 8

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170 HISTORY OF JULIUS.CASAR. carried on with foreign merchants had softened their manners. (1) The abundance of metals in Britain, especially of tin, or plumbum album, which the Phoenicians went to seek there from a very remote antiquity, (2) furnished the inhabitants with numerous means of exchange. At all events, they were not acquainted with money, and only made use of pieces of copper, gold, or iron, the value of which was determined by weighing. They did not know how to make bronze, but received it from abroad. (3) The religion of the Britons, on which Coesar gives us no information, must have differed little from that of the Gauls, since Druidism passed for having been imported from’Britain into Gaul. (4) Tacitus, in fact, tells us that the same worship and the same superstitions were found in Britain as among the Gauls. (5) Strabo.

speaks, on the authority of Artemidorus, of an island neighbouring to Britain, where they celebrated, in honour of two divinities, assimilated by the latter to Ceres and Proserpine, rites which resembled those of the mysteries of Samothrace. (6) Under the influence of certain. superstitious ideas, the Britons abstained from the flesh of several animals, such as the hare, the hen, and the goose. which, nevertheless, they domesticated as ornamental objects. (7) The Britons, though living in an island, appear to have possessed no shipping in the time of Ce’sar. (‘) Diodorus Siculus,V. 22. (2) Diodorus Siculus, V. 22.-Strabo, IV., p. 200. (3) De Bello Gallico, V. 12. (4) De ]Bello Gallico, VI. 13. (5) Agricola, 11. (6) Strabo, IV., p. 199. (7) De Bello Gallico, V. 12.

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FIRST DESCENT IN BRITAIN. 171 They were foreign’ ships which came to the neighbourhood of Cape Belerium to fetch the tin, which the inhabitants worked with as much skill -as profit. (1) About a century after Caesar, the boats of the Britons were still only frames of wicker-work covered.with leather. (2) The inhabitants of Britain were less ignorant in the art of war than in that of navigation. Protected by small bucklers, (‘) and armed with long swords, which they handled with skill, but which -be-.came useless in close combat, they never combated in masses: they advanced in small detachments, which supported each other reciprocally.

(4) Their principal force was in their infantry; (6) yet they employed a great number of war-chariots armed with scythes. (8) They began by driving about rapidly on all sides, and hurling darts, seeking thus to spread disorder in the enemy’s ranks by the mere terior caused by the impetuosity of the horses and the noise of the wheels; then they returned into the intervals of their cavalry, leaped to the ground, and fought on foot mixed with the horsemen.:During this time the drivers withdrew gradually from the scene of action, and posted.themselves with the chariots so as to be ready in case of need to receive the combatants. (7) Thb Britons.thus united the movableness of cavalry with the steadiness of infantry; daily exercise had made them (‘) Diodorus Siculus, V. 22. (2) Pliny, Hist. Nat., IV. 30, ~ 16. (3) Tacitus, Agricola, 36. (4) De Bello Gallico,V. 16. (5) Tacitus, Agricola, 12. (6) Frontinus, Stratagm., II. 3, 18.-Diodorus Siculus, V. 21.-Strabo, IV., p. 200. (7) The account on page 213 confirms this interpretation, which is conformable to that of GeneraI Gaeler.

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1‘72 HISTORY OF JULIUS CESAR..so dexterous that they maintained their horses at full speed. on. steep slopes, drew. them in or; turned them at will, ran upon the shaft, held under the-yoke, and thence threw themselves rapidly into their chariots. (1) In war they used their dogs as auxiliaries, which the Gauls procured from Britain for the same purpose.

These dogs were; excellent for the chase. (2) In short, the::Britons were less civilised than the Gauls. If we except the art of working certain metals, their manufactures:were limited to the fabrication of the coarsest and, most indispensable objects.; and it was from Gaul they obtained collars, vessels. of amber and: glass, and ornaments of ivory for the bridles of their horses. (3) It was known also that: pearls were in the Scottish sea, and people easily believed that it concealed immense: reasures.. These details relating to Britain were..not collected until after the Roman expeditions, for that country was previously the subject of the most mysterious tales; and when Caesar resolved on its conquest, this bold enterprise excited people’s minds to the highest degree by the ever-powerful charm of the unknown. As to him, in crossing the Channel, he obeyed the same thought which had carried him -across the Rhine: he wished. to give the barbarians a high notion of Roman greatness, and prevent them from lending support to the insurrections in Gaul. V.

Although the summer approached its end, the (1) De Bello Gallico, IV. 32
and 33. (2) Strabo, IV., p. 200.

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FIRST DESCENT IN BRITAIN. 173 First Expedition to difficulties of a descent upon Britain did Britain not stop him. Even supposing, indeed, that the season should not permit him to obtain any decisive result by the expedition, he looked upon it as an advantage to gain a footing in that island, and to make himself acquainted with the locality, and with the ports and-points for disembarking. None of the persons whom he examined could or would give him any information, either on the extent of the country, or on the number and manners of its, inhabitants, or on their manner of making war, or on the ports. capable of receiving a large fleet.

Desirous of obtaining some light on these different points before attempting the expedition, Caesar sent C. Volusenus, in a galley, with orders to explore everything, and return as quickly as possible with the result of his observations. He proceeded in person with his army into the country of the Morini, from whence the passage into Britain was shortest.

There was on that coast a port favourably situated for fitting out an expedition against this island, the Portizus Itus, or, as we shall endeavour to prove farther on, the port of Boulogne. The ships of all the neighbouring re. gions, and the fleet constructed in the previous year for the war against the Veneti, were collected there. The. news of his project having been carried into Britain by the. merchants, the deputies of several nations in the island came with offers of submission. Caesar received them with kindness; and on their return he sent with them Commius, whom he had previously made king of the Atrebates. This man, whose courage, prudence, and devotion he appreciated, en

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174 HISTORY OF JULIUS-CJAESAR. joyed great credit among the Britons. He directed him to visit the greatest possible number of tribes, to keep them in good feelings, and to announce his speedy arrival. While Caesar remained among the Morini, waiting the completion of the preparations for his: expedition, he received a deputation which came in the name of a great part of the inhabitants to justify their past conduct. He accepted their explanations readily, unwilling to leave enemies behind him.

Moreover, the season was too far advanced to allow of combating the Morini, and their entire subjection was not a matter of sufficient importance to divert him from his enterprise against Britain: he was satisfied with exacting numerous hostages. Meanwhile Volusenus returned, at the end of five days, to report the result of his mission: as he had -not ventured to land, he had only performed it imperfectly. The forces destined for the expeditionconsisted of two legions, the 7th and the 10th, commanded probably by Galba and Labienus, and of a detachment of cavalry, which made about 12,000 legionaries and 450 horses. Q. Titurius Sabinus and L. Aurunculeius Cotta received the command of the troops left on the continent to occupy the territory of the Menapii and that of the country of the Morini which had not submitted. The lieutenant P. Sulpicius Rufus was charged with the guard of the port with a sufficient force. They had succeeded in collecting eighty transport ships, judged capable of containing the two legions of the expedition, with all their baggage, and a cer

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FIRST DESCENT IN BRITAIN. 175 tain number of galleys, which were distributed among the quaestor, the lieutenants, and the prefects.

Eighteen’ other vessels, destined for the cavalry, were detained by contrary winds in a little port (that of Ambleteuse) situated eight miles to the north of Boulogne. (‘) (See Plate 16.) Having made these dispositions, Coesar, taking advantage of a favourable wind, started in the night between the 24th and 25th of’August (we shall en~deavour to justify this date farther on), towards midnight, after giving Qrders to the cavalry to proceed to the port above (A.mbleteuse); he reached the coast of Britain at the fourth hour of the day (ten o’clock in the forenoon), opposite the cliffs of Dover. The cavalry, which had embarked but slowly, had not been able to join him. From his’ ship Caesar perceived the cliffs covered with armed men. At this spot’ the sea was so close to these cliffs that a dart thrown from the heights could reach the beach.

(2) The place appeared to him (1) From’what will be seen further on, each transport ship, on its return, contained 150 men. Eighty ships could thus transport 12;000 men, but since, reduced to sixtyeight, they were enough to carry back the whole army to the continent, they can only have carried 10,200 men, which was probably the effective force of the two legions. The eighteen ships appropriated to the cavalry might transport 450 horses, at the rate of twentyfive horses each ship. (2) The port of Dover extended formerly from the site of the present town, between the cliffs which border the valley of the Dour or of Charlton. (See Plate 17.) Indeed, from the facts furnished by ancient authors, and a geological examination of the. ground, it appears certain that once the sea penetrated into the land, and formed a creek which occupied nearly the whole of the valley of Charlton. The words of Casar are thus justified: ” Cujus loci hec erat natura, atque ita montibus ahgustis mare continebatur, uti ex locis superioribus in littus telum adjici posset.” (IV. 23.) The proofs of the above assertion result from several facts related in different notices on the towp of Dover. It is there said that in 1784 Sir Thomas

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176 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. in no respect convenient for landing. This description agrees with that which Q. Cicero gave to his brother, of “
coasts surmounted by immense rocks.” (1) (See Plate 17.) Caesar cast anchor, and waited in vain until the fifth hour (half-past three) (see the Concord. ance of Hours, App’endix B), for the arrival of the vessels which were delayed. In the interval, he called together his lieutenants and the tribunes of the soldiers, communicated to them his plans as well as the information brought by Volusenus, and urged:upon them the instantaneous execution of his orders on a simple sign, as maritime war required, in which the manoeuvres must be as rapid as they are varied. It is probable that Caesar had till then kept secret the point of landing. When he had dismissed them, towards half-past three o’clock, the wind and tide having; become favourable at the same time, he gave fhe signal for raisHyde Page caused a shaft to be sunk at a hundred yards from the shore, to ascertain the depth of the basin at a remote period; it proved that the ancient bed of the sea had been formerly thirty English feet below the present level of the high tide. In 1826, in sinking a well at a place called Dolphin Lane, they found, at a depth of twenty-one feet, a bed of mud resembling that of the present port, mixed with the bones of animals and fragments of leaves and roots. Similar detritus have been discovered in several parts of the valley.- An ancient chronicler, named Darell,‘relates’that “Wilbred, King of Kent, built in 700 the church of St. Martin, the ruins of which are still visible near the market-place, on the spot where formerly ships cast anchor.” The town built under the Emperors Adrian and Septimus Severus occupied a part of the port, which had already been covered with sand; yet the seastill entered a considerable distance inland. (See Plate 17.) It would appear to have been about the year 950
that the old port was entirely blocked up with the maritime and fluvial alluvium which have been increasing till our day, and which at different periods have rendered it necessary to construct the dykes and quays which have given the port its present form. (1) “Constat enim aditus insult esse munitos mirificis molibus.” (Cicero, Epist. ad Atticum, IV. 16.)

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FIRST DESCENT IN BRITAIN. 177 ing their anchors, and, after proceeding about seven miles to the east, as far as the extremity of the cliffs, and having, according to Dio Cassius, doubled a lofty promontory, (‘) the point of the South Foreland (see Plate 16), he stopped before the open and level shore which extends firom the castle of Walmer to Deal.‘From the heights of Dover it was easy for the Britons to trace the movement of the fleet; guessing that it was making for the point where the cliffs ended, they hastened thither, preceded by their cavalry and’their chariots, which they used constantly in their battles. They arrived in time to oppose the landing, which had to be risked under the most difficult circumstances.

The ships, on account of their magnitude, could only cast anchor in the deep water; the soldiers, on an unknown coast, with their hands embarrassed, their bodies loaded with the weight of their arms, were obliged to throw themselves into the waves, find a footing, and combat.

The enemy, on the contrary, with the free use of their limbs, acquainted with the ground, and posted on the edge of the water, or a little way in advance in the sea, threw their missiles with confidence, and pushed forward their docile and well-disciplined horses into the midst of the waves. Thus the Romans, disconcerted by this 3oncurrence of unforeseen circumstances, and strangers Lo this kind of combat, did not carry to it their usual ardour and zeal. In this situation, Caesar detached from the line of transport ships the galleys lighter ships, and of a form which was new to the barbarians-and directed (‘) Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 51..8* II.

A1

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178 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. them by force of rowing upon the enemy’s uncovered flank (that is, on his right side), in order to drive him from his position by means of slings, arrows, and darts thrown from the machines. This manceuvre was of great assistance; for.the Britons, struck with the look of the galleys, the movement of the oars, and the novel effect of the machines, halted and drew back a little. Still the Romans hesitated, on account of the depth of the water, to leap out of the ships, when the standard-bearer of the 10th legion, invoking the gods with a loud voice, and exhorting his comrades to defend the eagle, leaps into the sea and induces them to follow. (‘) This example is imitated by the legionaries embarked in the nearest ships, and the combat begins. It was obstinate. The Romans being unable to keep their ranks, or gain a solid footing, or rally round their ensigns, the confusion was extreme; all those who leapt out of the ships to gain the land singly, were surrounded by the barbarian cavalry, to whom the shallows were known, and, when they were collected in mass, the enemy, taking them on the uncovered flank, overwhelmed them with missiles. On seeing this, Cvesar caused the galleys’

boats and the small vessels which served to light the fleet to be filled with soldiers, and sent them wherever the danger required. Soon the Romans, having succeeded in establishing themselves on firm ground, formed their ranks, rushed upon the enemy, and put him to flight; but a long pursuit was impossible for w’ant of cavalry, which, through contrary winds in the passage, had (1) The Emperor Julian (p. 70, edit. Lasius) makes Caesar say that he had been the first to leap down from the ship.

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FIRST DESCENT IN BRITAIN. 179 not been able to reach Britain. In this alone fortune failed Caesar. In this combat,in which, no doubt, many acts of courage remained unknown, a legionary, whose name, CGesius Scoeva, has been preserved by Valerius Maximus, distinguished himself in a very remarkable manner. Having thrown himself into a boat with four men, he had reached a rock, (1) whence, with his comrades, he threw missiles against the enemy; but the ebb rendered the space between the rock and the land fordable. The barbarians then rushed to them in a crowd. His companions took refuge in their boat; he, firm to his post, made an heroic defence, and killed several of his enemies; at last, having his thigh transpierced with an arrow, his face bruised by the blow of a stone, his helmet broken to pieces, his buck-!dr covered with holes, he trusted himself to the mercy of the waves, and swam back towards his companions. When he saw his general, instead of boasting of his conduct, he sought his pardon for returning without his buckler. It was, in fact, a disgrace among the ancients to lose that defensive arm; but Caesar loaded him with praise, and rewarded him with the grade of a centurion. The landing having been effected, the Romans established their camp near the sea, and, as everything leads us to believe, on the height of Walmer. The galleys were hauled on the strand, and the transport ships left at anchor not far from the shore. (1) It is in the text, in scopulum vicinuam insuke, which must be translated by “a rock near the isle of Britain, ” and not, as certain authors have interpreted it, “a rock isolated from the continent.”

(Valerius Maximus, III. ii. 23.)In fact, these rocks, called Mfalms, are distinctly seen at low water opposite the arsenal and marine barracks at Deal.

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180 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. The enemies, who had-rallied after their defeat, decided on peace. They joined-with their deputies; sent, to solicit it, some of the Morini, with whom they lived on friendly terms, (‘) and Commius, theking -of the Atrebates, who had been previously sent on a mission to Britain. The barbarians had seized his person the moment he landed, and loaded him with fetters. After the combat, they set him at liberty, and came to ask pardon for this’offence, throwing the fault upon the multitude. Coesar reproached them with having received him as an enemy, after they had, of their own motion, sent deputies to’him on the continent to treat’ of peace. Nevertheless, he pardoned them, but required’hostages; part of these were delivered to him immediately, and the rest promised within a few days. Meanwhile they returned to their homes, and from all sides the chiefs came to implore the protection of the conqueror. Peace seemed to be established.‘The army had been four days in Britain, and the eighteen ships which carried the cavalry, quitting the upper port with a light breeze, approached the coast,‘and were already in view of the camp, when suddenly a violent tempest arose which drove them out of their course. Some were carried back to the point whence they had started, whilst others were driven towards the’south of the island, where they cast anchor; but, beaten by the waves; they were obliged, in the midst of a stormy night, to put to sea and regain the continent. This night, between the 30th and 31st of August, coincided with full moon; the Romans were ignorant (1) Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 51.

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FIRST DESCENT IN BRITAIN. -181 of the fact that this was the period of’the. highest tides on the ocean. The water soon submerged the galleys which had been drawn upon the dry beach, and the transport ships which had remained at anchor, yielding to the tempest, were broken on the coast or disabled. The consternation became; general; the Romans were in want of everything at once, both of the means of transport, of materials for repairing their ships, and even of provisions; for Caesar, not intending to winter in Britain, had carried thither n6 supplies. At the moment of this disaster, the chiefs of the Britains had’ again assembled to carry out the conditions imposed upon them; but, informed of the critical position of the Romans, and judging the small number of the invaders by the diminutive proportions of their camp, which was the more contracted as the legions had embarked without baggage(‘) they determined on again resorting to arms. The opportunity seemed favourable for intercepting provisions, and prolonging the struggle till winter, in the firm conviction that, if they annihilated the Romans and cut them off from all retreat, nobody would dare in future to carry the war into Britain. A new league is forming. The barbarian chiefs depart one after another from the Roman camp, and secretly recall the men they had sent away. Caesar as yet was ignorant of their design; but their delay in delivering the rest of the hostages, and the disaster which had befallen his fleet, soon led him to anti(‘) Coesar himself had only carried three servants with him, as Cotta relates. (Athenaeus, Deipnosophist., VI. 105.)

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182 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. cipate what would happen. He therefore took his measures to meet all eventualities. Every day the two legions repaired in. turn to the country.to reap; the fleet was repaired with. the timber and copper of the ships which had suffered most, and the materials of which they were in want were brought over from the continent. Thanks to the extreme zeal of the soldiers, all the ships were set afloat again, with the exception’of twelve, which reduced the fleet to sixtyeight vessels instead of eighty, its number when it left Gaul. During the execution of these works, Britons came backwards and forwards to the camp freely, and nothing predicted the approach of hostilities; but one day, when the seventh legion, according to custom, had proceeded to no great distance fiom the camp to cut wheat, the soldiers on guard before the gates suddenly came to announce that a thick cloud of dust arose in’the direction taken by the legion. Caesar, suspecting some attack from the barbarians, assembles the cohorts on guard, orders two others to replace them, and the rest of the troops -to arm and follow him without delay, and hurries forward in the direction indicated. What had happened was this.

The Britons, foreseeing that the Romans would repair to the only spot which remained to reap (pars una erat ~reliqua), had concealed themselves the previous night in the forests. After waiting till the soldiers of the 7th legion had laid aside their arms and begun to cut the grain, they had fallen upon them unexpectedly, and, while the legionaries in disorder were forming, they had surrounded them with their cavalry and. chariots.

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FIRST DESCENT IN BRITAIN. 183 This strange manner of combating had thrown the soldiers of the 7th legion into disorder. Closely surrounded, and resisting with difficulty under a shower of missiles, they would perhaps.

have succumbed, when Caesar appeared at the head of his cohorts; his presence restored confidence to his own men and checked the enemy.

Nevertheless, he did not judge it prudent to risk a battle, and, after remaining a certain length of time in position, he withdrew his troops.

The 7th legion had experienced considerable loss. (‘) Continual rains, during some days, rendered all operations impossible; but eventually the barbarians, believing that the moment had arrived to recover their liberty, assembled from all parts, and marched against the camp. Deprived of cavalry, Caesar foresaw well that it would go the same with this combat as with the preceding, and that the enemy, when repulsed, would escape easily by flight; nevertheless, as he had at’his disposal thirty horses brought into Britain by Commius, he believed that he could use them with advantage; (2) he drew up his legions in battle at the head of the camp, and ordered them to march forward. The enemy did not sustain the shock long, and dispersed; the legionaries pursued them as quickly and as far as their arms permitted; they returned to the’camp, after having made a great slaughter, and ravaged everything within a vast circuit. The same day, the barbarians sent deputies to ask (‘) Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 53. (2) At the battle of Arcola, in 1796, twentyfive horsemen had a great influence on the issue of the day. (Miemoires de Montholon, dictdes de Sainte-HEIlkne, II. 9.)

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184 HISTORY OF JULIUS CASAR. for peace. Coesar doubled the number of hostages he had required before, and ordered them to be brought to him on the continent. In all Britain, two states only obeyed this order. As the: equinox approached, he was unwilling to expose vessels ill repaired to a navigation in winter. He took advantage of favourable weather, set sail a little after midnight, and regained Gaul with all his ships without the least loss. Two transport vessels only were unable to enter the port of Boulogne with the fleet, and were carried a little lower towards the south. They had on board about 300 soldiers, who, once landed, marched to rejoin the army. In their way, the Morini, seduced by the prospect of plunder, attacked them by surprise, and soon, increasing to the number of 6,000,‘succeeded in surrounding them. The Romans formed in a circle; in vain their assailants offered them their lives if they would surrender.

They defended themselves valiantly during more than four hours, until the arrival of all the cavalry, which Caesar sent to their succour. Seized with terror, the Morini threw down their arms, and were nearly all massacred. (1) VI. On the day after the return of the army to Chastisement ofthe. the continent, Labienus received orders MoriniandMenapii. to reduce, with the two legions brought back from Britain, the revolted Morini, whom the marshes,:dried up by the summer heats, no longer sheltered from attack, as they had done the year before. On another side, Q. Titurius Sabinus and L. (1) be Bello Gallico, IV. 36 and 37.

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FIRST DESCENT IN BRITAIN. 185 Cotta rejoined Caesar, after laying waste and burning the territory of the Menapii, who had taken refuge in the depths of their forests. The army was established in winter quarters among the Belgae. The Senate, when it received the news of these successes, decreed twenty days of thanksgiving. (1) VII. Before he left for Italy, Caesar ordered his lieuOrder for Rebuild-tenants to repair the old ships, and to ing the Fleet. Departure for Illyria. construct during the winter a greater number, of which he fixed the form and dimensions. That it might be easier to load them and draw them on land, he recommended them to be made a little lower than those which were in use in Italy; this dis.

position presented no inconvenience, for he had remarked that the waves of the channel rose to a less elevation than those of the Mediterranean, which he attributed wrongly to the frequency of the motions of the tide and ebb, He desired also to have greater breadth in the vessels, on account of the baggage and beasts of burden he had to transport, and ordered them to be arranged so as to be able to employ oars, the use of which was facilitated by the small elevation of the side-planks. According to Dio Cassius, these ships held the mean between the light vessels of the Romans and the transport ships of the Gauls. (2) He procured from Spain all the rigging necessary for the equipment of these vessels. Having given these instructions, Csesar went into Italy to hold the assembly of Citerior Gaul, and aft(‘) De Bello Gallico, IV. 38. (2) Dio Cassius, XL.

1.-See Strabo, IV., p. 162, edit. Didot.

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186 HISTORY OF JULIUS CESAR. erwards started for Illyria, on the news that the Pirustes (peoples of the Carnic Alps) were laying the frontier waste.

Immediately on his arrival, by prompt and energetic measures, he put a stop to these disorders, and re-established tranquillity. (1) VIII. We have indicated, in the preceding pages, Points of Embark-Boulogne as the port at which Caesar emDgte and th Landvg. barked, and Deal as the point where he in Britain. landed in Britain. Before explaining our reasons, it will not be useless to state that in this first expedition, as well as in the second, the account of which will follow, the places of embarking and landing were the same. In the first place, the terms used in the “

Commentaries” lead us to suppose it; next, as we will endeavour to prove, he could only start from Boulogne; and lastly, according to the relation of Dio Cassius, he landed on both occasions at the same spot. (2) It is, then, convenient to treat here the question for both expeditions, and to anticipate in.regard to certain facts. Writers of great repute have placed the Portus Itius, some at Wissant, others at Calais, Etaples, or Mardyke; but the Emperor Napoleon I., in his Precis des Guerr’es de C(sar, has not hesitated in preferring Boulogne. It will be easy for us to prove in effect that the port of Boulogne is the Portus Itius, which alone answers the necessities of the text, and at the same time satisfies the requirements of a considerable expedition. (3) (‘) De Bello Gglhico, V. I.

(2) Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 56; XL. 1. (3) This opinion has been already supported by learned archeologists. I will

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FIRST DESCENT IN BRITAIN. 187 To proceed logically, let us suppose the absence of all kind of data. The only means to approach the truth would then be to adopt, as the place where Ce.sar embarked, the port mentioned most anciently by historians; for, in all probability, the point of the coast rendered famous by the first expeditions to Britain would have been chosen in preference for subsequent voyages. Now, as early as the reign of Augustus, Agrippa caused a road to be constructed, which went from Lyons to the ocean, across the country of the Bellovaci and the Ambiani, (1) and was to end at Gesoriacum (Boulogne), since the Itinerary of Antoninus traces it thus. (2) It was at Boulogne that Caligula caused a’pharos to be raised, (‘) and that Claudius embarked for Britain. (4) It was thence that Lupicinus, under the Emperor Julian, (5) and Theodosius, under the Emperor Valentinian, (6) Concite especially M. Mariette; Mr. Thomas Lewin, who has written a very interesting account of Ctesar’s invasions of England; and lastly, M. l’Abbe Haignera, archivist of Boulogne, who has collected the best documents on this question. (‘) Strabo, IV. 6, p. 173. (2) According to the Itinerary of Antoninus, the road started from Bagacum (Bavay), and passed by Pons-Scaldis (Escaut-Pont),‘Turnacum (Tournay), Viroviacum (

Werwick), Castellum (Montcassel, Cassel), Tarvenna (Therouanne), and thence to Gesoriacum (Boulogne). According to Mariette, medals found on the road demonstrate that it had been made in the time of Agrippa; moreover, according to the same Itinerary of Antoninus, a Roman road started from Bavay, and, by Tongres, ended at the Rhine at Bonn. (See Jahrbiicher des Vereins von Alterthums Freunden, Heft 37, Bonn, 1864. Now, admitting that there had been already under Augustus a road which united Boulogne with Bonn, we understand the expression of Florus, who explains that Drusus amended this road by constructing bridges on the numerous watercourses which it crossed, Bonnam et Gesoriacum pontibusjunxit.

(Florus, IV. 12.) (3) Suetonius, Caligula, 46. The remains of the pharos of Caligula were still visible a century ago. (4) Suetonius, Claudius, 17.

(5) Ammianus Marcellinus, XX. 1. (6) Ammianus Marcellinus, XX. 7, 8.

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188 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. stantius Chlorus, (1) and lastly, in 893, the Danes, (2) set sail. This port, then, was known and frequented a short time after Coesar, and continued to be used during the following centuries, while Wissant and Calais are only mentioned by historians three or four centuries l0ter. Lastly, at Boulogne, Roman antiquities are found in:abundance; none exist at Calais or Wissant. Caesar’s camp, of which certain authors speak as situated near Wissant, is only a: small modern redoubt, incapable of containing more than 200 men., To this first presumption in favour of Boulogne we may add another: the ancient authors speak only of a single port on the coast of Gaul nearest to Britain; therefore, they very probably give different names to the same place, among which names figures that of Gesoriacum. Florus (3) calls the place where Coesar embarked the port of the Morini. Strabo (4) says that this port was called Itius; Pomponius Mela, who lived’less than a century after Caesar, cites Gesoriaczum as the port of the Morini best known; (5) Pliny expresses himself in analogous terms. (6) Let us now show that the port of Boulogne agrees with the conditions specified in the ” Commentaries.” 1.

Caesar, in his first expedition, repaired to the coun(‘) Eumenius, Panegyric of Constantinus Ccesar, 14. (2) Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, cited by Mr. Lewin. (3) ” Qui tertia vigilia Morino solvisset a portu.” (Florus, III. 10.) (4) Strabo, IV. 5, p. 166. (5) “4 Ultimos Gallicarum gentium Morinos, nec portu quam Gesoriacum vocant quicquam notius habet.”

(Pomponius Mela, III. 2.)-’” Moplviop rJaoplaICYOV TiVELOV.” (Ptolemy, II.

ix. 3.) (6) “Hiec [Britannia] abest a Gesoriaco Morinorum gentis litore proximo trajectu quinquaginta M.” (Pliny, Hist. Nat., IV. 30.)

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FIRST DESCENT IN BRITAIN. 189 try of the Morini?, whence the passage from Gaul to Britain is shortest. Now, Boulogne is actually situated on the territory of that people which, occ.upying the western part of the department of the Pas-de-Calais, was the nearest to England. 2. In his second expedition, Caesar embar1ed at the port Itius, which he had found to ofer the most con. venientpassage for proceeding to Britain, distant f rom the continent about thir~ty Roman miles. Now; even at the present day, it is from Boulogne that the passage is easiest to arrive in England, because the favourable winds are more frequent than at Wissant and Calais.

As to the distance of about thirty miles (forty-four kilometres), Cesar gives it evidently as representing the distance from Britain to the Portus Itius: it is exactly the distance from Boulogne to Dover, whereas Wissant and Calais are farther from Dover, the one twenty, the other twenty-three Roman miles. 3. To the north, at eight miles’ distance from the Portus Itius, existed another port, where the cavalry eribarked. Boulogne is the only port on this coast at eight miles from which, towards the north, we meet with another, that of Ambleteuse. The distance of.eight miles is exact, not as a bird flies, but following the course of the hills. To the north of Wissant, on the contrary, there is only Sangatte or Calais. Niw Sangatte is six Roman miles from Wissant, and Calais eleven.‘4. The eighteen ships of the upper port were prevented by contrary winds from rallying the fleet at the priqncipal port.‘We understand easily that these

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190 HISTORY OF JULIUS C.ESAR. ships, detained at Ambleteuse by winds from the southwest or wsousouth-west, which prevail frequently in the Channel, were unable to rally the fleet at Boulogne. As to the two ships of burthen, which, at the return of the first expedition, could not make land in the same port as the fleet, but were dragged by the current more to the south, nothing is said in’the ” Commentaries” which would show that they entered a port; it is probable, indeed, that they were driven upon the shore. Nevertheless, it is not impossible that they may’have landed in the little fishers’ ports of Hardelot and Camiers. (See Plate 15.).We see from what precedes that the port of Boulogne agrees with the text of the “Commentaries.” But the peremptory reason why, in our opinion, the port where Caesar embarked is certainly that of Boulogne, is, that it would have been impossible to prepare elsewhere an expedition against England, Boulogne being the only place which united the conditions indispensable’

for collecting the fleet and embarking the troops. In fact, it required a port capable of containing either eighty trahsport ships and galleys, as in the first expedition, or 800 ships, as in the second; and extensive enough to allow the ships to approach the banks and embark the troops in a single tide. Now these conditions could only be fulfiljed where a river sufficiently deep, flowing into the sea, formed a natural port; and, on the part of the coasts nearest to England, we find only at Boulogne a river, the Liane, which presents all these advantages. Moreover, it must not be forgotten, all the coast has been buried in sand. It appears that it is

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FIRST DESCENT IN BRITAIN. 191 not more than a century and a half that the natural basin of Boulogne has been partly.filled; and, according to tradition and geological observations, the coast advanced more than two kilometres, forming t~fo jetties, between which the high tide filled the valley of the Liane to a distance of four kilometres inland. None of the ports situated to the north of Boulogne could serve as the basis of Coesar’s expedition, for none could receive so great a number of vessels, and we cannot suppose that Caesar would have left them on the open coast, during more than a month, exposed to the tempests of the ocean, which were so fatal to him on the coasts of Britain. Boulogne was the only point of the coast where Caesar could place in safety his depots, his supplies, and his spare stores. The heights which command the port offered advantageous positions for establishing his camps, (1) and the little river Liane allowed him to bring with ease the. timber and provisions he required. At Calais he would have found nothing but flats and marshes, at Wissant nothing but sands, as indicated by etymology of the word (white sand). It is worthy of remark, that the reasons which determined Caesar to start from Boulogne were the same which decided the choice of Napoleon I. in 1804. In spite of the difference in the times and in the armies, the nautical and practical conditions had undergone no change. “The Emperor chose Boulogne,” says M. Thiers, “because that port had long been (‘) The camp of Labienus, during the second expedition, was, no doubt, established on the site now occupied by the high town. From thence it commanded the surrounding country, the sea, and the lower course of the Liane. -

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192 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. pointed out as the best point of departure of an expedition directed against England; he chose Boulogne, because its port is formed by the little river Liane, which allowed him, with some labour, to place in safety from 1,200 to 1,300 vessels.” We may point out, as another similarity, that certain flat boats, constructed by order of the Emperor, had nearly the same dimensions as those employed by Caesar.

“There required,” says the historian of the’Consulate and the Empire,’

“boats which would not need more, when they were laden, than seven or eight feet of water to float, and which would go with oars, so as to pass, either in calm or fog, and strand without breaking on the flat English shores. The great gun-boats carried four pieces of large bore, and were rigged like brigs, that is, with two masts, manceuvred by twentyfour sailors, and capable of carrying a company of a hundred men, with its staff, and its arms and munitions… These boats offered a vexatious inconvenience, that of falling to the leeward, that is, yielding to the currents. This was the result of their clumsy build, which presented more hold to the water than their masts to the wind.” () Caesar’s ships experienced the same inconvenience, and, drawn away by the currents in his second expedition, they went to the leeward rather far in the north. We have seen that Caesar’s transport boats were flat-bottomed, that they could go either witk. sails or oars, carry if necessary 150 men, and be loaded and drawn on dry ground with promptness (ad celeritatern (1) Histoire du Consulat et de l’Empire, tom. IV., 1. 17.

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FIRST DESCENT IN BRITAIN. 193 onerandi subductionesque). They had thus a great analogy with the flat-bottomed boats of 1804. But there is more, for the Emperor Napoleon had found it expedient to imitate the Roman galleys.

” He had seen the necessity,” says M. Thlers,” of constructing boats still lighter and more movable than the preceding, drawing only two. or three feet of water, and calculated for landing anywhere. They were large boats, narrow, sixty feet long, having a movable deck which could be laid or withdrawn at will, and were distinguished from the others by the name of pinnaces. These large boats were provided with sixty oars, carried at need a light sail, and moved with extreme swiftness. When sixty soldiers, practised in handling the oar as well as the sailors, set them in, motion, they glided over the sea like the light boats dropped from the sides of our great vessels, and surprised the eye by the rapidity of their course.”

The point of landing has been equally the subject of a host of contrary suppositions. St. Leonards, near Hastings, Richborough (PRutupice), near Sandwich, Lymne, near Hythe, and Deal, have all been proposed. The first of these localities, we think, must be rejected, for it answers none of the conditions of the relation given in the “Commentaries,” which inform us that, in the second expedition, the fleet sailed with a gentle wind from the southwest. Now, this is the least favourable of all winds for taking the direction of Hastings, when starting from the coasts of the -department of the Pas-de-Calais. In this same passage, Caesar, after having been drawn away from his course during four hours of the night, perceived, at day9 II.-N

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194 HISTORY OF JULIUS C(ESAR. break, that he had left Britain to his left.

This fact cannot possibly be explained if he had intended to land at St.

Leonards. As to Richborough, this locality is much too far to the north.

Why should Caesar have gone so far as Sandwich, since he could have landed at Walmer and Deal? Lymne, or rather Romney Marsh, will suit’ no better.

This shore is altogether unfit for a landing-place, and none of the details furnished by the “Commentaries” can be made to suit it. (1) There remains Deal; but before describing this place, we must examine if, on his first passage, when Coesar sailed, after remaining five days opposite the (‘) What is now’called Romney Marsh is the northern part of a vast plain, bounded on the east and south by the sea, and on the west and north by the line of heights at the foot’of which the military canal has been cut.

It’is difficult to determine what was the aspect of Romney Marsh in the time of Caesar. Nevertheless,‘the small elevation of the plain’above the level, of the sea, as well.as the nature of the soil, lead us to conclude that the sea covered it formerly up to the foot of the heights of Lymne, except at least in the part called Dymchurch-Wall. This is a long tongue of land, on which are now raised three forts and nine batteries, and which, considering its height above the rest of the plain, has certainly never been covered by the sea. These facts appear to’be confirmed by an ancient chart in the Cottonian collection in the British Museum. Mr. Lewin appears to have represented as accurately as possible the appearance of Romney Marsh in the time of Caesar, in the plate which accompanies his work. The part not covered by the sea extended, no doubt, as he represents it, from the bay of Romney to near Hythe, where it terminated in a bank of pebbles of considerable extent. But it appears to us that it would have been difficult’for the Roman army to land on a bank of pebbles at”the very foot of the rather steep heights of Lymne. Mr. Lewin places the’Roman army, in the first expedition, at the foot of the heights, on the bank of pebbles itself, surrounded on almost all sides by the sea. In the second expedition, he supposes it to have been on the heights, at the village of Lymne; and, to explain how Caesar joined his fleet to the camp by retrenchments common to both, he admits that this fleet was drawn on land as far as the slope of the heights, and shut up in a square space of 300
metres each side, because we find there the ruins of an ancient castle called Stutfall Castle. All this is hardly admissible.

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FIRST -DESCENT IN BRITAIN. 195 cliffs of Dover, the current of which he took advantage carried him towards the north or towards the south. (See Page 17 7.) Two celebrated English astronomers, Halley and Mr. Airy, have studied this question; but they agree neither on the place where CGesar embarked, nor on that where he landed. We may, nevertheless, arrive at a solution of this problem by seeking the day on which Caesar landed. The year of the expedition is known by the consulate of Poinpey and Crassus-it was the year 699. The month in which the departure took-place is known by the following data, derived from the” Commentaries;” the fine -season was near its end, exigna parte aestatis reliqua (IV. 20); the wheat had been reaped everywhere, except in one single spot, omni ex reliquis partisbus demessofrunzento, unapars erat reliqua (IV..32); the equinox was near at hand, propin qua die acquinoctii (IV. 36). These data point sufficiently clearly to the month-of August. Lastly, we have, relative to the day of landing, the following indications:-After four days past since his arrival in Britain… there arose suddenly so violent a tempest ~… That same night it was full moon, which is the period of the highest tides of the ocean, Post diem quatrtam, quacm est in -Britanniars ventum ( )… (‘) Word for word, this expression signifies that the ships set sail.four days after the arrival of the Romans in England.’ The Latin language often employed the ordinal number instead of the cardinal number. Thus, the historian Eutropius says, ” Carthage.was destroyed 700 years after it was founded, Carthago septingentesimo dnno quam condita’erat deleta’ est.”’

Are we, in the phrase post diem quartum, to reckon the day of the arrival?

-Virgil says, speaking of the seventeenth day, septima post decimam.-Cicero uses the expression post sexennium in the sense of in six years. It is evident that Virgil counts seven days after the tenth. If the tenth was comprised in this number, the

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196 HISTORY OF JULIUS CZESAR. tanta tempestas subita coorta: est… ]Eadem nocte accidit, ut esset luna _lena, qui, dies maritimos cestus maximos in Oceano efficere consuevit. According to this, we consider that the tempest took place after four days, counted from the day of landing; that the full moon fell on the following night; and lastly, that this period coincided, not.with the highest tide, but with the highest tides of the ocean. Thus we believe that it would be sufficient for ascertaining the exact day of landing, to take’the sixth day which.preceded the full moon of the month of August, 699; now this phenomenon, according to astronomical tables, happened on the 31st,.towards three o’clock in the morning. On the eve, that is, 0on the 30th, the tempest had occurred; four full days had passed, since the landing.; this takes, us back to the 25th. Cesar then landed on the 25th of August. Mr. Airy, it is true,.has interpreted’the text altogether differently from our explanation: he believes that the expression post diem quartum may be taken in Latin for the third day; on another hand, he doubts if:Cvesar had in his army almanacks by which he, could know the exact day of the full moon; lastly, as the highest tide takes place a day and a half after the full moon, he affirms that Caesar, placing these two phe. nomena at the same.moment must have been mistaken, either in the day of the full moon, or in that of the highest tide; -and he concludes from this that the expression septima post decimam would signify simply the sixteenth day. On his part, Cicero. understands clearly the six-years as a lapse of time which’was to. pass, starting from the moment in which he speaks. - Thus, the post diem quartumr of Cxesar must be understood in the sense of four days accomplished, without reckoning the day of landing.,

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FIRST DESCENT IN BRITAIN. 197 landing may have taken place on the second, third, or fourth day before the full moon. Our reasoning has another basis, Let us first state that at that time the science of astronomy permitted people to know certain epochs of the moon, since, more than a hundred years before, during the war against Perseus, a tribune’ of the army of Paulus Aimilius announced on the previous day to his soldiers an eclipse of the moon, in order to counteract the effect of their superstitious fears. (1) Let us -remark also, that Caesar,‘who subsequently -reformed the calendar, was -well informed in the astronomical knowledge of his time, already carried to a very high point of advance by Hipparchus, and that he took especial interest in it, since he discovered, by means of waterclocks, that the nights were shorter in Britain than in Italy. Everything, then, authorises us in’ the belief that Caesar, when he embarked for an unknown country, where he might have.to make night marches, must have taken precautions for knowing the course of the moon, and furnished himself with calendars: But we have put the question independently of these considerations, by seeking among the days which preceded the full moon of the end of August, 699, which was the one in which the shifting of the currents of which Caesar speaks could have been produced at the hour indicated in the ” Commentaries.” Supposing, then, the fleet of Caesar at anchor at a distance of half as mile opposite Dover, as it experienced the effect of the shifting of the currents towards (1) Titus Livius, XLIV. 37.

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198 HISTORY OF JULIUS CiESAR. half-past three o’clock in the afternoon, the question becomes reduced to that of determining the day of the end of the month of August when this phenomenon took place at the above hour. We know that in the Channel the sea produces, in rising and falling, two alternate currents, one directed from the west to the east, calledflux (flot), or current of the rising tide; the other directed from the east to the west, named’reflux (jusant), or current of the falling tide. In the sea opposite Dover, at a distance of half a mile from the coast, the flux begins usually to be sensible two hours before high tide at Dover, and the reflux four hours after. So that, if we find a day before the full moon of the 31st of August, 699, on which it was high tide at Dover, either at half-past five in the afternoon or at midday, that will be the day of landing; and further, we shall know whether the current carried Cvesar towards the east or towards the west. Now, we may admit, according to astronomical data, that the tides of the days which preceded the full moon of the 31st of August, 699, were sensibly the same as those of the days which preceded the full moon of the 4th of September, 1857; and, as it was the sixth day before the full moon of the 4th of September, 1857, that it was high tide at Dover towards half-past five in the afternoon (see the Annuaire des Miares des C6tes de France for the year 1857, (‘) we are.led to conclude that the same phenomenon was produced also at Dover on the (1) We must now go back to the fourteenth day before the full moon, that is, to the 17th of August, 699, to find a day on which high tide took place at Dover towards midday.

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FIRST DESCENT IN BRITAIN. 199 sixth day before the 31st of August, 699; and that it was on the 25th of August that Caesar arrived in Britain, his fleet being carried forward by the current of the rising tide. This last conclusion, by obliging us to seek.the point of landing to the north of Dover, constitutes the strongest theoretic presumption in favour of Deal.

Let us now examine’ if Deal satisfies the requirements of the Latin text.

The cliffs which border the coasts of England towards the southern part of the county of Kent form, from Folkestone to the castle of Walmer, a vast quarter of a circle, convex towards the sea, abrupt on nearly all points; they present several bays or creeks, as at Folkestone, at Dover, at St.Margaret’s, and at Oldstairs, and, diminishing by degrees in elevation, terminate at the castle of Walmer. From this point. proceeding towards the north, the coast is flat, and favourable for landing on an extent of several leagues. The country situated to the west of Walmer and Deal is itself flat as far as the view can reach, or presents only gentle undulations of ground. We may add that it produces, in great quantities, wheat of excellent quality, and that the nature of the soil leads us to believe that it was the same at a remote period. These different conditions rendered the shore of Walmer and Deal the best place of landing for the Roman army. Its situation, moreover, agrees fully with the narrative of the ” Commentaries.” In the first expedition, the Roman fleet, starting friom the cliffs of Dover and doubling the point of the South Foreland, may have

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200 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. made the passage of seven miles in an hour; it would thus have come’to anchor opposite the present village of Walmer.

The Britons, starting from Dover, might have made a march of eight kilometres quickly enough to oppose the landing of the Romans. (See Plate 16.) The combat which followed was certainly fought on the part of the shore which extends from Walmer Castle to Deal.. At present the whole extent of this coast is covered with buildings, so that it is impossible to say what was its exact form nineteen centuries ago; but, from a view of the locality, we can understand without difficulty the different circumstances of the combat described in Book IV. of the ” Commentaries.”

Four days completed after the arrival of Caesar in Britain, a tempest dispersed the eighteen ships which, after quitting Ambleteuse, had arrived just within sight of the Roman camp. All the sailors of 1the Channel who have been consulted believe it possible that the same hurricane, according to the text, might have driven one part of the ships towards the South Foreland and the other part towards the coast of Boulogne and Ambleteuse.

The conformation of the ground itself indicates the site of the Roman camp on the height where the village of Walmer rises. It was situated there at a distance of 1,000 or 1,200 metres from the beach, in a position which commanded the surrounding country. And it is thus easy to understand, from the aspect-of the locality, the details relative to the episode of the 7th legion, surprised while it was mowing. () It might be objected that at Deal (‘) Mr. Lewin has stated that the country between Deal and Sandwich pro

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FIRST DESCENT IN BRITAIN. 201 the Roman camp was not near to a watercourse, but they could dig wells, which is the only method by which the numerous population of Deal at the present day obtain water. From all that has just been said, the following facts appear to us to be established in regard to the first expedition. Camsar, after causing all his flotilla to go out of the port the day before, started in the night between the 24th and 25th of August, towards midnight, from the coast of Boulogne, and-arrived oppo. site Dover towsds six o’clock in the morning.

He remained at anchor until half-past three in the afternoon, and then, having wind and tide in his favour, he moved a distance of seven miles and arrived near Deal, probably between Deal and Walmer Castle, at half-past four. As in the month of August twilight lasts till after half-past seven, and its effect may be prolonged by the moon, which at that hour was inthe middle of the heaven, Caesar had still four hours left for landing, driving back the Britons, and establishing himself on the British soil. As the sea began to ebb towards half-past five, this explains the anecdote of Caesius Scseva told by Valerius Maximus; for, towards seven o’clock, the rocks called the.ligalms might be left uncovered by the ebb of the tide.

After four entire days, reckoned from the moment of landing, that is, on the 30th of August, the tempest arose, and full moon occurred in the following night. duces no wheat. This assertion is tolerably true for the tongue of-marshy land which separates thdse two localities; but what does it signify, since wheat grows in great quantities in all the part of the county of Kent situated to the west of the coast which extends from the South Foreland to Deal and Sandwich? 9*

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202 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. This first expedition, which Caesar had undertaken too late in the season, and with too few troops, could not lead to great results. He himself declares that he only sought to make an appearance in Britain. In fact, he did not remove from the coast, and he left the island towards the 17th of September, having remained there only twenty-three days. (‘) IX. We recapitulate as follows the probable dates Rgsumg oftheDates of the campaign of 699:of the Campaign of 99.he Campaign Caesar crosses the. mo:ntains earlier than sual. April 10. His arrival at the army between the Loire and the Seine.. April 22. Abode with the army, and informations…… From April 22 to May 10. (‘) It is almost impossible to fix with certainty the day when Caesar quitted Britain; we know only that it was a short time, before the equinox (propinqua die cequinoxii), which, according to the calculations of M. Le Verrier, fell on the 26th of September, and that the fleet started a little after midnight. If we admit a passage of nine hours, with a favourable wind (ipse idoneanm tenmpestatern nactus), as on the return of the second expedition, Caesar would have arrived at Boulogne towards nine o’clock in the morning. As the fleet could not enter the port until the tide was in, it is sufficient, to know approximatively the date of Caesar’s return, to seek what day in the month of September, 699, there was high tide at that hour at Boulogne. Now, in this port, the tide is always at its height towards nine o’clock in the morning two or three days before full moon and before new moon; therefore, since the full moon of the month of September, 699, took place on the 14th, it must have been about the 11th or 12th of September that Caesar returned to Gaul. As to the two ships which were driven farther down, Mr. Lewin (Invasion of Britain by J. Ccesar) explains this accident in a very judicious manner. He states that we read in the tide-tables of the English Admiralty the following recommendation: “In approaching: Boulogne’when the tide is flowing in, great attention must be paid, because the current, which, on the English side, drags a ship towards the east, on the Boulogne side drags them, on the contrary, towards the Somme.” Nothing, then, is more natural than that the two Roman transport ships should be driven ashore to the south of Boulogne.

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FIRST DESCENT IN BRITAIN. 203 March to between the Meuse and the Rhine….. From May 11 to May 28. Victory over the Usipetes and Tencteri June 4. Arrival at Bonn for the passage of the Rhine. June 11.

Construction of the bridge of piles (10 days)…. From June 12 to June 21.

The campaign beyond the Rhine (18 days)…. From June 22 to July;9. March from Bonn to Boulogne, From July 11 to July 28. Preparations for the expedition to Britain….. From July 28 to August 24. Departure.’ Night between Aug. 24 and Aug. 25. Landing…….. August 25. The tempest……… August 30. Duration of the abode in Britain (18 days)….

From August 25 to Sept. 12. Return to Gaul. Sept. 12. Autumnal equinox…… Sept. 26.

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CHAPTER VIII. (Year of Rome 700.) (BooK V. OF THE ” COMMEN;ARIES.”) MARCH

AGAINST THE TREVIRI -SECOND DESCENT IN BRITAIN. I..CAIER, after having appeased the troubles of Inspection of the Illjria, and passed some time in Italy, Fleet. March againstthe Treviri. rejoined the army in the country of the Belgoe, at the beginning-of June in the year‘700.

Immediately on his arrival, he visited all his quarters, and the naval arsenal established, according to Strabo, at the mouth of the Seine. (1) He found his fleet ready for sea. In, spite of the scarcity of necessary materials, the soldiers had laboured in building it with the greatest zeal. He rewarded them with commendations, complimented those who had directed the works, and appointed for the general rendezvous the Portus Itius (Boulogne). The concentration of the fleet required a considerable length of time, of which Caesar took advantage to prevent the effects of the agitation which had shown itself among the Treviri. These populations, rebelling against his orders, and suspected of having called the Germans from beyond the Rhine, did not send their representatives to the assemblies. Caesar march(‘) ” It was there (the mouth of the Seine) that Caesar established his naval arsenal, when he passed over to that island (Britain.)” (Strabo, II. 160.)

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SECOND DESCENT IN BRITAIN. 205 ed against them with four legions, without baggage, and 800 cavalry, and left troops in sufficient number to protect the fleet. The Treviri possessed, in addition to a considerable infantry, a more numerous cavalry than any other people in Gaul. They were divided into two factions, whose chiefs, Indutiomarus and his son-in-law Cingetorix, disputed the chief power. The latter was no sooner’informed of the approach of the legions, than he repaired to Caesar, and assured him that he would not fail in his duties towards the Roman people.

Indutiomarus, on the c~ontrary, raised troops, and caused to be placed in safety, in the immense forest of the Ardennes, which extended across the country of the Treviri from the Rhine to the territory of the Remi, all those whose age rendered them incapable of carrying arms. But when he saw several chiefs (prirncipes), drawn by their alliance with Cingetorix or intimidated by the approach of the Romans, treat with Caesar, fearing to be abandoned by all,.he made his submission..Although Caesar put no faith in his sincerity, yet, as he did not want to pass the fine season among the Treviri, and as he was desirous of hastening to Boulogne, where all was ready for the expedition into Britain, he was satisfied with exacting 200 hostages, among whom were the son and all the kindred of Indutiomarus, and, after having assembled the principal chiefs, he conferred the authority on Cingetorix.‘This preference accorded to a. rival turned Indutiomarus into an irreconcileable enemy.’(‘) (1) De Bello-Gallico, V.

3, 4.

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206 HISTORY OF JULIUS CiESAR. II. Hoping’. that he had pacified the country by Departure for the these measures, Caesar proceeded with his sle~fBritai”’ four legions to the Portus Itius. His fleet, perfectly equipped, wag ready to sail. Including the vessels of the preceding.

years, it was composed of six hundred transport ships and twentyeight galleys.. It wanted only forty ships built in the country of the Meldae, (1) which a tempest had driven back to their point of departure; adding to it a certain number of light barques which many chiefs had caused to be built for their own personal usage, the total amounted to 00 sail. (2) The Roman army concentrated at Boulogne consisted of eight legions and 4,000
cavalry raised in the whole of Gaul and in Spain; () but the expeditionary body was composed only of five legions and 2,000 cavalry. Labienus re(‘) The Meldr dwelt on the Marne, in the country around Meaux; and as we have seen, according to Strabo, that. Cxesar had established his naval arsenal at the mouth of the Seine, there is nothing extraordinary in the circumstance that some of the ships were built near Meaux. But it is not reasonable’to suppose, with some writers, that the Melde dwelt at the mouth ok the Scheldt, and believe that Caesar had left important shipyards in an enemy’s country, and out of reach of-protection. (2) The five legions which Cwesar led into Britain made, at about 5,000 men each, 25,000 men. There were, in addition to these,.2,000 cavalry. If we suppose, as in the first’ expedition, twentyfive horses per ship, it would require eighty to contain the cavalry. In the preceding year, eighty transport ships had been sufficient for two legions, without baggage-200
ought to have been enough for five legions; but as the ” Commentaries”

give us to understand that these vessels were narrower, and that the troops had their baggage, it may be believed that they required double the number of ships, that is, 400, for the transport of the five legions, which would make about sixty-two men in a ship. There would remain 160
transport ships for’ the Gaulish and Roman chiefs, the valets, and the provisions. The twentyeight galleys were, no doubt, the true ships of war, destined to protect the’fleet and the landing. (3) According to a passage in the ” Commentaries” (Book V. 26), there was in the Roman army a body of Spanish cavalry.

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SECOND DESCENT-IN BRITAIN. 207 ceived orders to remain on the coast of the Channel with three legions, and one-half of the cavalry, to guard the ports, provide for the supply of the troops, keep watch upon Gaul, and act according to circumstances. Coesar had convoked the principal citizens, of each people (principes ex omnibus civitatibus), and left upon the.

continent but the small number of those of whose fidelity he was assured, taking with him the others as pledges of tranquillity during his absence.

Dumnorix, who commanded the Aiduan cavalry in the expedition, was of all the chiefs the one it was most important to carry with him. Restless, ambitious, and distinguished by his courage and credit, this man had tried every means in vain to obtain permission to remain in his country.

Irritated by the refusal, he became a-conspirator, and said openly that Caesar only dragged the nobles into Britain to sacrifice them. These plots were known and watched with care. It was the end of June. The wind from the northwest, which on this coast blows habitually at this pe. riod of the year, retarded the departure of the fleet twentyfive days; at length a favourable wind rose, and the army received orders to embark. In the middle of the bustle and confusion of starting, Dumnorix left the camp secretly with the:~duan cavalry, and took the road for his own country.

When this was known, the’ embarkment was suspended, and a great part of the cavalry went in pursuit of the fugitive, with orders to bring him back dead or alive. Dumnorix, soon overtaken, resists, and is surrounded and slain. The iAduan cavalry all returned to the camp.

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208 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. On the 20th!of July, we believe, the fleet raised anchor at sunset, with a light breeze from the southwest. This wind having ceased towards midnight, the fleet was carried rather far out of its route by the current of the rising tide. At daybreak, Caesar perceived that he had left Britain to his left. (See Plate 16.) But then came on the shifting of the current, of which he took advantage, and, aided by the reflux (jusant), laboured with all oars to gain the part of the isle found, in the preceding year, to offer an easy landing. Under these circumstances, the soldiers, with a persevering energy, succeeded, by”

means of their oars, in giving to the transport ships, in spite of their heaviness, the speed of galleys. The army landed, towards noon, on several points at once, (1) without any appearance of the enemy. Prisoners reported subsequently that the barbarians, terrified at the view of so great a number of ships, had withdrawn to the heights. (‘) III. Having effected the landing, Csesar established MarchintotheInte-his camp in a good position, near the ior of the Country. sea. (3) The fleet, left at anchor near the shore, on a level beach without shoals, under the command of Atrius, inspired him with no uneasiness. (4) As soon as he knew where the enemy was posted, he (‘) Dio Cassius, XL. 1. (2) De Bello Gallico, V.

8. (3) This appears to us to be evident, since we shall see subsequently Cxesar inclosed his fleet within the retrenchments contiguous to his camp.

(4) As in the first expedition the disaster which happened to his fleet must have proved to Csesar the danger to which the vessels were exposed on the coast, the above reflection indicates that, in his second expedition, he chose a better anchorage, at a few kilometres farther to the north.

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SECOND.DESCENT IN BRITAIN. 209 began his march at the third watch (midnight), leaving ten cohorts (‘) and 300 cavalry-to guard the fleet.

After having proceeded during the night about twelve miles, the Romans at daybreak came in sight of the barbarians, posted on the heights of Kingston, beyond a’ stream of water now called the Little Stour.(2) (‘) Ten cohorts formed a. legion; but Caesar does. not employ this last expression, because, no doubt,. he drew from each of his legions two cohorts, which he left for the guard of’the camp. In this manner he preserved the tactical number of five legions,.w.hich was more advantageous, and. caused each legion to participate in the honour of combating. (2) If from the sea-shore, near Deal, where we suppose that the Romans established their camp, we describe, with a radius of twelve miles, an arc of a circle, we cut towards the west, the villages of Kingston and Barham, and more to the north, the village of Littlebourne, a stream called the. Little Stour, which rises near Lyminge, flows from south to north across a rather irregular country, and falls into the Great Stout.

This stream is incontestably theflumen of the “Commentaries.” There is the less. room for error, as we find no other stream in the part of the county of Kent comprised between the coast of Deal and the Great Stour, and as this latter runs too far from Deal to answer to the text. Although the Little Stour is not, between. Barham and Kingston, more than from three to four metres broad, we need not be astonished at the denomination offlumen given to it by Caesar, for he employs the same expression to designate simple rivulets, such as the Ose and the Oserain.. (De Bello Gallico, VII.

69, Alesia.) But did Caesar reach the Little Stour towards Barham and Kingston or towards Littlebourne? The doubt is allowable. We believe, nevertheless,‘that the country of Barham and Kingston agrees best with the idea we form from reading the ” Commentaries.”. The heights on the left bank. of the Little Stour are not so broken as to prevent chariots and cavalry from manceuvring on them, and the Britons might have occupied, as the text requires, a commanding position, locus superior, on. the banks which. end at the river in gentle slopes. This stream, considering its little depth, does not form any real obstacle. Now it appears, in fact, to result from the recital of the ” Commentaries,” that the engagement’at it was not of a serious character, and that Cxesar’s cavalry passed it without difficulty.’ This last fact forms an objection to’the Great Stour, which several authors, and among others General de Gceler, take for the.flumen of the text; it is sufficiently broad and sufficiently steep-banked towards Sturry, where they place the scene of the’action,‘to render the passage difficult for cavalry. Moreover, Sturry is fifteen, and not twelve miles from the coast of Deal. II.- O

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210.HISTORY OF JULIUS C]ESAR. These caused their cavalry and chariots to advance as far as the bank of the stream, seeking, from their commanding position, to dispute the passage; but, repulsed by the cavalry, they withdrew into a forest where there was a place singularly fortified by nature and art, a refuge constructed in former times in their intestine wars. (1) Numerous abatis of felled trees closed all the avenues. The Romans pushed the enemy up to the border of the wood, and made an attempt to carry the position. The Britons issued forth in small groups to defend the approaches of their oppiu1am; but the soldiers of the 7th legion, having formed the tortoise and pushed a terrace up to the inclosure, obtained possession of the retrenchment, and drove them out of the wood without sensible loss. Coesar prevented the pursuit; he was unacquainted with the country, and wished to employ the rest of the day in fortifying his camp. (‘) IV. Next morning, he divided the infantry and Detrtionofapart cavalry into three bodies, and sent them ofthe Fleet.

separately in pursuit of the enemy. The troops had advanced a considerable distance, and already the hindmost of the fugitives were in view, when a party of cavalry, despatched by Q. Atrius, came to announce that, in the preceding night, a vio(1) It is evident that this place must not be sought at more than a few kilometres from the Little Stour; for it must be remembered that the Romans had landed the day before, that they had made a night march of twelve miles, and that they had just given battle.

Unfortunately, the country situated to the west of Kingston is so much broken and: wooded, that it is impossible to choose one site rather than another to make a British oppidum. Perhaps it might be placed towards Bursted or Upper Hardres. (2) De Bello Gallico, V. 9.

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SECOND DESCENT IN BRITAIN. 211 lent tempest had damaged and thrown on shore nearly all the vessels. Neither anchors nor. cordage had been strong enough to resist; the efforts of pilots and sailors had been powerless, and the shocks of the vessels against one another had caused serious loss.

At this news, Caesar called in his troops, ordered them to limit their efforts to repulsing the enemy as they retired; and hurried on before them to his fleet. He verified the correctness of the losses which were an.nounced: about forty ships were destroyed, and the repair of the others required a long labour.. e took the workmen attached to the legions, and brought others from the continent; wrote to Labienus to build, with his troops, the greatest number of ships possible; and lastly, in order to place his fleet in safety from all danger, he resolved, in spite of the labour it must entail upon him, to haul all the vessels on land, and inclose them in the camp by a new retrenchment. (‘) The soldiers employed ten entire days in this work, without interruption, even during the night.

(2) V. The vessels once placed on dry ground and surrounded with substantial defences, Caesar left in the (I);It ha.. appeared to, us interesting to explain how Caesar could join the fleet to the clamp. The Roman camp must have been on flat ground, to allow of the possibility of drawing up the ships of the fleet. Supposing that the mean size of each ship was twentyfive metres long by six metres broad, and that the 800
ships composing the fleet had been placed at two metres from each other, on five lines separated by a distance of three metres, the fleet would have covered. a rectangle of 1,280 metres by 140,:joined with the camp by other trenches. It is, of course, understood that the lightest boats would form the line farthest from the sea. (2) De Bello Gallico, V. 11.

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212 HISTORY. OF. JULIUS CJESAR. Csesarresumes camp the same troops as before, and rethe offensive. turned towards the localities where he had been obliged to abandon the pursuit of the Britons. He found them collected in great, number. The general direction iof the war had been entrusted to Cassivellaunus, whose states were separated from the maritime districts by the Thames, a river which was about eighty miles distant from the coast. (3) This chief had heretofore had to sustain continual wars against. the other peoples of the island; but, in face of the danger, all, with unanimous accord, agreed in giving him the command. The enemy’s cavalry, with the war-chariots, attacked vigorously the cavalry in its march; they were everywhere beaten and driven back into the woods or to the heights. A short time after, while the Romans were labouring without distrust at their retrenchments, the Britons suddenly issued from the woods and attacked their advanced posts. The struggle becoming obstinate, CGesar sent forward two picked cohorts, the first of two legions. They had hardly taken their position, leaving a slight interval between them, when the barbarians, manceuvring with their chariots according to custom, so intimidated the Romans by this mode of fighting, that they passed and repassed with’impunity across the interval between the cohorts. The enemy was only repulsed on the arrival of reenforcements. Q. Laberius Durus, a military tribune, perished in this action. (l) This is the expression of Cmesar, but it is certain that this number does not indicate. the shortest distance from the Thames to the Straits. Caesar, no doubt, meant to tell us the length of the route he took from the sea to the Thames.

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SECOND DESCENT IN BRITAIN. 213 The description of this battle, as given in the ” Comrn. mentaries,” has been differently understood. Accord. ing to Dio Cassius, the Britons had at first thrown the ranks of the Romans into disorder by means of their chariots; but Caesar, to baffle this manceuvre, had opened for them a free passage by placing his cohorts at greater intervals. He would thus have repeated the dispositions taken by Scipio at the battle of Zama, to protect him against the Carthaginian elephants.

This engagement, which took place before the camp and under the eyes of the army, showed how little the Roman tactics were fitted for this kind of warfare. The legionary, heavily armed, and accustomed to combat in line, could neither pursue the enemy in his retreat, nor move too far from his ensigns. There existed a still greater disadvantage for the cavalry. The Britons, by a simulated flight, drew them away from the legionaries, and then, jumping down from their chariots, engaged on foot in an unequal struggle; for, always supported by their cavalry, they were as dangerous in the attack as in the defence. (1) The following day, the enemies took a position far from the camp, on the heights; they only showed themselves in small parties, isolated, harassing the cavalry with less ardour than before. But, towards the middle of the day, Cmesar having sent three legions and the cavalry, under the orders of the lieutenant C. Trebonius, to forage, they rushed from all sides upon the foragers with such impetuosity, that they (C) On the chariots of the Britons consult Strabo (IV., p. 166), and Dio Cassius (LXXVI. 12). Caesar spoke of many thousand cavalry and war-chariots, in the third book of a Memoir addressed to Cicero, but which is lost. (Junius Philargyrus, Comm. on the Georgics of Virgil, III., p. 204.)

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214 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAiSAR. approached the eagles and legions which had remained under arms. The infantry repulsed them vigorously, and, though they usually left to the cavalry the care of the pursuit, this time they did not cease to drive them before them till the cavalry, feeling themselves.supported, came themselves to complete the rout. These left them time neither to rally nor to halt, nor to descend from their chariots, but made a great carnage of them. After this defeat, the Britons resolved to combat no more with their forces. united, but to confine themselves to harassing the Roman army, so as to drag on the war in length. (‘) VI. Caesar, penetrating their design, hesitated no March towards the longer, in order to terminate the camThames. paign promptly, to advance to the very centre of their strength: he directed his march towards the territory of Cassivellaunus, passing, no doubt, by Maidstone and Westerham. (See Plate 16.) Arriving at the banks of the Thames, which was then fordable only at one place, perhaps at Sunbury, he perceived’ a multitude of enemies drawn up on the opposite bank. (2) It was defended by a pal(1) De Bello Gallico, V. 17. (2) There remains not the slightest vestige in the county of Kent which might help us in tracing the march of the Roman army. The camp of Holwood, near Keston, which the English maps call Ccesar’s Camp, does not belong to the period of which we are treating. On St. George’s Hill, near Walton-on-theThames, no camp ever existed. Unfortunately, it is no more possible to ascertain the exact place where Caesar crossed the Thames by a ford. We are convinced of this by the iesearches of all kinds made by the: officers Stoffel and Hamelin.

The boatmen of the Thames all assured them that between Shepperton and London there are now reckoned eight or nine places fordable; the most favourable is that at Sunbury. At Kingston, where General de. Gceler places the passage, nothing leads us to

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SECOND DESCENT IN BRITAIN. 215 isade of sharp pointed stakes, before which other stakes driven into. the bed of the river remained hidden under the water. Caesar was informed of this by prisoners and deserters, and he sent the cavalry forward (probably a certain distance above or below), in order to turn the enemy’s position and occupy his attention, while the infantry destroyed the obstacles and crossed the ford. The soldiers entered the river resolutely, and, although they were in the water up to their shoulders, such was their ardour that the enemy could not sustain the shock, but abandoned the bank and fled. Polysenus relates that on this occasion Caesar made use of an elephant to facilitate the passage; but, as the ” Commentari.es” do not mention such a fact, it is difficult to believe. (‘) suppose that a ford ever existed. The same thing must be said of Coway Stakes. At Halliford, in spite of the termination of the word, the inhabitants have no tradition of an ancient ford. The only thing which appears to us evident is, that the Roman army did not pass below Teddington. We know that this village, the name of which comes from Tide-end-town, marks the last point of the Thames where the tide is felt.

We cannot believe that Caesar would expose himself to be surprised during his passage by an increase of the volume of water. (1) De Bello Gallico, V. 18.-Polymenus expresses himself thus: “Ctesar, when he was in the isle of Britain, sought to pass a great river. Cassivellaunus, King of the Britons, opposed the passage with a numerous cavalry and many chariots.

Caesar had a very great elephant, an animal which the Britons had never seen; he armed it with iron flakes, and placed on its back a great tower filled with archers and slingers, all men of skill, and caused it to advance into the river. The Britons were struck with astonishment at the view of such,an enormous animal, which was unknown to them. And is it necessary to say that their horses were frightened at it, since we know that, even among the Greeks, the presence of an elephant causes the horses to flee’? Much more were those of the barbarians unable to support the.view of an elephant armed and loaded with a tower from which flew stones and arrows. Britons, horses, and chariots, all equally took flight; and the Romans, by means of the terror caused by a single animal, passed the river without danger.” (Strateg., VIII. 23, ~ 5.)

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216 HISTORY OF JULIUS CJESAR. VII. This. check deprived Cassivellaunus of all hope Submission of a part of resistance; he sent away. the greatest of Britain Ppart of his troops, and only kept. with him about 4,000 men, mounted in chariots.. (Supposing six essedarii to the chariot, this would still amount to the considerable number of 660 carriages.). Sometimes confining himself to watching the march of the army, at others hiding in places.of difficult access, or making a void before the march of the Roman columns; often, also, profiting by his knowledge of the localities, he fell unexpectedly with his chariots on the cavalry when it ventured far plundering and sacking, which obliged the latter to keep near the legions.

Thus the damage inflicted on the enemy could not extend beyond the march of the infantry. Meanwhile the Trinobantes, one of the most powerful peoples of Britain, sent deputies to offer their submission and demand Mandubratius for their king. This young man, flying from the anger of Cassivellaunus, who had put his father to death, had come to the continent to implore the protection of Caesar, and had accompanied him into Britain.

The Roman general listened favourably to the demand of the Trinobantes, and exacted from them forty hostages and wheat for the army. The protection obtained by the Trinobantes engaged the Cenimagni, the Segontiaci, the Ancalites, the Bibroci, and the Cassi (see p. 168), to follow their example. The deputies of these different peoples informed Caesar that the oppidhum of Cassivellaunus (St. Albans) stood at a short distance, defended by marshes and woods, and containing a great number

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SECOND DESCENT 1N BRITAIN. 217 of men and cattle. (‘) Although this formidable position had -been further fortified by the hands of men, Caesar led his legions thither, and attacked it on two points without hesitation. After a feeble resistance, the barbarians, in their attempt to escape, were slain or captured in great numbers. Nevertheless, Caesar was operating too far from his point of departure not to tempt Cassivellaunus to’ deprive him of the possibility of returning to the continent, by seizing upon his fleet. In effect, Cassivellaunus had ordered the four-kings of the different parts of Cantium (Kent), Cingetorix, Carvilius, Taximagulus, and Segovax, to collect all their troops, and attack unexpectedly the camp in which the Roman ships were inclosed. They hastened’thither; but the co. horts did not leave them time to attack; they made a sortie, killed a great number of barbarians, captured one of their principal chiefs, Lugotorix, and re-entered their camp without loss.

On the news of this defeat, Cassivellaunus, discouraged by so many reverses and the defection of several peoples, employed Commius to offer his submission. (2) VIII. Summer approached its end (they were in Re-embarkment of the last days’of August). Caesar, aware the Army. that there no longer remained sufficient time to be employed with advantage, prepared for his (‘) After having crossed the Thames, Caesar invaded the territory’of Cassivellaunus, and: directed his march upon the oppidum of that chief. -Certain commentators place this oppidum to the west of Wendover (see Plate 15), others at St. Albans, the ancient Verulamium. All we can possibly say is, that the brief indications of the “Commentaries”

seem to agree best with the latter locality. (2) De Bello Gallico, V. 22.

10

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218 HISTORY OF JULIUS CJESAR. departure; he wished, moreover, to pass the winter on the continent, fearing sudden revolts on the part of the Gauls.

He therefore caused hostages to be delivered to him, fixed the tribute to be paid annually by Britain to the Roman people, and expressly prohibited Cassivellaunus from all acts of hostility against Mandubratius and the Trinobantes. After receiving the hostages, Caesar hastened to return in person to the coast, and ordered his army to follow him afterwards;. he found the ships repaired, andscaused them to be put afloat. His great number of prisoners, and the loss of several of his ships, obliged him to pass the army across the channel in two convoys. It is remarkable that, of so many ships employed several times in the passage this year or the year before, not one of those which carried the troops was lost; but, on the contrary, the greater part of the ships which returned empty, after having landed the soldiers of the first transport, and those built by Labienus, to the number of sixty, did not reach their destination; they were nearly all. thrown back upon the coast of the continent. Caesar, who had resolved to leave Britain only with the last convoy, waited for them some time in vain. The approach of the equinox led him to fear that the period favourable for navigation would pass by, and he decided on overloading his ships with soldiers, sailed in a moment of calm at the beginning, of the second watch (nine o’clock), and, after a favourable passage, landed at daybreak. (‘) This second expedition, though more successful (‘) De Bello Gallico, V. 23.

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SECOND DESCENT IN BRITAIN. 219 than the first, did not bring as its result the complete submission of the isle of Britain. According to Caesar, the Romans did not even obtain any booty; yet Strabo speaks of a considerable booty, (1) and another author confirms this fact by relating that Caesar formed out of the spoils of the enemy a cuirass ornamented with pearls, which he consecrated to Venus. (2) IX. Several indications enable us again to fix preObservations. cisely the period of the second expedition Observations. to Britain. We know, from a letter from Quintus to his brother Cicero, that Caesar was at the end of May at Lodi -(we admit the‘22nd of May). (3) He might therefore have arrived towards the 2nd of June on the shores of the ocean, where he inspected his fleet. During the interval before it assembled at the Portus Itius, he proceeded to the country of the Treviri, where he did not remain long; for, towards the middle of the summer (ne cestatem in Treviris consumere cogeretur), he started for Boulogne, where he arrived at the end of June. The winds from the northwest retained him there twentyfive days, that is, till towards the. end of July. On another hand, Cicero wrote to Atticus on the 26th of July: ” I see, from my brother’s letters, that he must already be in (1) Strabo, p. 167.. (2) Pliny, Hist. INat., IX., 11 6.-Solinus, LIII. 28. (3) c” I have received, on the 4th of the nones of June (the 1st of June, according to.the concordance here adopted, see Appendix A), your letter dated from Placentia; that of the following day, dated from Lodi, arrived on the very day of the nones (4th of June).” It was accompanied with a letter from Coensar, expressing his satisfaction at the arrival of Quintus. (Cicero, Epist. ad Quintum, II. 15.)

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220 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. Britain.” (1) In reply to another letter of Quintus, dated on the 4th of the Ides of August (the 8th of August), he rejoices at having received on the day of the Ides of September (9th of September), the news of his arrival in that island. (2) These data fix the departure of the expedition to the end of July, for the letters took from twenty to thirty days to pass from Britain to Rome. (3) When the army moved from the coasts, the news was naturally much longer on the way; and in the month of October, Cicero wrote to his brother,” Here are fifty days passed without the arrival of letter or sign of life from you, or Caesar, or even from where you are.” (4) Having ascertained the month of July for that of his departure, we have next to find the day on which that departure took place. Caesar sailed at sunset, that is, towards eight o’clock (solis occasu naves solvit, leni Af ico provectus). The wind having ceased at midnight, he was drawn by the currents towards the north; and when day broke, at four o’clock in the morning, he saw on his left the cliffs of the South Foreland; but then, the current (1) Cicero, Epist. ad Atticum, IV. 15. This letter was closed on the 5th of the calends of August, answering to the 26th of July. (2) “I have received, on the day of the ides of September (the 9th of September), your fourth letter, dated from Britain on the 4th of the ides of August (8th of August).” (Epist. ad Quintumn, III. 1.) (3) “The 11th of the calends of October (16th of September) your courier arrived; he has taken twenty days on the road: my uneasiness was mortal.” (Epist. ad Quintum, III. 1.)-” Ciesar has written to me from Britain a letter, dated on the calends of September (28th of August), which I received on the 4th of the calends of October. It appears that affairs are not going on ill with him. Caesar adds, to prevent me from being surprised at not hearing from you, that you were not with him when he came to the coast (23rd of September).” (4) Cicero, Egpist. ad Quintu7n, III. 3.

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SECOND DESCENT IN BRITAIN. 221 changing with the tide, by force of rowing he made land towards midday, as in the preceding summer, near Deal. To determine the day on which Csesar landed, it is necessary, in the first place, to know to what part the Roman fleet was carried during the night.

It is evident, first,that it was borne towards the north-east by the current of the rising tide or flux, for otherwise we could not understand how Csesar, at sunrise, could have perceived Britain on his left. We may add that it wandered from its way till it came. to the latitude of.the Northern Sea, which is situated to the east of Deal, and at about ten maritime miles from the coast. (See Plate 14.) In fact, according to the text, the fleet took advantage of the current contrary to that which had carried it away, and consequently of the reflux or current of the ebbing tide, to reach the coast. Now, we are obliged by this fact to conclude that it had been carried northward at least to the latitude of Deal; for,-
if it had only arrived to the south of that latitude, the reflux would necessarily have thrown it back into the Straits. Lastly, to cause the fleet by force of rowing and aided by the reflux to require eight hours to effect the last part of its passage to Deal, it must, according to the best information obtained from sailors, have been, at sunrise, ten miles from the coast. This being granted, it is evidently sufficient, for determining the day of landing, to resolve this question: on what day of the month of July in the year 700 the current of the descending tide began to be perceived at sunrise, that is, towards four o’clock in the morning,

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222 HISTORY OF JULIUS C.ASAR. in the part of the sea at ten -miles’to the east of Deal? or} otherwise, if we consider that the reflux begins there about four hours and a half after the hour of high tide at Dover, (1) what day of the month of July in the year 700 it was high tide’at Dover towards half-past eleven o’clock at night? By following a train of reasoning similar to that which we applied to determine the day of Caesar’s first landing in Britain, and remarking that the tides of the days preceding the full moon of the month of July, 700, which fell on the 21st, correspond to those of the days which preceded the full moon of the 26th of July, 1858, we find that it was either fifteen days or one day before the 21st of July of the year 700, that is, the 6th or the 20th of July, that it was high tide at Dover towards half-past eleven at night. C.esar, therefore, landed on the 7th or on the 21st of July. We adopt the second date, because, according to Cicero’s letter cited above, he received, before the 26th of July, at Rome news of his brother, which must have been of the 6th of the same month, as the couriers were twenty days on the road. In this letter Quintus announced his approaching departure for Britain. This date, according to which the Roman army would have landed on the eve of the day of the full moon, is the more probable, as Cmesar, immediately on his arrival in Britain, made a night march, which would have been impossible in complete darkness. The passage of the sea had taken fifteen hours. In (‘) At ten miles to the east of Deal it is high tide half an hour later than at Dover, and the reflux begins there four hours after the hour of high tide.

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SECOND DESCENT IN BRITAIN. 223 the return, it only took nine hours, since Caesar started at nine o’clock in the evening (secunda inita cum solvisset vigilia), and arrived at Boulogne at daybreak (prima luce),- which, in the middle of September, is at six o’clock in the morning. (C) The date of his return is nearly fixed by a letter of Cicero, who expresses himself thus: ” On the 11th of the Calends of November (17th of October), I received letters from my brother Quintus, and from Caesar; the expedition was finished, and the hostages delivered. They had made no booty. They had only imposed contributions. The letters, written from the shores of Britain, are dated on the 6th of the Calends of October (21st of September), at the moment of embarking the army, which they are bringing back.” (2) This information accords.with the date of the equinox, which fell on the 26th of September, and which, according to the “Commentaries,”

was close at hand (quod equinoctium suberat). Caesar had, then, remained in Britain about sixty days. X. Departure of Caesar from Lodi (). May 22.

Presumed Dates of Arrival at the army, in the the Second Campaign in Britain. country of the Belgsa (in 12 days)……… June 2. Inspection of the fleet and of the winter (‘) Those who refuse to admit Boulogne and Deal for the points of Caesar’s embarking and landing, pretend that so long a time was not necessary to effect so short a passage. But a fleet requires a longer time to navigate the more numerous it is; resembling in that an army, which marches much more slowly than a single man.. (2) Cicero, Epist. ad Atticum, IV. 17. (a) To find the time required, we must suppose that, by some delay or by the absence of regular couriers, Caesar’s letter to Cicero had been thirteen days on the road between L6di and Rome.

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224 HISTORY. OF.. JULIUS CJESAR. quarters; junction of the four legions in the country of the Remi, on the Meuse, towards Sedan. From June 2 to June 7. Passage from Sedan to the country of the Treviri (80 kilometres, 3
days), From June 8 to June 10. Occurrences among the Treviri, From June 10
to June 15. Passage from Treviri to Boulogne (330 kil., 12 days)… From June 15 to June 26. Delay of 25 days at Boulogne, From. June 2G6 to July 20. Embarkment. July 20. Landing…. July 21. Combat…. July 22. Caesar returns to his fleet…… July 23. Ten days of reparations, From July 24
to August 2. New march against the Britons. August 3. Combat….August 4.

March towards the Thames (from the Little Stour to Sunbury, 140 kilome.

tres)….. From August 5 to August 11. March from the Thames to the oppidum of Cassivellaunus, From August 12 to August 15. Time employed in negotiations and receiving hostages (8 days), From August 16 to August 23.

Return of Caesar (in person) towards the sea-coast. The 28th of August, on his arrival at the fleet, he writes to Cicero. (jpist. ad Quintum, III.

1.)………… August 28.

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DISTRIBUTION OF THE LEGIONS. 225 March of his army to the coast, From August 24 to Sept. 10. Embarkation of the last convoy.. Sept. 21. XI.

Caesar had nho sooner arrived on the continent Distribution of the than he caused his ships to be brought Legions in their Winter Qarters. on ground, and then held at Samarobriva, (Amiens) the assembly of Gaul. The defective harvest, caused by the dryness of the season, obliged him to distribute his winter quarters differently from the preceding years, by spreading them over a greater extent. (‘) The number of his legions was eight and a half, because, independent of the eight legions brought together at Boulogne before the departure for Britain, he had no doubt formed five cohorts of soldiers and sailors employed on his fleet. The troops were distributed in the following manner: he sent one legion into the country of the Morini (to Saint Poi), under the orders of C. Fabius; another to the Nervii (at Charleroy), with uintus Cero;icero (2) a third to the Essuvii (at Ses, in Normandy), under the command of L. Roscius; a fourth, under T. Labienus, to the country of the Remi, near the frontier of the Treviri (at Lavacherie, on the Ourthe). (3) He placed three (‘) Much uncertainty exists in regard to the distribution of the legions; yet the location of two of the winter quarters appears to us certain, Samarobriva (Amiens) and Aduatuca (Tongres). If now, from a point situate near to the Sambre, from Bavay as the centre, we describe a circle, we shall see that Caesar’s winter quarters, except those of Normandy, were all comprised in a radius of 100 miles, or 148 kilometres. The researches which Major Cohausen kindly made for me, and those of MM. Stoffel and Locqueyssie, have enabled me to determine approximately the winter quarters. (2) The brother of the orator. (3) The Commandant of Artillery, De Locqucyssie, has found on the Ourthe, 10’* II.-P

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226 HISTORY OF JULIUS CESAR. in Belgium, (1) one at Samarobriva itself (Amiens), under the orders of Trebonius; the second in the country of the Bellovaci, under M. Crassus, his questor, at twentyfive miles from Amiens (Montdidier); the third under L. Munatius Plancus, near the confluence of the Oise and the Aisne (at Cham2plieu). The legion last raised (‘) among the Transpadansrepaired with five cohorts, under the orders of Titurius Sabinus and Aurunculeius Cotta, to the Eburones, whose country, situated in great part between the Meuse and the Rhine, was governed by Ambiorix and Catuvolcus.- -It occupied a fortress named Aduatuca (Tongres). (8) This distribution of the army appeared to near the village of Lavacherie (Duchy of Luxemburg), the remains of a Roman camp with triangular fosses, and in a position which appears to agree with the date of the “Commentaries.” (‘) Under the name of Belgium, we must only comprise a part of the peoples of.Belgic Gaul, such as the Atrebates, the Ambiani, and the Bellovaci. (De Bello Gallico, V. 24, 25, 46; VIII. 46.) (2) Unam legionem, quam proxime trans Padum conscripserat.-According to the use of the good Latin writers, procime does not mean recently, but in the last place.- Through an incorrect interpretation of this phrase, General de Goeler, has supposed that Caesar had, at this time, brought from Italy the 15th legion; this legion, as we shall see, was only raised at a later period. (3). More than fourteen different localities have been proposed for identification with Aduatuca. If some writers have advanced good arguments for placing Aduatuca on the right bank of the Meuse, others have believed that they have offered equally good ones for seeking it on the left bank of that river; but the greater part of them have admitted this or that site for the most futile reasons. Nobody has dreamt of resolving the question by the simplest of all means-which consists in seeking if, among the different-sites proposed, there is one which, by the form of the.ground, agrees with the requirements of the narrative given in the “Commentaries.” Now, Tongres is in this position, and it alone,:and so completely satisfies them that we cannot think of placing Aduatuca elsewhere. In fact, Tongres is situatedin the country occupied formerly by the Eburones, and, as Cmesar expresses it, in modiis Jinibus Eburonum, which signifies entirely in. the country of the Eburones, and not in the centre of the country. It is moreover enclosed in a circle of a hundred miles radius, comprising all the winter quarters of the Roman army except those of

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DISTRIBUTION OF THE LEGIONS. 227 Caesar a more easy manner to supply it with provisions. Moreover, these different winter quarters, with the exception of that qf M. Roscius, who occupied the most peaceable part of Gaul, were all included within a circle of a hundred miles radius (148
kil.). It was Caesar’s intention not to leave them until he knew that the legions were firmly established and their quarters fortified. (See Plate 14, the sites of the winter quarters.)’ There was among the Carnutes (country of Chartres) a man of high birth, named Tasgetius, whose ancestors had reigned over that nation. In consideration of his valour and of his important military services, Caesar had, replaced him, during three years, in the rank held by his forefather, when his enemies publicly’massacred him. The men who had participated in this crime were so numerous, that there was reason for fearing that the revolt would spread over the whole country. To prevent, it, Caesar despatched in the greatest haste L. Plancus at the head of his legion, with orders to establish his quarters in the country of the Carnutes, and to send him the accomplices in the murder of Tasgetius.’() Roscius. This locality fulfils all the conditions required for the establishment of a camp; it is near a river, on a height which commands the neighborhood, and the country produces wheat and forage. At tWp miles towards the west is a long defile, magna convallis, the vale of Lowaige, where the relation of the massacre of the cohorts of Sabinus is perfectly explained. At three miles frodi Tongres we find a plain, separated from the town by a single hill; on the same side as this hill rises a rounded eminence -that of Berg, to which the name of tumulus may be fairly applied. Lastly, the Geer, the banks of which were formerly marshy, defended through a large extent the height of Tongres.

(See Plqte 18.) (‘) De Bello Gallico, V. 25.

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228 HISTORY OF JULIUS CASAR. XII. He received at the same period (the, end of Defeat of Sabinus October), from the lieutenants and the at Aduatuca.

questor, the news that the legions had arrived. and retrenched in their quarters. They had indeed been established in them about a fortnight, when suddenly a revolt took place at the instigation of Ambiorix and Catuvolcus. These chiefs had at first repaired to the limits of their territory to meet Sabinus and Cotta, and had even furnished them with provisions; but soon a-fter, urged on by the Treviran Indutiomarus, they raise the country, fall unexpectedly on the soldiers occupied in seeking wood, and attack the camp. of Sabinus with considerable forces.

Immediately the Romans run to arms and mount on the vallum. The Spanish cavalry makes a successful sortie, and the enemies retire, deceived in their hope of carrying the retrenchments by storm. Having then recourse to stratagem, they utter, according to their custom, loud cries, and demand to enter into negotiations and deliberate on their common interests. C.

Arpineius, a Roman knight and the friend of Sabinus, and the Spaniard Q.

Junius, who had been employed on several missions to Ambiorix, were sent to them. Ambiorix declared that he had not forgotten the numerous benefits he had received from Coesar, but that he was forced to follow the movement of Gail, which had conspired in a common effort to recover its liberty.

That very day, according to his statement, the various quarters were to be attacked at the same time, so as to hinder them from lending each other mutual succour; the Germans had passed the Rhine, and would arrive in two days; Sabinus

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DEFEAT OF SABINUS. 229 had no other chance of safety but by abandoning his camp and rejoining Cicero or Labienus, who were at a. distance of fifty miles. In the end, Ambiorix promised under an oath to give him a free passage. The envoys reported to Sabinus and Cotta what they had heard.

Troubled at this news, and the more disposed to put faith in it because it was hardly credible that so small a people as the Eburones would have dared alone to brave the Roman power, the. two -lieutenants submitted the affair to a council of war: it became the subject of warm disputes. Cotta, and with him several of the tribunes and centurions of the first class, were of opinion that they should not act hastily, but wait for orders from Caesar. Their. camp was strong enough to resist all the forces of the Germans; they were not pressed by want of food; they might receive succours, and, under circumstances of so much gravity, it would be disgraceful to take their counsel from the enemy. Sabinus replied with force that it would be too late to decide when the number of the -assailants would be increased by the arrival of the Germans, and -when the neighbouring quarters would have experienced some disaster. “The movement requires a prompt decision. Coesar has, no doubt, started for Italy: otherwise, would the Carnutes have dared to slay Tasgetius, and the Eburones to attack the camp with’so much boldness? We must consider the counsel itself, and not him who gives it: the Rhine is at a short distance; the Germans are irritated by the death of Ariovistus, and by their preceding defeats; Gaul is in flames; she supports with impa

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230 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. tience the Roman yoke, and the loss of her ancient military glory. Would Ambiorix have engaged without powerful motives in such an enterprise? It is safest, therefore, to follow his counsel, and to gain as quickly as possible the nearest quarters.” Cotta and the centurions of the first class earnestly maintained the contrary opinion. “Let it then be as you will!” said Sabinus; and then, raising his voice to be heard by the soldiers, he shouted: ” Death does not terrify me; but behold, Cotta, those who will require of thee. a reckoning for the misfortunes which thou art preparing for them. After to-morrow, if you would agree to it, they could have rejoined the nearest legion, and, united with it, incur together the chances of war; they. will know that thou hast preferred leaving them, far from their companions, exposed to perish by the sword or by famine.” When the council was ended, the lieutenants are surrounded and implored not to compromise the safety of the army by their misunderstanding; let them go or remain, provided they are agreed, everything will be easy. The debate is prolonged into the middle of the night; at last, Cotta, moved, yields to the opinion of Sabinus, and agrees to repair to Cicero, encamped in the country of the Nervii; the departure is fixed for daybreak. The rest of the night is passed in the. midst of preparations-; the soldier chooses what articles of his winter equipment he will carry with him. And, as if the danger were not sufficiently great, he seems as if he wished to increase it by fatigue and watching. At daybreak, the troops, in full

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DEFEAT OF SABINUS. -231 security, begin their march in a long column, encumbered with a numerous baggage. At the distahce of three kilometres (a nmillibus passuqzm circiter duobus) from the town of Tongres is the vale of Lowaige, closed in between two hills, and forming a great defile of about 2,500 metres in length (mragnamr convallem). It is traversed by a stream, the Geer. The hills, now denuded, were, only a century ago, covered with wyood; (1) it was there that the Eburones lay in wait for the Roman army. Informed of the intended retreat by the noise and tumult, they had divided themselves into two bodies, on the right and left of the vale, and placed themselves in ambush in the middle of the woods. When they saw the greater -part of the Roman troops engaged in the defile, they attacked them in rear and in front, profiting by all the advantages of the locality. Then Sabinus, like a man who had shown no foresight, becomes troubled, hurries hither and thither, hesitates in all his measures-as happens to him who, taken by surprise, is obliged to act decisively in the middle of danger. Cotta, on the contrary, who had calculated the fatal chances of the departure which he had opposed, neglects nothing for the general safety. He encourages the troops, combats in the ranks -a general and a soldier at the same time. As the length of the colkumn prevented the lieutenants from seeing all and ordering all themselves, they caused the soldiers to pass on from. mouth to mouth the order to abandon the baggage and form the circle. (‘) See the notice by M. M. F. Driesen on the position of Aduatuca, in the Bulletins de l’A&ademie Royale de Belgique, 2nd series, tom. XV. No. 3.

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232 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. This resolution, though justified by the circumstances, had, nevertheless, a disastrous effect; it diminished the confidence of the Romans, and increased the ardour of the Eburones, who ascribed so desperate a resolution to fear and discouragement. There resulted from it, too, an inevitable inconvenience: the soldiers quitted their ensigns in crowds to run to the baggage, and take their more valuable effects; and on all parts there was nothing but shouts and confusion. The barbarians acted with intelligence. Their chiefs, fearing that they would disperse to pillage the baggage of the Romans, sent orders on all points that every one must keep his rank, declaring that the thing important was first to assure themselves of the victory, and that afterwards the booty would fall into their hands. The Eburones were rough adversaries; but by their number and their courage, the Romans might have maintained the struggle. Although abandoned by their chief and by fortune, they relied upon themselves for everything, and every time that a cohort fell upon the enemies, it made a great carnage of them. Ambiorix perceived this: he shouted loudly his commands that his men should throw their missiles from a distance, and not approach near; that they shoild retire whenever the Rmans rushed forward, and only attack them in their retreat, when they returned to their ensigns-a manceuvre easy to the Eburones, practised in such exercises, and nimble on account of the lightness of their equipment. The order was faithfully executed.‘When a co

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DEFEAT OF SABINUS. 233 hort quitted the circle to charge the enemies, they fled with speed; but the cohort, in’its advance, left its. right flank (not protected, like the left flank, by the bucklers) exposed to the missiles; when it resumed its former position, it was surrounded on all sides both by those who had retreated, and by those who had remained on its flanks. If, instead of sending forward their cohorts in succession, the Romans stood’ firm: in their circle, they lost the advantage of attacking, and their close ranks made them more exposed to the multitude of missiles. Meanwhile, the number of the wounded increased every moment.

It was two-o’clock; the combat had lasted from sunrise, and yet the Roman soldiers had not ceased to show themselves worthy of themselves. At this moment the struggle becomes more desperate. T. Balventius, a brave and respected man, who, in the previous year, had commanded as primipilus, has his two thighs transpierced by a javelin; Q. Lucanius, an officer of the same grade, is killed fighting valiantly to rescue his son, who is surrounded by enemies. Cotta himself, while he runs from rank to rank to encourage the soldiers, is wounded in the face by a missile from a sling.

At this sight, Sabinus, discouraged, sees no other help but.to treat with Ambiorix. Perceiving him at a distance in the.act.of urging on his troops, he sends to him his interpreter Cn. Pompeius, to pray him-to spare him and his men. Ambiorix replies that he is quite willing to enter into negotiations with Sabinus, whose person he undertakes undler the obligation of his oath to cause to be respected; that further, he

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234 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. hopes to obtain from the Eburones safety of life for the Roman soldiers. Sabinus communicates this reply to Cotta, who is already wounded, and proposes that they should go together. to confer with Ambiorix; this step may secure the safety of themselves and the army.

Cotta refuses obstinately, and declares that he will never treat with an enemy in arms. Sabinus enjoins to the tribunes of the soldiers who stand round him, and to the centurions of the first class, to follow him.

Arriving near Ambiorix, he is summoned to lay down his sword: he obeys, and orders his men to imitate his example. While they discuss the conditions in an interview which the chief of the Eburones prolongs intentionally, Sabinus is gradually surrounded and massacred. Then the barbarians, raising, according to their custom, wild cries, rush upon the Romans and break their ranks. Cotta and the greatest part of his soldiers perish with their arms in their hands; the others seek refuge in the camp of Aduatuca, from whence they had started. The ensign-bearer,‘L.

Petrosidius, pressed by a crowd of enemies, throws the eagle into the retrenchments, and dies defending himself bravely at the foot of the rampart. The unfortunate soldiers strive to sustain the combat till night, and that very night they kill one another in despair. A few, however, escaping from the field of battle, cross the forests, and gain by chance the quarters of T. ULhienus, to whom they give information of this disaster. (1) XIII. Elated by this Victay, Adm immediate. (1) De Bello Gallico, V. 37.

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SIEGE OF CICERO’S CAMP. 235 Attack on Cicero’s ly repairs with his cavalry into the counCamp. try of the Aduatuci, a people adjoining to his states, and marches without interruption all the night and the following day: the infantry has orders to follow him. He announces his successes to the Aduatuci, and urges them to take up arms. Next day he proceeds to the Nervii, presses them to seize this occasion to avenge their injuries and deliver themselves for ever from the yoke of the Romans; he in. forms them of the death of two. lieutenants, and of the destruction of a great part of the Roman army; he adds that the legion in winter quarters among them, under the command of Cicero, will be easily surprised *and annihilated; he offers his alliance to the Nervii, and easily persuades them. These immediately give information to the Ceutrones, the Grudii, the Levaci, the Pleumloxii, and the Geiduni, tribes under their dependence: they collect all the troops they can, and proceed unexpectedly to the winter quarters of Cicero, before he had learnt the disaster and death of Sabinus. There, as it had happened recently at Aduatuca, some soldiers, occupied in cutting wood. in the forest are surprised by the cavalry. Soon a considerable number of Eburones, Aduatuci, and Nervii, with their allies and clients, proceed to attack the camp. The Romans rush to arms, and mount the vallurm; but that day they make head with difficulty against an enemy who has placed all his hope in the promptness of an unforeseen attack, and was convinced that after this victory nothing further could resist him. (1) (‘) De Bello Gallico, V. 39.

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236 HISTORY OF JULIUS CA~SAR. XIV. Caesar was still at Amiens, ignorant of the Caesarmarchestothe events which had just taken place. Cicsuccour of Cicero. ero. ero immediately wrote to him, and promised great recompenses to those who should succeed in delivering his letters to him; but all the roads were watched, and nobody could reach him. During the night twenty towers were raised, with an incredible celerity, by means of the wood which had been already brought for fortifying the camp, (1) and the works were completed. Next day, the enemies, whose forces had increased, returned to the attack and began to fill the fosse. The resistance was as energetic as the day before, and continued during the following days; among these heroic soldiers constancy and energy seemed to increase with the peril. Each night they prepare everything necessary for the defence on the morrow. They make a great number of stakes hardened by fire, and pila employed in sieges; they establish with planks the floors of the towers, and by means of hurdles make parapets and: battlements. They work without intermission: neither wounded nor sick take repose. Cicero himself, though a man of feeble health, is day and night at work, in spite of the entreaties of his soldiers, who implore him to spare himself. Meanwhile, the chiefs and principes of the Nervii proposed an interview to Cicero.

They repeated to him what Ambiorix had said to Sabinus: ” All Gaul is in arms; the Germans have passed the Rhine; the (1) The towers of the Romans were constructed of timber of small size, bound together by cross pieces.

(See Plate 27, fig. 8.) They still raise scaffolding at Rome in the same manner at the present day.

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SIEGE OF CICERO’S CAMP. 237 quarters of Caesar and his lieutenants are attacked.” They added: ” Sabinus and his cohorts have perished; the presence of Ambiorix is a proof of their veracity; Cicero would deceive himself if he reckoned on the succour of the other legions. As to them, they have no hostile intention, provided the Romans will discontinue occupying their country. The legion has full liberty to retire Without fear whither it likes.” Cicero replied:” that it was not the custom.of the Roman people to accept conditions from an enemy in arms; but that, if they consented to lay them down, he would serve them as a mediator with Ceesar, who would decide.” Deceived in their expectation of intimidating Cicero, the Nervii surrounded the camp with a rampart nine feet high, and a fosse fifteen wide. They had observed the Roman works in the preceding campaigns, and learnt from some prisoners to imitate them. But, as they did not possess the necessary instruments of iron, they were obliged to cut the turf with their swords, to take the earth with their hands, and to carry it in their cloaks. We may judge of their great number by the fact that in less than three hours they completed a-retrenchment of 1.5,000
feet in circuit. (1) On the following days, they raised towers to the height of the vallum, prepared hooks (falces), and covered galleries (testudines), which they had similarly been taught by the prisoners. (2) (1) Although the -text has passuzum, we have not hesitated in substituting pedum, for it is very improbable that’Gauls could have made, in three hours’ time, a countervallation of more than 22 kilometres. (2) The siege machine called testudo, “a tortoise,” was ordinarily a gallery mounted upon wheels, made of wood strongly squared, and covered with a solid

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238 HISTORY OF JULIUS CJESAR. On the seventh day of the siege, a great wind having arisen, the enemies threw into the camp fiery darts, and launched from their slings balls of burning clay (ferventes fsili ex argilla glandes. (1) The barracks, roofed with straw, in the Gaulish manner, soon took fire, and the wind spread the flames in an instant through the whole camp. Then, raising great shouts, as though they had already gained the victory, they pushed forward their towers and covered galleries, and attempted, by means of ladders, to scale the vallum; but such were the courage and steadiness of the Roman soldiers, that, though surrounded with flames, overwhelmed with a shower of darts, and knowing well that the fire was devouring their baggage and their property, not one of them quitted his post, or even dreamt of turning his head, so much did that desperate struggle absorb their minds. This was their most trying day. Meanwhile, many of the enemies were killed and wounded, because, crowding to the foot of the rampart, the last ranks stopped the retreat of the first. The fire having been appeased, the barbarians pushed up a tower against the vallum. (2) The centurions of the third cohort, who happened to be there, drew their men back, and, in brablindage. It was pushed against the wall of the plAce besieged. It protected the workmen employed either in filling the fosse, or in mining the wall, or in working the ram.

The siege operations of the Gauls lead us to presume that the camp of Cicero was in a fort surrounded by a wall. (See, on the word falces, note (1) on p. 143.) (‘) In the coal-basin, in the centre of which Charleroy is situated, the coal layers crop out of the surface of the soil on different points. Still, at the present day, they knead the clay with small coal.

But, what is most curious, people have found at Breteuil (Oise),,as in the ruins of Carthage, a quantity. of ovoid balls made of pottery. (2) It will be seen that we use indifferently the terms vallum and rampart.

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SIEGE OF CICERO’S CAMP. 239 vado, invited, by their gesture and.voice, the enemies to enter. Nobody ventured. Then they drove them away by a shower of stones, and the tower was burnt. There were in that legion two centurions, T. Pulio and L. Vorenus, who emulated each other in bravery by rushing into the midst of the assailants. Thrown down in turn, and surrounded by enemies, they mutually rescued each other several times, and returned into the camp without wounds. Defensive arms then permitted individual courage to perform actual prodigies. Still the siege continued, and the number of the defenders diminished daily; provisions began to fall short, as well au the necessaries for tending the wounded. (1) The frequent messengers sent by Cicero to Caesar were intercepted, and some of them cruelly put to death within view of the camp. At last, Vertico, a Nervian chieftain who had embraced the cause of the Romans, prevailed upon one of his slaves to take charge of a letter to Caesar. His quality of a Gaul enabled him to pass unperceived, and to give intelligence to the general of Cicero’s danger. Caesar received this information at Amiens towards the eleventh hour of the day (four o’clock in the afternoon). He had. only at hand three legions-that of Trebonius, at Amiens; that of M.

Crassus, whose quarters were at Montdidier, in the country of the Bellovaci, at a distance of twentyfive miles; and lastly, that which, under C. Fabius, was wintering in the country of the Morini, at Saint-Pol.

() (See Plate 14.) (‘) Dio Cassius, XL. 8. (2) It has appeared to us that the movement of concentration of Caesar

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240 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. He despatched a courier to Crassus, charged with de. livering to him his order to start with his legion in the middle of the night, and join him in all haste at Amiens, to relieve there the legion of Trebonius. Another courier was sent to the lieutenant C. Fabius, to direct him to take his legion into the territory of the Atrebates, which Caesar would cross, and where their junction was to be effected. He wrote similarly to Labienus, to march with his legion towards the country of the Nervii, if he could without peril. As to the legion of Roscius and that of Plancus, which were too far distant, they remained in their quarters. Crassus had no sooner received his orders than he began his march; and next day, towards the third hour (ten o’clock), his couriers announced his approach. Caesar left him at Amiens, with one legion, to guard the baggage of the army, the hostages, the archives, and the winter provisions. He immediately started in person, without waiting for the rest of the army, with the legion of Trebonius, and four hundred cavalry from the neighbouring quarters. He follow. ed, no doubt, the direction from Amiens to Cambrai, and made that day twenty miles (thirty kilometres). He was subsequently joined on his road, probably towards Bourcies, between Bapaume and Cambrai, by Fabius, who had not lost a moment in executing his orders. Meanwhile arrived the reply of Labienus. He informed Coesar of the events which had taken and Fabius did not all9w the winter quarters of the latter to be placed at Therouanne or at Montreuil-sur-Mer, as most authors have supposed. These localities are too far distant from the route from Amiens to Charleroy to have enabled Fabius to join Caesar on the territory of the Atrebates, as the text of the Commentaries requires. For this reason, we place Fabius at Saint-Pol.

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SIEGE OF CICERO’,S CAMP. 241 place among the Eburones, and of their effect among the Treviri. These” latter had just risen. All their troops had advanced towards him, and surrounded him at a distance of three miles. In this’position, fearing that he should not be able to resist enemies proud of a recent victory, who would take his departure for a flight, he thought that there would be danger in quitting his winter quarters. Caesar approved of the resolution taken by Labienus, although it reduced to two the three legions on which he counted; and, although their effective force did not amount to more than 7,000 men, as the safety of the army depended on the celerity of his movements, he proceeded by forced marches to the country of the Nervii; there he learnt from prisoners the perilous situation of Cicero. He immediately engaged, by the promise of great recompenses, a Gaulish horseman to carry a letter to him: it was written in Greek, (1) in order that the enemy, if he intercepted it, might not know its meaning. Further, in case the Gaul could not penetrate to Cicero, he had directed him to attach the letter to the amentu’n (see page 37, note 2) of his javelin, and throw it over the retrenchments. Caesar wrote that he was approaching in great haste with his legions, and he exhorted Cicero to persevere in his energetic defence. According to Polysenus, the despatch contained these words: oat;Elv, foOeltav rporE Xov (” Courage!

expect succour”). (2) As soon as he arrived near the camp, the Gaul, not (1) The “Commentaries” say, Grcecis conscriptam litteris; but Polycenus and Dio Cassius affirm that the letter was written in Greek. (2) Polymenus, Strateg., VIII. xxiii. 6. 11 II. Q

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242 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. daring to penetrate to it, did as Csesar had directed him. By chance his javelin remained two days stuck in a tower. It was only on the third that it was seen and carried to Cicero. The letter, read in the presence of the assembled soldiers, excited transports of joy.

Soon afterwards they perceived in the distance the smoke of burning habitations, which announced the approach of the army of succour. At that mo. ment, after a five days’ march, it had arrived within twenty kilombetres of Charleroi, near Binche, where it encamped. The Gauls, when they were informed of it by their scouts, raised the siege, and then, to the number of about 60,000, marched to meet the legions. Cicero, thus liberated, sent another Gaul to announce to Caesar that the enemy were turning all their forces against him. At this news, received towards the middle of the night, Caesar informed his soldiers, and strengthened them in their desire of vengeance. At daybreak next day he raised his camp.

After advancing four miles, he perceived a crowd of enemies on the other side of a great valley traversed by the stream of the Haine. (‘) Caesar did not consider it prudent to descend into the valley to engage in combat against so great a number of troops. (1) We admit that Cicero encamped at Charleroi: all circumstances concur in justifying this opinion. Charleroi is situated on the Sambre, near the Roman road from Amiens to Tongres (Aduatuca), and, as the Latin text requires, at fifty miles from this latter town. On the high part of Charleroi, where the camp was, no doubt, established, we command the valley of the-Sambre, and we can see, in the distance towards the west, the country through which Ceesar arrived.

Moreover, the valley of the Haine and mount Sainte-Aldegonde, above the village of Carnieres, agree perfectly with the details of the combat in which the Gauls were defeated.

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SIEGE OF -CICERO’S CAMP. 243 Moreover, Cicero once rescued, there was no need for hurrying his march; he therefore halted, and chose a good position for retrenching mount Sainte-Aldegonde. Although his camp, containing hardly 7,000 men, without baggage,<was necessarily of’limited extent, he’diminished it as much as possible by giving less width to the streets, in order to deceive the enemy as to his real strength. At-the same time he sent out scouts to ascertain the best place for crossing the valley. That day passed in skirmishes of cavalry on the banks of the-stream, but each kept his positions: the Gauls, because they were waiting for reenforcements; Caesar, because he counted on his simulated fear to draw the enemies out of their position, and compel them to fight on his side of the Haine, before. his camp. If he could’ not succeed, he obtained time to reconnoitre the roads sufficiently to pass the river and valley with less danger. On the morrow, at daybreak, the enemy’s cavalry came up to the retrench. ments, and attacked that of the Romans. Coesar ordered his men to give way, and return into the camp; at the same time he caused the height of the ramparts to be increased, the gates to be stopped up with mere lumps of turf, and directed his soldiers to execute his directions with tumultuous haste and all the signs of fear. The Gauls, drawn on by this feint, passed the stream, and formed in order of battle in a disadvantageous place. Seeing that the Romans had even abandoned the valium, they approached nearer to it, threw their missiles over it from all sides, and caused

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244 HISTORY OF JULIUS CASAR. their heralds to proclaim round the retrenchments that, until the third hour (ten o’clock), every Gaul or Roman who should desert to them should have his life saved. At last, having no hope of forcing the gates, which they supposed to be solidly fortified, they carried their boldness so far as to begin to fill up the fosse, and to pull down the palisades with their hands. But Caesar held his troops in readiness to profit by the excessive confidence of the Gauls: at a signal given, they rush through all the gates at once; the enemy does not resist, but takes to flight, abandoning their arms, and leaves the ground covered with his dead. Caesar did not pursue far, on account of the woods and marshes; he would not have been able, indeed, to inflict further loss; he marched with his troops, without having suffered any loss, towards the camp of Cicero, where he arrived the same day. (‘) The towers, the covered galleries, and the retrenchments of the barbarians, excited his astonishment. Having assembled the soldiers of Cicero’s legion, nine-tenths of whom were wounded, he could judge how much danger they had run and how much courage they had displayed. He loaded with praise the general and (‘) From Amiens to Charleroi it’ is 170
kilometres. Cxesar must have arrived on the territory of the Nervii, towards Cambrai, the morning of the third day, counting from his departure from Amiens, after marching ninety kilombtres. He immediately sends the Gaulish horseman to Cicero. This horseman has to perform eighty kilom’tres. He can only take eight to nine hours, and arrive at the camp in’the afternoon of the third day. He throws his javelin, which remains where it was fixed the third and thefourth day. Thefifth day it was discovered, and the smoke of the fires is then seen. Cmsar, then, arrived on the fifth day (reckoning thirty kilometres for a day’s march) at Binche, twenty kilom’tres from Charleroi. That town is on a sufficiently elevated knoll to allow the smoke to be seen. The siege lasted about fifteen days.

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SIEGE OF CICERO’S-CAMP. 245 soldiers, addressing individually the centurions and the tribunes who had distinguished themselves. The prisoners gave him more ample details on the deaths of Sabinus and Cotta, whose disaster had produced a deep impression in the army. The next day he reminds the troops convoked for that purpose of the past: event, consoles and encourages them, throws the fault of this check on the imprudence of the lieutenant, and exhorts them to resignation the more, because, thanks to the valour of the soldiers and the protection of the gods, the expiation had been prompt, and left no further reason for the enemies to rejoice, or for the Romans to be afflicted. (1) We see, from what precedes, how small a number of troops, disseminated over a vast territory, surmounted, by discipline and courage, a formidable insurrection. Quintus Cicero, by following the principle invoked by Cotta, not to enter into negotiations with an enemy in arms, saved both his army and his honour. As to Csesar, he gave proof, in this circumstance, of an energy and strength of mind which Quintus Cicero did not fail to point out to his brother when he wrote to him. (2) If we believe Suetonius and Polysenus, Caesar felt so great a grief for the check experienced by Sabinus, that, in sign of mourning, he let his beard and hair grow until he had avenged his lieutenants, (3) which only happened in the year following, by the destruction of the Eburones and the Nervii. (‘) De Bello Gallico, V. 53. (2) ” I have read with a lively joy what you tell me of the courage and strength of mind of Caesar in this cruel trial.” (Cicero, Epist. ad Quintum, III. viii. 166.) (3) Suetonius, Ccesar, 67.-Polysenus, Strateg., VIII. xxiii.

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246 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. XV. Meanwhile the news of Coesar’s victory reached Csar places his Labienus, across the country of the Remi, Troops in Winter. Quarters.: Labiunus with inucredible speed: his winter quardefeats Indutiomarus.. ters were at a distance of about sixty miles from Cicero’s camp, where Caesar had only arrived after the ninth hour of the day (three o’clock in -the afternoon), and yet before midnight shouts of joy were raised at the gates of the camp, the acclamations of the Remi who came to congratulate Labienus. The noise spread in the army of the Treviri, and Indutiomarus, who had resolved to attack the camp of Labienus next day, withdrew during the night, and took all his troops with him.

These events having been accomplished, Caesar distributed the seven legions he had’left in the following manner: he sent Fabius with his legion to his winter quarters among the Morini, and established himself in the neighbourhood of Amiens with three legions, which he’separated in three quarters: they were the legion of Crassus, which had remained stationary, that of Cicero, and. that of Trebonius. There are still seen, along the Somme, in the neighbourhood of Amiens, three camps at,a short distance from each other, which appear to have. been those of that period.

(1) Labienus; Plancus, and Roscius continued to occupy the same positions.

The gravity of the circumstances: determined Casar to remain all the winter with the army. In fact, on the news of the disaster of Sabinus, nearly all the people, of Gaul (1) One is on the site of the citadel of Amiens; the second is near Tirancourt; the third is the camp of l’Etoile.

(See the Dissertation sur les Camps Romains de la Somme, by the Comte L.

d’Allonville.)

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WAR WITH INDUTIOMARUS. 247 showed a disposition to take arms, sent deputations and messages to each other, communicated their projects, and deliberated upon the point from which the signal for war-should be given.

They held nocturnal assemblies in bye-places, and during the whole winter not a day passed in which there was not some meeting or some movement of the Gauls to cause uneasiness to Caesar. Thus he learnt from L. Roscius, lieutenant placed at the head of the 13th legion, that considerable troops of Armorica had assembled to attack him; they were not more than eight miles from his winter quarters, when the news of Caesar’s victory had compelled them to retreat precipitately and in disorder. The Roman general called to his presence the principes of each state, terrified some by letting them know that he was informed of their plots, exhortedthe: others to perform their duty, and by these means maintained the tranquillity of a great part -of Gaul. Meanwhile a vexatious event took place in the country of the Senones, a powerful and influential nation among the Gauls. They had resolved, in an assembly, to put to death Cavarinus, whom Caesar had given them for king. Cavarinus had fled; upon which they pronounced his deposition, banished him, and pursued him to the limits of their territory. They had sought to justify themselves to Caesar, who ordered them to send him all their senators. They refused. This boldness: on the part of the Senones, by showing to the barbarians some individuals capable of resisting the Romans, produced so great a change in their minds, that, with the exception of the iEdui and the

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248 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. Remi, there was not a people which did not fall under suspicion of revolt, each desiring to free itself from foreign domination. During the whole winter, the Treviri and Indutiomarus never ceased urging the people on the other side of the Rhine to take up arms, assuring them that the greater part of the Roman army had been destroyed.

But’ not one of the German nations could be persuaded to pass the Rhine.

The remembrance of the double defeat of Ariovistus and the Tencteri made them cautious of trying their fortune again. Deceived in his expectations, Indutiomarus did not discontinue collecting troops, exercising them, buying horses from the neighbouring countries, and drawing to him from all parts of Gaul outlaws and condemned criminals. His ascendency was soon so great, that from all parts people eagerly sought his friendship and protection. When he saw some rallying to him spontaneously, others, such as the Senones and the Carnutes, engaging in his cause through a consciousness of their fault; the Nervii and the Aduatuci preparing for war, and a crowd of volunteers disposed to join him as soon as he should have quitted his country, Indutiomarus, according to the custom of the Gauls at the beginning of a campaign, called together an assembly in arms.

He pronounced Cingetorix, his son-in-law, who remained faithful to Caesar, an enemy of his country; and announced that, in reply to the appeal of the Senones and Carnutes, he would go to them through the country of the Remi, whose lands he would ravage; but, above all, he would attack the -camp of Labienus.

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WAR WITH INDUTIOMARUS. 249 The latter, established on the Ourthe, master of a position naturally formidable, which he had further fortified, was in fear of no attack, but dreamt, on the contrary, of seizing the first opportunity of combating with advantage. Informed by Cingetorix of the de.

signs of Indutiomarus, he demanded cavalry of the neighbouring states, pretended fear, and, letting the enemy’s cavalry approach with impunity, remained shut up in his camp. While, deceived by these appearances, Indutiomarus became daily more presumptuous, Labienus introduced secretly into his camp during the night the auxiliary cavalry, and, by keeping a close watch, prevented the Treviri from being informed of it. The enemy, ignorant of the arrival of this reenforcement, advanced nearer and nearer to the retrenchments, and redoubled his provocations. They were unnoticed, and towards evening he withdrew in disorder. Suddenly Labienus causes his cavalry, seconded by his cohorts, to issue by the two gates. Foreseeing the rout of the enemy, he urges his troops to follow Indutiomarus alone, and promises great rewards to those who shall bring his head. Fortune seconded his designs; Indutiomarus was overtaken just at the ford of the river (the Ourthe), and put to death, and his head was brought into the camp. The cavalry, in their return, slew all the enemies they found in their way. The Eburones and the Nervii dispersed. The result of these events was to give to Gaul a little more tranquillity. (1) (‘) De Bello Gallico, V. 58. 11*

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250 HISTORY OF JULIUS CJESAR. XVI. The Emperor Napoleon, in his Precis des - Guerres de Usar, explains in the followObservations. ing manner the advantage the Romans drew from their camps: “The Romans owe the constancy of their successes to the method, from which they never departed, of encamping every night in a fortified camp, and of never giving battle without having behind them a retrenched camp, to serve them as a place of retreat, and to contain their magazines, their baggage,, and their wounded. The nature of arms in those ages was such that, in these camps, they were not only in safety from the attacks of an equal army, but even an army which was stronger; they were the masters to fight or to wait a favourable opportunity. Marius is assailed by a cloud of Cimbri or Teutones; he shuts himself up in his camp, remains there until the favourable day or occasion comes, then he issues with victory before him.

Caesar arrives near the camp of Cicero; the Gauls abandon the latter, and march to meet the former; they are four times more numerous. Caesar takes a position in a few hours, retrenches his camp, and in it he bears patiently the insults and provocations of an enemy whom he is not yet willing to combat; but a favourable opportunity is not long in presenting itself. He then issues through all his gates; the Gauls are vanquished.

“Why, then, has a: rule so wise, so fertile in great results, been abandoned by modern generals? Because offensive arms have changed its character; arms for the hand were the principal arms of the ancients; it was with his short sword that the legionary con

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WAR WITH INDUTIOMARUS. 251 quered the world; it was with the Macedonian pike that Alexander conquered Asia. The principal arms of modern armies are projectiles; the musket is superior to anything ever invented by man; no defensive arm is a protection against it. “As the principal arm of the ancients was the sword or the pike, their habitual formation was in deep order. The legion and the phalanx, in what. ever situation they were attacked, either in front, or in right flank, or in left flank, faced everywhere without disadvantage; they could.encamp on surfaces of small extent, in order to have less labour in fortifying the line of circuit, and in order to hold their ground with the smallest detachment possible.

The princi. pal arm of the moderns is the projectile; their habitual order has naturally been narrow order, the only one which permits them to bring: all their projectiles to bear. “A consular army.enclosed in its camp, attacked by a modern army of equal force, would be driven out of it without assault, and without being able to use their swords; it would not be necessary to fill up the fosses or to scale the ramparts: surrounded on all sides by the attacking army, pierced through, enveloped, and raked by the fire, the camp would be the common drain of all the shots, of all the balls, of all the bullets: fire, devastation, and death would open the gates and throw down the retrenchments. A modern army, placed in a Roman camp, would at first, no doubt, make use of all its artillery; but, though equal to the artillery of the besieger, it would be taken in rouage and quickly reduced to silence;

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252 HISTORY OF JULIUS CJESAR. a part only of the infantry could use their muskets, but it would fire upon a line less extended, and would be far from producing an effect equal to the injury it would receive. The fire from the centre to the circumference is null; that from the circumference to the centre is irresistible. All these considerations have decided modern generals in renouncing the system of retrenched camps, to adopt instead natural positions well chosen. “A Roman camp was placed independently of localities: all these were good for armies whose strength consisted in arms used with the hand; it required neither experienced eye nor military genius to encamp well; whereas the choice of positions, the manner of occupying them and placing the different arms, by taking advantage of the circumstances of the ground, is an art which forms part of the genius of the modern captain. “If it were said now-a-days to a general, You shall have, like Cicero, under your orders, 5,000 men, sixteen pieces of cannon, 5,000 pioneers’ tools, 5,000 sacks of earth; you shall be within reach of a forest, on ordinary ground; in fifteen days you shall be attacked by an army of 60,000 men, having 120 pieces of cannon; you shall not be succoured till eighty or ninetysix hours after having been attacked. What are the works, what axe the plans, what are the profiles, which art prescribes? Has the art of the engineer secrets which can solve this problem?” (‘) (‘) Precis des Guerres de Cesar, by Napoleon, Chapter V. 5.

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CHAPTER IX. (Year of Rome 701.) (BOOK VI. OF THE “COMMENTARIES.”) CAMPAIGN

AGAINST THE NERVII AND THE TREVIRI - SECOND PASSAGE OF THE RHINE-WAR

AGAINST AMBIORIX AND THE TREVIRI. I. THE, state of Gaul gave Caesar cause to anticipate Caesar augments serious agitations, and he felt convinced his Army. of the’necessity of new levies. He employed on this mission his lieutenants M. Silanus, C. Antistius Reginus, and T. Sextius; at the same time he asked Pompey, who had remained before Rome with the imrperiumn, in order to watch over the public interests, to recall to their colours and send him the soldiers of Cisalpine Gaul enlisted under the consulate of the latter in 699. Caesar attached, with a view to the present and to the future, great importance to giving the Gauls a high idea of the resources of Italy, and to proving to them that it was easy for the Republic, after a check, not only to repair its losses, but also to bring into. the field troops more numerous than ever. Pompey, through friendship and consideration for the public good, granted his demand. Thanks to the activity of his lieutenants, before the end of winter three new legions (or thirty cohorts) were raised and joined to the army: the 1st, the 14th,

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254 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. which had just taken the number of the legion annihilated at Aduatuca, and the 15th. In this manner, the fifteen cohorts lost under Sabinus were replaced by double their number, and it was seen, by this rapid display of forces, what was the power of the military organization and resources of the Roman people. It was the first time that Cesar commanded ten legions. II. After the death of Indutiomarus, the Treviri War against the took for their chiefs some members of his Nervii. General Assembly of Gaul. family. These in vain urged the nearest peoples of the right bank of the Rhine to make common cause with them; but they succeeded with some of the more distant tribes, particularly the Suevi, and persuaded Ambiorix to enter into their league.

From all parts, from the Rhine to the Scheldt, were announced preparations for war. The Nervii, the Aduatuci, the Menapii, all the Germans on this side of the Rhine, were in arms. The. Senones persisted in their disobedience, and acted in concert with the Carnutes and the neighbouring states; everything urged upon Caesar the counsel to:open the campaign earlier than usual. Accordingly, without waiting for the end of winter, he concentrates the four legions nearest to Amiens, his head-quarters (those of Fabius, Crassus, Cicero, and Trebonius), invades unexpectedly the territory of the Nervii, gives them time neither to assemble nor to fly, but carries off the men and cattle, abandons the booty to the soldiers, and forces this people to submission. This expedition so rapidly terminated, the legions;

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CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE NERVII AND THE TREVIRI. 255 returned to their winter quarters. At the beginning of spring, Casar convoked, according to his custom, the general assembly of Gaul, which met, no doubt, at Amiens. The different peoples sent thither their rep!. resentatives, with the exception of the Senones, the Carnutes, and the Treviri. He regarded this absence as a sign of revolt, and in order to pursue his designs without neglecting the general affairs, he resolved to transfer the assembly nearer to the insurrection, to Lutetia. This town belonged to the Parisii, who bordered on the Senones, and although formerly these peoples had formed but one, the Parisii do not appear to have entered into the conspiracy. Cvesar, having announced this decision from the summit of his proetorium (pro suggestu pronuntiata), started the same day at the head of his legions, and advanced by forced marches towards the country of the Senones. At the news of his approach, Acco, the principal author of the revolt, ordered the population to retire into the oppida; but,taken by surprise by the arrival of the Romans, the Senones employed the Edui, once their patrons, to intercede in their favour. Caesar pardoned them without difficulty, preferring to employ the fine season in war. than in the.search of those who were culpable. A hundred hostages exacted from the Senones were entrusted to the dui. The Carnutes imitated the example of the Senones, and, by the intermediation of the Remi, whose clients they were, obtained their pardon. Csesar pronounced the close of the assembly of Gaul, and ordered the different states to furnish their contingents of cavalry. () (1) De Bello Gallico, VI. 4.

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256 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. III. Having pacified this part of the country, Cesar Submission of the turned all his thoughts towards the war Menapii. with the Treviri and with Ambiorix, the chief of the Eburones. He was, above all, impatient to take a striking vengeance for the humiliation inflicted on his arms at Aduatuca. Knowing well that Ambiorix would not hazard a battle, he sought to penetrate his designs. Two things were to be feared: the first, that Ambiorix, when his territory was invaded, would take refuge among the Menapii, whose country, adjoining that of the Eburones, was defended by woods and vast marshes, and who, alone among the Gauls, had never made an act of submission;, the second, that he might join the’Germans beyond the Rhine, with whom, as was known, he had entered into friendly relations through the intermediation of the Treviri. Caesar conceived the plan of first preventing these two eventualities, in order to isolate Ambiorix. Wishing, above all, to reduce to submission the Menapii and Treviri, and carry the war at the same time into the countries of these two peoples, he undertook in person the expedition against the Menapii, and entrusted that against the Treviri to Labienus, his best lieutenant, who had operated against them on several occasions. Labienus, after his victory over Indutiomarus, had continued in his winter quarters with his legions at Lavacherie, on the Ourthe. (‘) Cesar’sent him all the baggage of the (‘) The “Commentaries,” after having informed us (V. 24) that Labienus established himself in the country of the Remi, on the confines of that of the Treviri, give us afterwards to understand that he encamped among the Treviri, where he had passed the winter, “Labienum cum una legione, quee in eorum finibus hiemaverat.” (VI. 7.) We believe, with certain authors, that the

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CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE NERVII AND THE TREVIRI. 257 army and two legions. He marched in person towards the country of the Menapii, at the head of five legions without baggage. He took with him Cavarinus and the Senonese cavalry, fearing lest the resentment of this king against his people, or the hatred which he had drawn upon himself, might raise some disorders, and, following the general direction of Sens, Soissons, Bavay, and Brussels, he reached the frontier of the Menapii. The latter, trusting in the nature of the ground, had assembled no forces, but took refuge in the woods and marshes. Caesar divided his troops with the lieutenant C. Fabius and the questor M. Crassus, formed them into three columns, and, causing bridges to be hastily constructed, to cross the marshy watercourses, penetrated at three points into their territory, which he ravaged. The Menapii, reduced to extremity, demanded peace: it was granted to them on the express condition that they should refuse all shelter to Ambiorix or to his lieutenants. Caesar left Commius among them with part of the cavalry to hold them under surveillance, and marched thence towards the country of the Treviri. (1) IV. On his part, Labienus had obtained brilliant Sccess ofLabienus successes; the Treviri had marched with againsttheTreviri. considerable forces against his winter quarters. They were no more than two days’ march country in which he encamped was either on the boundary of the two countries, or ground of which the Remi and the Treviri disputed the possession. Is it not evident, moreover, that after the catastrophe of Aduatuca and the insurrection of the people seduced by Ambiorix, everything dictated to Labienus the necessity of engaging himself no further in a hostile country, by separating himself from the other legions? (‘) De Bello Gallico, VI. 6. 1TT T

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258 HISTORY OF JULIUS CASAR. from him, when: they learnt that he had been joined by two other legions. Resolving then to wait the succour of the Germans, they halted at a distance of fifteen miles from the camp of Labienus. The latter, informed of the cause of their inaction, and hoping that-their imprudence would present an opportunity for giving battle, left five cohorts to guard the greatest part of the baggage, and, with the twentyfive others and a numerous cavalry, established his camp within a mile of the enemy. The two armies were separated by the river Ourthe, the passage of which was rendered difficult by the steepness of the banks.

Labienus had no intention of crossing it, but he feared that the enemy might imitate his prudence until the arrival of the Germans, who were expected immediately. To draw them to him, he spread a rumour that he should withdraw on the morrow at break of day, in order to avoid having to combat the united forces of the Treviri and the Germans. He assembled during the night the tribunes and centurions of the first class, informed them of his design, and, contrary to Roman discipline, broke up his camp with every appearance of disorder and a precipitate retreat. The proximity of the camps allowed the enemy to obtain information of this movement by his scouts before daybreak. The rear-guard of Labienus had no sooner begun its march, than the barbarians urge each other not to let a prey so long coveted escape them. They imagine that the Romans are struck with terror, and, thinking it disgraceful to wait any longer the succour of the Germans, they cross the river and advance un

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CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE NERVII AND THE TREVIRI. 259 hesitatingly upon unfavourable ground. Labienus, seeing the success of his stratagem, continued slowly his apparent retreat, in order to draw all the Gauls over the river. He had sent forward, to an eminence, the baggage, guarded by a detachment of cavalry. Suddenly he orders the ensigns to be turned towards the enemy, forms his troops in order of battle, the cavalry on the wings, and exhorts them to display the same valour as if Coesar were present.

Then an immense cry rises in the ranks, and the pila are thrown from all sides. The Gauls, surprised at seeing an enemy they believed they were pursuing turn against them, did not sustain even the first shock, but fled precipitately into the neighbouring forests. Pressed by the cavalry, they were slain or captured in great numbers. Labienus employed those wise tactics to which the Romans owed their greatest successes. Invincible in their fortified camps, they could, as the Emperor Napoleon I. has so well remarked, either combat or wait for the opportune moment. The Gauls, on the contrary, warlike peoples, carried away by a fiery courage, not understanding the patience and wiliness of their adversaries, fell always into the snare which was laid for them. It was enough to feign terror, and inspire them with contempt for the enemy’s forces, to make them engage instantly in disorderly attacks, which the Romans, by sudden sorties, easily defeated. This was the system followed by Sabinus when.attacked by the Unelli, by Caesar on his way to the relief of Cicero, and by Labienus himself in the previous year.

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260; HISTORY OF JULIUS C:IESAR. A few days afterwards the country submitted; for, on the news of the defeat. of the Treviri, the. Germans returned home,, followed by the relatives of Indutio. marus, the -author of the. revolt. Cingetorix, constant in his fidelity to.the. Romans,..was replaced at the head of the nation.. The double object proposed by Caesar was thus attained; for, on one hand, since the submission of the Menapii, Ambiorix could no longer dream of finding: a refuge among them; and, on the other, the victory: of Labienus, followed by the retreat of The Germans, placed. it out of his power to league with these latter.

Nevertheless, to assure this double result, punish the Germans for their readiness to suc-. cour the Treviri, and cut off Ambiorix from all retreat, Caesar, after having effected his junction with Labienus, resolved to pass the Rhine a second time. (1) V. He had passed from the country of the Menapii Second Passage of into that of the Treviri, and had arrived the Rhine. near the locality where now stands the town of Bonn. He there caused a bridge to be built a little above the spot where his army had crossed two years before. In consequence of the experience gained by the processes employed. on the former occasion, and of the extreme zeal of the soldiers, the work was finished in a few days. Having left for the protection of the bridge a strong detachment on the bank,belonging to the Treviri, for fear of some movement on their part, Caesar crossed the river with the legions and the cavalry. The Ubii, who had long before made their submission, assured him that they had (1) De Bello Gallico, VI. 8.

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CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE NERVII AND THE TREVIRI. 261 neither sent assistance to the Treviri or violated their oath; that the Suevi alone had furnished auxiliaries; and that thus he ought not to confound them with the latter in his anger against the Germans. He accepted their excuses, and obtained information on the roads and passes which’ led to the country of the Suevi. A few days afterwards, he learnt that the latter were concentrating on a single point their troops. and the contingents of the-tribes under their dependence. He provided for the: supply of provisions, chose a favourable position: for his camp, and enjoined the Ubii to transport their cattle’ and goods into their oppida, hoping to compel the barbarians by famine to fight at disadvantage. The Ubii were similarly charged to watch the enemy by means of numerous scouts. A few days later, they informed Caesar that the Suevi, at the approach of the Romans, had retired, with all their: troops and those of their allies, to the extremity of their territory. There lay the forest Bacenis,(1) which advanced very far into the country, and which, placed like a natural.

barrier between the Suevi and the Cherusci, separated these two peoples and defended them against their mutual excursions. It was at the entrance to this forest, probably towards the mountains of Thiuringia, that the Suevi had resolved to await the Romans. In this expedition, as in the one preceding, Cvesar feared to engage himself too far in the middle of an uncultivated country, where provisions might have failed him. He therefore repassed the Rhine. -But to keep the barbarians in fear of his return, and to (1) See page 82.

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262 HISTORY OF JULIUS COESAR. prevent their reenforcements from reaching-the Gauls, he did not destroy the whole bridge, but only cut off 200 feet on the side of the Ubian bank; at the extremity of the truncated part he built a tower of four stories, and left on the left bank twelve cohorts in a retrenched post. Young C. Volcatius Tullus had the command of it. Caesar’s two expeditions to the right bank of the Rhine led to no battle, and yet the moral effect was so great, that after this period the Germans no longer supported the insurrections in Gaul, and even became the auxiliaries of the Romans. (1) VI. On the approach of harvest, CQesar marched Waragaint Ambi-against Ambiorix, with his ten legions, orix.

except the guard left at the bridge of the Rhine. He started from Bonn, and advanced towards the country of the Eburones, by way of Zulpich and Eupen (see Plate 14), across the forest of the Ardennes,‘which extended, it will be remembered, from the banks of the Rhine to the country of the Nervii. In the hope of surprising the enemy, he sent forward M. Minucius Basilus, with all the cavalry, recommending to him not to light fires, which would reveal his approach, and informing him that he should follow him closely. Basilus, faithful to his orders, fell by surprise on a great number of Eburones, proceeded straight towards the locality to which Ambiorix was said to have retired with a few cavalry, succeeded in penetrating to the abode of this chieftain, and seized upon all his effects; but the latter, protected by some of his (t) De.Bello Gallco, VI.

29.

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WAR AGAINST AMBIORIX AND THE.EBURONES. 263 followers,:escaped’on-horseback through the woods; his partisans dispersed. It was thus that fortune, which plays. so important a part in war, favoured at the same time the enterprise against Ambiorix, and his escape. The Eburon chief sent secret messages in all directions,: recommending the inhabitants to provide for their own safety. Some concealed them-‘ selves in the forest of the Ardennes, others’ in the midst of the marshes. Those who were nearest. to the ocean sought refuge in the islands, which are formed at high tide;;:-6thers expatriated themselves, and settled in distant countries. Catuvolcus, king of one-half of the country of the Eburones, crushed with age and misfortunes, took poison, that he might not.fall alive into the power of the Romans. During this time, Caesar was approaching the country of the Segni and Condrusi, (1) who came to implore him not to confound in the same cause all the Germans beyond the Rhine, and protested their neutrality. The’ fact having been satisfactorily proved, Ceasar assured them that, if they would deliver up to him the Eburones who had sought refuge among them, their territory should be respected. Having arrived at Vise, on the Meuse, where a ford exists from time immemorial, he divided’his troops into three bodies, and sent-the baggage of all the legions to Aduatuca (Tongaes): it was the-place which had witnessed the recent.disaster’of Sabinus. He gave preference to this position, because the retrenchments of the pre. (1) We must suppose from this that, during his march, Cresar crossed the territory of the Segni’

and Condrusi, or that at least he passed not far from it. This consideration has induced us to extend this territory farther towards the north than is generally done. (See Plates 1 bis and 13.)

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264 HISTORY. OF: JULIUS CfESAR.’ ceding year, still standing, would spare the troops much labour. He left, as a guard for the baggage, the 14th legion, and placed it, with 200 cavalry, under the command of Quintus Cicero. Of the mine legions remaining with Caesar, three were sent with T.

Labienus to the north towards: the ocean, into the part of the country of the Eburones which touched on that of the Menapii; three to the south with C. Trebonius, to ravage the districts neighbouring on the Aduatuci (towards the southwest, between the Meuse and the Demer); lastly, Caesar, at the head of the three others, advanced towards the Scheldt, the waters of which, at this period, mingled with those of the Meuse. (‘) (ee Plate 14.) It was his intention to gain the extremity of the Ardennes (between Brussels and Antwerp), whither it was said that Ambiorix had retired with a few horsemen. He announced, on his departure, that he should return to Aduatuca on the seventh day, the period for the distribution of provisions to the legion which was left at that place in charge of the baggage.

Labienus and Trebonius were, if they found it possible, to return at the same period, in order to concert again on the measures to be taken after they had made themselves acquainted with the designs of the enemy. The Eburones had neither regular force, nor garrison, nor oppidum. They formed a scattered multitude, always in ambush, attacking the soldiers when (‘) Caesar might very well say that the Scheldt mingles his waters with those of the Meuse. Several ancient authors share in this opinion. This took place by the eastern arm of the Scheldt, formerly more developed than -in modern times, which spread itself in the space which, according to Tacitus, formed the immense mouth of the Meuse (immensum Mosce os)..

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WAR AGAINST. AMBIORIX AND THE EBURONES. 265 isolated, and -obliging. the Romans to carry on a harassing war, without. any decisive result; for -the. nature of the country, covered with thick forests, and intersected by marshes, protected the barbarians, who could only be reached by small detachments. -In the midst of.these difficulties. Caesar preferred doing less injury to the enemy, and sparing the: lives of his own soldiers, by having recourse to the Gauls. He accordingly sent-messages to invite’the neighbot/ring peoples to come and ravage the territory of the Eburones, and assist him in exterminating a race guilty of:having slaughtered his soldiers. At his call, numerous hordes rushed: from all.sides, and the entire territory of the-Eburones was soon given up to pillage. (). VII.

Meanwhile, the seventh day, the period fixed TheSicambriattack for Caesar’s return, approached. Chance, so - common in war, brought about a remarkable incident.; The enemy, scattered, and struck with terror, could no longer inspire the least fear, But rumour having spread beyond the Rhine, among the Germans, that all peoples were invited to ravage the country of the Eburones, the Sicambri, neighbours to the river, who had, as we have seen, received the Usipetes and, Tencteri after their defeat, collect 2,000 cavalry;: they.pass the Rhine on rafts and boats, thirty miles below where Caesar had built his bridge and left a guard (forty-five kilometres below Bonn.) (2) (1) De Bello Gallico, VI. 34. (2) Forty-five.

kilometres reckoned down from Bonn bring us to the confluence of the Wipper and the Rhine. 12

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266 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. They invade the territory of the Eburones, pick up a crowd of fugitives, and seize upon a great number of cattle. The attraction of booty draws..them on farther and farther;‘bred. in the midst of war and plundering, nothing’stops them-neither marshes.nor woods.. On their arrival’ at some distance from the Meuse, they. learn from prisoners the absence of Caesar and the distance of the:army, and that in three hours they can reach Aduatuca, where the riches of the Romans are deposited. They are made to believe that this fortress is defended by a garrison too weak to line the walls or venture to issue from’the retrenchments. Trusting in this information, the Germans hide their booty, and, guided by a prisoner, march against Aduatuca, crossing the Meuse at Maestricht. Hitherto, Cicero had scrupulously executed CGesar’s order, and retained the troops in the camp without even permitting a single valet to quit it; but on the seventh day, reckoning no longer on the return of the general at the term fixed, he yielded to the complaints of the soldiers, who blamed his obstinacy in keeping them shut up as though they were besieged. He believed, moreover, that the nine legions, and the numerous cavalry which scoured the country, permitted him to venture without danger to a distance of three miles from his camp, especially after the dispersion of the enemy’s forces; he therefore sent five cohorts to cut wheat in the nearest fields, situated to the north of Aduatuca, and separated from the camp only by a hill. With them went, under the same ensign, 300 men of different legions left sick, but then restored,

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WAR AGAINST AMBIORIX AND THE EBURONES. 267 and a multitude of valets, taking with them a great number of beasts of burden, which were in the camp. Suddenly the German cavalry arrive; their march had been concealed’by the woods. Without halting, they rush toward the Decuman gate, and attempt to enter the camp. (See.Plate 18.) The attack is so sudden, that the merchants established under the vallum have not time to enter. The soldiers, taken by surprise, are: in confusion; the cohort on guard struggles to prevent the enemy from entering the gate. The Sicambri spread themselves round the camp, to discover another passage; but, fortunately, the nature of the locality and the retrenchments render access impossible everywhere but at the gates. They attempt to force an entry there, and are prevented with difficulty. The alarm and disorder are at their height. The soldiers are uncertain where to direct their steps, or where to assemble; some pretend that the camp is taken, others that the army and Caesar have perished. A feeling of superstitious anxiety recalls to their minds the disaster of Sabinus and Cotta, slain at the same place.

At the sight of such a general consternation, the barbarians are confirmed in their opinion that the Romans are too few to resist; they strive to force an entrance, and urge one another not to let so rich a prey escape.

Among the sick left in the camp was the primipilus P. Sextius Baculus, who had signalised himself in the preceding combats. For five days he had taken no food. Uneasy for the safety of all, as well as his own, he leaves his tent without arms, sees before him the enemy and the danger, snatches a sword from the first

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268 HISTORY OF JULIUS CASAR. man he meets, and takes his post at a gate.

The centurions of the cohort on guard follow him, and all to. gether sustain the attack for a.few instants. Baculus, grievously wounded, faints. He is passed from hand to hand,and only saved with difficulty.

This incident gives the others time to recover their courage. They remain on the.rampart, and present: at least some appearance of defence. At this moment the. soldiers who had gone out to reap were on their way back to: the camp; they are -struck with. the cries, they hear; the cavalry press forward, perceive the imminence of the danger, and see, with terror, that it is no longer possible to obtain refuge behind the retrenchments. The newly-levied soldiers, inexperienced in war, interrogate the tribune and centurions with their looks, and wait their orders. There is no one so brave as not to be agitated by so unexpected an event. The Sicambri, perceiving the ensigns at a distance, believe at first that the legions were returning, and cease from the attack; but soon, filled with contempt -for such a handful of men, they rush upon them on all sides. The valets take refuge on a neighbouring hill, that on which now stands the\ village of: Berg.’ Driven from this post, they rush back into the midst-of the ensigns and manipuli, and increase the fear of the already intimidated-men. Among the soldiers, some propose to form in wedge, in order to open themselves a way to the camp they see so near them: the loss of a small number will be the safety of all. Others advise to remain firm on the heights, and run the same chance together. This latter opinion is not

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WAR AGAINST AMBIORIX AND THE EBURONES. 269 that of the. old. soldiers, united under the same ensign. Led by C. Trebdnius, a Roman knight, they fight their way through the enemy, and re-enter the camp, without the loss of a single man. Under protection of this bold movement, the valets and cavalry succeed in following.them. As to the young soldiers who had posted themselves on the heights, they were not able, in their inexperience, either to maintain their resolution to defend themselves in. their position, or to imitate the successful energy of the veterans; they engaged on disadvantageous ground in an attempt to regain the camp, -and their. destruction would have been certain but for.the devotedness of the centurions. Some had been promoted from the lowest ranks of the army to this grade, in’reward for their courage; and for a moment they intimidated the enemy, by sacrificing their lives.in order to justify their renown.

This heroic act, contrary to all expectation, enabled three cohorts to re-enter the camp; the two others perished. During these combats, the defenders of the camp had recovered from their first alarm. When they saw them stationed on the rampart, the Germans despaired of being able to force the retrenchments; they withdrew, and repassed the Rhine with their booty. The terror they had spread was such that, even after their retreat, when, the following n.iight, C. Volusenus arrived at Aduatuca with:the cavalry which preceded the legions, the return.of Caesar and the safety of the army seemed hardly credible. Men’s minds were affected to such a degree that they supposed the cavalry alone had escaped from the disaster; for, they

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270 HISTORY OF JULIUS CASAR. said, the Germans would never have *attacked the camp if the legions had not been defeated. The arrival of Caesar alone dissipated all their fears. Accustomed to the various chances of war, and to events which must be supported without complaining, he uttered no reproach; (1) he merely reminded them that they should not have run the least risk by letting the troops go out of the camp; that, moreover, if they might blame fortune for the sudden attack of the enemy, they might, on the other hand, congratulate themselves on having driven them back from the gates of the camp.-. He was astonished, nevertheless, that the Germans, having crossed the Rhine for the purpose:of ravaging the territory of the Eburones, should have acted so as -to render the most signal service to Ambiorix, by coming to attack the Romans. CQesar, to complete the ruin of the Eburones, marched.again, collected a great number of pillagers from the neighbouring states, and sent them in different directions in pursuit of the enemy, to plunder and burn everything. Their villages and habitations became, without exception, a prey to the flames.

The cavalry scoured the country in all directions, in the hope of overtaking Ambiorix; the prospect of seizing,him, and gaining thereby the gratitude of the general, made them support infinite fatigues, almost beyond human endurance. At every moment they believed they were on the point of seizing the fugitive, and continually the thick forests or deep retreats hid him (‘) C.esar complained of the conduct of Quintus, when he wrote to Cicero the orator: ” He did not keep within the camp, as would have been the duty of a prudent and scrupulous general.” (Charisius, p.

101.)

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WAR AGAINST AMBIORIX AND THE EBURONES. 271 from their pursuit. At last, under protection of night, he reached other regions, escorted by four horsemen, the only friends left to whom he dared trust his life. Ambiorix escaped, but the massacre of the legion of Sabinus was cruelly avenged by the devastation df the country of the Eburones! After this expedition, Cesar led back to Durocortorum (Rheims), the chief town of the Remi, the army diminished by the two cohorts lost at Aduatuca. - He there convoked the assembly of Gaul, and caused judgment to be passed on the conspiracy of the Senones and Carnutes. Acco, the chief of the revolt, was condemned to death, and executed according to the old Roman custom. Some others, fearing the same fate, took: flight. They were forbidden fire and water (that is, they were condemned to exile)..-Cvesar sent two legions to winter quarters on the frontier of the Treviri, two among the Lingones, and the six others among the Senones, at Agedincum (Sens). After providing for the provisionment of the army, he proceeded into Italy. (1) (‘) De Bello Gallico, VI. 42.

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CHAPTER’ X. (Year of Rome 702.) (BOOK VII. OF THE “COMMENTARIES.”) REVOLT

OF GAUL-CAPTURE OF VELLAUNODUNUM, GENABUM, AND NOVIODUNU]M-SIEGES OF

AVARICUIM AND GERGOVIA-CAMPAIGN OF LABIENUS AGAINST THE PARISIISIEGE OF

ALESIA. I. THE Roman arms had in six years subjugated, one after another, the principal states ofRevolt of Gaul. Gaul. Belgium, Aquitaine, and the countries on the sea-coast, had been the. theatre of the most desperate struggles. The inhabitants of the isle of Britain, like the Germans, had become.prudent by the defeats they had suffered. Cesar had just taken a signal vengeance upon the revolted Eburones, and thought that he might without danger leave his army and proceed into Italy, to hold the assemblies. During his abode in this part of his command, the murder of P.

Clodius took place (the 13th of the Calends of February, 30th of December, 701),‘which caused a great agitation, and gave rise to the Senatusconsultus, which ordered all the youths of Italy to take the military oath; COesar took advantage of it to make levies also in the Province. The rumours of what was taking place at Rome soon passed the Alps, to revive the resentments and hopes of the Gauls; they believed that the domestic troubles would detain Csesar in It

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REVOLT OF GAUL. 273 aly,‘and would give rise to a favourable opportunity for a new insurrection. The principal chiefs meet in secluded spots; mutually excite each other by the recital oftheir grievances, and by the remembrance of the death of Acco; promise great rewards to those who, at the peril of their lives, will commence the war; but decide that, before all, the return of Coesar to his army must be rendered impossible, a project the execution’of which was so much the easier, since the legions would not dare to leave their winter quarters in the absence of their general, and since the general himself could not join them without a sufficient escort. The Carnutes are the first to offer to take arms: as the necessity of acting secretly did not allow them to exchange hostages, they exact as security an oath of alliance. This oath is taken by all the ensigns in a meeting in which the moment for the rising is fixed. On the day appointed, the Carnutes, led by two resolute men, Cotuatus and Conetodunus, rush to Genabum (Gien), plunder and slaughter the Roman merchants, amongst others the knight C. Fusius Cita, charged by Cvesar with the victualling department. These news reached every state’in Gaul with an extreme celerity, according to the custom of the Gauls of communicating remarkable events by cries transmitted from neighbour to neighbour across the country. (‘) Thus what’had happened at Genabum at (‘) An ancient manuscript belonging to Upper Auvergne, the manuscript of Drugeac; informs us that this custom.continued long in use, and that it still existed in: the Middle Ages. Rough towers were built for this purpose on the heights, 400 or 500 metres apart; watchmen were placed in them, who transmitted the news fiom one to another by sonorous monosyllables. A certain 12* II.- S

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274 HISTORY OF JULIUS CESAR. sunrise, was known by the Arverni before the end of the first watch (towards eight o’clock at night), at a distance of 160 miles. Vercingetojix, a young Arvernan who possessed great influence in his country, (‘) and whose father, Celtillus, for a time chief of all Gaul, had been put to death by his countrymen for having aspired’to the royalty, calls his clients together, and excites their zeal. Expelled from Gergovia by those who were unwilling to tempt fortune with him, he raises the country, and, with the help of a numerous band, retakes the town, and causes himself to be proclaimed king. Soon he seduces the Senones, the Parisii, the Pictones, the Cadurci, the Turones, the Aulerci, the Lemovices of Armorica, the Andes, and the other peo. ples’who dwell on the shores of the ocean. The commandment is given to him by unanimous consent.

He exacts hostages from those peoples, orders a prompt levy of soldiers, fixes the number of men and arms which each country is to furnish in a given time, and occupies himself especially with the raising of the cavalry. Active, daring, severe, and inflexible even to cruelty, he subjects to the most atrocious tortures those who hesitate, and by these means of terror soon forms an army. number of these towers still exist in the Cantal. If the wind prevented this mode of transmission, they had recourse to fire. It is evident that criers had been posted beforehand from Genabum to Gergovia, since it was agreed that the Carnutes should give the signal of the war. It is exactly 160’miles (about 240
kilometres), through the valleys of the Loire and the Allier, from Gien to Gergovia, the principal oppidum of the Arverni. (‘) “Hic corpore, armis, spirituique terribilis, nomine etiam quasi ad terrorem composite.”

(Florus, II. x. 21.)-Vercingetorix was born at Gergovia. (Strabo, IV., p.

158.)

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REVOLT OF GAUL. 275 He sent a part of it to the Ruteni, under the cominand of Cadurcus Lucterius, a man full of daring; and to draw the Bituriges into the insurrection, he invaded their territory. By acting thus, he threatened tile Province, and protected his rear whilst he moved towards the north, where the Roman occupation was concentrated. On his approhch, the Bituriges solicited the help of the IEdui, their allies. The last, by the advice of Caesar’s lieutenants, who had remained with the -army, sent them a body of cavalry and infantry to support them against.

Vercingetorix; but, when they reached the Loire, which separated the territory of the two peoples, these auxiliary troops halted for some days, and then returned, without having dared to cross the river, pretending that they had been betrayed by the Bituriges. Immediately after their departure, the latter joined the Arverni. (1) II. Coesar heard of these events in Italy, and, reasCeesar begins the sured on the troubles in Rome, which had Campaign. been appeased by the firmness of Pompey, he took his departure from Transalpine Gaul. When he arrived on the other side of the Alps (perhaps on the banks of the Rhone), he was struck with the difficulties which lay in the way of his joining the army. If he sent for the legions into the Roman province, they would be compelled, on their way, to fight without him; if, on the other hand, he would go to them, he was obliged to pass through populations to whom, notwithstanding their apparent tranquillity, it would have been imprudent to trust his person.

(‘) De Bello Gallico, VIT. 5.

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276 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. While Caesar found so great difficulties before him, Lucterius, (1) who had been sent by Vercingetorix to the Ruteni, brings them over to the alliance with the Arverni, advances towards the Nitiobriges and the Gabali, from whom he receives hostages, and, at the head of a numerous army, threatens the Province in the’

direction of Narbonne. These events made Coesar resolve to proceed to that town. His arrival put an end to people’s fears. He placed garrisons among the peoples who bordered on the territory of the enemy, the Ruteni of-the left bank of the Tarn, (Ruteni provincia,les), the Volcae Arecomici, the Tolosates, and near Narbonne. At the same time, he ordered a part of the troops of the province, and the reenforcements which he had brought from Italy, to unite on the ter. ritory of the Helvi, which bordered upon that of the Arverni. (2) Intimidated by these dispositions, Lucterius did not venture to engage himself in the midst of these garrisons, and retired.

This first danger averted, it was important for Caesar to prevent Vercingetorix from raising other peoples, who might perhaps be inclined to follow the example of the Bituriges. By invading the country of the Arverni, Caesar might hope to draw the Gaulish chief into his own country, and thus remove him from those where the-legions were wintering. He proceeded, therefore, to the country of the Helvi, where he (1) Coins of Lucterius have been found, as well as of many of the Gaulish chiefs mentioned in the “Commentaries.” The first has been described by MM.

Mionet and Chaudruc de Crazannes. (Revue Nuumismatique, t. V., pl. 16, p.

333.) (2) Their capital was Alba, now Aps (A rdche). During recent researches, remains of an ancient road have been discovered, which passed by the places here indicated, and led from the land of the Helvi to the Vellavi and Arverni.

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REVOLT OF GAUL. 277 joined the tro.ops who had just concentrated there.

The mountains of the Cevennes, which separated this people from the Arverni, were covered with six feet of snow; the soldiers opened a passage by dint of labour. Advancing by Aps and Saint-Cirgues, between the sources of the Loire and the Allier (see Plate 19), Coesar debouched on Le Puy and Brioude. The Arverni, at this season, the most rigorous of the year, believed themselves defended by the C6vennes, as by an insurmountable wall: he fell upon them unexpectedly, and, in order to spread still greater terror, he caused the cavalry to scour the country far around.

Quickly informed of this march, Vercingetorix, at the prayer of the Arverni, who implored his succour, abandoned the country of the Bituriges.

Caesar had foreseen this; so he only remains two days amongst the Arverni, and, quitting them under the pretext of increasing his forces, he leaves the command to young Brutus, whom he enjoins to throw out his reconnoitring parties to as great a distance as possible, and promises to return at the end of three days. Having by this diversion drawn Vercingetorix southward, he proceeds in great haste to Vienne, arrives there unexpectedly, takes the newly-raised cavalry which he had sent thither, marches night and day, crosses the country of the 2idui, and directs his march towards the Lingones, where two legions were in winter quarters. By this extreme rapidity he seeks to prevent any evil design on the part of the AEdui. Scarcely has he arrived amongst the Lingones, when he sends orders to the other legions, two of which were on the frontiers of the Treviri, and the six others in the coun

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278 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. try of the Senones, to concentrate the whole army at Agedincum (Sens) before his march is known to the Arverni. As soon as Vercingetorix was informed of this movement, he returned with his army to the country of the Bituriges, and thence started to lay siege to Gorgobina (‘SaintParize-le- Chdtel), an oppidum of the Boii, who had settled,.after the defeat of the Helveti, near the confluence of the Allier and the Loire. (1) III. Although Caesar had succeeded in uniting his Taking of Vellauno-troops, and in placing himself at their dunum, Genabum, and Noviodunum. head, he found it still difficult to fix upon a determined plan. If he opened the campaign too early, the army might run short of provisions through the difficulty. of transport. If, on the other hand, during the rest of the winter, (2) his army, remaining inactive, allowed Vercingetorix to take Gorgobina, a place tributary to the Aidui, the example might discourage his allies and lead to’ the defection of the whole of Gaul. Rather than undergo such an affront, he resolved to brave all obstacles. He engaged the Aidui, therefore, to furnish provisions, announced his speedy arrival to the Boil, recommended them to remain faithful, and to offer an energetic resistance; and then, leaving at Agedincum two legions and the baggage of the whole army, he’ marched with the eight others towards the territory of the Boii. On (1) De Bello Gallico, VII. 9. (2) Since Caesar did not start till after the murder of Clodius, which took place on the 13th of the Calends of February (December 30th, 701), and had raised troops in Italy, passed through the Roman province, penetrated over the Cevennes into Auvergne, and had thence returned to Vienne, it is probable that he did not arrive at Sens before the commencement of March.

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CAPTURE OF VELLAUNODUNUM. 279 the second day (1) he arrived at Vellaunodunum (fTri(‘) The Latin term has Altero die, quunm ad oppidumn Senonum Vellaunodun7um venisset, &c. All authors, without exception, considering wrongly the expression of altero die as identical with those of postero die, proxinzo die, insequenti die,pridie ejus diei, have’

translated it by the following day. We consider that altero die, when used with regard to an event, signifies the second day which follows that of the said event… Thus Cicero gives it this sense in his Plilippica Prima, ~ 13, where he reminds us of the conduct of Antony after the death of Ctusar. Antony had begun by treating with the conspirators who had taken, refuge in the Capitol, and, at a sitting-of the Senate, which he called together ad hoc, on the day of the Liberalia, that is to say, the 16th of the Calends of April, an amnesty was pronounced in favour of the murderers of C.esar. Cicero, speaking of this session of the Senate, says, Proximo, altero, tertio, denique reliquis consecuztis diebus, &c. Is it not evident that here altero die signifies the second day which followed the session of. the Senate, or two days after that session? Here are other examples which show that the word alter must he taken in the’sense of secundus. -

Virgil says (Eclogue VIII., line 39), Alter ab undecimo turn jain me ceperat annus, which must be translated, I was thirteen years old.

Servius, who composed a commentary on Virgil at a time when the traditions were still preserved, makes the following comment on this verse Id est tertiws decimus. Alter enimn de duobus, dicimus ut unus ab undecimo sit duodecimltus, alter tertius decimus, et vullt significarejam se vicinumnfuisse pubertati, quod de duodecimo anno procedere non potest.

(Virgil, edit. Burmann, tom. I., p. 130.) Forcellini peremptorily, establishes that vicesimno altero signifies the twentysecond: legio altera vicesima means the twentysecond legion. The “‘Commentaries” inform us (De Bello. Civili, III. 9) that Octavius, when besieging Salona, had established five camps round the town, and that the besieged took those five camps one after the other. The text is thus expressed: Ipsi i.z PROxIMA Octavii castra irruperunt. hiis expugnatis, eodem. imnpetu, ALTERA sunt adorti; inde TERTIA et QUARTA, et deinceps RELIQUA. (See also De Bello Civili, III. 83.) In the ” Commentaries” we find sixty-three times the expression postero die, thirty-six times proxino die, ten’times insequenti die,’ eleven times posdridie ejus diei, or pridie ejus diei.‘The expression altero die is used only twice in the eight books De Bello Gallico, viz., lib.VII. cc. 1I and 68, and three times in De Bello Civili, lib. III. cc. 19, 26, and -30. Is that coincidence alone not sufficient to make us suppose that altero die ought not to be confounded with the preceding expressions; and does it not appear certain that, if Caesar had arrived at Vellaunodunum the morning after his departure from Agedincum, he would have written, Postero die (or proximro die) quum ad oppidum Senonumn Vellaunodunum venisset, &c.? We believe, therefore, that we are authorised in concluding that Caesar arrived at Vellaunodunum the second dav after the army moved.

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280 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. gueres), a town of the Senones, and prepared to lay siege to it, in order to protect his rear and secure his supply of provisions. (See Plate 19.) The countervallation was finished in two days.

On the third, the town offered to surrender: the capitulation was only accepted on condition of delivering up the arms, the beasts of burden, and 600 hostages. Caesar left C. Trebonius, his lieutenant, to see the convention executed, and marched in haste towards Genabumi (Gien), a town of the Carnutes. (1) He arrived there Farther on, on page 339, will be found a new confirmation of the sense which we give to altero die. It results from the appreciation of the distance which separates Alesia from the battle-field where Ciesar defeated the cavalry of Vercingetorix. (See the opinions of the commentators on altero die in the sixth volume of Cicero, edit. Lemaire, Classiques Latins, Excursus ad Philippicanm primal.

) (1) De Bello Gallico, VII. 11.-Contrary to the generally received’opinion, we adopt Gien and not Orleans for the ancient Genabum, Trigueres for Vellaunodunum, Sancerre for Noviodunum, and, lastly, SaintParize-le-ChtelI for the Gorgobina of the Boii. As Caesar’s object, on quitting Sens, was to march as quickly as possible to the oppidum of the Boil, in order to raise the siege, since he starts without baggage, so as to be less impeded in his march, we will first examine the probable position of this latter town, before discussing the question relating to the intermediate points. Gorgobina Boiorum. After the defeat of the Helvetii, Caesar allowed the iEdui to receive-the Boii upon their: territory, and it is probable that they were established on the western frontier, as in -an advanced post against the Arverni and the Bituriges.

Several data confirm this opinion. Tacitus (Histor., II. 61) relates that: A2ariccus quidam, e plebe Boiorum,…. concitis octo millibus hominum, proximos AXduorum pagos t-ahebat. The possessions of the Boii were, therefore, contiguous to the iEduan territory. Pliny the Elder (Hist.

Nat., IV. 18) places the Boii in the number of the nations who inhabited the centre of the Lyonnaise.. Intus autem jAEdui/fiederati, Carnuti foderati, Boii, Senones….. The place here occupied by the word Boii shows us again that this people was not far from the ZEdui, the Senones,.

and the Carnutes. Lastly;’ the text of the “Commentaries” represents Vercingetorix as obliged to traverse the country of the Bituriges to repair to Gorgobina. The most. plausible opinion is that which places the Boii between the Loire and the Allier, towards the confluence of these two rivers. This was already an old tradition, adopted in

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CAPTURE OF GENABUM. 281 in two days, and sufficiently early to surprise the inhabitants, who, thinking that the siege of Vellaunothe fifteenth century by Raimondus Marlianus, one of the first editors of Caesar. This space of ground, covered in its eastern part with woods and marshes, was admirably suited by its extent to the limited population of the Boii, who did not number more than;20,000 souls. Neither. Saint-Pierre-le-Moutier, marked on the map of Gaul as Gorgobina, nor La Guerche, proposed by General de Gceler, answer completely, by their topographical position, to the site of a Gaulish oppidum. In fact, Saint-Pierre-le-Moutier is far from being advantageously situated: this village stands at the foot of the hills which border the right bank of the Allier. La-Guerche-sur-Aubois fulfils no better the conditions of defence which must be required in the principal town of the Boii: it is situated almost in a plain, on the edge of a marshy valley of the Aubois. It presents a few remains:of fortifications of the Middle Ages, but not a trace of more. remote antiquity has been discovered in it.. To seek Gorgobina farther down, and on the left bank of the Loire, is impossible, since, according to Camsar, the Boii had been established on the territory’of the lEdui, and the Loire formed. the boundary between the. AEdui and the Bituriges. If we are reduced to conjectures, we must.at least admit as incontestable what is advanced by Cxesar. The village of Saint-Parizedle-Chatel suits better.’

It is about eight kilometres to the north of Saint-Pierre-le-Moutier, nearly’in the middle of the space comprised between the Loire and the Allier; it occupies the centre of an an-.cient agglomeration of inhabitants, which Guy Coquille, at the end of the sixteenth century, designates under’ the name of the bourg de Gentily, and which the chronicles called, down to the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, Pagus Gentilicus? or bourg des gentils. The:history of this people has this remarkable peculiarity, that, whilst all the neighbouring nations on the other side of the Allier and the Loire had, as early as the fourth century, accepted the Christian religion, they alone continued in idolatry’until the sixth century. Does this * fact apply to a tribe settled in a foreign country, as the Boii were, who would retain their customs and religion for a/.longer time unchanged? An ancient tradition states that,.in the environs of SaintParize, there was, at a:very remote period, a considerable town, which was destroyed by a fire.- A few scattered foundations, discovered in the woods of Bord, to the southwest of SaintParize, seem: to indicate the site of the oppidum of the Boii.‘The name of the castle, of the domain, and of the place called Les Bruyeres de Buy, remind us of that of the Boii. There was probably a Roman: station at Saincaise-Meauce (thirteen kilometres.to.the north of Saint-Pierre-le-Moutier); on the right bank’of the Allier. In 1861; there were discovered there numerous objects of the Gallo-Roman period, and two busts in white marble, life-size, representing Roman emperors. At Chantenay, eight kilometres south from Saint-Pierre, a few Roman founda

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282 HISTORY OF JULIUS CIESAR. dunum would last longer, had not yet assembled sufficient troops for the defence of the place. The Rotions have been found, and a considerable number of Gaulish coins, one of which, amongst others, bears the name of the iEduan Litavicus. Genabum. The position of Gorgobina once established at the confluence of the Loire and the Allier we must admit Gien ah the ancient Genabum, and not Orleans, for the following reasons: 1st. We cannot believe that. Cesar, leaving Sens in spite of the rigour of the season, and in’ haste to raise the siege of Gorgobina, should, without. any reason, have taken a circuitous road of seventy-five kilometres, which would represent three or four days’.

march,.in order to pass by Orleans. In fact, the distance from Sens to the confluence of the Allier and the Loire, is, by Orleans, 270 kilometres, whilst it’.is only 180 kilometres by the way of Gien. 2nd. From Sens to Gien the road was short and easy; on the contrary, from Sens to Orleans it was necessary.to.pass the great marsh of Sceaux and the forest of Orleans, probably’impracticable. Now, the road indicated on the Peutingerian Table, as leading from Orleans to Sens, must have had a decided curve towards the.south, and passed close by Gien, after having passed through Aquae-Segeste (Craon and Chenevizre), for the distance between Sens and Orleans is marked at fifty-nine Gaulish leagues, or 134 kilometres. The Roman road, which leads directly from Sens to Orleans, byway of Sceaux, and which the itineraries do not mention, has only a length of 110
kilometres: it is certainly less ancient than the former, and can never have been a Gaulish road. 3rd. The ” Commentaries” inform us that the’news’of the’ insurrection of Genabum arrived in a short time among the Arverni (of whom Gergovia, near Clermont, was the principal centre), at a distance of 160 miles (237 kilometres) from Genabum. Now, the distance from Gien to Gergovia, by the valleys of the Loire and the Allier, is 240
kilometres, which agrees with the text, whilst from Orleans to the same.

spot it is 300 kilometres. 4th. After-having crossed the Loire at Genabum, Cxesar was in the territory of the Bituriges. This is true if he passed by:Gien, and false if he passed by Orleans, since, opposite Orleans, the left bank belonged to the territory of the Carnutes.!It is true that it has been pretended that Gien belonged to the’ancient diocese of Auxerre, and that, consequently, it was in the territory of the Senones, and not in that of-the Carnutes. The limits of the ancient dioceses cannot be considered as indicating in an absolute manner the’frontiers of the peoples of Gaul; and we cannot admit that the territory of the Senones formed an acute angle upon the territory of the Carnutes, the summit of which would be occupied by Gien. Moreover, whatever change it may have experienced in feudal times, in regard to its diocesan attribution, Gien has never formed a part of the Orldanais, in its civil and political relations. In 561, Gien was included in the kingdom: of Orleans and Burgundy. We believe, therefore, that Genabum was, not old Gien, which, notwith

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CAPTURE OF GENABUM. 283 man army took its position before the oppidum; but the approach of night made it necessary to poststanding its epithet,‘may be posterior to Ctesar, but the present Gien. This little town, by its position on the banks of the Loire, besides containing a hill very appropriate for the site of an ancient oppidum, possesses sufficiently: interesting ruins, and agrees much better than Old Gien with the. oppidum of the Carnutes.: Without attaching too great faith to traditions and etymologies, we must, nevertheless, mention a gate at Gien, which, from time immiemorial, has been called Cxesar’s Gate (la Porte de Cesar); a street called a la Genabye, which’leads, not towards Orleans, but towards the high part of the town; a piece’of ground, situated to the north of Gien, at the angle formed by the road to Montargis and the Roman road, at a distance of about one kilometre, which still preserves the name of the Field of’the Camp (La Piece du Caonp). Perhaps this is the spot where Cxsar placed his camp, opposite the most accessible part of the town. The principal reason, why Orleans has been taken for Genabum is that the Itinerary of Antoninus’ indicates that town under the name of Cenabum or Cenabo, and that this name is also found in some lately discovered inscriptions. It may be supposed that the inhabitants of Gien, after having escaped from the destruction of their town, descended the river, and, on the spot where Orleans now stands, formed a new establishment, to which they gave the name of the first city; in the same manner the inhabitants of Bibracte removed to Autun, and those of Gergovia to Clermont. Independently of the above considerations, Orleans,.by its position on a declivity uniformly inclined toward the Loire, does not at all answer to’ the conditions of a Gaulish oppidum. If we admit Orleans to be Genabum, it becomes very difficult to assign a convenient site for the oppida of Vellaunodunum and Noviodunum. Vellaunodunum. The situation of the territory of the Boii being admitted, as well as’that of Genabum, we have to find, on the road which Coesar pursued from’Sens to Gorgobina, the intermediate points of Vellaunodunumi and Noviodunum. On the direct line from Sens to Gien, at the distance of 40 kilometres from Sens, we meet with the little town of Trigueres. The hill which overlooks it from the north agrees with the position of the ancient olppidum: the remains of walls, fosses, and parapets have been found on it.‘Farther, there were discovered in 1856, at 500 metres to the northwest of Trigueres, the ruins of a large semi-elliptical theatre, capable of containing firom 5,000 to 6,000’ spectators.‘In another direction,’ the ruins of a Druidical monument have been pointed out; in fact, everything leads to the belief that there existed at TrigZ~eres, in the Gallo-Roman period, an important centre, which had been preceded by a Gaulish’establishment anterior to the conquest. A road paved with stones, considered by some as a Gaulish or Celtic way, but’ accepted by all

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284 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. pone the attack until the following morning.

However, as Genabum had a bridge on the Loire adjoining archaeologists as a Roman road, goes direct from Sens to Trigueres, by Courtenay, and passes along the eastern side of the oppiduzm. Another ancient way leads similarly from -Trigueres to Gien. We feel no hesitation, after what precedes, in placing Vellaunodunum at Trigubres. It will be objected that the -distance from Sens to this little town (40 kilometres) is too small to have taken the Roman army, without baggage, three days’ march; but Caesar does not say that he employed three days in proceeding from Agedincum to Vellaunodunum: he informs: us merely that, leaving all his baggage at Agedincum, he journeyed towards the country of the Boii, and that on the second-day he arrived at Vellaunodunum. Nothing, therefore, obliges us to suppose that, before it marched, the Roman army was concentrated or.encamped at Agedincum itself. Persons unacquainted with military art are apt to suppose that an army lives and marches always concentrated on: one point. Caesar, although he was effecting the concentration of his troops before entering into campaign, did not keep them massed at the gates of Sens, but he probably distributed them in echelon in the neighbourhood of the town, along the Yonne. When afterwards he decided on marching to the’ succour of the Boii, we must suppose that the: first’ day was employed? in concentrating the whole army at Sens itself, in leaving the baggage there, perhaps also in crossing the Yonne, a long operation for more than 60,000 men. The first day having passed, the army continued its -march next day, and arrived at Trigueres-the day following, having performed two days’ march of 20 kilometres.each. We see, then, that the distance between Sens and Trigueres does not prevent us from identifying. this latter -locality with Vellaunodunum. Trigueres is distant 44 kilometres from Gien, the distance which separated Vellaunodunum from Genabum, and which might have been marched in two days.. Noviodunum. To find the site of Noviodunum, we must seek a position which agrees best with the’” Commentaries” in the triangle formed by the three known points, Gien, Le Bec-d’Allier, and Bourges. Since, according to the text, Vercingetorix did not raise the siege of the town of the Boii until he had heard of Caesar’s arrival on the’left bank of the Loire, and since the two hostilearmies, marching towards each other, met at Noviodunum, it follows-that this last-named town must be about half-way between the spot where the Loire was passed and the town of the Boii; on another hand, since Caesar took several days to reach Bourges from Noviodunum, there must have been a rather considerable. distance between those two last-named towns. Moreover, in order that the inhabitants of Noviodunum should have seen in the distance, from the topf. their walls, the cavalry of Vercingetorix,’ the town must necessarily. have been situated on an eminence. Lastly, the cavalry combat, fought at a small distance from the town, proves that the ground. was sufficiently flat to permit that engagement.

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CAPTURE OF NOVIODUNUM. 285 to the town, Csesar kept two legions under arms to watch it, in the fear that the besieged might escape It is, therefore, because certain points hitherto indicated do not answer to the conditions required by the text, that we have not admitted, as representing Noviodunum, the towns of Nouan-le-Fuselier, Pierrefitte-sur- Saudre, Nohanten-Goftt, Neuvy-en-Sulliasj or Neuvy-sur-Barangeon. In fact, some of these are too far from Bec-d’Allier, while others are too near Bourges, and most of them are situated in a plain. Sancerre, on the contrary, answers all the conditions of the text. It is situated on a hill which rises 115 metres above the valley watered by the Loire. Encircled on all sides by deep ravines, it can only be approached from one point, situated to the east, where the ancient Roman road of Bourges terminated, which is still at the present day called the Big Road (le Gros Chemin). The Abbe Lebceuf, as early as 1727, had designated this town as the ancient Noviodunum. It is near Saint-Satur, at the very foot of the mountain of Sancerre, that a Gallo-Roman town existed, of which, within the last few years, numerous~foundations have been found. It is probable that this Gallo-Roman town had succeeded to a great centre of Gaulish population, for the Bituriges must necessarily have occupied in their territory a point so admirably fortified by nature, and which commanded the course of the Loire,.the line of boundary between them and the lEdui. The present town seems to have kept within the very limits of the ancient oppidumn; it has the form of an ellipse of from 700 to 800 metres in length on a breadth of about 500 me’tres, capable of containing a population of from 4,000 to 5,000 inhabitants. At Sancerre there was also, at the extremity of one of the streets, towards the north, a gate called the Gate of Coesar (Port% de C0sar), which was demolished in the beginning of the nineteenth century. By adopting Sancerre, all the movements of the commencement of.the campaign of 702 are easily explained. This town is fortysix kilometres from Gien, forty-eight kilometres from Le Bce-d’Allier, distances nearly equal, so that Vercingetorix and Caesar, starting almost at the same time from two opposite points, may have met under its walls.

Its elevated position allowed the eye to range far towards the south along the valley of the Loire, through which the inhabitants would have seen the approach of the cavalry of Vercingetorix. Caesar may have occupied with his army the heights of Verdigny or Saint-Satur, to the north dof Sancerre. A cavalry engagement may have taken place in the valley of Saint-Satur, or on the plain between MWnetreol and Saint-Thibaud. The captain of staff Rouby has examined with the greatest care the places just mentioned. Caesar, after the surrender of Noviodunum, marches towards Bourges. Vercingetorix follows him by short marches (mninoribus itineribus). The Roman general, having Bourges before him, and a hostile army on his left, marches slowly and with precaution. Perhaps he took three or four days to perform the forty-five kilometres which separate Sancerre from Bourges. At last, after

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286 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. during the night. And, in fact, towards midnight they silently issued from Genabum and began to pass the river.

Caesar, informed by his scouts, set fire to the gates, introduced the legions he had kept in reserve, and took possession of the place.-. The fugitives, who were closely crowded together at the issues of the town, and at the entrance of the bridge, which were too narrow to allow them to pass, fell nearly all into the hands of the Romans. Genabum was plundered and burnt, and the spoil abandoned to the soldiers. Then the army passed the Loire, arrived on the territory of the Bituriges, and continued its march. The town of Noviodunumr (Sancerre), belonging to this latter people, lay in Coesar’s route; he undertook to lay siege to it. The inhabitants were already hastening to make their submission, and a part’of the hostages had been delivered, when they saw in the distance the cavalry of Vercingetorix, who, warned of the approach of the Romans, had raised the siege of Gorgobina, and marched to meet them. At this sight, the besieged, mustering courage again, seize their arms, shut their gates, and man the wall. The Roman cavalry was immediately sent to meet the enemy; staggered.at the first shock, it was on the point of giving way; but soon, supported by about 400 German cavalry, in Caesar’s pay since the commencement having reconnoitred the site of Avaricum, he must have traversed the marshes of the Yevre, at a distance of three or four kilomitres from that town, so as to take up a position to the southeast of the oppidum, in that part which was not surrounded by the river and the marshes, and which only offered a narrow passage. As to Vercingetorix, he.

follows, or rather hovers oh, the Roman army, taking up his position on its left, and still keeping up his communication with Avaricum, hesitating whether he shall deliver it to the flames.

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SIEGE OF AVARICUM. 287 of the campaign, they entirely routed the Gauls.

This defeat having again spread terror in the town, the inhabitants delivered up the instigators of the revolt, and surrendered. Caesar marched thence, through the fertile territory of the Biturges, towards Avaricum (Bourages), the largest and strongest oppidum of that people. The taking of this town, he considered, would render him master of the whole country. (1) IV. Vercingetorix, after having experienced so many reverses successively at Vellaunodunum, Siege of Avaricum. at Genabum, and at Noviodunum, convokes a council, in which he explains the necessity of adopting a new system of warfare. Above all, according to him, they must take advantage of the season, and of the.numerous Gaulish cavalry, to cut off the Romans from provisions and forage, sacrifice private interest to the common welfare, set fire to the habitations, burgs, and oppida which they could not defend, so as to spread desolation from the territory of the Boii as far as the enemy could extend his incursions. If that be an extreme sacrifice, it is nothing in comparison with death and slavery.

This advice having been unanimously approved, the Bituriges, in one single day, set fire to more than twenty towns; the neighbouring countries follow their example. The hope of a speedy victory made them support this painful sight with resignation. They deliberated whether Avaricum should not’

undergo the same fate; the Bituriges implored them to spare one of the most beautiful towns in. Gaul, the (1) De Bello Gallico, VII. 13.

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288 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. ornament and bulwark of their country; ” the defence of it will be easy,” they added, ” on account of its almost inaccessible position.” Vercingetorix, at first of a contrary opinion, ended by giving way to.this general feeling of compassion, entrusted the place to men capable of defending it, and, following Caesar by short marches, pitched his camp in a spot defended by woods and marshes, sixteen miles from Avaricum (1) (two kilometres to the north of Dun-le-Roy, at the confluence of the Auron and the Taisseau). /’ Avaricum was situated, as Bourges is at present, at the extremity of a piece of ground surrounded, to the north and west, by several marshy streams: the’Yevre, the Y6vrette, and the Auron. (See Plate 20.) The Gaulish town, adorned with public places, and enclosing 40,000 souls, exceeded, no doubt, in extent the Gallo-Roman circuit. The aspect of the locality is certainly no longer the same: the marshes have been dried, and the courses of water reduced within regular limits-; the ruins accumulated so many centuries ago have raised the level of the ground on many points. To the south of Bourges, at a distance of 700 metres, the ground forms a neck, which, in the time of’

Csesar’s wars, was narrower than at present; (‘) Archaeologists have pretended they find traces still existing of the camp of Vercingetorix in the neighbourhood of Bourges, not considering that Caesar declares that the Gaulish chief did not, for the first time, think of retrenching his camp in the Roman fashion -till after the siege of this town. We believe that Vercingetorix, although he came from the east, encamped to the south of Bourges. It was, indeed, natural that he should place himself between the Roman army and the land of the Arverni, Whence, probably, it drew its provisions. Besides, if he had placed his camp to the east of Bourges, he would have intercepted the provisions which Csesar expected from the land of the Edui, which the text does not say.

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SIEGE OF AVARICUM. 289 it inclined more towards the place, and presented, at 80 metres from the walls, a sudden depression, resembling a vast fosse.

(See the section along C D.) The slopes, then, abrupt towards the Yevrette and the Auron, defined more clearly the only and very narrow avenue (unum et perangustumz ad~tum) which gave access to the town. (1) Caesar established his camp behind this tongue of land, to the south, and at’ 700
metres’from Avaricum, between the Auron and the Yevrette. As the nature of the locality prevented all countervallation, he took his dispositions for a regular siege. The place was only open to attack towards that part of the enclosure which faced the avenue, on a width of from 300 to 400 Roman feet (about 100 metres). In this place the summit of the walls commanded by about 80 feet (twentyfour metres) the: ground situated in advance. (2) Caesar commanded a terrace to be com. menced, covered galleries to be pushed towards the oppidum, and two towers to be constructed. (1) The ravine which descends to the Auron is still recognised at the present day, between the Portes Saint-Michel and Saift-Paul, by the sudden incline of the ground. Old plaps of Bourges designate it by the name of the Vallee Saint-.Paul. The opposite ravine, which runs towards the Porte Bourbonnoux, has disappeared under the successive fillings up composing the soil of the garden of the archbishop’s palace. The ridge of land forming the avenue cannot have been in Cxesar’s time more than 100 metres broad. It has lost its primitive physiognomy, especially by the formation of the Place Serancourt, in 1700, on a site the level of which did not then exceed that of the field of the present fair. The depression of the ground which existed before the wall is more visible; it has been filled-up during the different sieges of Bourges. (2) This is evident, since the Romans, in order to be able to give the assault, were obliged to construct a terrace eighty feet high. General de Gceler believed.this measurement exaggerated. Nevertheless, as this terrace was constructed in a ravine, it was necessary that it should compensate a difference of level of eighty metres, of which thirty, perhaps, represent the height of’the wall. 13 II. T

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290 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. During the execution of these works, trusty messengers informed Vercingetorix every moment of what was going on in Avaricum, and carried back his orders. The besiegers were watched when they went to forage, and, notwithstanding their precaution to choose every day different hours and roads, they could not move any distance from the camp without being attacked. The Romans incessantly demanded provisions from the aEdui and the Boii; but the first showed little haste to send them, and the latter, poor and weak, had exhausted their resources; moreover, their country had just been laid waste by fire. Although, during several days, the troops, deprived of corn, lived only on cattle which had been brought from afar, yet they uttered. no complaint unworthy of the Roman name and of their preceding victories. When, visiting the works, Caesar addressed by turn each of the legiofs, and, offered to the soldiers to raise the siege if they felt their privations too rigorous, they unani.

mously called upon him to persevere: “they had learned,” they said, “after so many years that they served under his command, never to suffer anything that’ was humiliating, and to leave nothing unfin, ished.” They renewed this protest to the centurions and to the tribunes. The towers already approached the walls, when prisoners informed Caesar that Vercingetorix, from want of forage, had quitted his camp, leaving in it the mass of his army, and had advanced nearer to Avaricum with his cavalry and light infantry, with the intention of laying an ambush on the spot where

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SIEGE OF AVARICUM. 291 he expected that the Romans would go to forage the following day. (‘) Upon this information, Cesar, seeking to take advantage of the absence of Vercingetorix, started silently in the middle of the night, and came in the morning neat the camp of the enemies. As soon as they were acquainted with his march, they hid their baggage and wagons in the forests, and drew up their troops on an open height. Caesar immediately ordered his soldiers to lay down their bundles in one spot, and to keep their arms ready for combat. The hill occupied by the Gauls rose with an easy slope above a marsh which, surrounding it on nearly all sides, rendered it.difficult of access, although it was only fifty feet broad. They had broken the bridges, and, full of confidence in their position, drawn up according to tribes, and guarding all the fords and passages, they were ready to fall upon the Romans, if the latter attempted to overcome this obstacle. With the two armies thus in presence and so near to each other, one would have believed them, by their attitude, animated with the same courage, and offering the combat under equal conditions; but, when we consider the defensive strength of the position of the Gauls, we are soon convinced that the firmness of the latter was only one of ostentation. The Romans, indignant at being thus -braved, demanded the order to fight; but Coesar represented to them that the victory would cost the lives of too many brave men, and that the (1) Vercingetorix, encamped first towards Dun-le-Roi, had’ approached nearer Bourges. He had established his new camp to the east of that of Cesar, perhaps at La Cheneviere, at the confluence of the Yevre and the brook of Villabon, fourteen kilometres from Bourges.

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292 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. more they were bent upoi daring everything for his glory, the more blamable would it be in him to sacrifice them.

These words calmed their impatience, and the same day he led them back to the siege operations. Vercingetorix, on his return to his army, was accused of treason, for having placed his camp nearer to that of the Romans, taken away with him all the cavalry, left his infantry without a head, and facilitated, by his departure, the sudden and so well-calculated arrival of the enemy. “All these incidents,” they said, ” could not be the effect of chance; evidently Vercingetorix preferred owing the empire of Gaul to Csesar than to his fellowcitizens.” As the improvised chief of a popular movement,Vercingetorix had to expect one of those fickle demonstrations of the multitude, who are rendered fanatical by successes, and unjust by reverses. But, strong in his patriotism and in his conduct, he justified’ easily to his followers the dispositions he had taken. “The scarcity of forage only has decided him, at their entreaties, to’ change the position of his camp; he -has chosen a new position, which is impregnable; he has employed the cavalry, which is useless in a marshy’place, to advantage. He has transferred the command to nobody, for fear that a new chief, to please bands without discipline, incapable of supporting the fatigues of war, might let himself be persuaded to give battle; Whether it were chance or treason which had brought the Romans before them, they ought to thank Fortune for it, since they had retired with disgrace. He has no desire to obtain the supreme authority from Caesar

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SIEGE OF AVARICUM. 293 at the price of a guilty defection: victory will soon give it him. It is now no longer doubtful. As to himself, he is-ready to lay down an authority which would be only.a vain honour, and not a means of delivery;”’ and, to prove the sincerity of his hopes, he brought forward slaves who had been made prisoners, whom he represents as.

legionaries, and who, at his instigation, declare that in three days the Romans will be obliged by want of provisions to raise the siege. His discourse is received by the acclamations of the army, and all signify their applause by the clang of their arms, according to the Gaulish manner. It is agreed to send‘10,000 men to Avaricum, taken among the different contingents, so that the Bituriges alone should noi have the glory of saving a.town upon which depended in a great measure the fate of the war. The Gauls, endowed with the genius of imitation, struggled.by all means possible against the wonderful perseverance of the Roman soldiers.

They turned away the rams with pointed heads (falces) (1) by means of nooses, and, when they had once caught hold of them, they dragged them up by means of machines. () Accustomed to. work in the iron mines, and to the construction of subterranean galleries, they skilfully countermined the terrace, and also provided their walls with towers of several stories, covered (‘) See the quotation from Vegetius, p. 143, note (1). (2) We read in Vitruvius, on occasion of the siege of Marseilles: “When the tortoise approached to batter the wall, they let down a cord furnished with a slip-knot, in which they caught the ram; and raised its head so high, by means of a wheel, that they prevented its striking the wall.” (Vitruvius, X. 16.)

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294 HISTORY OF JULIUS CJESAR. with leather. Day and night they made sallies, and set fire to the works of the besiegers. As the daily increase -of the. terrace heightened the; level of the towers, the besieged raised theirs to the same height by means of scaffoldings’; they stopped:the progress of the subterranean galleries, prevented them from being advanced’ to thle walls -by trying to break them open with pointed, stakes hardened in the’fire (apertos cnticulos prc3usta ac rweacuta materia..

mora-.bantur), (1) and:by throwing molten pitch: and blocks of stone,. The Gauls’constructed tlheir walls in this manner: beams were placed horizontally on the ground, in a direction perpendicular to the line of the enclosure, (2) at intervals of two feet from each other; they were bound together::on’ the-side of the town: by crossbeams, usually of forty feet in length, firmly fixed in the ground, and’ the whole covered with a great quantity of earth,’ except’ on the exterior side, where the intervals were furnished:with large blocks of rock, and forined a facing.:’ After this first layer had been well fixed: and’irendered compact, they raised upon it a second, absolutely’ similar, taking care that the beams were not exactly above each other, but corresponded (1) Titus Livius expresses’himself thus in speaking of the besieged in Ambracia, who dug a mine to meet that of the.enemies: “Aperiunt viam rectam in cuniculum.” (XXXVIi. 7.) (2) Several authors have thought that these beams, instead of ~eing placed perpendicularly to the direction of the wall, were placed parallel to that direction. This interpretation appears to us inadmissible. The beams so placed would have no solidity, and would easily have been torn down. We see on the Trajan Column walls cofistructed as we describe; moreover, the Latin expression trabes directs-can leave no doubt, for the word directus means always perpendicular to a direction..:(See De Bello Gallico, IV. 17, directa materia injecta, and the dissertation in the Philologus, Jahrganges 19, Heft. 3.)

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SIEGE OF AVARICUM. 295 with the intervals filled in with stones, in. which they were, as it were, enchased.. The work was thus continued until the wall had attained the required height. These successive layers, in which the beams and stones alternated regularly, offered, by their very variety, an agreeable appearance. to the eye. This construction had great advantages for the defence of places: the stone preserved it from fire, and the wood from the ram; held together by the crossbeams, the beams could be neither torn down nor driven in. (See Plate 20.) Notwithstanding the obstinacy of the defence, and the cold and continual rains, the Roman soldiers surmounted all obstacles, and raised in twentyfive days a terrace 330 feet wide by 80 feet high. It already nearly touched the town wall, when, towards the third watch (midnight), clouds of smoke were seen issuing from it. It was the moment when Csesar, according to his custom, was inspecting the works, and encouraging the soldiers at their labour;; the Gauls had set the terrace on fire from. the gallery of a mine. At the same instant cries arose from the whole extent of the rampart, and the besieged, rushing out by two gates, made a sally on the two sides where the towers were:; from the top of the walls some threw dry wood and torches: on the -terrace, others pitch and various inflammable materials; nobody knew whither to run nor where to give help. As two legions, however, generally passed the night under arms in front of the camp, whilst the others relieved each other alternately for the work, they were soon able to face the enemy; meanwhile some drew

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296 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. back the towers, and others cut the terrace to intercept the fire; the whole army, in fact, hurried to put out the latter. When day broke, they were still fighting on every point; the besieged had the more hope of conquering, as the penthouses which protected the approaches to the towers were burnt (deustos pluteos tzurium), (‘) and as then the Romans, compelled to march without cover, could with difficulty arrive at the burning works. Persuaded that the salvation of Gaul depended on this critical moment, they replaced incessantly the troops which were weary. Then happened a fact worthy of notice: before the gate of the oppidum there was a Gaul who threw balls of grease and pitch into the fire opposite a Roman tower; a.dart shot from a scorpion (2) struck him in the right side and killed him. The next man immediately takes his place, and perishes in the same manner; a third succeeds him, then a fourth, and the post is only aban. doned after the extinction of the fire and the retreat of the assailants. After so many fruitless efforts, the Gauls resolved next day to obey the order of Vercingetorix, and evacuate the place. His camp not being far off, they hoped, by favour of the night, to escape without great loss, reckoning on a continuous marsh to protect their (‘) The name of pluteus was given generally to all kinds of covering with hurdles or with skins. (Festus, in voce Pluteus.-Vitruvius, X. 20.)-Vegetius (IV. 15) applies the name of pluteus to a kind of penthouse, of wicker-work or skins, mounted-on three wheels, and protecting the men placed behind it, so that they might shoot at the defenders. (2) They gave this name to a small engine resembling the balistse, which threw darts. These scorpions composed, as it were, the field-artillery of the ancients.

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SIEGE OF AVARICUM. 297 flight. But the women, in despair, struggle to retain them, and, seeing that their supplications had no effect, to such an extent does fear extinguish pity, they give warning to the Romans by their cries, and thus compel the Gauls to renounce their intended flight.

The day following Cesar caused a tower to be advanced, and the works to be prosecuted with vigour; an abundant rain, and the negligence of the enemy:in guarding the wall, engaged him to attempt an assault. He thereupon ordered the work to be slackened without entirely stopping it, in order not to awaken suspicions, assembled his legions under arms, sheltered behind the covered galleries (vineas), and informed them that they were going to reap the fruit of so many fatigues. He promised rewards to those who should be first to scale the wall of the town, and gave the signal. The Romans at once rushed forward from every side, and reached the top of the ramparts. The enemies, terrified by this unexpected attack, and thrown down from the tops of the walls and towers, sought refuge in the public places, and formed in wedges, so as to offer a resistance on all sides; but when they saw that the Romans, instead of descending into the town, went round it on the ramparts, they were afraid of being shut in, and threw down their arms and fled towards the other extremity of the oppidum (where are at present the faubourgs Taillegrain and Saint-Priv6).

(See Plate 20.) Most of them were killed near the gates, the narrow passage of which they blocked up; the others by the cavalry outside the town.. No” one among the Roman soldiers thought of plunder. Irritated by the remem13*

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298 HISTORY OF JULIUS CIESAR. brance of the massacre of Genabum, and by the fatigues of the siege, they spared neither old men, women, nor children. Of about 40,000 combatants, scarcely 800 fugitives were able to join Vercingetorix. He, -fearing that their presence, if they came in a body, might excite. a mutiny, had, in the middle of the night, sent trusty men and the principal chiefs a long way out, to distribute them in fractions among the camps belonging to the different tribes. The next day Vercingetorix sought, in a general assembly, to revive the courage of his countrymen, by ascribing the success of the Romans to their superiority in the art of sieges, which was unknown to the Gauls. He told them that this reverse ought not to dishearten them; that’ his: advice, they well knew, had never been to defend Avaricum; that a signal revenge would soon console them; that, through his care, the countries separated from the common cause would enter into his alliance, animate Gaul with the one thought, and cement a union capable of resisting the whole world. Then this fearless defender of the national independence shows his genius in taking. advantage even of a misfortune to subject his ill-disciplined troops to the rough labours of war, and succeeds in convincing them of the necessity of retrenching their camp in the manner of the Romans, so as to protect it from surprise. The constancy of Vercingetorix, after so gre’at a reverse, and the foresight which he had shown in. recommending, from the beginning of the war, to burn, and afterwards to abandon Avaricum, increased his influence. So the Gauls, for the first time, fortified their

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CJESAR AT DECETIA. 299 camp, and their courage was so much confirmed, that they were reedy to undergo all trials. Vercingetorix, true to his engagements, exerted himself to the utmost to gain over to his cause the other states of Gaul, and to seduce the chiefs by presents and promises;; and, for this purpose, he sent to them zealous and intelligent agents. He caused the men who had fled from Avaricum to be clothed and armed anew, and, in order to repair-his losses, he required from the divers states a contingent at a stated period, -and archers, who were very numerous in Gaul. At the same time Teutomatus, son of Ollovico, King of the Nitiobriges, whose father. had received from the Senate the title of friend, came to join him with a numerous corps of cavalry, raised in his own country and in Aquitaine. Cvesar remained some time in Avaricum, where he found great-store of provisions, and where the army recovered-from its fatigues. (‘) V. The winter was drawing to a close, and the seaArrival of Cesar at son was propitious for the continuation Decetia, and March towardsAuvergne. of military operations. As Caesar prepared to march against the enemy, either in order to draw him from the -woods and marshes, or to shut him up in them, the principes of the Aidui came to request him to put an end to dissensions among them which threatened to degenerate into civil war. “The situation was most critical. In fact, according to ancient customs, the supreme authority was only granted to a single magistrate, named for a year. At that moment, however, there were two, each claiming to (1) De Bello Gallico, VII. 32.

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300 HISTORY OF JULIUS CJESAR. have been legally elected. The first was Convictolitavis, a young man of -illustrious birth; the second,.Cotus, sprung -from a very ancient family, powerful also by his personal influence, his alliances, and whose brother, Valetiacus, had the year before filled the same office. The country was in arms, the Senate divided like the people, each of the pretenders at the head of his clients. The authority of Caesar alone could prevent civil war.” The Roman general considered it essential to prevent troubles from arising in an-important state, closely attached to the Republic, and where the weakest party would not fail to call in the aid of Vercingetorix. Consequently, notwithstanding the inconvenience of suspending the military operations and moving from the enemy, he resolved to repair to the IEdui, whose first magistrate, according to the laws, could not leave the territory. Having thus aimed at proving to them the respect which he entertained for their institutions, he arrived at Decetia (Decize, in the Nivernais), where he called before him the Senate and the two pretenders. (1) Nearly the whole nation came thither. Caesar, having acquired the conviction that the nomination of Cotus was the result of an intrigue of the minority, obliged him to resign, and maintained Convictolitavis, who had been chosen by the priests, according to the legal forms and customs of the country. After this decision, he engaged the iEdui to forget (‘) It is very probable that Cxesar proceeded first to Noviodunum (Nevers), since he informs us that he had established in that town a great magazine and provisions of every kind.

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SIEGE OF GERGOVIA. 301 their quarrels, and to, devote themselves entirely to the war; Gaul once subjected, he would recompense them for their sacrifices. He exacted’from them all their cavalry and 10,000 infantry, intending to distribute them in such a manner as to ensure the regularity of the victualling department. He next divided his army into two bodies.

Labienus, detached with two legions and part of the cavalry, had instructions to take at Sens the two other legions which Caesar had left there, and to repair, at the head of those four legions, to the country of the Parisii, who had been drawn by Vercingetorix into the revolt. On his part, Caesar resolved, with the six other legions and the rest of the cavalry, to invade the country of the Arverni themselves, the focus of the insurrection. He started from Decetia, and directed his march upon Gergovia, the principal oppidumn of that people. After the capture of Avaricum, Vercingetorix, suspecting Caesar’s ulterior designs, had moved towards the Allier, which the Romans were obliged to pass in order to reach Gergovia; and, on the news of their march, he had caused all the bridges to be destroyed. Caesar, having arrived on the banks of the Allier, towards Moulins (see Plate 19), followed its downward course, on the right bank. Vercingetorix, on his part, marched along the opposite bank. The two armies were within sight.of each other, the camps nearly opposite, and the Gaulish scouts, who watched the left bank, prevented the Romans from establishing a bridge. The position of the latter was difficult, for the Allier, which is fordable in the autumn only,

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302 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. might delay their passage a long time. (1) In order to surmount this obstacle, Coesar had recourse to a stratagem: he fixed his camp in a place covered with wood, opposite the remains of one of the bridges which Vercingetorix had caused to be destroyed (probably at Varennes). There he remained hidden the follow. ing day with two legions, and made the rest of the troops, as well as the baggage, proceed in the usual order. But, that they might present to the enemy the appearance of six legions, he had divided into six corps the forty cohorts or four legions which he sent forward. (2)‘They received the order to march as long as possible; in order to attract Vercingetorix, and, at the time Caesar presumed that they had arrived at their camp, he caused the bridge to be rebuilt on the old piles, the lower part of which remained untouched. The work being soon completed, the legions which remained with him passed the river, and, after having chosen a favourable position, he recalled the mass of his army, which rejoined him during the night. (3) When Vercingetorix was informed of this manceuvre, fearing lest he should be compelled to fight against his will, he took the start and marched in great haste to occupy the dppuiduitr of the Arverni.‘From the place he occupied, which we believe to have been Varennes, (4) Cesar reached Gergovia in (1) At present the Allier is fordable almrost everywhere in.,summer; but in the course of nineteen centuries the bed of the river must have been considerably raised. (2) The commentators are not agreed on this passage. I have adopted the version which seemed to me the best, and which MM. Kbchly and Rustow have followed in their German translation, Stuttgart, 1862. (3) Dio Cassius, XL. 35. (4) Coesar, on leaving Decize, followed, no doubt, the Gaulish road which led

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SIEGE OF GERGOVIA. 303 five days; on the very day of his arrival, after a slight skirmish of cavalry, he reconnoitred the position of the town. As itwas built on a very high mountain of difficult access, he considered: it impossible to take it by assault; he therefore resolved to blockade it, and not to begin investing it until he had assured his provisions. (See Plate 21.) VI. The oppidu n of the Arverni was situated at a Blockade ofergo distance of six kilometres to the south via. of Clermont Ferrand, on the mountain which has preserved the name of Gergovia. Its summit, elevated about 740 metres above the level of the to the Allier, and the existence of which may be assumed from the later construction of the Roman. road which goes from Decize to Bourbon-l’Archambault (Aquce Borvonis), and which crossed the Allier a little below Moulins. Thence he followed the course of the river for some days, constantly in face of the enemy. In order to pass it by the help of a stratagem, he took advantage of the remains of a bridge; and, as this bridge indicates that there must have been a road, it becomes a question to find among the ancient roads which crossed the Allier that which Cxesar followed. Now we only know two Roman roads leading to the Allier below Moulins, one at Varennes, the other at Vichy. We adopt Varennes. That locality is seventy-seven kilomertres. from Gergovia, reckoning them along the Allier, and Cmesar took five days to perform them; but, as the four legions sent forward to deceive the enemy returned during the night, in order to rejoin him, they must have suffered great fatigues; hence it is to be presumed that the next day the first march was very short. The fifth also was not long, for, according to the ” Commentaries,” Caesar had time on the day of his arrival to fortify his camp, to reconnoitre the place, and to engage in a cavalry combat. Besides, the country, interspersed with woods and marshes, -was unknown to him; and we believe that we do not depart from the truth if we admit that the first and the last march were of no more than ten kilometres, and the three others of nineteen, which gives a total of seventy-seven kilometres, the distance from Varennes to Gergovia. When Caesar left Gergovia, he crossed the Allier again, but at a point nearer to Gergovia, being in haste to place the river between him and the enemy.

Indeed, on the second day after his check, he fought a successful cavalry engagement, broke up his camp, and the following day (tertio die) crossed the Allier again, according to our opinion, at Vichy, which is only fifty-five kilometres from Gergovia.

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304 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. sea, and 380 above the plain, forms a plateau of 1,500 m’tres in length by more than 500 metres in breadth. The northern and eastern slopes present such abrupt declivities that they defy the escalade. The southern slope presents a very different character: it may be compared to an immense staircase, the steps of which would be vast terraces with very little inclination, and a breadth which in some places extends to as much as 150 metres. On the western side, the mountain of Gergovia is attached by a narrow defile of 120 metres in width, called the Goules (see Plate 21, C), to the heights of Risolles, an irregular mass, the plateau of which is at a mean depth of about 30 metres beneath that of Gergovia. To the west are the detached mountains of Montrognon and Le Puy-Giroux.‘This latter is separated from that of Risolles by a rather deep gorge, in which the village of Opme is built. Opposite the southern slope of Gergovia, at the very foot of the mountain, rises a very steep hill, called the’Roche Blanche. Its culminating point is at about 108
metres below the plateau. Two brooks, the Auzon and the Artieres, (1) tributaries of the Allier, flow, one to the south, the other to the north of Gergovia. Lastly, a low tract of ground, situated to the east, indicates the site of the ancient marsh of Sarlieves, which has been dry since the seventeenth century. Caesar established his camp near the Auzon, on the undulations of the ground which extend to the north(1) The Artibres receives, on the north of Gergovia, the little brook of Clemensat, marked on Plate 21.

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SIEGE OF GERGOVIA. 305 west of the village of Orcet, and as far as the ancient marsh of Sarlieves. These undulations form a natural glacis towards the plain, above which they rise about thirty metres; on the side of the stream of the Auzon they terminate in almost imperceptible slopes.

The camp occupied a part of the table-land and of the northern slope. () (See Plcde 21.) Vercingetorix had arranged the contingents of each country separately, at small intervals, on the southern slopes of the mountain of Gergovia and the mountain mass of Risolles which look towards the Auzun; they covered all the heights attached to the principal mountain, and presented, in the space.which the eye could-embrace, a formidable aspect.

() His principal camps were situated between the outer wall of the oppidum and a wall of large stones, six feet high, which ran along the bend of the hill. Every day, at sunrise, the chiefs who composed the council of Vercingetorix repaired to him in order to (‘) It is by seeking the essential conditions required for the placing of troops that Commandant Baron Stoffel succeeded in finding the camps. Cesar.had to place from 30,000 to 40,000 men in the neighbourhood of water, at a convenient distance from Gergovia, and in such. a manner as to preserve his line of operation upon Nevers, where his magazines were. These necessities indicated that the principal camp would be near the Auzon, and to the east. Moreover, it must be sufficiently near the oppidumn, that from the top of the mountain of Gergovia could be seen what was going on in it; and yet sufficiently distant that the objects could not be clearly distinguished. The camp must be in the plain; Dio Cassius (XL. 36) formally says,. “C besar remained in the plain, not having been able to take (for placing his camp) a place strong by its elevation;” and then the ” Commentaries”’ inform aus that the Romans only occupied one single hill, namely, the one: they took by surprise (La Roche-Blanche). Lastly, it was indispensable that there should be in front of the camp a space sufficiently large to admit of cavalry engagements. (2) Vercingetorix, placed in the centre of a kind of semicircle,. might easily be considered by Caesar as surrounded by his numerous troops. (collocaverat copias circum se). 1. U

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306 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. make their reports or to receive his orders.

Every day, also, he tried in slight enigagements (1) the courage of his cavalry mixed with archers. The Gauls occupied, as an advanced post, but by a weak garrison, La Roche-Blanche, which, scarped on three sides, presented an extremely strong position; Caesar judged that, by taking possession of this hill, he would deprive the Gauls almost entirely of forage and water, for they could no longer descend to the Auzon, the only considerable stream in the neighbourhood. He started from the camp in the silence of the night, drove away this post before it could be succoured from the town, took the position, and placed two legions upon it. The Roche-Blanche became his smaller camp; (2) it was joined to the larger one by a (1) The combats of cavalry’ took place in the plain which extends from the small eminence called Le Puy-de-Marmant to the marsh of Sarlieves. (2) This hill is certainly the Roche-Blanche, for it is situated opposite the oppidunm (e regione oppidi); it begins at the very foot of the slopes of the mountain of Gergovia (sub ipsis racdicibus montis), is singularly fortified by nature, and, as it were, cut out from all sides (egregie munitus atque ex omniparte circumcisus). So long as ttfe Gauls’ occupied it, they could go to the Auzon by the ravine of Merdogne, to obtain water and forage; but as soon as it was in the power of the Romans, the Gauls were compelled to draw their water from the springs on the mountain of Gergovia, and from the little brook of Artieres. The excavations made in 1862 brought the two camps to light. The fosses of the little camp are clearly defined: in the calcareous soil.

They form an irregular outline, represented on Plate 22. The Roche-Blanche, which presents in its southern part an escarpment almost as perpendicular as a wall, has lost on the sides its abrupt form by successive landslips, the last of which took place within memory of the’inhabitants. The communication between the great and little camps was composed of a parapet, formed by the earth thrown out of’two contiguous fosses, each four feet in depth and six in breadth, so that the breadth of the two together is only twelve feet. If we wonder that the Romans should have dug two little ditches, each six feet broad and four feet deep, instead of making one eight feet wide’by six feet deep, which would have given the same amount of soil to take out, it may be answered that the two little ditches were much more quickly made than one large ditch.

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SIEGE OF GERGOVIA. 307 double ditch of twelve feet, which allowed the troops to communicate in safety, even singly, without fear of being surprised by the enemy. (See Plate 22.) During this time, the Aiduan Convictolitavis, who, as we have seen, owed the supreme magistracy to Cesar, seduced by the money of the Arverni, resolved to abandon the party of the Romans, and entered into communication with several young men, at whose head was Litavicus and his brothers, descended from an illustrious family. He shares with them the price of his treason; exhorts them to remember that, born free, they are made to command in their country; proves to them that the lukewarmness of the IAdui alone delayed the general insurrection; and that they ought to value above everything the independence of their country. Seduced by such discourses and by the bait of gold, those young men occupy themselves only with the means of executing their project; yet, mistrusting the inclination of the people to be drawn into war, they decide that Litavicus shall take the command of the 10,000 men who were to join the Roman army, and induce them to revolt on the road, whilst his brothers go before them to Caesar. Litavicus began -his march. At thirty miles from Gergovia (probably at Serbannes), he halts his troops, assembles them, and, spreading the report that Caesar has caused the Aduan nobility and knights who were in his pay to be massacred, among others Eporedorix and Viridomarus, he easily persuades them to go and join: the Arverni at Gergovia, instead of proceeding to the Roman camp. But, before taking this determination, he gives up to plunder the convoy of provi

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308 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. sions which marched under his guard, causes the Romans who conducted it to be put to death with tortures, and then sends messengers to raise the whole country of the iEdui, by means of the same’imposture. Eporedorix and Viridomarus, whose death he had falsely announced, were with Coesar, who, by special favour, had raised-Viridomarus from a very low to a high dignity. The former, informed of the design of Litavicus, came in the middle of the night to acquaint the proconsul with it, imploring him not to allow the folly of a few young men to detach his country from the Roman alliance. It would be too late when so many thousands of men had embraced the contrary party. Caesar, more affected by this news as he had always favoured the /Edui, takes immediately four legions, without baggage, and all the cavalry; he waits not even to contract the compass of the two camps, for everything depends upon celerity. His lieutenant, C. Fabius, is left to guard them, with two legions. He orders the brothers of Litavicus to. be placed under arrest, and learns that they have just passed over to the enemy. His soldiers, encouraged to support the fatigues of the march, follow him with ardour, and at about twentyfive miles from Gergovia (near Randan, on the road which Litavicus had to follow to join Vercingetorix) they meet the AEdui.

The cavalry, sent in advance, have orders to stop them without using their arms. Eporedorix and Viridomarus, who had been reported as dead, step forth from the ranks, speak to their fellowcitizens, and are recognised.

As soon as the deception practised by

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SIEGE OF GERGOVIA. 309 Litavicus is discovered, the 2Edui throw down their arms, ask for pardon, and obtain it. Litavicus flies to Gergovia, with his clients, who, in Gaul, never abandoned their patrons, not even in their worst fortunes. Caesar sent to the AIdui to represent to them how generously he had acted towards men whom the laws of war authorised him to put to death; and, after having given his army three hours’ rest during the night, he returned to his quarters before Gergovia. Halfway, horsemen came to inform him of the perilous position of Fabius. The camps had been attacked by troops which were unceasingly renewed. The Romans were exhausted by unceasing labour, for the great extent of the enclosure obliged them to remain continually on the vallum. The arrows and missiles of all sorts thrown by the barbarians had wounded a great number; but, on the other hand, the machines had been of great help in supporting the defence. After the retreat of the enemies, Fabius, expecting to be again attacked next day, had hastened to block up the gates of the great camp, with the exception of two, and to add a palisade to the vallum. On receiving this information, Caesar hurried his march, and, seconded by the ardour of his soldiers, arrived at the’bamp before sunrise (having thus performed fifty miles, or seventy-four kilomletres, in twentyfour hours.

(‘) -HOURS. (1) Cesar starts at four o’clock in the morning, and arrives at Randan at one o’clock in the afternoon……………………… 9

Employs in negotiation fromn one o’clock to seven o’clock…….. 6 Repose from seven o’clock to ten o’clock in the evening………. 3 Hurried return from Randan to Gergovia, from ten o’clock to four o’clock in the morning……… -6………………. 6 Duration of Cesar’s absence……………….. 24

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310 HISTORY OF JULIUS CASAR. While these events were taking place at Gergovia, the Adui, also deceived by the news which Litavicus had spread, fall upon the Roman citizens, plunder their goods, kill some, and drag others to prison. It is Convictolitavis, also, who prompts these violences. The military tribune M. Aristius, who was on his way to join his legipn, as well as the foreign merchants who resided in the country, are compelled to leave Cabillonum (Chdlon-s8ur-Sdone). An escort is promised to protect them; but they have hardly started when they are attacked and stripped. They defend themselves, and their resistance, which lasts during twentyfour hours, calls a greater multitude to arms.

However, as soon as the ~Adui hear of the new submission of their troops, they exert themselves to the utmost to obtain their pardon; they have recourse to Aristius, throw the blame of the outbreak upon a few, order the plundered goods to be collected, and confiscate those of Litavicus and his brothers. They send deputies to Caesar to excuse themselves. Their object, in acting thus, was to obtain the free disposal of their troops, for the consciousness of their treason and the fear of punishment made them, at-the same time, conspire in secret with the neighbouring states.

Although informed of these secret plots, Caesar received their deputies with kindness, declaring that he did not hold the nation responsible for the fault of some individuals, and that his feelings towards the A}dui were not changed. Nevertheless, as he foresaw a general insurrection of Gaul, which would surround him on all sides, he entertained serious thoughts of abandoning Gergovia, and again effecting the con.

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SIEGE OF GERGOVIA. 311 centration of his whole army; but it was of importance that’his retreat, caused by the sole fear of a general defection, should not appear to be a flight. In the midst of these cares, the besieged offered him a favourable chance, of which he sought to take advantage. As he was visiting the little camp to inspect the works, he perceived that a hill (no doubt the hill marked A, which forms part of the mountain mass of Risolles, see Plate 21), which was almost hidden from sight by the masses of enemies on the previous days, was clear of troops.

Astonished at this change, he inquired the cause of the deserters, who came every day in crowds to surrender to him. All agreed in saying, as his scouts had already reported to him, that the mountain ridge to which this hill belonged (the top of the heights of Risolles) was almost flat, was connected with the town, and gave access to it by a narrow and wooded defile. (See Plates 21 and 22.) This point caused particular anxiety to the enemy; for if the Romans, already masters of La Roche-Branche, gained possession of the mountain mass of Risolles, the Gauls would be almost entirely invested, and could neither escape nor go to forage. This was the reason why Vercingetorix had decided upon fortifying these heights, and had called thither all his troops. (1) (‘) Plate 22 shows the places which Cesar’s eye could embrace from the summit of the Roche-Blanche. He could see neither the plateau, nor the country situated on the northern slopes of the mountains of Gergovia and Risolles. It was for this reason that he had to learn from the deserters the form of the ground which lay on the other side. lie thus learnt that the ridge of this latter mountain (dorsum ejusjugi) was not very uneven, and gave access to the western part of the town (ad alteram partern oppidi) by a narrow wooded passage (the defile of the Goules, which separates Risolles from Gergovia).

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312 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR In accordance with this information, Caesar sends in this direction, towards the middle of the night, several detachments of cavalry, with orders to scour with great noise the country in every direction at the foot (See Plate 21 in: C.) This defile leads to the gate P of the oppidum. The foundations, of masonry, and the approaches to this gate, were uncovered in the month of July, 1861. - The wide road which led from this gate to the defile C is distinctly seen. The alarm of Vercingetorix may be imagined; he feared lest the Romans might shut up from the Gauls this issue from the oppiduitn. These latter would have been almost blockaded (pane circumvallati), without any way out, and in the impossibility of procuring forage from the valley of the Artieres, since the northern part of the town was difficult of access. Consequently,‘the words si alterurnm collem amisissent can only apply to the mountiain mass of Risolles, and not, as several authors have pretended, to Montrognon or to Puy-Giroux; for the possession of those two peaks, detached and rather far from the mountain mass of Gergovia, offered no interest either for the attack or for the defence. The spot which it was important for the Gauls to fortify was the part D E of the heights of Risolles which are opposite the village of Opme, because troops could only scale the mass by the westein slope. How can any one suppose that, fearing for the defile of the Goules, the Gauls would have abandoned their camp before the place to go and entrench themselves on Montrognon, three kilometres from Gergovia? How admit that Coesar, to threaten the defile, would have sent troops to, make the circuit of the mountain of Gergovia by the north? How could the legion, which supported this movement, without advancing far, and which concealed. itself in’the woods, have assisted in the stratagem, if the false attack had been made to the east and to’the north of Gergovia, at two leagues fiom the camp? In passing by the south, that’is, by the defile of Opme, the legion was always in communication with the camps, on which it could fall back, and the broken and wooded ground prevented the Gauls from knowing -accurately the importance of the attack. Besides, two facts which result from the “Commentaries” prove that the Gauls were not very far from the oppidum. Caesar sees the southern front abandoned, and he establishes his legions at a distance of 1,200 paces from the place.’ The soldiers scale the heights at a rapid pace; but scarcely have they reached the principal enclosure, when the Gauls, who hear the cries of the women and of the small number of defenders left in the place (primo exaudito clamore), have time’to-hurry to them, and drive back the Romans.

Consequently, the Gauls were at a distance where the cries could be heard; and this distance may be measured by the time which the attacking columns must have taken to climb the space of 1,200 paces, since they arrived almost simultaneously. We believe, therefore, that they were at a distance of less than two kilometres from the gate O of the town, engaged in fortifying the plateau’ of the heights of Risolles..

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SIEGE OF GERGOVIA. 313 of the heights of Risolles.‘At break of day, he sends out of the great camp -many horses and mules without pack-saddles, and causes the muleteers to mount them, who put on helmets, so as to assume the appearance of mounted troopers. He enjoins them to wind round the hills, and a few cavalry who are joined with them have orders to spread wide over the country, so as to increase the illusion. Finally, they are all, by a long circuit, to move towards the spots which have just been(mentioned. These movements were perceived from the town, which~
overlooked the camp, but: at too great a distance to distinguish objects accuirately. Coesar sends towards the same mountain mass one legion, who, after having marched for a short distance, halt in a hollow, and pretend to hide in the Woods (towards Chanonat), so as to.feign a surprise. The suspicions of the Gauls increase; they take all their forces to. the spot threatened. Caesar, seeing the enemy’s camp deserted, orders the military ensigns (plumes, shields, &c.) to be covered, the standards to be lowered, and the troops to pass in small detachments from the great to the little camp, behind the epaulment of the double fosse of communication, so that they cannot be perceived from the opidum. (1) He communicates his intentions to the lieutenants placed: at’the heads of the legions, recommends them to take care to prevent the soldiers from allowing themselves to be carriedi away by the ardour of the combat or the hope of plunder, and draws their attention to the difficulties of the ground. (‘) According to Polyienus (VIII. xxiii. 9), the soldiers marched with their heads bent down, in order not to be seen. 14

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314 HISTORY OF JULIUS CJESAR. ”’ Celerity alone,” he says, “can enable us to overcome them; in fact, it is.to be an attack by surprise, and not a fight.” Having communicated these directions, he gives the signal, and, at the same time, sends the Aidui out of the great camp, with orders to climb the eastern slopes of the mountain of Gergovia, to effect a diversion to the right. (See Plate 21.) The distance from the wall of the oppidum to the foot of the mountain, where the ground is almost flat, was 1,200 paces (1,780 metres) in the most direct line; but the way was longer, on account of the circuits it was necessary to make to break the steepness. (1) Towards the middle of the southern slope, in the direction of its length, the Gauls, taking advantage of the character of the ground, had, as we have said, built a wall of large stones, six feet high, a serious obstacle in case of attack. The lower part of the slopes had remained free; but the upper part, up to the wall of the oppidum, was occupied with camps placed very near together. When the signal is given, the Romans reach rapidly the wall, scale it, and take three camps with such promptitude, that Teutomatus, king of the Nitiobriges, surprised in his tent where he was taking his repose in the middle of the day, fled half naked; his horse was wounded, and he escaped with difficulty from the hands of the assailants.

Caesar, satisfied with this success, ordered the re(1) It is, in fact, 1780 metres from the foot of the mountain, where COesar must have assembled his troops, between the Roche-Blanche and the Puy-deMarmant, to the gate 0 of the oppidum. This is the line which passes by the ravine in which the village of Merdogne is situated; to the left and to the right the ground is too rugged for the troops to climb it.

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SIEGE OF GERGOVIA. 315 treat to be sounded, and made the tenth legion, which accompanied him, halt (from an examination of the ground, the spot where Czesar Stood is the knoll which rises to the west of the village of Merdogne). (Nee Plate 21, first position of the tenth legion.) But the soldiers of the other legions, separated from him by a rather wide ravine, did not hear the trumpet. Although the tribunes and the lieutenants did.all they could to restrain them, excited by the hope of an easy victory, a’nd by the recollection of their past successes, they thought nothing was insurmountable to their courage, and persisted in the pursuit of the enemy up to the walls and gates of the. oppidum, Then an immense, cry arises in the town. The inhabitants of the most remote quarters believe that it is invaded, and rush out of the walls. The matrons throw from the top of the walls their precious objects to the Romans, and, with breasts bare and hands extended in supplication, implore them not to massacre the women and children, as at, Avaricum. Several even, letting themselves down from the walls, surrender to the soldiers. L. Fabius, centurion of the 8th legion, excited by the rewards given at Avaricum, had sworn to be the first to mount to the assault; he is lifted up by three soldiers of his. company, reaches the top of the wall, and, in his turn, helps them to mount one after the other. Meanwhile the Gauls,: who, as we have seen, had proceeded to the west of Gergovia to raise retrenchments, hear the cries from the town;, repeated messages announce the capture of the oppidum. They immediately hurry towards it, sending their cavalry

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316 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAE’SAR. before them. As they arrive, each man takes his stand under the wall and joins the combatants, and their number increases every moment; while the same women who just before implored the pity of the be. siegers, now excite against them the defenders of Gergovia, displaying their dishevelled hair and showing their children.

The place as well as the numbers rendered the struggle unequal; the Romans, fatigued with their run and the length of the combat, resisted with difficulty troops which were still fresh. This critical state of things inspired Caesar with alarm; he ordered T. Sextiu’s, who had been left to guard the little camp, to bring out the cohorts quickly, and take a position at the foot of the mountain of Gergovia, on the right of the Gauls, so as to support the Romans if they were repulsed, and check the enemy’s pursuit. He himself, drawing the 10th legion a little back () from the place where he had posted it, awaited the issue of the engagement.

(See Plate 21, second position of the 10th legion.) When the struggle was most obstinate, suddenly the AEdui, who had been sent to divert the attention of the enemy by an attack from another side, appeared on the right flank of the Romans. The resemblance of their arms to those of the Gauls caused a great alarm; and although they had their right shoulders bare (dextris humeris exsertis), the ordinary mark of the allied troops, it was taken for a stratagem of the enemy. At the same’ moment, the centurion L. Fa(t) General Geler believes, with apparent reason, that we ought to read regressus -instead of progressus. The 10th legion, which acted as reserve, must, in the presence of a combat, the issue of which was uncertain, have taken up a position behind rather than towards the front.

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SIEGE OF GERGOVIA. 317 bius, and those who had followed him, are surrounded and thrown down from the top of the wall. M. Petronius, centurion of the same legion, overwhelmed by numbers in his attempt to burst the gates, sacrifices himself for the safety of his soldiers, and meets his death in order to give them time to join their, ensigns. Pressed on all sides, the Romans are driven back from the heights, after having lost fortysix centurions; nevertheless, the 10th legion, placed in reserve on more level ground (see Plate 21, third position), arrests the enemies, who are too eager in their pursuit. It is supported by the cohorts of the 13th, who had just taken position on:a commanding post (Le Puy-de-lMarnant), under the:command of the lieutenant T. Sextius. As soon as the Romans had reached the plain, they rallied, and formed front against the enemy. But Vercingetbrix,:once arrived at the foot of the mountain, ventured no further, but led back his troops within the retrenchments. This day cost Caesar nearly 700 men. (‘) (1) The part of the southern slope of Gergovia which was the scene of the last battle is clearly indicated by the ground itself. This battle took place on the whole space which extends in front of the gate O of the oppidum, the principal object of the attack. The ravine which, according to the “

Commentaries,’ prevented the legions from hearing the signal to retreat, is that which descends to the west of Merdogne. Hence it may be concluded that, at this moment, Csesar and the 10(h legion were to the right of this ravine. Lastly, we understand on the spot the movement of the iEdui. To the east of Mer(logne: there is a spurH, attached to the mountain of Gergovia, forty metres below the table-land, and presenting several successive terraces. So long -as the EAdui, who came from the east, had not arrived on the crest of this. spur, they could not.be perceived by the Romans, who were fighting towards. Merdogne; but it may. be imagined that, when they appeared all at once on this crest, and at a distance of 600
metres from the right flank of the legions, the sight of them must have singularly surprised the tioops, who were expecting no reenforcement from that side.

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318 HISTORY OF JULIUS CIESAR. Next day, Caesar assembled his troops, and repri. manded them for their rashness. and for their thirst for plunder.

He reproached them with having “wished to judge for themselves of the object to be attained, and of the means of attack, and not listening either to the signal of retreat or to the exhortations of the tribunes and lieutenants. He pointed out to them all the importance of the difficulties caused by the-inequalities of the ground; and reminded them of his’conduct at Avaricum, where, in presence of an enemy without chief and without cavalry, he had renounced a certain victory rather than expose himself to loss, though slight, in a disadvantageous position. Much as he admired their bravery, which had been checked neither -by the retrenchments, nor by the steepness of the ground, nor by the walls, he blamed no less their disobedience. and’their presumption in believing themselves capable of judging of the chances of success and calculating the issue: of the undertaking better than their general. He demanded of the soldiers submission and discipline, no less than firmness and bravery; and, to revive their courage, he added that their want of success was to be attributed to the difficulties of the ground much more than to the valour of, the enemy.” (1) General de Goeler, without having seen the locality, has indicated nearly the site of the Roman camp; but he does not place it sufficiently to the west. He makes the Gaulish troops encamp on the four slopes of the mountain of Gergovia. It is, no doubt, the expression circeun se (VII. 36) which led him into this error. It is, indeed, impossible to admit that the Gauls could have encamped on the abrupt slopes of the northern declivity. General de Goeler is also mistaken in directing the false attack upon Montrognon. Lastly, he places the scene of the battle too much towards the west. (1) De Bello Gallico, VIL. 52.

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SIEGE OF GERGOVIA. 319 VII. In the foregoing account, which is taken alObservationsmost literally from the ” Commentaries,” Caesar skilfully disguises a-defeat. -It is evident that he hoped to take Gergovia by a sudden assault,before the Gauls, drawn by a false attack to the west of the town, had time to come back to its defence. Deceived in his expectation, he ordered the retreat to be sounded, but too late to be executed in good order. Caesar does not appear to be sincere when he declares that he had attained his object the moment his soldiers reached the foot of the wall. This could not have been the case, for what use could it be to him to take camps almost without troops in them, if the consequence was not to be the surrender of the town itself? The defeat appears to have been complete, and, according to some, Caesar was for a moment a prisoner in the hands of the Gauls; according to others, he had only lost his sword. Servius, in. deed, relates the following rather incomprehensible anecdote: when Caesar was taken away prisoner by the Gauls, one of them began to cry out Cesar, which signifies in Gaulish let him go, and thus he escaped. (‘) Plutarch gives another version: “The Arverni,” he says, “,still show a sword hung up in one of their (1) “In the war of the Gauls, Caius Julius Cmsar was surprised by an enemy, who carried him off, armed as he was, on his horse, when another Gaul, who recognised Caesar, called out, intending to insult him,’ Icecos Ccesar!’

which in the Gaulish language signifies, let him go, set him loose; and so he escaped. Caesar says so himself, in his Ephemerides, in the passage where he speaks of his good fortune.” (Servius Maurus Honoratus, a grammarian of the fifth century, in his commentary on the 11th book of the /Eneid, line 743, II. p. 48, edit. Albert Lion.) The manuscripts of Servius do not all present the same reading. The following are some of the principal variations: Cecos, Ccesar; Coecos ac Ccesar; and Ccesar, Cesar.

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320 HISTORY OF JULIUS CESARI temples, which they pretend to be a spoil taken from Coesar. He saw it there himself subsequently, and only laughed at’ it. His friends engaged him to take it away, but’ he refused, pretending that it had become a sacred object.” () This tradition proves that he was sufficiently great to bear the recollection of a defeat, in which he was very different from Cicero, whom we have seen stealthily taking away from the Capitol the brass plate on which was engraved the law of his banishment. VIII. Coesar, after the check he had suffered before (:esar leaves Ger-Gergovia, persisted all the more in his ingovia in order to join Labienus. tentions of departure; but, not to have the appearance of flight, he drew out his legions, and placed them in order of battle on an advantageous ground. Vercingetorix did not allow himself to be drawn into the plain; the cavalry only fought, and the combat was favourable to the Romans, who afterwards returned to their camp. The next day the same manceuvre was repeated with the same success. Thinking that he had done enough to abate the boasting of the Gauls, as well as to strengthen the courage of his men, Caesar left Gergovia, and took his way towards the country of the AEdui. His withdrawal did not draw out the enemies in pursuit; and he arrived on the third day (that is, his second day’s march, reckoning from the assault on Gergovia) on the banks of the Allier, rebuilt one of the bridges, no doubt that of Vichy, and crossed the river ini haste, in order to place it between him and Vercingetorix.

(‘) Plutarch, Cuesa-, 29.

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REVOLT OF THE ADUI. 321 There Viridomarus and Eporedorix urged upon him the necessity of their presence among the Aidui, in order to maintain the country in obedience, and to be beforehand with Litavicus, who had gone thither with all the cavalry to excite a revolt. Notwithstanding the numerous proofs of their perfidy, and the suspicion that the departure of those two chiefs would hasten the revolt, he did not think proper to detain them, as he wished to avoid even the appearance of violence or of fear. He confined himself to reminding them of the services which he had rendered to their country, and of the state’ of dependence and abasement from which he had drawn them, to raise them to a high degree of power and prosperity, and then dismissed them; and they proceeded to Noviodunum (Nevers). This town of the Aidui was situated on the banks of the Loire, in a’favourable position. It contained all the hostages’ of.Gaul, the stores, the public treasury, nearly all the baggage of the general and the army, and,lastly, a considerable number of horses bought in Italy and Spain. Eporedorix and Viridomarus heard there, on their arrival, of the revolt of the country, of the reception of Litavicus in. the important town of Bibracte by Convictolitavis and a great part of the Senate, as well as of the steps taken to draw their fellowcitizens into the cause of Vercingetorix. The occasion appears favourable to them: they massacre the guards of the dep6t of-Noviodunum and the Roman merchants, share amongst themselves the horses and the money, burn the town, send the hostages to Bibracte, load boats with all the grain they can take away, and destroy 14* II. -X

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322 HISTORY OF JULIUS C.ASAR. the rest by water and fire; then they collect troops in the neighbourhood, place posts along the Loire, spread their cavalry everywhere in order to intimidate the Romans,‘to cut off their supply of provisions, and to compel them through famine to: retire.

into the Narbonnese a hope which was so much the better founded, as the Loire, swollen by the melting of the snow, appeared to be nowhere.fordable. Caesar was informed of these events during his march from. the Allier towards the Loire. His position had never been more critical.. Suffering under a severe defeat, separated.from Labienus by a distance of more than eighty leagues, and by countries in revolt, he was surrounded on all sides by the. insurrection: he had on his rear. the Arverni, elated with their recent success at Gergovia;.:on his left the Bituriges, irritated by the sack of Avaricum; before him the Adui, ready to dispute the passage of the Loire. Was he to persevere in his design, or retrograde towards the Province? He could not resolve on this latter course, for not only would this retreat have been disgraceful, and the passage of the Ce,vennes full of difficulties, but, above all, he felt the greatest anxiety for Labienus and the legions which hie had entrusted to’

him.‘l. -He therefore. persevered in his-first resolutions; and inorder to be able, in case of need, to build a’ bridge across’ the Loire before the forces of the enemies were increased, he proceeded towards that river by forced marches day and night, and arrived unexpectedly at Bourbon-Lancy.’ (1) The cavalry soon discovered a ford which necessity made (‘) There has always been a ford at Bourbon-Lancy.

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CAMPAIGN OF LABIENUS AGAINST THE PARISII. 323 them consider practicable, although the soldiers had only above water their shoulders and their arms.

to carry their weapons. The cavalr.yjwas placed up the stream, in order to break the’ current, and the army passed without accident before the.enemy had time to-recover from. his first surprise. Caesar found the country covered with the harvest and with cattle, with which the army was largely provisioned, and he marched towards the land of the Senones. (‘) IX.

Whilst the centre of Gaul was the scene of Expedition of Labi-these events, Labienus had marched with enus against the Paenus against the. a-four legions; towards Lutetia, a town situated on an island in the Seine, the oppidum of the Parisii. After leaving his baggage at Agedincum (Sens) (2) under the guard-of the troops recently arrived from Italy to fill up the voids, he followed’the left bank of the Yonne and of the Seine, wishing to. avoid all important streams and considerable towns. (3) At the news of his approach, the enemy (1) De Bello Gallico, VII. 56. (2) A sling-ball of lead has been found at Sens, on which are stamped in relief the words “T.. Labienus.” This ball forms part of the,collection of the Museum of Saint-Germain. (3) MM. de Saulcy and J. Quicherat have already demonstrated in a conclusive manner that Labienus must have followed the left bank of the Yonne, after leaving Sens, and that he crossed over to the right baRk of the Seine at Melun. In fact, Labienus, on the right bank, found himself. as Caesar smys, threatened on one, side by the Bellovaci, on the other by the armyof Camulogenus (VII. 59). -On thee opposite bank,-on the con’trary, Labienus would not have been placed between the two, since he would have had Camulogenus in front, and, at a’

greater distance, the Bellovaci coming from tiee north. “A very large river kept the legions separated from their reserve and their baggage.”

This very great river cannot be the Marne, which Ctesar does not even mention in the wvhole course of this campaign: it was evidently the Seine, which Labienus has crossed once only, at MIelodunum (Melun); by crossing

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324 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. *assembled in great numbers from the neighbouring countries. The command was entrusted to Aulercus Camulogenus, who -was elevated to this honour, notwithstanding his great age, on account of his rare ability in the art of war. This chief, having remarked that a very extensive marsh sloped towards over to the right bank, he was separated from his base of operations, which was at Sens. On the contrary hypothesis, no river would have separated Labienus from his line of retreat; unless we admit, with Dulaure and several others, the identity of Agedincum with Provins, which is no longer possible. The Captain of the Staff Rouby has made investigations on the spot, which prove that from Sens the most ancient ways leading to Paris passed on the left bank of the Yonne and of the Seine.. Moreover, the discoveries of M. Carrd have made us acquainted with the exact direction followed by the Roman road after quitting Sens towards Paris; it was entirely on the left bank of the Yonne. If Cwesar’s lieutenant had followed the right bank of the Yonne, he would, the day after his departure, have been arrested by the course of the Seine, and would have fallen in with the Gaulish town of Con’date, built in the very angle of the two streams, in the midst of perhaps impassable marshes. If o6nly a few thousand Gauls h’ad occuipied the heights which played so important a part in the -campaign of 1814, Labienus, compelled to seek for a place to cross higher up the stream, would have been diverted considerably from his aim. It has been supposed wrongly that the Bievre was the marsh where Labienus, in hig~march on the left bank of the Seine, had been arrested by the Gaulish army. Leaving’out of consideration the fact that the Bievre, which flows through a calcareous soil, can at no epoch’have formed a marsh capable of arresting an army, how can we suppose that Irabienus, if he had arrived at this stream, that is, close to Lutetia, would have, retraced his steps as far back as Melun, to march’from thence towards the oppidup 6f the Parisii by the rig’ht bank of the Seine, which would have obliged him to make a journey of twentyfour leagues? The manceuvre of Labienus can only be explained by his desire to turn the strong’positioln of Camulogenus, and arrive at Paris before -him. The text of the “Commentaries” says clearly that’ Labienus, stopped by the marsh which ~shelves towards the Seine, stole away by night, surprised the passage of the Seine at Melun, and marched upon Lutetia, where he arrived before Camulogenus. To allow of the success of this manceuvre, the marsh in question must necessarily not have been far from Melun. The Essonne alone fulfils that condition. The ground:on the banks of this little river offers, even at present, by its nature, a. very serious obstacle to an army. It is cut up by innumerable’peat mcsses; and it was behind this life of Essonne that, in 1814, the Emperor Napoleon I..established his army, whilst the enemy occupied Paris.

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CAMPAIGN OF LABIENUS AGAINST THE PARISII. 325 the Seine, and rendered impracticable all that part of the country which is watered by the Essonne, established his troops along the side of this marsh, in order to,defend the passage. (See Plate 23.) When Labienus arrived on the opposite bank, he ordered covered galleries to be pushed forward, and sought, by means of hurdles and earth, to establish.a road across the marsh; but, meeting with too many difficulties, he formed the project of surprising the passage of the Seine at Melodunum (Muelun), and, when once on the right bank, of advancing towards Lutetia by stealing a march upon the enemy. He therefore left his camp in silence, at the third watch (midnight), and, retracing his -steps, arrived at Melun, an ofppidqum of the Senones, situated, like Lutetia, on an island in the Seine. He seized about fifty boats, joined them together, filled them with soldiers, and entered into the place without striking a blow. Terrifled at this sudden attack, the inhabitants, a great part of whom had answered -to the appeal of Camulogenus,’ offered no resistance. A few days before, they had cut the bridge which united the” island with the right bank; Labienus’

restored it, led his troops over it, and proceeded towards Lutetia, where he arrived before Camulogenus. He took a position near the place where Saint-Germain-l’Auxerrois now stands. Camulogenus, informed by those who had fled from Melun, quits his position on the Essonne, returns to Lutetia, gives orders to burn it and-to cut the bridges, and establishes his camp on the left bank of the Seine, in front of the oppidum, that is, on the present site of the Hotel de Cluny.

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326 - HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. It was already rumoured that Caesar had raised the siege of Gergovia; the news of the defection of the idui, and of the progress of the insurrection, had begun already to spread.. The Gauls repeated incessantly that Coesar, arrested in his march by the Loire, had been compelled, by want of provisions, to retire towards the Roman province. The Bellovaci, whose fidelity’ was doubtful, had no sooner heard of the re.volt of the.idui, than they collected troops and’prepared openly’for war. At the news of so many unfavourable events, Labienus felt.

all the difficulties of his situation. Placed on the right bank of the Seine, he was threatened on one side by’the Bellovaci, who had only to cross the Oise to fall upon him; on the other by Camulogenus, at the head of a well-trained army, ready to give battle; lastly, a large river, which he had crossed at Melun, separated him from Sens, where he had his dep6ts and-baggage. To escape from this perilous po. sition, he thought. it advisable to change his plans: he renounced all offensive movements, and resolved to return to” his point of departure by an act of-daring.

Fearing’ that, if he went by the road on which he. had advanced, he should not be able to cross the Seine at IM1elun, because his boats would not have remounted the river without difficulty, he decided on surprising the passage of the Seine below Paris, and returning to Sens by the left bank, marching over the body of the Gaulish army. Towards evening he convoked a council, and urged on his officers the punctual execution of his.orders.

He entrusted the boats he had brought from Melun to the Roman knighta,

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CAMPAIGN, OF LABIENUS AGAINST THE PARISII. 327 with orders to descend the river at the end of the first:watch (ten o’clock), to advance in silence for the space of four miles (six kilometres), which would bring them as far down as the village of Point-du-. Joir, and to wait for him. The five cohorts which had least experience were left in charge of the camp, and the five others of the same legion received orders to re-ascend on the right bank of the river in the middle of the night, with all their baggage, and’ attract by their tumult the attention of the enemy. Boats were sent in the same direction, which were rowed with great noise. He himself, a little after, left in silence with the three remaining legions, and, proceed. ing down the river, repaired to the spot where the first boats’waited for him. When. he arrived there,, a. violent storm enabled him to carry by surprise the Gaulish posts placed along the’whole bank.

The legions and’ cavalry had soon passed the Seine wvith” the assistance of the knights. Day began to appear, when the enemy learnt, almost at the same instant, first, that an unusual agitation prevailed in the Roman camp, that a considerable column of troops was ascending the river, and that in the same direction a great noise of oars was heard; lastly, that.lower down the stream the troops were crossing the Seine in boats.

This news made the Gauls believe that the legions intended to cross it on three points, and that, perplexed by the defection of the IEdui, they had decided on forcing the road by the left bank. (1) Camulogenus divided (t) We have not translated these words, fugam parare, because this passage has always appeared unintelligible to us. How, indeed, could the Gauls, see

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328 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. also his forces into three corps: he left one opposite the Roman camp; sent the second, less numerous, in the direction of Melodunum, (‘) with instructions to regulate its march according to the progress of the enemy’s boats which re-ascended the Seine; and, at the head of the third, went to meet Labienus. At sunrise the Roman troops had crossed the river, and the enemy’s army appeared drawn up in order of battle. Labienus exhorts his soldiers to recall to mind their ancient valour, and so many glorious exploits, and, as they marched to the combat, to consider themselves under the eye of CQesar, who had led them so often to victory: he then gives the signal. At the first shock the 7th legion, placed on the right wing, routs the enemy; but on the left wing, although the 12th legion had transpierced the first ranks with their pila, the Gauls defend themselves obstinately, and not one dreams of flight. Camulogenus, in the midst of them, excites their ardodr.

The victory was still doubtful, when the tribunes of the‘7th legion, informed of the critical position of the left wing, lead their soldiers to the back of the enemies, and take them in the rear. The barbarians are surrounded, yet not one yields a step; all die fighting, and Camulogenus perishes with the rest. The Gaulish troops left opposite the camp of Labienus had hurried forward at the first news of the combat, and had taken possession of a hill (probably that of Vaugirard); but they did not sustain the attack ofwthe victorious Romans, and were ing that the Romans were ready to pass the Seine by force, believe that this was a flight? (t) Some manuscripts have Metiosedum, a version which, -in our opinion, is utterly incorrect.

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DANGER OF THE PROVINCE. 329 hurried along in the general rout; all who would not find refuge in the woods and on the heights were cut to pieces by the cavalry. After this battle Labienus returned to Agedincum; thence he marched with all his troops, and went to join Caesar. (1) X. The desertion of the A~dui gave the war a greatThe Gauls assume er development. Deputies are sent in theoffensive all directions: credit, authority, money, everything is put in activity to excite the other states to revolt. Masters of the hostages whom Caesar had entrusted to them, the AEdui threaten to put to death those who belong to the nations which hesitate. In a general assembly of Gaul, convoked -at Bibracte, at which the Remi, the Lingones, and the Treviri only were absent, the supreme command is conferred on Vercingetorix, in spite of the opposition of the Edui, who claim it, and who, seeing themselves rejected, begin to regret the favours they had received from Caesar. But they had pronounced for the war, and no longer dare to separate themselves from tlie common cause.

Eporedorix and Viridomarus, young.‘men of great promise, obey Vercingetorix unwillingly. The latter begins by exacting from. the:other states’ hostages to be delivered on a fixed day; orders that the cavalry, amounting to‘15,000 men, shall’be gathered round his person; declares’he has infantry~ en/ough at Bibractefor his intention is not to’offer a pitched battle to -the Romans,- but, with’ a numerous cavalry, to intercept their convoys of grain’and forage. He (1) De.Bello Gallico, VII.

62.

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330 HISTORY OF JULIUS’ CJESAR. exhorts’ the Gauls to set fire with a common accord to their habitations and crops, which are only small sacrifices in comparison to their liberty. These measures having been decided, he demands from the AIdui and the Segusiavi, who bordered upon the Roman province, 10,000. foot soldiers, sends them 800 horse, and gives the command of these troops to the brother of Eporedorix, with orders to carry the war into the country of the Allobroges. On another side, he orders the Gabali and the neighbouring cantons of tlle Arverni. to march against the Helvii, and sends the Ruteni and the Cadurci to lay waste the country of the Volcae Arecomici. At the same time, he labours secretly to gain the Allobroges, in the hope that the remembrance:of their ancient struggles against the Romans is not yet effaced. He promises money to their chiefs, andto -their country the sovereignty over the whole Narbonnese. To meet these dangers, twenty-two cohorts, raised in the province, and commanded by. the lieutenant, Lucius Caesar, (1) had to face the enemy on every side. The Helvii, faithful to the Romans, by their.wn impulse, attacked their neighbours in the open field; but repulsed with loss, and having -to deplore the death of their’ chiefs, among others that of C. Valerius Donnotaurus, they ventured no more. outside their walls.

As. to the Allobroges, they defended their territory:with energy, by placing a great number of posts along the Rhone. The superiority of the enemy in cavalry, the interruption of the communications, the impossibility of drawing succour from Italy (l) See Appendix D.

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MOVEMENTS OF THE ARMIES. 331 or the: province, decided Coesar on demanding from the German peoples on the. other side of the Rhine, subdued the year before, cavalry and light infantry accustomed to fight intermingled. On their arrival, finding that the cavalry were not sufficiently well mounted, he distributed amongst them the horses of the tribunes, and even those of the Roman knights and the volunteers (evocati). (‘) XI. The line of march followed by Caesar after he Junction of Ciesar had crossed the Loire has been the suband Labienus. BattleoftheVingeranne. ject of numerous controversies. Yet the “Commentaries” appear to us to furnish sufficient data to determine it with precision. On leaving Gergovia, Caesar’s object was, as he tells us himself, to ~ffect a junction with Labienus; with this view, he marched towards the land of the Senones, after having crossed the Loire at Bourbon-Lancy. On his part, Labienus, after returning to Sens, having advanced to meet Caesar, their junction must necessarily have taken place on a point of the line from Bourbon-Lancy to Sens; this point, in our opinion, is Joigny. (See Plate 19.) Encamped not far from the confluence of the Armancon and the Yonne, Caesar could easily receive the contingent which he expected from Germany.

The Roman army was composed of eleven legions: the 1st, lent by Pompey, and the 6th, 7th, 8th, 9th, 10th, 11th, 12th, 13th, 14th, and 15th. (2) The effect(‘) De Bello Gallico, VII. 65.-Evocati was the name given to the old soldiers who, after having served, returned voluntarily to the ranks of the army. (2) Let us here recapitulate the numbers of the legions employed during the war in Gaul. Cxesar’s army, as we have seen, was composed in 696 of six legions, the 7th, 8th, 9th, 10th, 11th, and 12th.

In 697, two new legions were

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332 HISTORY OF JULIUS CJESAR, ive force of each of them varied from 4,000
to 5,000 men; for, if we see (lib. V. 49) that on the return from Britain two legions reckoned together only 7,000 men, their effective force was soon increased by considerable reenforcements which came to the army of Gaul in 702; (1) the legion lent by Pompey was raised-in Italy, the 13th and 14th. Probably, in the winter between 699 and 700, Csesar brought several cohorts composed of soldiers and sailors who were to serve in the fleet; for, on his return from the second expedition into England, notwithstanding the losses he had sustained, he was at the head of eight legions and five cohorts (V. 24). He lost at Aduatuca one legion and a half, that is, the 14th legion, besides five cohorts; but in 701 three new legions replaced the cohorts lost, and even doubled their number. These legions were the 1st, lent by Pompey (De Bello Gallico, VIII. 54, and Lucan, Pharsalia, VII., 1. 218); the 14th, which took the number of the legion destroyed at Aduatuca (De Bello Gallico, VI. 32; VIII. 4); and the, 15th: this last legion was afterwards, with the 1st, given to Ppmpey for the war of the Parthians; it figured in the Civil War, and took, in Pompey’s army, the number 3. (COesar, De Bello Civili, III. 88.) The 6th legion, judging from its number, must have been one of the oldest, for Dio Cassius (XXXVIII. 47) informs us that the legions were designated according to their order of inscription on the rolls of the army; but, as it only appears for the first time in 702, it is probable that it had remained in garrison among the Allobroges or in Italy.‘A proof that this legion assisted in the siege of Alesia is found in the fact that, after the surrender of the place, it was sent to winter quarters on the Saone, where.Cmesar found it a few months afterwards (De Bello Gallico, VIII. 4).

The distribution of the troops in their winter quarters after the taking of Alesia confirms the number of legions given above. The re-distribution after the siege.of Uxellodunum gives also the same result, for in book VII. c. 46 the ” Commentaries” give the positions of ten legions, without’

reckoning the 15th, which, according to book VIII. c. 24, had been sent to Cisalpine Gaul. These facts are repeated again, book VIII. c. 54. (‘) It is evident that an army could not remain in the wars for eight years without receiving frequent reenforcements in order to keep it up to its effective number. Thus, when, after the murder of Clodius, all the youth of Italy had been called to arms, Caesar made new levies,.which were-used probably to swell the ranks of his legions, for no new numbers appear (De Bello Gallico, VII. L).-In the same manner, when he arrived, in 702, in the south of Gaul, and crossed the Cevennes, he placed himself at the head of the’ troops which had been recruited in the Roman province and of the reenforcements which he had brought from Italy (partern copilarunm ex provincia supplementumque quod ex Italia adduxerat in Helvios, quiJines Arvernorum contingunt, convenire jubet).

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MOVEMENTS OF THE ARMIES. 333 of 6,000 men; (1) and the 13th, at the breaking out of the civil war, had in its ranks 5,000 soldiers. (2) Csesar had then at his disposal, during the campaigns which ended with the taking of Alesia, 50,000 legionaries, and perhaps 20,000 Numidian: or Cretan archers, and 5,000 or 6,000 cavalry, a thousand of whom were Germans, making a total of about 75,000 men, without counting the valets, who were always very numerous. When the junction of the troops had been effected, Csesar sought above all to approach the Roman province, in order to carry succour to it with more ease; he could not think of taking the most direct road, which would have led him into the country of the Aidui, one of the centres of the insurrection; he was, therefore, obliged to pass through the territory of the Lingones, who had remained faithful to him, and to proceed into Sequania, where Besanqon offered an important place of arms.

(See Plate 19.) He started from Joigny, following the road which he had taken when he, marched to meet Ariovistus (696), (3) and the winter before, when he moved from Vienne to Sens. After reaching the Aube at Dancevoir, he proceeded towards the little river Vingeanne, crossing, as the “Commentaries” say, the extreme part of the territory of the Lingones (per extremos Lingonrum fines). (4) His intention was, no doubt, to cross the Saone, either at Gray, or at Pontailler. (Be Bello Gallico, VII. 7.) Labienus, on the other hand, during his expedition to Paris, left his recruits in dep8t at Sens (Labienus eo supplemento quod nuper ex Italia venerat relicto). (De Bello Gallico,VII. 57.) (‘) Plutarch, Cato, 53. (2) Plutarch, Ccesar, 36. (3) See above, page 87. (4) See above, page 108, note (2).

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334 HISTORY OF JULIUS CA.ESAR.. Whilst the.Romans abandoned that part of Gaul which had revolted, in order to approach nearer to the province, Vercingetorix had assembled his army, amounting to more than 80,000 men, at Bibracte.;. it had come in great part from. the country of the Arverni, and counted in its ranks the cavalry furnished by all the states. Having been informed of Coesar’s march, he started at the head of his troops, to bar the road through Sequania. Passing, as we believe, by Arnay-le-Duc, Sombernon, Dijon, and Thil-Chatel, he arrived at the heights of Occey, Sacquenay, and Montormentier, where he formed three camps, at a distance of 10,000 paces (fifteen kilometres) from the Roman army. (See Plate 24.) In this position Vercingetorix intercepted the three roads which Cuesar could have taken towards the Sa6ne, either at Gray, or at Pontailler, or at Chalon. (‘) Resolved on risking a battle, he convoked the chiefs of the cavalry. “The moment of victory,” he told them, ” has arrived; (‘) We learn from the text that he formed three camps. This disposition was necessitated by circumstances and the character of the locality. The heights of Sacquenay form, in fact, three promontories, V, V, V (see Plate 24), advancing towards the north; the road to Dijon passes over the one to the left, the road to Pontailler over the one in the middle. By establishing three camps on these three promontories,Vercingetorix occupied each of these roads with one-third of his army, whilst he backed his right wing against the Vingeanne. The Gaulish army had there a position of great natural strength, for, to attack it, the enemy would have to climb high hills which were easy to defend; it was, moreover, protected by two watercourses: one, the Vingeanne, which covered its right; the other, the Badin, a small tributary of the Vingeanne, which protected its front. In the space comprised between these two watercourses and the road from Dijon to Langres, a ground extends, measuring five kilometres in every direction, slightly broken in some: parts, but almost flat everywhere else, particularly between the Vingeanne and the hillock of Montsaugeon. Near the road, and to the west, arise hills which command it, as well as the whole country as far as Badin and the Vingeanne.

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MOVEMENTS OF THE ARMIES. 335 the Romans fly into their province, and abandon Gaul. If this retreat delivers us for the present, it ensures neither peace nor rest for the future; they will return with greater forces, and the war will be endless, We must attack them, therefore, in the disorder of their march; for if the legions stop to defend their long convoy, they will not be able to continue their road; or if, which is more probable, they abandon their baggage in order to secure their own safety, they will lose what is indispensable to them, and, at the same time, their prestige. As to their cavalry, they will surely not dare to move away from the column; that of the Gauls must show so much the moie ardour, as the infantry, ranged before the camp, will be there to intimidate the enemy.”

Then, the cavalry exclaimed, “Let every one swear, by a solemn oath, never to return to the home of his forefathers, his wife, or his children, if he has not ridden twice through the ranks of the enemy!” This proposition was received with enthusiasm, and all took the oath. The day on which Vercingetorix arrived on the heights of Sacquenay, (1) Csesar, as we have seen, en(1) The field of battle of the Vingeanne, which H. M. Defay, of Langres, first pointed out, answers perfectly to all the requirements of the Latin narrative, and, moreover, material proofs exist which are undeniable evidences of the struggle. We allude to the tumuli which are found, some at Prauthoy, others on the banks of the Vingeanne, at Dardenay, and Cusey, and those which, at Pressant, Rivieresles-Fosses, Chamberceau, and Vesvres, mark, as it were, the line of retreat of the Gaulish army, to a distance of twelve kilometres. Two of these tumuli are situated near each other, between Prauthoy and Montsaugeon (see Plate 24, where the tumuli are marked). There is one neai Dardenay, three to the west of Cusey, one at Rivieresles-Fosses, another, at Chamberceau. We will not mention those which have been destroyed by. agriculture, but wvhich are still remembered by the inhabitants. Researches lately made in these tumuli have brought to light skeletons, many

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336 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. camped on the Vingeanne, near Longeau.

Ignorant of the presence of the Gauls, he started next day, in marching column, the legions at a great distance from each other, separated by their baggage. When his vanguard arrived near. Dommarien, it could perceive the hostile army. Vercingetorix was watching the moment they (the Romans) debouched, to attack. He had divided his cavalry in three bodies, and his infantry had descended from the heights of Sacquenay in order to take a position along the Vingeanne and the Badin. (See Plate 24.) As soon as the of which had bronze bracelets round the arms and legs, calcined bones of men and horses, thirty-six bracelets, several iron circles which were worn round the neck, iron rings, fibule, fragments of metal plates, pieces of Celtic pottery, an iron sword, &c. It is a fact worthy of remark, that the objects found in the tumuli at Rivieresles-Fosses and Chamberceau bear’so close a resemblance to those of the tumuli on the banks of the Vingeanne, that we might think they’had come from the hand of the same-workman. Hence there can be no doubt that all these tumuli refer to one and the same incident of war. (Several of these objects are deposited in the Museum of Saint-Germain.) We must add that the agricultural labourers of Montsaugeon, Isomes, and Cusey have found during many years, when they make trenches for drainage, horseshoes buried a foot or two deep under the soil. In 1860, at the dredgingof the Vingeanne, hundreds of horseshoes, the inhabitants say, of excellent metal, were-extracted from the gravel of the river, at a depth of two or three feet. They-are generally small, and bear a groove all round, in which the heads of the nails were lodged. A great number of these horseshoes have preserved their nails, which are flat, have a head in the form of a T, and still have their rivet-that is, the point which is folded back over the hoof-which proves that they are not shoes that have been lost, but shoes of dead horses, the foot of which has rotted away in the soil or in the gravel. Thirty-two of these horseshoes have been collected.’ One of them is stamped in the middle of the curve with a mark, sometimes found on Celtic objects, and which has a certain analogy with the stamp on a plate of copper found in one of the tumuli of Montsaugeon. When -we consider that the action between the Roman and Gaulish armies was merely a cavalry battle, in which were engaged from 20,000 to 25,000 horses, the facts just stated cannot but appear interesting, although they may possibly belong to a battle of a later date.

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MOVEMENTS OF THE ARMIES. 387 vanguard of the: enemy appears, Vercingetorix bars its way with one of the bodies of cavalry, while the two others show themselves in order of battle on the two wings of the Romans. Taken unexpectedly, Casar divides his cavalry also into three bodies, and opposes them to theenemy. The combat engages on all sides; the column of the Roman army halts; the legions are brought into line, and the baggage placed in the intervals.’ This order, in which the legions were, no doubt, in column of three deep, was easy to execute, and presented the advantages of a square. Wherever the cavalry gives way or is too hotly pressed, Caesar sends to its support the cohorts, which he draws from the main body to range them in order of battle. (1) By this. manceuvre he renders the attacks less vigorous, and increases the confidence of the Romans, who are assured of support. Finally, the German auxiiiaries, having gained, to the right of the Roman army, the summit of a height (the hill of Montsaugeon), drive the enemies from it, and pursue the fugitives as far as the river, where Vercingetorix stood with his infantry. At the. sight of’this rout, the rest of the Gaulish cavalry fear to be surrounded, and take to flight.

From this time the battle became a mere carnage. Three MIEdui of distinction are taken and brought to Caesar:’ Cotus, chief of the cavalry, who, at the last election, had contended with Convictolitavis for the sovereign magistracy; Cavarillus, who, since the defection of Litavicus, commanded the infantry; and Eporedorix, whom the./Edui had for (‘) We have adopted the reading, acie-nmque constitui jubebat, which alone gives a reasonable interpretation.‘15 II.-Y

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338 HISTORY OF JULIUS C2ESAR. chief in their war against the Sequani, before the arrival of Coesar in Gaul. (‘) XIL. Vercingetorix, after the defeat of his cavalry, decided on a retreat; taking his infantry Blockade of Alesia. with him, without returning to his camp, he marched immediately towards Alesia, the oppiidum of the Mandubii. The baggage, withdrawn from the camp, followed him without delay. (2) Caesar ordered (1) He was not the same as the one mentioned in pp. 307, 321, 8329. (De Bello Gallico, VII. 67.) (2) The three Gaulish camps having been established on the’heights. of Sacquenay, four or five kilombtres behind the position occupied by’the infantry during the battle, and the line of retreat towards Alesia lying to the left, in the direction of Pressant and Vesvres, if Vercingetorix had returned to ascend the hills with his 80,000
men, to remove the baggage, that operation would have taken two or three hours, during’which Coesar might have cut off his retreat, or have inflicted a still more serious defeat upon him. But, by immediately hastening his march on Pressant, in order to follow from thence the road which, by Rivieresles-Fosses and Vesvres, joined the great road from Langres to Alise, near Aujeur, he got in advance of the Roman army, which, in the disorder in which it was at that moment, was not able to pursue him at once. And this is what he did. The text says, also, that Vercingetorix gave orders that the baggage should be taken out of the camps in all haste, to follow him. If the baggage of an army of 100,000 men had accompanied Vercingetorix, on the road followed by the infantry, we cannot understand how the Roman army, which pursued the Gauls as long as daylight lasted, should not have captured it all. But investigations made in the country situated between the field of battle and the Alise, behind the heights of Sacquenay, have brought to light vestiges of.a Roman road which, starting from Thil-Chatel, thirteen kilombtres behind Sacquenay, proceeded, by Avelanges, towards the hamlet of Palus, where it branched’from the road from Langres to Alise. We may suppose, therefore, that Vercingetorix caused his baggage to follow in his rear as far as Thil-Chatel, where it took the road to Palus. The Roman road from Langres to Alise, which, without any doubt, marks the direction followed by the two armies, has been traced almost in its whole extent by Commandant Stoffel. Even at the present day, on the territories of Fraignot, Salives, Echalot, and Poiseul-la-Grange, the inhabitants call it the Road of the Romans, or Ccesar’s way.

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SIEGE OF ALESIA. 339’his baggage to be carried to a neighbouring hill; under the guard of two legions, pursued the enemies as long as daylight permitted, killed about 3,000 men of their rear-guard, and established: his camp, two days afterwards, before Alesia. (1) After having reconnoitred the position of the town, and taking advantage of the disorder of the enemy, who had placed his principal confidence in his eavalry, which was thrown into consternation by its defeat, he resolved to invest Alesia, and exhorted his soldiers to support the labours and fatigues of a siege with constancy.. Alise-Sainte-Reine, in the department of -the C6ted’Or, is, undoubtedly, the Alesia of the ” Commentaries.” The examination of the strategic reasonswhich determined the march of Coesar, the correct interpretation of the text, and, lastly, the excavations lately made, all combine to prove it. (2) Ancient Alesia occupied the’summit of the mount(‘) We’read (De Bello Gallico, VII. 68) the words, Altero die ad Alesiam castra fecit. We have before sought to prove that the words altero die must be translated by the second day` after, and not by the next day. [See page 279, note (‘).] It took Cassar, therefore, two days’ march.to move from the field of battle to Alesia. A study of the country fully confirms the interpretation we give to the expression altero die. In fact, to the north and east -of Alise-Sainte-Reine (Alesia), to less than two days’ march, the ground is so cut up and broken that no cavalry battle woild be possible upon it. It retains this character:as-faar as fifty-five or sixty kilometres from Alise, to the east of’the road from-Prauthoy to Dijon, where it becomes. more easy and open. The battle-field of the Vingeanne, which we’ consider as the true one, is at a distance. of sixty-five kilometres from Alise.- Supposing that, on the day of the victory, the Roman army had pursued the Gauls over a space of fifteen kilometres, it would have had to traverse in the two following days, before arriving at Alesia, a distance of fifty kilometres, that is to -say, twentyfive kilorfietres a day. (2) We call’the reader’s attention particularly to the numerous Roman and Gaulish’ coins found in one of the fosses of the camp D, the list of which will be found in Appendix C, at the end of this volume.

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340 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. ain now calledl Mont Auxois; on the western slope is built the village of Alise-Sainte-Reine. (See Plates 25 and 26.).

It is an entirely isolated mountain, which rises 150 to 160 me’tres above the surrounding valleys (erat oppidurn Alesia in colle summo, admodum edito loco… ). Two rivers bathe the foot of the mountain on two opposite sides: they are the Ose and the Oserain (cujus collis radices duo duabus ex partibus i flumina subluebant). To the west of Mont Auxois the plain of Laumes extends, the greatest dimension of which, between the village of Laumes and that of Pouillenay, is 3,000 paces or 4,400 metres (ante oppidum planities circiter milli paspassuum III in lonngitudinem pactebat). On all other sides, at a distance varying from 1,100 to 1,600
metres, rises a belt of hills, the plateaux of which are at the same height (reliquis ex omnibus partibus colles, mediocri interjecto spatio, pari altitudinisfastigio oppidtm cingebant). The summit of Mont Auxois has the form of an ellipse, 2,100 me’tres in length, and 800 metres broad in its greatest: diameter. Including the first” spurs which surround the principal mass, it is found to contain a superficies of 1,400,000 square metres, 973,100 m’tres of which:for the upper plateau and 400,000 m’tres for. the terraces and spurs. (See Plate 25.) The town appears to have crowned the whole of the plateau, which was protected by scarped rocks against all attack. (1) (1) Near the western summit of the mountain, two abundant springs arise; there is another on the eastern. side. With these springs, as at Gergovia, it was easy to’ form large watering-places for cattle. Besides, manifest traces of a great number of’wells are visible on the table-land, so that it is evident the

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SIEGE OF ALESIA. 341 This oppidcumm could, apparently, only be reduced by a complete investment. The Gaulish troops covered, at the foot of the wall, all the slopes of the eastern part of the mountain;- they were there protected by a: fosse and by a wall of unhewn stones six feet high. C(esar established his camps in favourable positions, the: infantry on: the heights, the cavalry -near the watercourses. These camps, and twenty-three redoubts or blockhouses, (1) formed a line of investment of 11,000 paces (sixteen kiloretres). (2) The redoubts were occupied in the day by small posts, to prevent any surrise; by night, strong detachments bivouacked in them. The works were hardly begun, when a cavalry; engagement took -place in -the plain of Laumes. The combat was very hot on both sides.

-The-Romans were giving way, when Casar sent the Germans to their assistance, and ranged the legions’ in order of battle in front of the camps, so that the enemy’s infantry, kept: in awe,should not come to the -assistance of the cavalry. That of the Romans recovered confidence on seeing that they were supported by the-:legions. The Gauls,:obliged to fly, became embarrassed by their own numbers, and rushed to the:openings left in the wall of unhewn stones, which were too narrow for:he occasion.

Pursued with fury by the besieged can, never have-wanted water, besides which, they:could always descend to the two rivers. (‘) We believe that these:,c ella were palisaded redoubts having a recess attached, similar to the-wooden blockhouses represented on the Trajan Column; often’even these recesses,alone composed: the’ castellum. (2) It was not, as will be remarked, the countervallation which was 11,000 feet in.extent, but’the line’ ofinvestment.

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342 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. Germans up to the fortifications, some were slain, and others, abandoning their horses, attempted to cross the fosse and climb over the wall. Caesar then ordered the legions, who were drawn up before his retrenchments, to advance a little. This movement carried disorder into the Gaulish camp. The troops within feared a serious attack, and the cry to arms rose on all sides. Some, struck with terror, threw themselves into the oppidum; Vercingetorix was obliged to order the gates to be closed, for fear the camp should be abandoned. The Germans retired, after having killed a great number of the cavalry, and taken a great number of horses. Vercingetorix resolved to send away all -his cavalry by night, before the Romans had completed the investment. He urges the cavalry, on their departure, to return each to his country, and recruit the men able to carry arms; he reminds them of his services, and implores them to think of his safety, and not to deliver him as -a prey to the enemies, him who has done so much for the general liberty: their indifference would entail with his loss that of 80,000 picked men. On an exact calculation, he has only provisions for one month;‘by husbanding them carefully, he may hold out some time longer. After these recommendations, he -causes his cavalry to leave in silence, at the second watch (nine o’clock). It is probable that they escaped by ascending the valleys of the Ose and the Oserain. Then he orders, on pain of death, all the corn to be brought to him. He divides among the soldiers individually the numerous cattle which had been collected by the Mandubii; but as to the

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SIEGE OF ALESIA. 343 grain, he reserves the power of distributing it gradually and in small quantities. All the troops encamped outside withdraw into the oppiduzm. By these dispositions he prepares to wait for the succour of Gaul, and to sustain the war. As soon as Caesar was informed of these measures by the prisoners and deserters, he resolved to form lines of countervallation: and circumvallation, and adopted the following system’of fortifications: he ordered first of all to be dug, in the plain of Laumes, a fosse twenty feet wide, with vertical walls, that is, as wide at the bottom as at-the level of the ground (see Plates 25
and 28), so as to prevent lines so extensive, and so difficult to guard with soldiers. along:their whole extent, from being attacked suddenly by night, and also to protect the workmen from the darts of the enemy during-the day.. Four hundred fetg behind this fosse, he formed the countervallation.:. He then made two fosses of fifteen feet wide, of equal depth, (1) and filled the iinterior fosse-that is, the one nearest to the town -.with water derived from the river Oserain. Behind these fosses he raised a rampart and a palisade (aggerem ac vallum), having together a height of twelve feet.. Against: this was placed a fence of hurdles with battlements.(loricaam pinnasquje); strong forked branches were placed horizontally at the junction of the hurdle-fence and the rampart, so as to render them more difficult to scale. (See Plate 2‘7.) Lastly, he established towers on -all this part of the countervallation, with a distance of eighty feet between them. (‘) Eadem altitudine. See paragraph XIII., Details on the Excavations of Alesia, page 364.

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‘344 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. It was necessary at the same time to work at wide. ly extended fortifications, and to fetch in wood and provisions, so that these distant and toilsome expeditions diminished incessantly the effective force of the combatants; and the Gauls, too, often attempted to harass the workmen, and even made vigorous sallies, through several gates at a time. Cesar judged it necessary to increase the strength of the works, so that they might be defended with a smaller number of men. He ordered: trees or large branches to be taken, the extremities of which were sharpened and cut to a point; (1) they were placed.in a fosse five feet deep; and, that they might not be torn up, they were tied together at the lower part; the other part, furnished with branches, rose above ground. There were five rows of these, contiguous and interlaced; whoever ventured amongst them would be wounded by their sharp points; they were called ci2pp. In,front of these sorts of abatis were dug wolves’ pits (scrobes), trunconic fosses, of three feet deep, disposed in the form of a quincunx. In the centre of each hole was planted a round stake, of the thickness of a man’s thigh, hardened in the fire, and pointed at the top’; it only rose about four inches above ground. In order to render these stakes firmer, they were surrounded at the base with earth well stamped down; the rest of the excavation was covered with thorns and brush. wood, so as to conceal the trap. There were eight rows of holes,three feet distant from each other: they were called lilies (lilia), on account of their resemblance to the flower of that name. Lastly, in front (‘) Dolabratis, diminished to a point, and not delibratis, peeled.

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SIEGE OF ALESIA. 345. of these defences were fixed, level with the ground, stakes of a foot long, to which were fixed irons in the shape of hooks.

These kind of caltrops, to which they gave the name of stYinuli, (1) were placed everywhere, and very near each other. When this work was-finished, Caesar ordered retrenchments to be dug, almost similar, but on the opposite side, in order-to resist attacks from the exterior. This line of circumvallation, of fourteen miles in circuit (twenty-one kilometres), had been formed on the most favourable ground, in conforming to the nature of the locality.. If th. Gaulish cavalry: brought back an army of succour, he sought by these means to prevent it, however numerous it might be, from surrounding the posts established along: the circumvallation. In order to avoid the -danger which the soldiers would have run in quitting the camps, he ordered that every man should provide himself with provisions and forage for thirty days. Notwithstanding -this precaution, the Roman army suffered from want. (2) Whilst Coesar adopted these measures, the Gauls, having convoked an assembly of their principal chiefs, probably at Bibracte, decided not to collect all their men able to bear arms, as Vercingetorix wished, but to demand from each people a’ certain contingent, for they dreaded the difficulty of providing for so large and so econfused: a multitude, and of maintaining order and discipline. The different states were required to send contingents, the total of which was to amount (1) In the excavations at Alesia, five stimuli have been found, the form of which is represented in Plate 27. The new names which Cssar’s soldiers gave to these accessory defenses prove that they were used for the first time. (2) This appears from a passage in De.Bello Civili, III.

47. 15*

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346 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAISAR. to 283,000 men; but, in reality, it did not exceed 240,000., The cavalry amounted to 8,000. (‘) The Bellovaci refused their contingent, declaring that they intended to make war on their own account, at their own will, without submitting. to anybody’s orders.

Nevertheless, at the instance of Commius, their host, they sent 2,000 men.

This same Commius, we have seen, had in previous years rendered signal service to Caesar in Britain. In return for which, his land, that of the Atrebates, freed from all tribute, had recovered its privileges, and obtained the supremacy over the Morini. But such was then the eagerness of the Gauls to re-conquer their liberty and their ancient glory, that all feelings of gratitude and friendship had vanished from their memory, and all devoted themselves body and soul to the war. (1) The Edui and their clients, the Segusiavi, the Ambluareti, the MEN. Aulerci-Brannovices, and the Blannovii…………………….. 35,000 The Arverni, with the peoples in their dependence, as the Cadurci-Eleutheri, the Gabali, the Vellavi………………………. 35,000 The Senones, the Sequani, the Bituriges, the Santones, the Ruteni, the.Carnutes (each 12,000)………………………….. 72,000 The Bellovaci……………………. 10,000 The Lemovices…………………………………………… 10,000 The Pictones, the Turones, the Parisii, the Helvii (each 8,000) 32,000 The Suessiones, the Ambiani, the Mediomatrice, the Petrocorii, the Nervii, the Morini, the Nitiobriges (each 5,000)…………. 35,000 The Aulerci-Cenomanni…………………………………………. 5,000

The Atrebates………………………………………….. 4,000 The Veliocasses, the Lexovii, the Aulerci-Eburovices (each 3,2000)…………………………… 9,000 The Rauraci and the Boii (each 3,000)………..6………. 6j000 Lastly, the peoples who dwelt on the shores of the ocean, and whom the Gauls called Armoricans, amongst whom were the Curiosolites, the Redones, the Ambibari, the Caletes, the Osismii, the Lemovices-Armoricani, the Veneti, and the Unelli, had to furnish together………..8….. 30, 000

Total……………………….. 283,000

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SIEGE OF ALESIA. 847 The numbering and the review of the troops took place on the territory of the iEdui. The chiefs were named; the general commnand was given to the Atrebatan Commius; to the Aduans Viridomarus and Eporedorix, and to the Arvernan Vercasivellaunus, cousin of Vercingetorix.

With-them were joined delegates from each country, who formed a council of direction for the war. They began their march towards Alesia, full of ardour and confidence: each was convinced that the Romans would retreat at the.mere sight of such. imposing forces,’ especially when they found themselves threatened at the same time by the sallies of the besieged, and by an exterior army powerful in infantry and in cavalry. Meanwhile, the day on which the besieged expected succour was past, and their provisions were exhausted; ignorant, moreover, of what was taking place among the iEdui, they assembled to deliberate. on a final resolution. The opinions were, divided: some proposed to surrender, others to make a sally, without waiting till their vigour would be exhausted. But Critognatus, an Arvernan distinguished by his birth and credit, in a discourse of singular and frightful atrocity, proposed to follow the’ example of their ancestors, who, in the time of the war of the Cimbri, being shut up in their fortresses, and a prey to want, ate the men who were unable to bear arms, rather than surrender. When the opinions were gathered, it was decided that that of Critognatus should only be adopted at the last extremity, and that for the present they would’confine themselves to sending out of the place all useless mouths. The Mandubii, who

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348 HISTORY OF JULIUS CZESAR. had’ received the Gaulish army within their walls, were compelled to leave with their wives and children. They approached the Roman lines,-begged to be taken for slaves, and supplied with bread. Csesar placed guards -along the vallum, with orders not to admit them. At length. Commius land the other chiefs, followed by their troops, appear before Alesia; they halt upon a neighbouring hill, scarcely 1,000 paces from the circumvallation (the hill of Mussy-la-Fosse). The following day they draw their cavalry out of their camp; it covered the whole plain of Laumes. Their infantry establishes itself at a short distance on the heights. The plateau of Alesia commanded the plain. At the sight of the army of succour, the besieged meet together, congratulate each other, yield to excess of joy, and then they rush out of the town, fill the first fosse with fascines and earth, and all prepare for a general and decisive saUy. Caesar, obliged to face the enemy on two sides at once, disposed his army on the two opposite lines of the retrenchments, and assigned to each his post; he then ordered the cavalry to leave its camps, and to give battle. From all the camps placed on the top of the surrounding hills, the view extended over the plain, and the soldiers, in suspense, waited for the issue of the event. The Gauls had mixed with their cavalry a small number of archers and light-armed soldiers, to support them if they gave way, and arrest the attack of the -cavalry of the enemy. A good number of the latter, wounded by these foot-soldiers, whom they had not perceived until then, were obliged to re

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SIEGE OF ALESIA. 349 tire from the. battle. Then the Gauls, confident in.

their numerical superiority, and in the valour of their cavalry, believed themselves sure of victory; and from all sides, from’ the besieged, as well as from the army of succour, there arose an immense cry to encourage the combatants. The engagement was in view of them all; no trait of courage or of cowardice remained unknown; on both sides, all were excited by the desire of glory and the fear of dishonour. From noon till sunset the victory remained uncertain,‘when the Germans in Csesar’s pay, formed in close. squad, rons, charged th:e enemy, and put them to the rout; in their flight they abandoned the archers, who -were surrounded; then, from.

all parts of the plain, the cavalry pursued the Gauls up to their camp without giving them time-to rally. The besieged, who had sallied out of Alesia, returned in consternation, and almost despairing of safety. After a day employed in making a great number of hurdles, ladders, and hooks, the Gauls of the army of succour left their camp in silence towards the middle’ of the night, and:approached the works in the plain. Then, suddenly uttering loud cries, in order to warn the besieged,’ they throw their fascines,:to fill up the fosse, attack the defenders of the vallum with a shower of sling-balls, arrows, and. stones, and prepare everything for an-assault. At the same time, Vercingetorix, hearing the cries from without, gives the signal with the trumpet,.and leads his -troops out of the place.. The Romans take in the retrenchments the places assigned to them beforehand, and they spread disorder. among the Gauls by throwing leaden

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350 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. balls, stones of a pound weight, and employing the stakes placed in the works beforehand; the machines rain down upon the enemy a shower of: darts. As they fought in the dark (the shields being useless), there were in both armies many wounded. The lieutenants M. Antony and C. Trebonius, to whom was entrusted the defence of the threatened points, sup. ported the troops that were too hardly pressed by means of reserves’drawn from the neighbouring redoubts. So long as the Gauls kept:far from the circumvallation, the multitude of their missiles gave them the, advantage; but when they approached, some became suddenly entangled in the’stimnli; oth. ers fell bruised into the stcrobes; others again were transpierced by the heavy pila used in sieges, which were thrown from the tops of the vallum and the towers. They had many disabled, and nowhere succeeded in forcing the Roman lines. When day began to break, the army of’succour retired, fearing to’ be taken in their uncovered flank (the right side) by a sally from the’ camps established on the mountain of Flavigny. On their side, the’ besieged, after’losing much valuable time in transporting the material for the attack, and in making efforts. to fill up the first fosse (the one:which was twenty feet wide), learnt the retreat of the army of succour before they had reached the real:retrenchment.‘This attempt having failed, like the other, they returned into the town. Thus twice repulsed with great-loss, the. Gauls of the army of succour deliberated on what was to be done. They interrogate the inhabitants of the country, who inform them of the position and the sort

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SIEGE OF ALESIA. 351 of defences of the Roman camps placed on the heights.

To the north of Alesia there was a hill (Mont Rea) which had not been enclosed in the lines, because it would have-given them too great an extent; the camp necessary on that side had, for this reason, to be established on a slope, and in a disadvantageous position (see Plate 25, camnp D); the lieutenants C. Antistius Reginus and C. Caninius Rebilus occupied it with two legions. The enemy’s chiefs resolved to attack this camp with one part of their troops, whilst the other should assail the circumvallation in the plain of Laumes. Having decided on this plan, they send their scouts to reconnoitre the localities, secretly arrange among themselves the plan and the means of execution, and, decide that the attack shall take place at noon. They choose 60,000 men amongst the nations most renowned for their valour. Vercasivellaunus, one of the four chiefs, is placed at their head. They sally at the first watch, towards nightfall, proceed by the heights of Grignon and by Fain towards Mont Rea, arrive there at break of day, conceal themselves in the depressions of the ground to the north of that hill,‘and repose from the fatigues of the night. At the hour appointed, Vercasivellaunus descends the slopes and rushes upon the camp of Reginus and Rebilus; at the same moment, the cavalry of the army of succour approaches the retrenchments in the plain, and the other troops, sallying from their camps, move forwards. When, from the top of the citadel of Alesia, Vercingetorix saw these movements, he left the town, carry

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352 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. ing with him the poles, the small covered galleries (musculos), the iron hooks (falces), (1) and everything which had been prepared for a sally, and proceeded towards the plain. An obstinate struggle follows;. everywhere the greatest efforts are made, and wherever the: defence appears weakest, the Gauls rush to the attack.

Scattered over extensive lines, the Romans. defend: only with difficulty several points at the same time, and are obliged to face two attacks from opposite sides. Fighting, as it were, back to back, everybody is agitated by the cries he hears, and by the thought that his safety depends upon those that-are behind him; ” it lies in human nature,” says Caesar, “to be struck more deeply with the danger one cannot see.” C) On the northern slopes of the mountain of Flavigny (at the point marked J C, Plate 25), Caesar had chosen the most convenient spot for observing each incident of the action, and for sending assistance to the places which were most threatened.’ Both sides were con-.vince.d that the-moment of the decisive struggle had arrived. If the Gauls do not force the lines, they have no further hope of safety; ifthe Romans obtain the advantage, they have reached the end of their labours. It is especially at the retrenchments on the (‘) See note on page 143. (2) This passage proves clearly that the army of succour attacked also the circumvallation of the plain. In fact, how can we admit that, of 240,000 men, only 60,000 should have been employed? It follows, from the accounts given in the “Commentaries,” that among this multitude of different peoples, the chiefs chose the most courageous men to form the corps of 60,000 which operated the movement of turning the hills; and that the others, unaccustomed to war, and less formidable, employed in the assault of the retrenchments in the plain, were easily repulsed.

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SIEGE OF ALESIA. 353 slopes of Mont Rea that the Romans run the greatest danger, for the commanding position of the enemy gives them an immense disadvantage (iniquum loci ad declivitatemfastigium, magnu m habet momentum). One part of the assailants throw darts; another advances, forming the tortoise; fresh troops incessantly relieve the: soldiers who are weary. All strive desperately to fill the fosses, to render useless the accessory defences by covering them with earth, and to scale the rampart. Already the Romans begin to feel the want of arms and strength.

Caesar, informed of this state of things, sends Labienus to their succour with six cohorts, and orders him, if the troops cannot maintain themselves behind the retrenchments, to withdraw them and make a sally, bui only at the last extremity. Labienus, encamped on the mountain of Bussy, descends from the heights to proceed to the place of combat. Caesar, passing between the two lines, repairs to the plain, where he encourages the soldiers to persevere, for this day, this hour will decide whether they are to gather the fruit of their former victories. Meanwhile the besieged, having abandoned the hope of forcing the formidable retrenchments of the plain, direct their attack against the works situated at the foot of the precipitous heights of thel mountain of’Flavigny, and transport thither all their materials of attack; with a shower of arrows they drive away the Roman soldiers who fight from the top of the towers; they fill the fosses with earth and fascines, clear a passage for themselves, and, by means of iron hooks, tear down the w’attling of the parapet and the iI.-Z

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8354 HISTORY OF JULIUS CASAR. palisade. Young Brutus is first sent thither with several cohorts, and after him the lieutenant C. Fabius with seven more; at last, as the action becomes still hotter, Caesar himself hurries to them with new reserves. After the fortune of the fight has been restored, and the enemies driven back, he proceeds towards the place where he had sent Labienus, draws four cohorts from the nearest redoubt, orders a part of the cavalry to follow him, and the other part to go round by the exterior lines, to take the enemy in the rear by’ issuing from the camp of Gresigny. On his side, Labienus, seeing that neither the fosses nor the ramparts can arrest the efforts of the Gauls, rallies thirtynine cohorts which have arrived from the neighbouring redoubts, and which chance offers to him, and’informs Ceasar that, according to what had been agreed, he is going to make a sally. (1) Caesar hastens his march in order to share in the combat. As soon as, from the heights on which they stood, the legionaries recognise their general by the colour of the garment which he was in the habit of wearing in battle (the purplecoloured patludamentum), (2) and. see him followed’by cohorts and detachments of cavalry, they sally from the retrenchments and begin the attack. Shouts arise on both sides, and are repeated from the (1) According to Polymenus (VIII. xxiii.

11), Caesar, during the night, detached 3,000 legionaries and all his cavalry to take the enemy in the rear. (2) Cesar (at Alexandria) was greatly perplexed, being burdened with his purple vestments, which prevented him from swimming.” (Xiphilinus, Julius Ccesar, p. 26.)-“

Crassus, instead of appearing before his troops in a purplecoloured paludamentum, as is the custom of the Roman generals..” (Plutarch, Crassus, 28.)

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SIEGE OF ALESIA. 355 vallum to the other works. When COesar arrives, he sees the lines abandoned, and the battle raging in the plain of Gresigny, on the banks of the Ose. The Roman soldiers throw away the pilum, and draw their swords. At the same time, the cavalry of the camp of Gresigny appears in the rear of the enemy; other cohorts approach. The Gauls are put to the rout, and in their flight encounter the cavalry, who make great slaughter among them. Sedulius, chief and prince of the -Lemovices, is slain; the Arvernan Vercasivellaunus is taken prisoner. Seventy-four ensigns are brought to Cmesar. Of all this army, so numerous as it was, few combatants return to their camp safe and sound. Witnesses, from the-top of their walls, of this sanguinary defeat, the besieged despaired of their safety, and -called in the troops who were attacking the countervallation. (‘) As the result of these reverses, the Gauls of the army of succour fly from their camp; and if the Romans, compelled to defend so many points at one time, and to assist each other mutually, had not been worn’out by the labours of a whole day, the entire mass of the enemies might have been annihilated. Towards the middle of the night the cavalry sent in pursuit came up with their rear-guard; a great part of them were taken prisoners or killed; the others dispersed, to return to their countries. Next day, Vercingetorix convokes a council. He declares that he has not undertaken this war out of (‘) “The inhabitants of Alesia despaired of their safety when they saw the Roman soldiers bringing from all sides into their camp an immense quantity of shields ornamented with gold and silver, cuirasses stained with blood, plate, and Gaulish flags.”

(Plutarch, Ccesar, 30.)

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356 HISTORY OF JULIUS CIESAR. personal interest, but for the cause of the liberty of all. “Since they must yield to fate, he places himself at the discretion of his fellowcitizens, and offers them, in order to appease the Romans, to be delivered up, dead or alive.” A deputation is at once sent to Caesar, who requires that the arms’ and. the chiefs be delivered to him. He places himself in front of his camp, inside the retrenchments; the chiefs are brought, the arms are laid down, and Vercingetorix surrenders to the conqueror. This valiant defender of Gaul arrives on horseback, clad in his finest arms, makes the circuit of Coasar’s tribunal, dismounts, and laying down his. sword and his military ensigns, exclaims: “Thou bast vanquished a brave man, thou, the bravest of all!”

(1) The prisoners were distributed by head to each soldier, by way of booty, except the 20,000 who belonged to the AEdui and Arverni, and whom Cesar restored in-the hope of bringing back those people to his cause. Dio Cassius relates the surrender of the Gaulish chief as follows: “After this defeat,:Vercingetorix, who had neither been taken nor wounded, might have fled; but, hoping that the friendship which had formerly bound him-to Csesar would procure his pardon, he repaired to the proconsul, without having sent a-herald to ask for peace, and appeared suddenly in his presence, at the moment he was sitting on his tribunal.. His. appearance inspired some fear, for he was of tall stature, and had a very imposing aspect (1) Florus, III. -x. 26.-According to Plutarch (Cesar, 30), Vercingetorix, after having laid down his arms, seated himself in silence at the foot of Coesar’s tribunal.

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SIEGE OF ALESIA. 357 under. arms. There was a deep silence: the. Gaulish chief fell at Caesar’s knees, and implored him by pressing his hands, without uttering a word. This scene excited the pity of the by-standers, by the remembrance of Vercingetorix’s former fortune compared to his present misfortune. Caesar, on the contrary, upbraided him with the recollections on which he had hoped for his safety. He compared his recent struggle with the friendship of which he reminded him, and by that means pointed out more vividly the odiousness of his conduct. And thus, far from being touched with his misfortune at that moment, he threw him at once in fetters, and afterwards ordered him to be put to death, after having exhibited him in his triumph.” By acting thus, Caesar believed that he was obeying state policy and the cruel customs of the time. It is to be regretted for his glory that he did not use, towards Vercingetorix, the illustrious Gaulish chief, the same clemency which, during the Civil War, he showed towards the vanquished who were his fellowcitizens. When these events were accomplished, Cmesar proceeded towards the AIdui, and received their submission. There he met the envoys of the Arverni, who promised to pay deference to his orders: he required from them a great number of hostages. Afterwards, he placed his legions in winter quarters.. T.

Labienus, with two legions and some cavalry, among the Sequani (Sempronius Rutilius was given him as a colleague); C. Fabius and L. Minucius Basilius, with two legions, among the Remi, in order to protect them against the Bellovaci, their neighbours; C. Antistius

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358 HISTORY OF JULIUS C2ESAR. Reginus amongst the Ambluareti; T. Sextius among the Bituriges; C. Caninius Rebilus among the Ruteni, each with one legion. Q. Tullius Cicero and P. Sulpicius were established at Cabillonum (Clhalon) and Matisco (Mdcon), in the land of the iEdui, on the Saone, to ensure the supply of provisions. Caesar resolved to pass the winter at Bibracte. (‘) He announced those events at Rome, where twenty days of public thanksgivings were decreed. XIII. The excavations carried on round Mont AuxDetails of the Ex-Ois, from 1862 to 1865, have brought to cavations at Mont Auxois. light, in nearly all points, the fosses of the Roman retrenchments. The following is the result: CAMPs.  Cae sar debouched upon Alesia by the mountain of Bussy (see Plate 25), and distributed his army round Mont Auxois: the legions encamped on the heights, and the cavalry was established on the lower grounds, near the streams. There were four camps of infantry, two of them, A and B, on the mountain -of Flavigny. Their form depends on that of the ground: they were shaped in (‘) De Bello Gallico, VII. 90.-By comparing the data of the VIIth book with those of the VIIIth, we obtain the following results: LEGIONS. In Franche-Comtd, Labienus with the 7th and 15th………… 2 In the country of the Remi, Fabius and Basilius with the 8th and 9th….’ 2
and 9th…..,………………………………………………. 2

Between the Loire and the Allier, Reginus with the 11th….. 1 In Berry, Sextius with the 13th……………………………….. 1 In Rouergue, Rebilus with the 1st……………………………. 1 At Macon, Tullius Cicero with the 6th……………….. 1 At Chalon, Sulpicius with the 14th…………………………… 1 At Bibracte, Mark Antony with the 10th and 12th………….. 2

Total….’…………………………………………….. 11

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SIEGE OF ALESIA;. 359 such a manner that the retrenchments should, as far as possible, command the ground situated before them. On the side where -it could have been attacked, that is, to the south, the camp A presented formidable defences, to judge from the triple line of fosses which surround this part. (See Plates 25 and 28.) We must, perhaps, suppose that it was occupied by Caesar in person. The camp B is more extensive. The vestiges of its remblai are still visible at the present day, in the greatest part of its circuit, in consequence of this land having never been touched by the plough. It is the only known example of visible traces of a camp made by Caesar. None of the camps of the mountain of Flavigny having been attacked, the excavations have only brought to light in the fosses a small number of objects. The entrances to the camps are at the places marked by arrows on Plate 25. A third camp of infantry was situated on the mountain of Bussy, at C. The fourth infantry camp was established on the lower slopes of Mont Rea, at D. It is the one occupied by the two legions of Reginus and Rebilus, and which Vercasivellaunus attacked with 60,000 men. Indeed, it will be observed that the spur situated to the north of Mont Auxois, between the Rabutin and the Brenne, is much farther from Alesia than the other mountains which surround it, and Mont R6a, which is the nearest part of it, is still more than 2,000 metres distant from it. Hence it follows that Caesar could not have included Mont Rea in his lines without giving them an excessive development. Consequently, he was obliged to establish one of his camps on the

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360 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. southern slope of that hill. This camp was on the point of being forced, and an obstinate battle was fought there.

The excavations have led to the discovery in the fosses of a multitude of interesting ob. jects, and, among them, more than 600 Roman and Gaulish coins. (See the list in Appendi C.) () The extremity of the upper fosse, represented by dots on Plates 25 and 28, has not been discovered, because earthfalls have taken place on that part of Mont R6a; which would have obliged the excavators to dig too deep to arrive at the bottom of the fosse. The strength of the retrenchments of the infantry camps was very variable, as may be seen by inspecting the various profiles of the fosses.

(See Plate 28.) For each camp, they have larger dimensions on the side which is not defended by the escarpments, as may easily be conceived. (1) There have been found, on a length of 200 metres, in the bottom of the upper fosse, ten Gaulish coins, twenty arrowheads, fragments of shields, four balls of stone of different diameters, two millstones of granite, skulls and bones, earthenware, and fragments of amphoras in such quantity, that it would lead us to suppose that the Romans threw upon the assailants everything that came to hand. In the lower fosse, near which the struggle was hotter after the sally of Labienus, the result has surpassed all hopes. This fosse has been opened for a space of 500 metres in length from X to X (see Plate 25):. it contained, besides 600 coins (see Appendix C), firagments of pottery, and numerous bones, the following objects: ten Gaulish swords and nine scabbards of iron, thirtynine pieces which belonged to arms, of the description of the Roman pilum, thirty heads of javelins, which, on account of their lightness, are supposed to have been the points of the hasta amentata; seventeen more heavy heads may also have served for javelins thrown by the amentsunz, or simply by the hand, or even for lances; sixty-twq blades, of various form, which present such finished workmanship that they may be ranged among the spears. Among objects of defensive armour there have been found one iron helmet and seven cheek-pieces, the forms of which are analogous to those which we see represented on Roman sculptures; umbos of Roman and Gaulish shields; an iron belt of a legionary; and numerous collars, rings, and fibulae.

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SIEGE OF ALESIA. 361 There were four cavalry camps, G HIK placed near the different streams: three in the plain of Laumes, and one in the valley of the Rabutin. The fosses of these camps took greatly varied shapes. (See Plate 28.) In general, their dimensions were decidedly less than those of the fosses of the infantry camps. Camp G,. however, had rather deep fosses; no doubt because it was farthest from’the lines. The fosse which enclosed camp I towards the side of the Brenne has disappeared by the inundations of the river. REDOUBTS, OR’CASTELLA.-Of the twenty-three redoubts or blockhouses (castella), five only have been discovered; they were the most considerable; they are represented on Plate 25, by the numbers 10, 11, 15, 18, 22. The others, built of wood, and forming blockhouses, would not have left any trace; they are marked by circles on the most convenient places. DISTRIBUTION O0F THE -ARCrY. DEVELOPMENT OF

THE LINE OF INVESTMENT. - We know, from the “Commentaries,” that camp )D, on the slopes of Mont Rea, contained two legions. By comparing its superficies with that of the other camps, we may admit that these were occupied in the following manner: in camp A, one legion; in camp B, two legions; in camp C, three legions; total, eight legions. The three remaining legions would have been distributed in the twenty-three redoubts. As we have said, the number of 11,000 paces can evidently only apply to the line of investment formed by the eight camps and.the twenty-three redoubts established round Alesia immediately after the arrival of the army, and not, as 16

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362 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. has been believed, to the countervallation properly so called, which was only constructed subsequently (VII. 72).

This number is rigorously exact, for the circuit of ground surrounded by the camps measures a little more than sixteen kilometres, which represents 11,000 Roman paces. THE FossE OF TWENTY FEET.-This fosse has been discovered in its whole extent: it barred the plain of Laumes, following a direction perpendicular to the course of the Ose and the Oserain, and did not go round Mont Auxois. Plate 28 represents two of its most remarkable sections. It was not exactly twenty feet in width, as stated in the “Commentaries;” neither was it everywhere 400 pace’distant from the countervallation. This measurement is only exact towards the extremities of the’ fosse, near the two rivers. CouNTERVALLATION.-Vercingetorix, having retired to the plateau of Alesia, could only have escaped by the plain of Laurnes, and, at the worst, by the valley of the Rabutin; for the spurs situated to the south, the east, and the north of Mont Auxois are surmounted by a belt of perpendicular rocks, which form insurmountable barriers, and the valleys of the Oserain and the Ose, which divide them, constitute veritable defiles. It became important, therefore, to bar the plain of Laumes with impregnable works. Hence Caesar accumulated there the means of defence; but he simplified them everywhere else, as the excavations have shown. These are the works, peculiar to the plain of Laumes, which Caesar describes in chapters 72 and

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SIEGE OF ALESIA. 363 73. The traces of the two fosses exist over the whole extent of the plain, from one river to the other. They had not the same form: the one nearest to Mont Auxois is square-bottomed; the other is triangular. (See Plates 27 and 28.) The width of the first is fifteen feet, as stated in the text; that of the triangular fosse is fifteen feet at certain points, but more fre. quently a little less. The two fosses have the same depth; but it does not reach fifteen feet, as’the translators have wrongly understood it. To dig a fosse of fifteen feet deep is so considerable a work, on account of the two stages of workmen which it requires, that it has, perhaps, never been executed for a temporary fortification.- Moreover, the result of the excavations leaves no doubt on this subject:’ the two fosses of the countervallation have both only a depth of from eight to nine feet. The fosse which is.nearest Mont Auxois was filled with water. The Romans had naturally introduced the water into that of the two fosses which, owing to its square bottom, could contain the most considerable volume. A careful level made in the plain of Laumes has proved that this water was derived from the Oserain.- During the excavations, the gravel has been found which the water of this river had carried with it, at the itime of the investment of Alesia, almost to the middle of the length of the fosse. To the left of the Oserain, the countervallation cut the first slopes of the hill of Flavigny for a length of 800 me’tres; thence it continued, having but one fosse, the various sections of which are indicated on Plate 28. It ran at first along the left bank of the river,

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364 HISTORY OF, JULIUS C2ESAR. at a mean distance of fifty metres, as far as the mill of Chantrier, then cut the western extremity of Mont Penneville, between the Oserain’and.the Ose, followed the right bank of the latter river, along the slopes of the mountain of Bussy, and, after having crossed the small plain of Gresigny, joined the camp established at the foot of Mont Re6a Nearly everywhere the Romans had the advantage of a commanding position to defend the countervallation. The excavations have proved that in the plain of Gresigny the fosse of the countervallation had been filled with water from the Rabutin.‘They have led to the discovery in the’ ancient bed of this stream. (see Plate 25), at the very. point where the fosse’ joined it, of a wall of unhewn stones, which.barred the waters so as -to conduct them into this fosse. (‘) CIRcuMVALLATrIo N.-Over the extent of the plain of Laumes, and on the slopes -of the mountain of Flavigny, the circumvallation-was parallel to the countervallation, at. a mean distance of 200 metres. It had only one single fosse, which in the plain was square-bottomed, so as to allow more soil to be dug out; everywhere-else its’form was triangular. (See Plate 28.) The circumvallation of the mountain of Flavigny ceased towards. the.

escarpments, where the defences became useless; then, again, it continued on the plateau, where it formed the connection between (1) In the fosses of the plain of Laumes have been found a fine sword, several nails, and some bones; on the left bank of the Oserain, two coins, three arrowheads, and other fragments of arms; in the fosse which descends towards the Ose, on the northern slopes of Mont Penneville, a prodigious quan-. tity-of bones of animals. A spot planted with vines, close by, on the southern slope of Mont Penneville, is still at the present day called, on the register of lands, Ccesar’s Kitchen (la Cuisine de C6sar).

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SIEGE OF ALESIA, 365 the camps. After this, it descended towards the Oserain, cut the point of Mont Penneville, re-ascended the slopes of the mountain of Bussy, where it similarly united the camps, descended into the plain of Gr6signy, which it crossed in a direction parallel to the countervallation, and ended at camp D). On the heights it was made to follow the undulations of the ground, so that its defenders should occupy as much as possible a commanding position with respect to that of the assailants. Moreover, the works of the circumvallation were not everywhere the same. Thus, near the escarpments and ravines which cut this line, the Romans had made no fosse with epaulment, but only accessory defences, such as ablatis an&d wolf-pits, which even alternated on divers points. Above the castellum 21, between Gr6signy and Mont R6a, the. excavations have brought to light a fosse of great dimensions, the bottom of which was full of bones of animals of divers kinds. Its position, near a small ravine in Which runs a brook, may lead us to suppose that’here was the abattoir’ of the Roman army. In considering this fosse, and those which have been discovered on the top and on the slopes of Mont’R6a, as forming part of the circumvallation, there will be found for the development of this line about twenty kilometres, which. represents with sufficient accuracy the fourteen miles of the text of the “Commentaries.” (1) () In the fosses of the circumvallation in the plain of Laumes have been found stone balls, some fragments of arms, pottery, and a magnificent silver vase, of good Greek art. This last was found at z (see Plate 25), near the imperial road from Paris to Dijon, at the very bottom of the fosse, at a depth of 1‘40m.

Bronze arms, consisting of ten spears, two axes, and two swords, have been’found previously at y near the Oserain.

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366 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. WOLF-PITS.-In the plain of Laumes, at the top of the circumvallation, and close to the exterior bank of the fosse, there have been counted more than fifty wolf-pits, in five rows. Others have been cleared out on the heights - nine between the camp A and the escarpments, twenty-seven on the mountain of Bussy, near the castellum 15; they are dug in the rock, and in such a perfect state of preservation that they appear as though they had been made but yesterday. At the bottom of some of these last, fifteen arrowheads were picked up. All these wolf-pits are three feet deep, two feet in diameter at the top, and a little less than one foot at the bottom. GAuLISH C’aAP. During the first days of the investment, the besieged encamped-on the slopes of Mont Auxois, towards the eastern part of the hill. They were protected by a fosse and a wall of unhewn stones six feet high. We have traced the site of this camp at P Q R

S on Plate 25. The excavations have brought to light, in the direction of Q R on the slopes which shelve towards the Oserain, traces of fosses and remains of walls. On the plateau of Mont Auxois it might be interesting to attempt to discover the ancient Gaulish wall. It has been uncovered in pieces here and there over the whole space of the declivities; hence it may be concluded that the town occupied the whole of the plateau. A remarkable specimen of this wall is visible at a point of Mont Auxois, near the spot where recently the statue of Vercingetorix has been erected.

As to the camps of the army of succour, it is probable that the Gauls did not form, any retrenchments on the hills where they established themselves.

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CHAPTER XI. (Year of Rome 703.) (BOOK VIII. (‘) OF TiE “COMMENTARIES.”) I.

THE capture of Alesia and that of Vercingetorix, Expedition against in spite of the united efforts of all Gaul, the Bituriges and Carnutes.

naturally gave Caesar hopes of a general submission; and he therefore believed that he could leave his army, during the winter, to rest quietly in its quarters from the hard labours which had.lasted, without interruption, during the whole of the. past summer. But the spirit of insurrection was’ not extinct among the Gauls; and convinced by experience that, whatever might be their number, they could not, in a body, cope with troops inured to war, they resolved, by partial insurrections, raised on all points at once, to divide the attention and the forces of the Romans, as their only chance of resisting them with advantage. Caeshr was unwilling to leave them time to realise this new plan, but gave the command of his, winter quarters’ to his qusestor Mark Antony, quitted Bibracte on the day before the Calends of January (the 25th of December), with an escort of cavalry, joined the 13th legion, which was in winter quarters among the Bituriges, not far from the frontier of the Aidui, (1) This book, as is known, was written by Hirtius..

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368 HISTORY OF JULIUS CASAR. and called to him the 11th legion, which was the nearest at hand. Having left two cohorts of each legion to guard thte baggage, he proceeded towards the fertile country of the Bituriges, a vast territory, where the presence of a single legion was insufficient to put a stop to the preparations for insurrection. His sudden arrival in the midst of men without distrust, who were spread over the open country, produced the result which he expected. They were surprised before they could enter into their oppida, for Csesar had strictly forbidden everything which might have raised their suspicion, especially the application of fire, which usually betrays the sudden presence of an enemy. Several thousands of captives were made; those who succeeded in escaping sought in vain a refuge among the neighbouring nations. C0esar, by forced marches, came up with them everywhere, and obliged each tribe to think of its own -safety before that of others.; This activity held the populations in their fidelity, and, through fear, engaged the wavering to submit to the conditions of peace. Thus the Bituriges, seeing that Caesar offered them an easy way to recover his protection, and that the neighbouring states had suffered no other chastisement than that of having to deliver hostages, did not hesitate in submitting. The soldiers of the 11th and 13th legions Lad, during the winter, supported with rare constancy the fatigues of very difficult marches, in intolerable cold. To reward them, he promised to give, by way of prizemoney, 200 sestertii to each soldier, and 2,000 to each centurion. He then sent them into their winter quar

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CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE BELLOVACI. 369 ters, and returned to Bibracte, after an absence of forty days. Whilst he was there dispensing justice, the Bituriges came to implore his support against the attacks of the Carnutes.

Although it was only eighteen days. since he returned, he marched again, at the head of two legions, the 6th and the 14th, which had been placed on the Saone to ensure the supply of provisions. On his approach, the Carnutes, taught by the fate of others, abandoned their miserable huts, which they had erected on the site of their burgs and oppida destroyed in the last campaign, and fled in every direction. Cesar, unwilling to expose his soldiers to the rigour of the season, established his camp at Genabum (Gien), and lodged his soldiers partly in the huts which had remained undestroyed, partly in tents, under penthouses covered with straw. The cavalry and auxiliary infantry were sent in pursuit of the Carnutes, who, hunted down everywhere, and without shelter, took refuge in the neighbouring countries. () II. After having dispersed some rebellious meetings Campaign against and stifled the germs of an insurrection, the Bellovaci. Caesar believed that the summer would pass without any serious war. He left, therefore, at Genabum, the two legions he had with him, and gave the command of them to C. Trebonius. Nevertheless, he learnt, by several intimations from the Remi, that the Bellovaci and neighbouring peoples, with Correus and Commius at their head, were collecting troops to make an inroad on the territory of the Suessiones, who -(‘) De Bello Gallico, VIII. 5. 16* I1. A A

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370 HISTORY OF JULIUS CESAR. had been placed, since the campaign of 697, under the dependence of the. Remi. He then considered that it regarded his interest, as well as his dignity, to protect allies who had deserved so well of the Republic. He again drew the 11th legion from its winter quarters, sent written orders to C. Fabius, who was encamped in the country of the Remi, to bring into that of the Suessiones the two legions under his command, and demanded one of his legions from Labienus, who was at Besangon.’ Thus, without taking any rest himself, he shared the fatigues’ among the legions by turns, as far as the position of the winter’ quarters and the necessities of the war permitted. When this army was assembled, he. marched against the Bellovaci, established his camp on their territory, and sent cavalry in. every direction, in order to make some prisoners, and learn from them the designs of the enemy. The cavalry reported that the emigration was general, and that the few inhabitanits who were to be seen were not remaining behind in order to apply themselves to agriculture, but to’ act as spies upon the Romnans. Caesar, by interrogating the prisoners, learnt that all the’Bellovaci able to fight had assembled on one spot, and that they had been joined. by the Ambiani,‘the Aulerci, (‘) the Caletes, the Ve. liocasses, and the Atrebates.’ Their camp was in a forest, on a height surrounded by marshes (Mont Saint-Marc, in the.forest of’Compiegne) (see Plate 29); their baggage had:been transported to more distant woods. The command was divided among sev(‘) Viz., the Aulerci-Eburovices.

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CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE BELLOVACI. 371 eral chiefs, but the greater part obeyed Correus, on account of his well-known hatred to the Romans. Commius had, a few days before, gone to seek succour from the numerous Germans who lived in great numbers” in the neighbouring countries (probably those on the banks of the Meuse), The Bellovaci’resolved with one accord to give Caesar battle, if,: as report said, he was advancing with only three legions, for they would not run the risk of having afterwards to encounter his entire army. If, on the contrary, the Romans were advancing’with more considerable forces, they proposed to keep their positions, and confine themselves to intercepting, by’means of ambuscades, the provisions and forage, which were very scarce at: that season. This-plan, confirmed by many reports, seemed to Caesar full of prudence, and altogether contrary to the usual rashfness of the barbarians. He took, therefore, every possible care to dissimulate the number of his troops; he had with’him the 7th, 8th, and 9th legions, composed of old soldiers of tried valour, and the 11th, which, formed of picked young men who had gone through eight campaigns, deserved his confidence, although it could not be compared with the others with regard to bravery and experience in war. In order to deceive the enemies by-showing them only three legions, the only number they were willing to fight, he placed the 7th,‘8th, and 9th in one line; whilst the baggage, which was not very considerable, was placed behind, under the protection of the 11th legion, which closed the march. In this order, which formed almost a square, he came unawares in sight

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372 HISTORY OF JULIUS CJESAR. of the Bellovaci. At the unexpected view of the legions, which advanced in order of battle and with a firm step, they lost their courage; and instead of attacking, as they had engaged to do, they confined themselves to drawing themselves up before their camp, without leaving the height. A valley, deeper than it was wide (magis in altitudinem depressa gqam late patente), separated the two armies. On account of this obstacle and-the numerical superiority of the barbarians, Caesar, though he had wished for battle, abandoned the idea of attacking.them, and placed his camp opposite that of the Gauls, in a strong position (the camp of Saint Pierre-ensChatre [in Castris], in the forest of Compiegne). (1) (See Plates 29 and 30.) He caused it to be surrounded with a parapet twelve feet high, surmounted with accessory works, proportioned to the importance of the retrenchment (ioricumlamque pro ratione ejus altitudinis), () and preceded by a double fosse, fifteen feet wide, with a square bottom; (3) towers of three stories were constructed (1) It has’been objected that Mont Saint-Pierre was not sufficiently large to contain seven legions; but, since Cesar for a long while had only four legions with him, the camp was made for that number.‘Afterwards, instead of remaining on the defensive, he determined, as at Alesia, to invest the Gaulish camp, and it was then only that he sent for three more legions. The appearance of the different camps which have been found is, on the contrary, very rational, and in conformity with the number of troops mentioned in the “Commentaries. ” Thus, the camp of Berry-au-Bac, which contained eight legions, had forty-one hectares of superficies; that’ of Gergovia, for six legions, had thirty-three hectares; and that of Mont Saint-Pierre, for four legions, twentyfour hectares. (2) “Non solum vallo et sudibus, sed etiam turriculis instruunt quod opus loriculam vocant.” (Vegetius, IV. 28.) (3) It may be seen, by the profiles of the fosses which have been brought to light, that they couldnot have had vertical sides; the expression used by Hirtius leads us to believe that, by lateribus’ directis, he meant fosses not trianguiar, but with a square bottom.

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CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE BELLOVACI. 373 from distance to distance, and. united together by covered bridges, the exterior part of which was protected by hurdle-work. In this manner, the camp was protected not only by a double fosse, but also’by a double row of defenders, some of whom, placed on the bridges, could, from this elevated and sheltered position, throw their missiles farther and with a better aim:; while the others, placed on the vallum, nearer to the enemy, were protected by-the bridges from the missiles which showered down upon them. The entrances were defended by means of higher towers, and were closed with gates. These formidable retrenchments had a double aim: to increase the confidence of the barbarians, by making them believe that they were feared; and, next, to allow the number of the garrison to be reduced with safety, when they had to go far for provisions. For some days there were no serious engagements, but slight skirmishes in the marshy plain which extended between the two camps. The capture, however, of a few foragers did not Tail to swell the presumption of the barbarians, which was still more increased by the arrival of Commius, although he had brought only 500 German cavalry. The enemies remained for several days shut up in their impregnable position.

Caesar judged that an assault’ would cost too many lives; an investmeint alone seemed to him opportune, but it would require a greater number of -troops. He wrote thereupon to Trebonius to send him as soon as possible the 13th legion, which, under the’command of T. Sextius, was in winter quarters among the Bituriges; to join it

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374 HISTORY OF JULIUS C2ESAR. with the 6th and the 1-4th, which the first of these lieutenants commanded at Genabum, and to come himself with these three legions by forced marches. During this time he employed the, numerous cavalry of the Remi, the Lingones, and the other allies, to protect the foragers and to prevent surprises. But this daily service, as is often’the case, ended by being.negligently, performed;: and one day the Remi, pursuing the Bellovaci with: too much ardour, fell into an ambuscade. In withdrawing, they were surrounded by foot -‘soldiers, in the midst of whom Vertiscus, their chief, met with his death. True to his Gaulish manner, he would not allow his-age to dispense him from commanding’ and mounting on horseback, although, he was hardly able to keep his seat. His death and this-feeble’-advantage raised the self-confidence of the barbarians still more, but it rendered’ the Romans more circumspect. Nevertheless, in one of the skirmishes which’

were’continually taking place’ within sight of the two camps, about the fordable places of the-marsh,- the-German infantry, which. Caesar had sent for from beyond the’ Rhine, in’order to mix them with the’cavalry, joined in a body, boldly crossed the marsh, and, meeting with little resistance, continued the pursuit’with such impetuosity that fear seized.not only -the’ enemies who fought, -but’ even those,who were in reserve. Instead of availing themselves of’ the advantages of the ground, all - fled cowardly; they did-not stop till they were within their camp, and some.even were not ashamed to fly beyond it. This defeat caused a general discouragement, for.the Gauls were as easily -damped’by the least reverse as’they became arrogant on the smallest success.

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CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE BELLOVACI.: 375 Day after day was passing in this manner, when Caesar was informed of the’ arrival of C. Trebonius and his troops, which raised the number of his legions to seven.‘The chiefs of the Bellovaci then feared an investment like that: of Alesia, and resolved to quit their position. They sent’ away by’ night the old men, the infirm, the unarmed men, and the part of the’baggage which they had kept with them. Scarcely was this confused multitude in motidn, embarrassed with its own mass and its numerous chariots, when daylight surprised it, and the troops had to be drawn up in line before the camp, to give the column time to move away. Caesar saw no advantage either in giving battle to those who’were in position, or, on account of the steepness of the hill, in pursuing those who were making their retreat; he resolved, nevertheless, to make two legions advance in order to disturb the enemy in his retreat.

Having observed that the mountain on which the Gauls were established was connected with another height (Mont Collet), from’ which it was only separated by a narrow valley, he ordered bridges to be thrown on the’

marsh; the legions crossed over them, and soon attained the sum. mit of the height, which was defended on both sides by abrupt declivities. There he collected his troops, and advanced in order of battle up to the extremity of the plateau, whence the engines, placed in battery, could reach the masses of the enemy with their missiles. The barbarians, rendered confident by the advantage of their position, were ready to accept battle, if the Romans dared to attack the mountain; besides,

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376 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. they were afraid to withdraw their troops successively, as, if divided, they might have been thrown into disorder.

This attitude led Coesar to resolve on. leaving twenty cohorts under arms, and on tracing a camp on this spot, and retrenching it. When the works were completed, the legions were placed before the retrenchments, and the cavalry distributed with’ their horses bridled at the outposts. The Bellovaci had recourse to a’stratagem in order to effect their re. treat.

They passed from hand to hand the fascines and the straw on which, according to the Gaulish custom, they were in the habit of sitting, preserving at the same time their order of battle, placed them in front of the camp, and, towards the close of the day, on a preconcerted signal, set fire to them. Immediately a vast flame concealed from the Romans the Gaulish troops, who fled in haste. Although the fire prevented Caesar from seeing the retreat of the enemy, he suspected-it;- He ordered his legions to advance, and sent the cavalry in pursuit; but he marched only slowly, for fear of some, stratagem, as the barbarians might have formed the design of drawing the Romans to a disadvantageous ground. Besides, the cavalry did not dare to ride through the smoke and flames; and’thus the Bellovaci were able to pass over a distance of ten miles, and halt in a place strongly fortified by nature, Mont Ganelon, where they pitched their camp. In this position, they confined themselves to placing cavalry and infantry in frequent ambuscades, thus inflicting great damage on the Romans when they went to forage. (1) (‘) De Bello Gallico, VIII. 17.

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CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE BELLOVACI. 377’III. After several encounters of this kind, Caesar learnt by a prisoner that Correus, chief Battle on the Aisne.

of the Bellovaci, with 6,000 picked infantry and 1,000 horsemen, were preparing an ambuscade in the places where the abundance of corn and forage was likely to attract the Romans. In consequence of this information, he sent forward the cavalry, which was always employed to protect the foragers, and joined with them some light-armed auxil-.iaries; and he himself, with a greater number of legions, followed them as-near as possible. The enemy had posted themselves in a plain (that of Choisy-au-Bac) of about 1,000 paces wide in every direction, and surrounded on one side by forests, on the other by a river which was difficult to pass (the Aisne). The cavalry were acquainted with the designs of the Gauls; feeling themselves supported, they advanced resolutely, in squadrons, towards this plain, which was surrounded with ambushes on all sides. Correus, seeing them arrive in this manner, believed the opportunity favourable for the execu: tion of his plan, and began by attacking the first squadrons with a few men. The Romans sustained the shock, without concentrating themselves in a mass on the same point, “which,” says Hirtius, ” happens usually in cavalry engagements, and leads always to a dangerous confusion.” There, on the contrary, the squadrons remained separated, fought in detached bodies, and, when one of them advanced, its flanks were-protected by the others.

Correus then ordered the rest of his cavalry to issue from the woods. An obstinate combat began on all sides, without any de

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378 HISTORY OF JULIUS’CLESAR.. cisive result, until the enemy’s infantry, debouching from the forest in close ranks, forced the Roman cavalry to fall back. The’lightly-armed soldiers, who preceded the legions, placed themselves between the squadrons,.and restored the fortune of the’ combat.

After a certain time, the troops, animated by. the.approach of the legions and the:arrival of’ Cesar, and ambitious of obtaining, alone the honour,.of’ the-victory,.redoubled their efforts, and gained the advantage. The enemies, on the other hand, were discouraged and took’ to flight.; but they were..stopped by the very obstacles.which they intended to throw in, the way of the Romans. A small number, nevertheless, escaped through the forest and crossed the river. Correus, who remained unshaken under this catastrophe, obstinately refused to surrender, and fell pierced with wounds. -After this success, Caesar hoped that, if he continued his march, the enemy, in dismay, would abandon his camp, which was only eight miles from the field of battle. He therefore crossed the Aisne,’ though not without great difficulties. The Bellovaci and their allies, informed by the fugitives of the death of Correus, of the loss of their cavalry and the flower of their,infantry, fearing every moment to see the Romans appear, convoked-, by sound of trumpets, a general assembly, and decided by acclamation to send deputies and hostages to the proconsul.. The barbarians implored forgiveness, alleging that this last defeat had ruined their power,- and that the death of Correus; the instigator of the.war, delivered them from oppression, for during his life it

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CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE BELLOVACI. 379 was not the Senate’ who governed, but an ignorant multitude. To their prayers, Caosar replied, “that last year the Bellovaci had revolted in concert with the other Gaulish peoples, but that they alone had persisted in the revolt. It was very convenient to throw their faults upon those who were dead; but how could it be believed that, with nothing but the help of a-weak populace, a man should have had sufficient influence to raise and sustain a war, contrary to the will of the chiefs, the decision of the Senate, and the desire of honest’people.

However, the evil which they had drawn upon themselves was for him a sufficient reparation.” The following night the Bellovaci and their allies submitted, with the exception of Commius, who fled to the country whence he had recently drawn succours. He had not’dared to trust the Romans for the following reason: the year before, in the absence of Caesar, T.

Labienus, informed that -Commius was conspiring and preparing an insurrection, thought that, without accusing him of bad faith, says Hirtius, he could repress’his treason. Under pretext of an interview, he sent C. Volusenus Quadratus with some centurions to kill:him; but, when they, were in the presence of the Gaulish chief, the centurion who was to strike him missed his blow, arnd’only wounded him; swords were drawn on both sides, and Colnmius had time to escape. (‘) IV. The most warlike tribes had been vanquished, and none of them dreamt of further revolt.

Never(1) De Bello Gallico, VIII. 23.

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380 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. Devastation of the theless, many inhabitants of the newlyCountry of the Ebu-1 1 Coun. ofthb-conquered countries abandoned the towns and the fields in order to withdraw themselves from the Roman dominion. Caesar, in order to put a stop to this emigration, distributed his army into-different countries. He ordered the quaestor Mark Antony to come to him, with the 12th legion, and sent the lieutenant Fabius with twentyfive cohorts into an opposite part of Gaul (to. the country situated between the Creuse and the Vienne), where it was said that several peoples were in arms, and where the lieutenant Caninius Rebilus; who commanded with two legions, appeared not to be sufficiently strong; (1) lastly, he ordered T. Labienus to join him in person, and to send the 15th legion, (2) which he had under his command, into Cisalpine Gaul, to protect the colonies of Roman citizens there against the sudden inroads of the barbarians, who, the summer before, had attacked the Tergestini (the inhabitants of Trieste). As for Caesar, he proceeded with four legions to the territory of the Eburones,to lay it waste; as he could not secure Ambiorix, who was still wandering at large, he thought it advisable to destroy: everything by fire and sword, persuaded that this chief would never dare to return to a country on which he had brought such a terrible calamity: the legions and the (l) Rebilus had at first only one legion; we believe, with Rustow, that the 10th, which was quartered at Bibracte, had come to join him. It is said (VII. 90) that Rebilus had been sent to the Ruteni; but it appears, from a passage of Orosius (VI. 11), “
that.he was stopped on his way by a multitude of enemies, and ran the greatest dangers.” He remained, therefore, in the country of the Pictones, where Fabius came to his succour. (2) Some manuscripts read erroneously the 13th legion.

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EXPEPITION AGAINST DUMNACUS. 381 auxiliaries were charged with this execution. Then, he sent Labienus with two legions to the country of the Treviri, who, always at war with the Germans, were only kept in obedience.

by the presence of a Ro man army. (‘) V. During this time, Caninius Rebilus, who had Expedition against first been appointed to go into the counD’umnacus. try of the Ruteni, but who had been detained by partial insurrections in the region situated between the Creuse and the Vienne, learnt that numerous.hostile bands were assembling in the country of the Pictones:; he was informed of this by letters. from Duratius, their king, who, amid the defection of a part of his people, had. remained invariably faithful to the Romans. He started immediately for Lemonum (Poitiers). On the road, he learnt firom prisoners that Duratius was shut up there, and besieged by several thousand men under the orders of Dumnacus, chief of the Andes. Rebilus, at the head of two weak legions, did not dare to measure his strength with the enemy; he contented himself with establishing his camp in.a strong position. At the news of his approach, Dumnacus raised the siege, and marched to meet the. legions. But, after several days’ fruitless attempts to force their camp,.he returned to attack Lemonum. Meanwhile, the. lieutenant Caius Fabius, occupied in pacifying several peoples, learnt from Caninius Rebilus what was going on in the country of the Pictones; he. marched. without delay, to the assistance of Dura(‘) De Bello Gallico, VIII. 25.

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882 HIbSORY OF JULIUS CJESAR. tius. The news of the march of Fabius deprived Dumnacus of all’hope of opposing at the same time the troops shut up in Lemonum and the army of succour. He abandoned the siege again’in great haste, not thinking himself safe until he had placed the Loire between him-and the Romans; but he could only pass that river where there was a bridge (at Saumur). Before he had joined Rebilus, before he had even obtained a sight of the enemy, Fabius, who came from the north,’ and’had lost no time, doubted not, from what he heard from the people of the country, that Dumnacus, in his fear, had taken the road which led to. that bridge. lie therefore marched thither with his legions, preceded, at a short distance, by his cavalry. The latter surprised the’column of Dumnacas on its march, dispersed it, and returned to the camp laden with booty. During the night of the following day, Fabius again sends his cavalry forward, with orders’ to delay the march of the enemy, so as to give time for the arrival of the infantry. The two cavalries are soon engaged; but the enemy, thinking that he had to contend only with’ the same troops as the day before, draws up his infantry in line, so as to support the squadrons, when, suddenly; the legions appear in order of battle. At this sight, the barbarians are struck with terror, the’long train of baggage is thrown into confusion, and they disperse. M’ore than 12,000 men were killed, and all the baggage fell into the hands of the’Romans. Only 5,000 fugitives escaped from this rout; they were received by the Senonan Drappes, the same who,

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CAPTURE OF UXELLODUNUM. 383 in the first revolt of the Gauls, had collected a crowd of vagabonds, slaves, exiles, and robbers, to intercept the convoys of the Romans. They took the direction of the Narbonnese with the Cadurcan Lucterius, who, as has, been seen in the preceding chapter (p. 275), had before attempted a similar invasion. Rebilus pursued them with two legions, in order to avoid the shame of seeing the province suffering any injury from such a contemptible rabble. As for Fabius, he led the twentyfive cohorts against *the Carnutes and the other.peoples, whose forces had already been reducedby the defeat they had just experienced with Dumnacus. The Carnutesj though often beaten, had never been completely subdued; they gave hostages; the Armorican peoples followed their example. Dumnacus, driven out of his own territory, went to seek a refuge in the remotest part of Gaul. (‘) VI. Drappesg and Lucterius, when they learnt that Capture of lxello-they were pursued by Rebilus and his dunumtwo legions, gave up the design of penetrating into the province; they halted in the country of the Cadurci, and threw themselves into the oppidunmn of Uxellodunum (Puy-d’18ssou, near Vay’rac), an exceedingly strong place, formerly under the dependence of Lucterius, who soon excited the inhabitants into revolt. Rebilus appeared immediately before the town, which, surrounded on all sides by steep rocks, was, even without being defended, difficult of access to (‘) De Bello Gallico, vrIT.

31.

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384 HISTORY OF JULIUS CESAR. armed men. Knowing that there was in the oppvidurn so great a quantity of baggage that  the besieged could not send them secretly away without being overtaken by the cavalry, and even by the infantry, he divided his cohorts into three bodies, and established three camps on the highest points. (See Plate 31.) Next,he ordered a countervallation to be made. On seeing these preparations, the besieged remembered the ill fortune of Alesia, and feared a similar fate.

Lucterius, who had witnessed the horrors of famine during the investment of that town, took especial care for the provisions, and, with the consent of all, having 2,000 men in Uxellodunum, he left by night, with Drappes and the rest of the troops, to procure them. After a few days they collected, by good-will or by force, a great quantity of provisions.

During this time the garrison of the oppidwlm attacked the redoubts of Rebilus several times, which obliged him to interrupt the work of the countervallation, which, indeed, he would not have had sufficient forces to defend. IDrappes and Lucterius established themselves at a distance -of ten miles-from the oppoidunm, with the intention of introducing the provisions gradually. They shared the duties between them. Drappes remained with part of the troops to protect the camp. Lucterius, during the night-time, endeavoured to introduce beasts of burden into the town, by a narrow and woody path. The noise of their march gave warning to the sentries. Rebilus, informed of what was going on, ordered the cohorts to sally from the neighbouring redoubts, and at daybreak fell upon the convoy,

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CAPTURE OF UXELLODUNUM. 385 the escbrt of which was slaughtered.

Lucterius, having escaped with a small number of his followers, was unable to rejoin Drappes. Rebilus soon -learnt from prisoners that the rest of the troops which:had left the’ opicdum were with Drappes: at a distance of twelve miles, and that, by a fortunate chance, not one fugitive had taken that direction to carry him news of the last combat. The Roman general sent in advance all the cavalry and the light German infantry; he followed-them with one legion without baggage, leaving the other as a guard to the three camps. When he came near the enemy, he learnt by his scouts that the barbarians, according to their custom, neglecting the heights, had placed their camp: on the banks of a river (probably the Dordogne); that.the Germans and the cavalry had surprised. them, and that they were already fighting. Rebilus then advanced rapidly at the head of the legion, drawn up in order of battle, and took pos. session of the heights. As soon as the ensigns appeared, the cavalry redoubled their ardour, the cohorts rush forward from all sides, the Gauls were taken or killed, the booty was immense, and Drappes fell into the hands.of.the Romans. Rebilus, after this successful exploit, which cost him but a few wounded, returned under the walls of Uxellodunum. Fearing: no longer any attack from without, he set resolutely to work to continue his circumvallation.. The day after, C. Fabius arrived, followed by his troops, and shared with him the labours of the siege. While the south of Gaul was the scene of serious 1‘7 II.-B B

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386 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR..troubles, Caesar left the quaestor Mark Antony, with fifteen cohorts, in! the country of the. Bellovaci. To deprive the Belgme of all idea of revolt, he had proceeded to the neighbouring. countries. with two legions, had exacted hostages, and restored confidence by his conciliating speeches. When he arrived among the Carnutes, who, the year before, had been the first to revolt, he saw that the remembrance of their conduct kept them in great alarm, and he resolved to put an end to it by causing his vengeance to fall only upon Gutruatus, the instigator of the war. This man was brought and delivered up; and although Caesar was naturally inclined to indulgence, he could not resist the tumultuous entreaties of his soldiers, who made that chief responsible for all the dangers they had run, and for all the misery they had suffered. Gutruatus died under the stripes, and was afterwards beheaded. It was in the land of the Carnutes that Caesar received news, by the letters of. Rebilus, of the events which had taken place at Uxellodunum, and of the resistance of the besieged. Although a handful of men shut up in a fortress was not very formidable, he judged it necessary.

to punish their obstinacy, for fear that the Gauls should acquire the conviction that it was not strength, but constancy, which had failed them in resisting the Romans; and lest this example might encourage the other states, which possessed fortresses advantageously situated, to recover their independence. Moreover, it was known everywhere amongst the Gauls that Caesar had only one summer more to hold

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CAPTURE OF UXELLODUNUM. 387 his command, and that after that they would have -nothing more to fear. He left, therefore, the lieutenant Quintus Calenus (1) at the’ head of his two legions, with orders to follow him.by ordinary marches, and with his cavalry he hastened by long marches towards Uxellodunum. Caesar, arriving unexpectedly before that town, found it completely invested on all accessible points. He judged that it could not be taken by assault (neque ab oppugnatione recedi viueret ulla conditione posse), and, as it was abundantly provided with provisions, he conceived the project of depriving the inhabitants of water. The mountain was surrounded-nearly on every side by very low ground’; but on one side there existed a valley through which a river (the Tourmente) ran. As it flowed at the foot of two precipitous mountains, the disposition of the localities did not admit of turning it aside and conducting it into lower channels. It was difficult for the besieged to come down to it, and the R:omans rendered the approaches to it still’ more dangerous. They placed posts of archers and slingers, and-brought engines which commanded all the -slopes which gave access to the river. The besieged had thenceforth no other means of procuring water but by fetching it from an abundant spring which arose at the foot of the wall, 300 feet from the channel’of the Tourmente. (See Plate 3L;) Caesar resolved to drain this spring, and for this purpose he did not hesitate to’attempt a laborious undertaking’

opposite the point where it rose, he ordered covered galleries’ to be pushed for(1) See his biography in Appendix D.

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388 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. wards. against he mountain, and, under protection of these, a terrace to. be raised, labours which were carried on in: the.middle of continual fights and incessant fatigues. Although the besieged, from their elevated position.fought without danger, and wounded many Romans, yet the latter did not yield to discouragement, but continued their task. At the same time they made a subterranean gallery,-
which, running from-the covered galleries, was intended to lead up to the spring. This work, carried on free friom all dan~ger, was executed.

without being. perceived-. by. the enemy;;the terrace attained a height of sixty feet, and was surmounted.by a tower of ten stories,.whichj without equalling, the elevation of the wall, a. result it.was impossible to obtain, still commanded the fountain.. (See Plate 32.). Its approaches,.battered by engines from the top of.. this. tower, became inaccessible; in consequence of this, many men and. animals in. the place died of.thirst. The besieged, terrified.at this mortality, filled barrels with pitch, grease, and shavings, and.rolledd them in flames upon the Roman works, making at the same: time a sally, so-as to prevent them from extinguishing:the fire;- soon it spread to the covered galleries and the terrace, which stopped the progress of:-the inflammable.materials.

Notwithstanding the-difficulty-of the. ground and the increasing danger,.the Romans still persevered in their struggle. The battle took place on a height, within. sight of the army…; loud cries were raised on, both sides; each individual sought’ to. rival. his. fellows in zeal, and the more he. was’ exposed to view, the more courageously he faced the.

missiles and the fire.

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CAPTURE; OF UXELLODUNUM. 889 GCesar, as he. was sustaining great loss; determined to feign an assault, in -order to’create a diversion: he ordered some cohorts; to climb the hill on all sides, uttering loud cries.

This, movement terrified:the -besieged, who, fearing to be. attacked on other points, called back to th.e defence of the wall those who were setting fire to the’works. Then the; Romans; -were able to extinguish. the fire. Nevertheless,- the siegespan out in length;. the Gafils, although exhausted by thirst and reduced to a small number, did not cease to defend themselves vigorously. At length, the subterranean gallery having reached the veins of the spring, they were.taken:and turned aside. The besieged, seeing the fountain lall at once dried up, believed, in their despair, that it was an. intervention of the gods, submitted to. necessity, and surrendered. Caesar considered that:the pacification of Gaul would never, be completed if’the same resistance was encountered in many other towns.

He thought. it iiidispensable to spread terror by a severe example, so much the more as ” the well-known mildness of his temper,” says Hirtius, “would not allow this necessary rigour to be ascribed to cruelty.” He ordered all those who had carried arms to have their. hands cut off, and sent them away, as living witnesses of the chastisement reserved for rebels. Drappes, who had been taken prisoner, starved. himself.to death; Lucterius, who had been arrested: by the Arvernan Epasnactus, a friend of the Romans,- was delivered up to Caesar. (1) (‘) De Bello Gallico, VIII.

44.

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390 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. VII. The excavations made at Puy-d’Issolu’

in 1865 Excavations made leave no further doubt as to the site of at Puy *dIsou. Uxellodunum. -(See Plates 31 and 32.) The Puy d’Issolu is a lofty mountain, situated not far from the right bank of the Dordogne, between Vayrac”and Martel; it is isolated on all sides except towards the north, where it is joined by, a defile of 400 metres wide (the Col de Roujon) to heights named’the PechDemont.’ Its plateau, crowned by a circle of perpendicular rocks, commands, almost in every direction, the low ground which surrounds it. This is what the author of the VIIIth book -De Bello Gallco expresses by these words: Infitza vallis toturn paene montem cingebat in quopositum eratmpruperptum eundique oppidum Uxellodsunur. This plateau, with a surface of eighty hectares in extent,. presents stronglymarked undulations: its general incline lies from the north to the south, in the direction of the length of the mountain mass; its highest point is 317 metres above the level of the sea, and it rises 200 metres above the valleys which surround it. -The whole’eastern slope of the mountain, that which looks towards Vayrac and the Dordogne, is surmounted with rocks, which have a height of as much as forty metres; consequently, no operations took place on this side during the time of the siege. The western slope alone was the theatre of the different combats. Its declivities are not inaccessible, especially between the village of Louli4
and the hamlet of Leguillat, but they are sufficiently abrupt to make the Latin author say: Quo, defendente nullo, tamen armatis ascendere esset difficile. At the very foot of this

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EXCAVATIONS MADE AT PUY D’ISSOLU. 391 declivity, and at 200 metres -keneath the culminating point of’the plateau, the Tourmente flows, a little river ten metres broad, embanked between this declivity and that of the-opposite heights: ~Flumven infrnam vallem disidebat, &c. Such a disposition of the localities, as well. as the slight descent of the Tourmente (one metre in 1,000), rendered it impossible to turn off that river. (Hoc flumern averti loci natura _prohibebat, &c.) There is no spring on the plateau of Puy-d’Issolu; but several issue from the sides of the mountain, one of which, that of Loulie, is sufficiently abundant to provide for the necessities. of a numerous population. This was the spring which the Romans succeeded in turning off. At.the time of the siege, it issued from the side of the mountain at S (see Plate 31), at twentyfive metres from the wall of the oppidum, and at a distance of about 300
maetres from the Tourmente. These 300 metres make about 200 Roman paces.

We see, therefore, that in the Latin text the word pedumn must be replaced by passuum. We also see that the word circuitus (VIII. 4) must be taken in the sense of the course of the river. The “Commentaries” say (VIII. 33) that Rebilus established three camps in very elevated’positions. Their sites are indicated by the nature of the localities: -the.first, A, was on the heights of Montbuisson; the second, B, on those of the Chateau de Termes; the third, C,- opposite the defile of Roujon, on the PechDemont.

It appears from the excavations that the Romans had not retrenched the two first, which is easily explained, for the heights to the west of the

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392 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. Puy-d’Issolu are impregnMtble,. Moreover, the R:omans at Uxellodunum were not in the same-situation as.-at Alesia.

There they had before them 80,000 men, and in their rear a very numerous army ofisuccour; here, on  the contrary, it was only a question of reducing a few thousand men.. The camp: C-requiredto be protected, because it was possible for, troops to descend from the tableau of the Puy-d’Issolu towards the. defile of Roujon, which, being situated fifty metres lower down, gives an easy access to-the heights of PechDemont. The excavations have, in fact, brought to light a double line of parallel fosses, which barred the defile behind, and formed. at the. same time a countervallation. The Gauls:could only quit the town by’this defile, and by the western slope of the mountain. It became, consequently, interesting to ascertain if the Ro. mans made a countervallation along the Tourmente, on the slopes of the. heights of the castle of Termes and of Montbuisson.

Unfortunately, the railway from Perigueux to Capdenac, which passes over the very site where the. countervallation might-have been made, has destroyed all traces of the Roman works: the excavations made above this line have produced no result. The most interesting discovery was that of the subterranean gallery. (1) Until the moment when the excavations were commenced, a part of the rain-water absorbed by the plateau of the Puy-d’Issolu issued near the village of Louli6 by two springs, A and A’.

(1) It is due to the persevering researches of M. J.B. Cessac, assisted subsequently by the departmental commission of the Lot.

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EXCAVATIONS MADE AT PUY D’ISSOLU. 39‘3 (See Plate 32)  The spring A’-
flows. from a ravine, and corresponds to -!the thaiweg-of the sl-ope;. as to the.source A,: it is. easily seen.by’the appearance of the ground that it has been” turned. from its natural course. The excavations, in fact, have proved that it is produced by-the waters which -run in the Roman gallery. This. gallery -has been opened over an.extent of forty metres. -

It -was dug in;a solid mass of tufa nearly ten metres thick, which had been formed in the: centuries anterior to Ceesar. - Its form is that of a semicircular’ vault, supported by two perpendicular sides; its average dimensions are 1‘80m. in height, by a width of‘1 50-mtres.: The mud carried along by the waters, and accumulated since the time of the siege of Uxellodunum, had almost filled the gallery; leaving only at the top of the; intrados an empty space in the form of a segment of a circle, with 0-50m. chord by0’-15m. for the-absciss of its curve. Through this empty space the water ran: at the time of the excavations. Before reaching.the tufa, the first subterranean works of the Romans. had been made in  the pure soil, which had to be propped:; fragments of blindage have been found, some-of them: fixed in silicious mud, corroded or reduced to the state of ligneous paste, others petrified by their long contact with the waters charged with: calcareous sediments. A considerable number of these petrified blocks, and remains of wood, collected in the interior of the gallery,. are deposited in the museum of Saint-Germain.~ The gallery does not lead directly to the spring which existed in the time of the Gauls.

The Roman 17*

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394 HISTORY OF JULIUS C2ESAR. miners, after having made their way straightforward for a.length of six m~tres, came upon a thick bed of blue~
marl of the lias: they turned to. their left to avoid digging through it,’

and advanced four metres further,‘following the marl, which they left to the right. When they reached the end of the marls, a horizontal layer of hard rock, one metre thick, obliged them to bring:the gallery back to its former’ direction, and to raise it, in order to’avoid this new obstacle without going out of the tufas, which, formed by the, waters, would necessarily lead towards the spring. (See Plate 32.) From this second turning, the gallery: continued close to the line of separation of the marls and the. tufas. It rose rapidly, until it reached the limit of the deposits of tufa. At this point blindage had again been necessary. It, was there chiefly that the blocks of petrification presented a peculiar character: some lay thrown down in the gallery, pierced by sockets with a rectangular section, which show the dimensions and the way in which it had been worked;‘others, with a rounded base, are veritable uprights, still standing on the rock. Independently of the excavations made to find the Roman fosses and the subterranean gallery, others have been made on the slope of Loulie, in the soil which is near the spring. They have brought to light numerous. fragments of Gaulish pottery and of amphorae, and, which is a further confirmation of the identity of the Puy d’Issolu with Uxellodunum, remains of arms similar in all respects to those found in the fosses of Alesia. (1) Under the earthfalls which (‘) List of the objects found at Puyv-d’Issolu: one blade of a dolabrum,

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COMPLETE SUBMISSION OF GAUL. 395 during nineteen centuries have taken place on the slope of Louli6, all the traces of the fire described in the “Commentaries” have been also found. The site of the terrace and the covered galleries which were fired were also traced on the ground. Plate 32 represents the slope which was the scene of the struggle: the terrace, the tower, and the covered galleries are represented on it, as well as the subterranean gallery, according to a very exact survey made on the spot.

VIII. Whilst these events were taking place on the CompleteSubmis banks of the Dordogne, Labienus, in.a s’onofGauL cavalry engagement, had gained a decisive advantage over a-part of the Treviri and Germans, had taken prisoner their chief, and thus subjected that people, who were always ready to support any insurrection against the Romans. The.Aduan Surus fell also into his hands: he was a chief distinguished for his courage:. and his birth, and the only one of that nation who had not yet laid down his arms. From that moment Coesar considered Gaul to be completely pacified; he.resolved, however, to go himself to Aquitaine, which he had not yet visited, and which Publius Crassus; had partly conquered. Arriving there at the head of two legions, he obtained the complete submission of that country without difficulty: all the tribes sent him hostages. He prothirty-six arrowheads, six heads of darts for throwing by catapults, fragments of bracelets, bear’s tooth (an amulet), necklace beads, rings, a blade of a knife, and nails.

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396 HISTORY OF: JULIUS CASAR.i ceeded next’to Narbonne with-a -detachment of cavalry, and charged his lieutenants: to put’ the army into winter, quarters. Four:legions, under the:orders of Mark Antony, Caius Trebonius) Publius Vatinius, and Q. Tullius, were quartered -in.Belgium; two among the.Adui, and two: among the Turones, on the frontier of the Carnutes, to hold in.-check all.the countries bordering on the: ocean. These two: last legions took up their winter quarters on the territory of the Lemovices, not far from the Arverni, so that no part of Gaul should be without troops. Csesar remained but a short time in the:.province, presiding hastily over the assemblies, determining cases of public contestation, and.rewarding those who had served him well. He had had occasion, more than any: one, to know their sentiments individually, because, during the general revolt of Gaul, the fidelity and succour of the province b3ad aided him in triumphing. over it.:’ When these affairs were settled, he returned to his legions in Belgium, and took up his winter quarters at Nemetocenna (Arras). There he was informed of the last attempts of Commius, who, continuing a partisan war at the head of a small number of cavalry, intercepted the Roman convoys. Mark Antony had charged -C.

Volusenus Quadratus, prefect of the cavalry, to pursue] him; he had accepted the task eagerly, in the hope, of succeeding this time better than the first; but Commius, taking advantage of the rash ardour with which his enemy had rushed upon him, had wounded him seriously, and escped; he was discouraged, however, and had promised Mark Antony to retire to any spot

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COMPLETE SUBMISSION OF GAUL. 397 which should be appointed him, on condition that he should never be compelled to appear before a Roman. (1) This condition having been accepted, he had given hostages. (2) Gaul was henceforth subjugated; death or slavery had carried off its principal citizens. Of all the chiefs who had fought for its independence, only two survived, Commius and 2Ambiorix. Banished far from their country, they died unknown. (‘) According to Frontinus (Stratag., II. 11), CoInmius sought an asylum in Great Britain. (2) De Bello Gallico, VIII. 48.

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BOOK IV. RECAPITULATION OF THE WAR IN GAUL, AND RELATION OF EVENTS AT ROME

FROM 696 TO 705. CHAPTER I. EVENTS OF THE YEAR 696. I. IN the preceding book we have given, from the Difficulties of. C-Commentaries,” the relation of the war ~ra Trsk. in Gaul, and endeavoured to elucidate doubtful questions, and to discover the localities,which were -the scenes of so many combats. It will now be not uninteresting to recapitulate the principal events of the eight campaigns of the Roman proconsul, separated from all their technical details. We will at the same time examine what was passing, during this period, on the banks of the Tiber, and the -events which led to the Civil War. Writers who dislike glory take pleasure in undervaluing it. They seem to wish thus to invalidate the judgment of past ages: we seek in preference to confirm it, by explaining why the renown of certain men has filled the world. To bring to light the heroic examples of the past, to show that glory is the legitimate reward of great actions, is to pay homage to the public opinion of all -times.

Man struggling with difficulties which.seem insurmountable, and conquef

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400 HISTORY OF JULIUS C]ESAR. ing them by his genius, offers a spectacle always worthy of our admiration; and this admiration will be the more justified, according to the greater disproportion between the end-and the means. Caesar is going to quit Rome, to go far from the debates of the Forum,-the agitation of the comitia, and the intrigues of a corrupt town, in order to take the command of his troops. Let us, then, for a moment lay aside’ the statesman, and consider only the warrior, the great captain.

The Roman proconsul is not one of those barbarian chieftains who, at the head of innumerable hordes, throw themselves upon a foreign country to ravage it with fire and sword. His mission is not to destroy, but to extend to a distance the influence of theRepublic, by protecting the peoples of Gaul] either, against their own dissensions, or against the-encroachments of,their, dangerous neighbours. The;dangers.from which Italy had been-saved by the victories of Marius -are not forgotten. Men’s memory still recalls the savage bravery, and, still more, the multitude of those barbarians who, before the battle of Aix, had:employed six entire days; in defiling in front of the camp of Marius; (1) they’ still fear a renewal of these inundations of. peoples, and Cvesar’s first duty is to avert’ similar perils.: Already.the Helvetii and their allies,:to.the number of 368,000, are on the road towards: the Rhine,;- 120,q000 Germans have established themselves in Gaul.- 24,000.Harudes, their countrymen-, have just followed the same example; others are marching after them, and.more than 100,000 Suevi are preparing to: cross the Rhine…. (, Plutarch,. Marius, 19.

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EVENTS OF_ THE YEAR 696. 401 -The Narbonnese forms the’ proconsul’s basis of op. eration, but it is partly composed-of populations recently subjugated, whose fidelity is as yet doubtful. Rome has in Gaul allied peoples, but. they have lost their preponderance. The different states, divided among tlhemselves by intestine rivalries, offer any easy prey to the enemy; but let the Roman army come to occupy their territory in a permanent manner, and thus wound their feelings of independence, and all the.warlike youth will unite, eager to begin a struggle full of perils for the invaders. Caesar is obliged, therefore, to act with extreme prudence, to favour the -ambition of some, repress the encroachments of others, and spare the susceptibility of all, taking care not to wound their religion, their laws, or their manners; he is obliged at the same time to draw a part of his forces from the country he occupies, and obtain thence men, subsidies, and provisions. The greatest difficulty experienced by the commander of an army operating in a country the good-will. of which he seeks to conciliate, is to enable his troops-o live without exhausting it, and to assure the welfare of his soldiers.without exciting the discontent of the inhabitants. “To seek to call,” says the-Emperor )Napoleon I. in his Mgmoires, ” a nation to liberty and independence; to desire that a public spirit should form in the midst of it, and that-it should furnish troops; and at the same time to take fromit its principal resources, are two contradictory ideas, and to conciliate them is the province of talent.” (1) Thus, to fight between two and three hundred (1) 4IMmoires de Napolon I., Revolt of Pavia, VII. 4. II.-C c

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402 HISTORY OF JULIUS CASAR. thousand Helvetii and Germans, to hold in dominion eight millions 0ofGauls, and to maintain the Roman province such is the task which. Caesar has undertaken, and, to carry it out, he has as yet only at hand a single.legion. What means will he have to overcome all these obstacles? His genius and the ascendency of civilisation over barbarism. II. Caesar starts from Rome towards the middle of Campaign against March, 696, and arrives in eight days at th Helvetii. Geneva.

Immediately the Helvetii, who had appointed their rendezvous on the banks of the Rhine towards the 24th of March, the day of the equinox, ask his permission to cross Savoy, with the intention of going to establish themselv’es’ in Saintonge. He adjourns his answer to the 8th of April, and employs the fifteen days thus gained in fortifying the left bank of the Rhone, from Geneva to the Pas-de-l’Ecluse, in raising troops in the Roman province, and in renewing the old bonds of friendship with the Burgundians, () who will soon furnish him with men, horses, and provisions. By rendering the passage of the Rhone impossible,.and by binding to his cause the peoples who occupied the whole course of the Saone, from Pontailler to near Trevoux, he had cut off from the Helvetii the road to the south, and thrown difficulties in their way towards the west.‘Still, these’persisted nohe the less in their design; they made an arrangement with the (F) For the clearer intelligence of the recapitulation, we have adopted the modern names of the different peoples of Gaul, although these names are far from answering to their ancient boundaries.

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR 696. 403 people of Franche-Comt6,‘to whom the passage of the Pas-de-l’Ecluse belonged, to debouch by that’ defile into the plains of Amb6rieux and on the plateau’of the Dombes. They could thus arrive at the Saone, pass it peaceably or by force, proceed into the valley of the Loire by crossing the mountains of Charolais, and penetrate thence into’ Saintonge. As soon as Csesar was aware of this project, he immediately decided on his course of action: he foresaw that a long time would elapse before the Helvetii effected’a passage across the unquiet countries of so many hosts; he reckons that an agglomeration of 368,000
individuals, men, women,’ and children, carrying three monthS’ provisions in wagons, would:be slow to move; he repairs to the Cisalpine, raises two legmons there, sends to Aquileia for the three who were in winter quarters’there, and, crossing the Alps again, arrives, two months afterwards, at the confluence of the Rhone and the Sa6ne, on the heights of Sathonay. He learns that’the Helvetii have been employed during twenty days in crossing the Saone between Trevoux and Villefranche, but that a part of them still remain on the left bank; seizes the opportunity, attacks the latter, defeats them, and thu’s diminishes the number of his adversaries by one-fourth; then, crossing the Saone, he follows during’fifteen days the mass of the Helvetian emigration, which was advancing towards the sources of the’Bourbince. As he finds himself in want of provisions, he turns off from his road, and marches towards Bibracte (Mont Beuvray), the citadel and principal town of the Burgundians.. This march to the right leads the HeIvetii to

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404 HISTORY OF JULIUS. CASAR. believe that:he is. afraid, of encountering them; they then -march.bac, ande attack him unexpectedly; a great battle is foiught, and, with his four old legions only, Caesar gains the victory..The immigration, already considerably.diminished by the battle,of the SaBne, no longer counts more than 130,000 individuals, who make their retreat towards the country of Langres…‘The Roman general does not pursue them; he remains three days burying the dead and attending to the wounded.. But his influence is already so great, that, to,. depri ve the wreck of the vanquished army of provisions, he. has only to give ord4ers to the peoples whose territory, they.cross…:Deprivedl of.all resources, the. fugitives discontinue their march, and make their submission. He hastens to overtake them towards Tonnerre. When, he arrives in the: midst.

of them, he. adopts a generous policy, and gains, by his generous.

behaviour, those whom he had subjugated by his arms.:There was in the: Helvetic conglomeration a, people renowned for their valor, the Boii; Cesar permits the Burgundians to receive them into the number:.oftheir fellowcitizens, and give them lands at the confluence of the Allier and the Loire. -. As to the other barbarians, with the exception of 6,000 who had attempted to withdraw from the capitulation: by flight, he obliges them to return to-their country, dismisses,them. without ransom, instead of selling them as-slaves, and thus drawing from them. a considerable profit, according to the general usage of that period. (1) By: preventing (‘) Cicero, when proconsul in’Cilicia, obtained the sum of twelve millions of sestertii (2,280,000 francs) from the sale of prisoners made at the siege of Pindenissus. (Cicero, Epistolke ad Atticum, V. 20.)

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EVENTS QF OFTHE-YE:AR-696. 4.05i the Germans from establishing themselves mnthe countries abandoned by the-iigrati-on, he madej a’caloeu lation of interest secondary to a high political sentiment, and foresaw that -Helvetia, by its geographical position,-was destined-io..be a. bulwark against’inva: sion;from the-north, and, that, then.as now,.it, as important.for.the power seated-on the-Rhone: and the: Alps. to have on its -eastern: frontiers-afriendly:and. independent people.(1), III. The victory gained,near’Bibracte has,- at.one Campaign against blow, restored the prestige of the Roman. Ariovistus arms.:Caesar:has become ethe arbitrator of the destinies of a -part. of Gaul:- all the peoples comprised: betweent the Marne, the IRhone, -an.d the mountains of,Auvergne,.obey him.:() The:Helvetii have returned inito their country; the?Burgnidians have re-conquered their ancient:preponderance.i-. The assembly of Celtic;Gaul, held with hisg permission; at Bibracte, invokes his: protection against:-iovistus, and, to the far north, the people of Tr~ves hasten-to denounce to0 him a’ threatened invasion -of. Germans.

It had always been a part of the policy’of the Republic to extend its influence by going to theo.succour:of oppressed peoples.: Caesar could’

not failto…regulate his conduct upon this principle. -Not only.lid it con.cern him to deliver the Gauls from a foreign yoke, but: he-sought to ideprive the Germans. ofgthe: possi(1) Julian (Ctassares, p. 72, edit: Lasiiis)‘makes Casar May that he’ had’treate’d the Helvetii like a philanthropist,; and rebuilt;their burnt towns. (2) It was probably at this time, that the c.hiefs of Auvergne, and perhaps Vercingetorix himself, as.Dio Cassius tells us, came to render homage to the Roman proconsul. (See above; p. 80.)

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406 HISTORY OF JULIUS CJESAR. bility of settling on the banks of the Saone, and thus threatening the Roman province, and perhaps Italy itself.

Before having recourse to arms, Caesar, who, during his consulship, had caused Ariovistus to be declared the ally and friend of the Roman republic, undertook to try upon him the means of persuasion. He sent to demand an interview, and received only a haughty reply. Soon, informed that, three days before, the German king has crossed his frontiers at the head of a numerous army, and that, on another side, the hundred cantons of the Suevi are threatening to cross the Rhine towards Mayence, he starts fronm Tonnerre in haste to go forward to meet him.’ When he arrives near Arc-en-Barrois, he learns that Ariovistus is marching with all his troops upon Besangon. He then turns to the right, anticipates him,‘and takes possession of that important place. -‘o doubt, at the news of the march of the. Roman army, Ariovistus slackened his own, and halted in the neighbourhood of Colmar. After remaining a few days at Besangon, Caesar takes the way to the Rhine, avoids the mountainous spurs of the Jura, proceeds. by Pennesieres, Arcey, and Belfort, and debouches towards Cernay in the fertile plains of Alsace. The two armies are only twentyfour miles apart. Caesar and Ariovistus have an interview; its only result is to increase their mutual resentment. The latter conceives the project of cutting the line of operation of the Romans, and, passing near the site of the modern Mulhouse, he proceeds, by a circuitous movement, to establish himself on the

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR 696. 407 stream of the’little Doller, to the south of the Roman army, which, encamped on the Thur, supports its rear on the last spurs of the Vosges, near Cernay. In this position, Ariovistus intercepts Caesar’s communications with FrancheComte and Burgundy. The latter, to restore them, distributes his troops into two camps, and causes a second camp to be made, less considerable than the first, on his right near the little Doller. During several,days, he seeks in vain to draw Ariovistus to a battle; then, learning that the matrons have advised the Germans not to tempt fortune before the new moon, he unites his legions, places all the auxiliaries on his right, mnarches resolutely to assault the camp of the Germans, forces them to accept bat. tle, and defeats them after an obstinate resistance. In their flight, they take the same road by which they had advanced, and, pursued for a distance of fifty miles, they re-pass the Rhine towards Rhinau. As to the Suevi, who had assembled near Mayence, when they are informed of the disaster of their allies, they hasten to regain their country. Thus, in his first campaign, Caesar, by two great battles, had delivered Gaul from the invasion of the Helvetii and the Germans; all the Gauls looked upon him as a liberator. But services rendered are very soon forgotten when people owe their liberty and independence to a foreign army. Cesar places his troops in winter quarters in FrancheComte, leaves the command to Labienus, and starts for Cisalpine Gaul, where he is obliged, as proconsul, to preside over the provincial assemblies. Nearer Rome during the winter, he could’ follow more easily the political events of the metropolis.

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408 HISTORY OF JULIUS C2ESAR. IV. While the armies were augmenting; the: power Sequel of the on-of the Republic without,- at-Rome: the nsulshPis~ofLCndurs intestine struggles continued;-with: new nine Piso and Aulus Galbinus fury. It could hardly be-otherwise among the elements of discord and -anarchy.which were -at work, and which, since: the departure of Cae, sar, were no longer held under control by a-lofty in, telligence and a fi~rmi will. Moral force,.so necessary to every government, no longer existpd; anywhere, or rather, it did not exist -where the institutions willed it to:be, inthe Senate; -and, according to-the.

remark of a celebrated German historian,:thais assembly,.which ruldd the world, was incapable of ruling the: town. (1) For a long -time the prestige of. one man in.visible power was master over that of the.Senate;, Pompey, by his military renown) and by his alliance with Caesar and Crassus, continued dominant, although’ he had not then any legal power.-

Caesar had reckoned upon him to continue his work, and curb the bad passions which were in agitation in the highest regions as well as in the lowest depths of society: but Pompey had neither the mind nor. energy ~
necessary to; master at the same time the arrogance of-the nobles anid:the turbulence of certain partisans of 4he’:demagogy;. he was soon exposed to the censure,of both parties (2.) Moreover, entirely uinder the influence -of the’charms of his young wife, he appeared indifferent _to -what was passing around him. () (‘), Mommsen, R6mische Geschichte, III., p. 291.

Berlin, 1861. (2) Plutarch, Pompey, 51, 52. (3) “He soon allowed himself to be enervatedd by,his love forhis young wife. Entirely occupied in pleasing her, he passed whole days with her in his country house or in his gardens, and ceased to think of public affairs. -:Thus

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EVENTS OF., THE’ YEAR -96. 409 The relation of the;ebents,‘at’Rome during the eight years -of Cesar’s;ahbo de -in, Gaul will, only offer us an uninterrupted series of -vengeances,-murders, and acts of; violence,of every description.. How, indeed, -could ordeirbe maintained in,so-vasta: city without a per. manent: military: force when eaeh-man, of 
importance took with him, for his escort, his clients or slaves. in arms, and: thus-, within-it, everybody 1had an army-except the Republic:?2,‘From this moment, as; we shall see;:the quar’elswhich -are about to spring up among the parties will result always in riots; -he slaves’ and gladiators will be enrolled as the ordinary actors. V.

Clodius, whose imprudent support ofithose: who -were, subsequently -called-the triumvirs Intrigues of Clodius.. -.had increased his influence, continued, after: CGaesar’s departure,:to court a -vain popularity, and to excite, the passions which had been; imperfectly allayed-.-,,:Not satisfied with-ihavi’ng, at-the beginning of his tribuneship, re-established those religious, commercial,- and political associations, which, composed chiefly of the dregs of the people, were a permanent danger: too sdciety;-‘with-having’made distributions of wheat, restrained the censors in their right - of exclision, forbidden the auspices to be taken or the sky observed on the day fixed for the meeting of the comitia, (1) and with having provoked the exile of Cicero, he turned his restless activity against Pompey, (2) whom he soon deeply offended, by causing to. be,taeven Clodius, then tribune of the people, regarding him no longer with tanything but contempt, dared to embark in the rashest enterprises.” (Plutarch, Pompey, 50.) (1) Dio Cassius, XXXVIII. 13., (2) Plutarch; Pompey, 51, 52. 18

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410 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. ken-away and set at liberty a son of Tigranes, King of Armenia, made prisoner in the war against Mithridates,.and retained as a pledge for the tranquillity of Asia. (‘) At the same time he began judicial proceedings against somie of Pompey’s friends, and replied to the expostulations which were addressed to him, “That he was glad to learn how far the great man’s credit went.” (2) The latter then conceived, the idea of recalling Cicero, to oppose him to Clodius, just as, a few months before, he had raised Clodius against Cicero. We see the game of political see-saw is not new. VI. Under these circumstances, the opinion of CaePompey consults sar was of great weight.

Pompey wrote Caesar on the Return of icero. to consult him, (C) and P.

Sextius, one of those nominated as the new tribunes, repaired to Gaul to ascertain his mind. () It appears certain that it was favourable, (~) for, so early as the Calends of (1) Dio Cassius, XXXVIII. 30. (2) Plutarch, Pompey, 48 and 50. (3) 44 Pompey is going at last to labour on my recall: he only waited for a letter from Cxesar to cause the proposal to be made by one of his partisans.” (Cicero, Epist. ad Atticum, III. 18.)-” If Caesar has abandoned me, if-he has joined my enemies, he has been unfaithful to his friendship, and has done me an injury; I ought to have been his enemy, I deny it not; but if Cxesar has interested himself in my restoration, if it be true that you thought it important for me that Caesar should not be opposed,” &c….- (Orat. de Provinciis Consularibus, 18.) (4) ” It was then that P. Sextius, the tribune nominate, repaired to’Caesar to interest him in my recall. I say only that if Cmesar were well intentioned towards me, and I believe he was, these proceedings added nothing to his good intentions. He (Sextius) thought that, if they wished to restore concord among the citizens and decide on my recall, they must secure the consent of Cxesar.” (Cicero, Pro Sextio, 33.) (5) ” Pompey took my brother as witness that all he had done for me he had done by the will of Caesar.” (Cicero, Epist. Familiar., I. 9.)

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR 696.’ 411 June, 696, hardly two months after the decree against Cicero, a-tribune of the people, L. Ninnius, demanded his recall in the Senate. This proposal was on the point of being carried, when another tribune of the people, 2Elius Ligus, interceedd. (1) The Senate, in its irritation, declared that it would take into consideration no political or administrative affair until it had voted on Cicero’s return.(2) We thus judge how much the assembly took to heart the success of this measure, and how much, in supporting it, Pompey flattered the sentiments of the majority. VII. A singular occurrence determined his recony ciliation with the Senate: on the 3rd of Pompey believes ed by a Slave of the Ides of Sextilis (the 5th of August), Clodius. a slave of Clodius let a dagger fall in Pompey’s way, as he was entering the curia; arrested by the lictors, and questioned by the consul A. Gabinius, the slave declared that his master had ordered him to assassinate the great citizen. (3) This attempt, whether serious or not, produced a sufficient impression on Pompey to prevent him, for a long time, from going to the Forum, or showing himself in public. (4) The-demands in favour of Cicero were renewed; and on the 4th of the Calends of November (the 20th of October) eight tribunes of the people, most of them men devoted to Pompey,-proposed formally in the Senate the recall of the exile. One of these was T. (‘) Cicero, Pro Sextio, 31, et seq. (2) Cicero, Pro Sextio, 31. (3) Plutarch, Pompey, 51.-Cicero, Pro Sextio, 32; De Responsu Haruspic., 23; Pro Milone, 7.-Asconius, Comment. in Orat. pro Milone, p.

47, edit Orelli. (4) Plutarch, Pompey, 51. Cicero, Pro Milone. 7. 

Asconius, Comment. in Orat. pro Milone, p. 47, edit. Orelli.

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412 HISTORY OF JULIUS C i.SAR. Annius Milo, a violent, bold man, without sctples, and resembling:Clodius. in all sthings, but his open adversary., Clodius -and his brother,- the prsetor Appius, -again:succeeded: in, defeating-this motion. () At last, with the extreme: of audacity, the turbuloent tribune, when-near the close:of his fnetions, dtred to attack Caesar; himself,‘and tri:ed. to obtain the revocation of the Julian laws; but this iattempt was power. less in face of the splendour of the-victories gained over the Helvetii and the, Germans. (‘) Cicero, Epist. ad Attieaum III. 23.8 -Dio Cassius,’ XIXI.-6.

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.CHAPTER II. EVENTS OF THE YEAR 697. I. CasAR’s::victonies. had_.awakened among the Wagainstthe Gaulsfeelings of admiration, but also of Belga..

distrust; they couldnot see without fear that it. had. require& only six legions to, scatter two invasions, each counting 100,000 combatants. There are successes which, by their very. brilliancy, alarm even those who -profit by.them. Nearly all Gaul looks on with jealousy at events which prove the superiority of permanent armies over populations..without military organisation. A small number of expe. rienced and disciplined soldiers, under the guidance of a great, captain, make all the peoples tremble from the Rhine to the ocean,. and even the islanders of Great Britain feel themselves -unsafe against the attacks of the Roman power; the Belgme especially, proud of having formerly alone repulsed the: invasion of the. Cimbri and the Teutones, feel their warlike instincts.

revive.:Provocations which have, come from the. other side -of the Straits. increase their distrust; these -picture to them the. abode of the Roman army in FrancheComte as a threat against the independence of the whole of Gaul. The greatest part of the peoples comprised between the Rhine, the Scheldt, the Ocean, and the Seine, agitate, combine, and assemble an army of 300,000 men.

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414 HISTORY OF JULIUS CZESAR. Informed in Italy of these preparations, Caesar raises two new legions, rejoins his army in FrancheComte, and decides immediately on invading the country of the Belgee. The first who present themselves on his road are the people of Champagne. Surprised by his sudden arrival, they submit, and even offer him subsidies and auxilia’ries. Caesar is able to add to his eight legions and his light troops the contingents from Rheims, and join them with those of Burgundy and Treves. In spite of this augmentation of his forces, the enemy he has to combat is four times more numerous. To defeat them, he sends the Burgundians to make a diversion and ravage the territory of Beauvais, then he crosses the Aisne at. Berry-au-Bac, and selects, behind the Miette, a marshy stream, a defensive position which he renders inexpugnable. The Belg’e, whose army occupies, on the right bank of the Miette, an extent of twelve kilometres, are powerless to force the position of the Romans, and fail in all their attempts to cross the Aisne at Pontavert. Soon, discouraged by the want of provisions, disputes among themselves, and the news that the Burgundians have just invaded the territory of Beauvais, they separate, because each, believing his -own country threatened, thinks only of going to its defence. The Belgian league is thus dissolved almost without coimbat. Caesar then hastens to chastise each people one after the other; he seizes in their turn Soissons and Breteuil, the principal citadels of the Soissonais and Beauvaisis, and arrives at Amiens. But the coalitions of the peoples of the north suc

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR 697.- 415 ceed each other like the, waves of the sea; after the Helvetii, the Germans; after the Germans, the people of the Beauvaisis; after them, the inhabitants of Hainault. These have. assembled on the Sambre, and wait to be reenforced by the peoples of German, origin established in the neighbourhood of Namur. Caesar then marches towards the Sambre by its left bank. When he arrives near the enemy concealed in the woods of the right bank, on the heights of Haumont,-he unites six legions, places the two others in reserve.with the baggage of the army, and, reaching the heights of Neuf-Mesnil, begins to fortify his camp; but hardly have the soldiers commenced their work, when the Belgoae debouch from all the issues of the forest, cross the shallow waters of the Sambre, scale the abrupt slopes, and fall upon the Romans, who, taken by surprise and unable to form their line of’ battle, range themselves without order under the first ensigns Which offer themselves. The confusion’ is extreme; COesar is obliged, sword in hand, to throw himself into the thick of the fight. Nevertheless, the fortune of the battle is gradually restored; the centre and left wing have repulsed’their assailants; the latter: arrives to succour the right wing in its peril;’ the two legions of the’

rear-guard hasten to the field of battle; then victory decides for the Romans, and the peoples of Hainault are nearly annihilated. In this engagement the experience and valour of the old’ veteran soldiers save the Roman army from the impetuosity of the Belge.. After this exploit, Caesar marches towards Namur, in which the inhabitants of the whole country have shut themselves up on the news

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416 HISTORY OF JULIUS CIESAR. of the. defeat; of, their allies, and he nmakes himself master of that place. While: he -was completing the.

conquest of Belgic Gaul, one of his lieutenants:the young Publius Crassus, -detached.,’ aft’er the battle; of the Sambre, into Normandy and-Brittany, reduced to! submission the peoples of those provinces,: so that at that time the greatest! part of Gaul acknowledged the authority of the Republics: the effect of Cesar’s victories was such that the Ubii, a German people from -.beyond the Rhine, established between:the;:Maine; and the-Sieg, sent.their congratulations to the. conqueror with the offer of their services. Before-:leaving;for the Cisalpine, Caesar sent a legion into.the Valais, to’ chastise. the inhabitants of those Alpine valleys,-who,.at the, beginning of the year, had. attacked in -their march -the two, new le-.gions on-their way from. Italy; it.was his-aim; also to open easy.eommunications.with the Cisalpi.ne. by-the Simplon and Saint-Bernard.. -Bu-t his lieutenant Galba, after a sanguinary battle, was obliged to-retreat and take up his w.inter quarters. in Savoy.- Thus Caosar’s, designs could not -be realised. It was reserved for another.great man, nineteen,. centuries-afterwards, to. level that formidable. barrier of the.Alps. II,. Let. us-now resu me -the ~account-of: events. in:Rome. subsequent to the Calends of JanReturn of Cicero.

uary,-6917 (20th of December, 696). The consuls who.entered: upon their office were P. Cornelius Lentulus:Spinther and.Q. Cecilius.-Metellus Nepos; the first, a friend..of Cicero:;. the sbcond,:favour

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR 697. 417 able to Clodius. from hatred to the celebrated orator who had offended him. (1) Lentulus brought forward the question of the recall of the exile. (‘) L. Aurelius Cotta, a man of esteem and’of consular dignity, declared that the banishment, of Cicero, pronounced in the sequel of extreme acts of violence, carried in itself the cause of its nullity; and that, therefore, there was no need of a law to revoke an act that was contrary to the laws. (8) Pompey.combated the opinion of Cotta, and sustained that it was necessary that: Cicero should owe his recall, not only to the authority of the Senate, but also to a vote of the people.. Nothing further was’proposed but to present a’ plebiscitumn to -the comitia. Nobody opposed it, when Sextus Atilius, tribune of the people, demanded the adjournment, (‘) and, by those dilatory manceuvres:so familiar to the Romans, obliged the Senate to defer the presentation of the law to the 22nd of the same month. When the day arrived, the two parties prepared to support their opinion by force.’ Q.Fabricius,tribune of the people, favourable to Cicero, sought in the morning to gain possession of the rostra. Clodius was no longer tribune, but he continued to guide the populace. To the professional agitators in his pay he had joined a troop of gladiators, brought to Rome, by his’ brother Appius, for the funeral of one of his kinsmen..(5) The troop of Fabricius was easily put to the rout; a trib(1) Cicero, Pro Sextio,-33. (2) Cicero, Orat.-pro Domo sua, 27; Pro Sextio, 34. (3) Cicero, Pro Sextio, 34; -De Legibus, III. 19. (4) Cicero, Pro Sextio, 34. (5) Cicero, Pro Sextio, 35.-Dio Cassius, XXXIX, 7.-Plutarch, Pompey, 51. 18* II. -D D

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418 HISTORY.OF JUZIUS.’ CESAR. une, M. Cistius,,had hardly:presented himself;when he was driven away. Pompey had his toga covered with blood, and:- Quintus’ -Cicero, wihom he had brought with him to the Forum to.: speak. to the people in favour of his brother, was obliged to hide himself; the gladiators rushed -upon-: another tribune,: P. Sextius, and left.him _for dead. “-‘The.- struggle: was, so violent,” Cicero says, “that the:: corpses: -obstructed:the Tiber and filled l the-sewers, and the Forum.was.inundated with-blood to such a degree that: it was found necessary. to wash it with sponges., -.A tribune. was killed, and the house.;of another was threatened, with fire.” (‘): The amazement was: so greatthat the question of the recall.-of the exile nwas -again adjourned.

It was.thus by the sword that everything  as decided in Rome inn its.:dis~order and.abasement. In fact, to: obtain -the: recall of:-Cicero, the’Senate saw itself obliged tooppose riot to riot, and to, make use of PRSextius,who hadi recovered from. his wounds, as well as of Milo, who had -organised, with military discipline, an armed band. in. condition to mak e: head against the rioters;(2)-. At the same. time, it hoped.tb intimidate: the -urban mob by bringing-: into -Rome, from all parts of Italy, (3) the citizens upon whom it relied. In: fine,.the,veryl men who had,:two years before, engaged:Bibulus to \ embarrass -all. Csesar’s: measures by observing the sky,: () now prohibited, under (‘) Cicero, Pro Sextio, 835; Orat. prima post Reditum, 5, 6. (2) Cicero, De’Oficiis, II.

17; Orat. pro Sextio, 39.-Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 8. (3) Cicero, Orat. secunda post Reditum ad Senatum, 10:;.: Orat. pro Domo sua, 28; Orat. in Pisonem, 15. (4) We thus see that the power of observing the slky continued toi exist in spite of the law Clodia..

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EVENTS-OF THRE YEA:697;’. 419 pain of being-considered aa anenemy of: le Republic,(1)~ those religionusirtifices. whick suaspend-ed all deliberatiaons. The:result was: that th.eilaw.-oi~recall -was.passe.d.

Cicero sre-fentered Rome on the eve o~4fthe Nones.eof Septemlber (the I15th:ofAugust,a9Z),in the midstiof the warmest. demonstrations ~ofjoy..:1

The Senate had thus at last triumphed over the factious opposition. of Clodius;:but: it. was,;not without.great; efforts, nor without frequently having.had.recourse. -o. its own side._to..violence.-and &arbitrary,acts.

III… From tihe.;first.mmYl ent of his return,. Cicero Pompey is charged: -gave all his care.to. aungmenting the infwith the Supplying rofoo….ence of Pompey and reconciling him with the.Senate.:;The. famione iunder.whieh Italy suffered that year furniahed.him with. theoccasionm; The::populace rose. suddenly, hurriedafirst Ato,a Atheatrei where games were.celebrating. anld,after’wards. to the Capitol, uttering threats’of deathi and fire against The-;Senate, to which they attributed the -pubic distress. (.) Before this, in July, at the time of the Apollinarian games, ($).: a-rot had~ occurred from the same motive..Cicero, by: his persuasivee. eloquence, calmed the irritated mob, and proposed to:entrust t, Pompey the carre of prvisioning, and,to. confer upon him for five years proconsular. po.wers-inItaly and.out. of I~taly.-(4) The senators, in’

their terror, adopted this measure immediately. It was, as at the time of the war..ofthe (.) Cicero, in the passages cited. (2).Cicero, Epist. ad itticucn, I.:’.: (3) Asconius, Comment. in. Oat.O Ciceronis pro Milone,.

p.48, edit.-0relli.. (4) Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 9. Plutarch, Pompey, 52.

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420 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. pirates, to give to one man an excessive power over all the earth, according to the words of the decree. Fifteen lieutenants were associated with him, of whom Cicero was one. (1) But the creation of this new office did not put an end to the discontent of the multitude. Clodius tried to persuade the people that the famine was.

fictitious, and that. the Senate had created it, in order to have a pretext for making Pompey master over everything. (s) He overlooked no occasion for stirring up troubles. Although the Senate had given Cicero an indemnity of more than two millions of sestertii, (‘) and decided that his house should be rebuilt in the same place, Clodius, who sought to prevent the rebuilding of it, came several times to blows with Milo, in struggles which resembled regular battles, their adherents carrying bucklers and swords. Every’ day witnessed -a riot in the streets. Milo swore he would kill Clodius, and Cicero confessed at a later period that the victim and the arm which was to strike were pointed out beforehand. (4) IV. It was towards the end of the year 697 that Festivals to com-the news of Caesar’s prodigious successes memorate Casar’s Victories. against the Belgae reached Rome; they Q) Cicero, Epist. ad Atticum, IV. 1.-Cicero’s proposal was further amplified by, C. Messius, tribune of the people, who demanded for Pompey a fleet, an army, and the authority to dispose of the finances. (2) Plutarch, Pompey, 52.-Cicero, Orat. pro Domo sua, 10. (3) Epist. ad Attic., IV. 2. (4) “‘I will add that, in the opinion of the public, Clodius is regarded as a victim reserved for Milo.” (Cicero, De Respons. Harusp., 3.) This oration on the reply of. the Aruspices is.of May, June, or July, 698. See, also, what he says in his letter to Atticus, of November, 697. (Epist. ad Attic. IV. 3.)

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR 697..’ 421 excited there the warmest enthusiasm. As soon as the Senate was informed of them, it voted fifteen days of thanksgiving to celebrate them. (1) This number of days had never before been accorded to. anybody. Marius had obtained five, and Pompey, when: he had vanquished Mithridates, only ten. The decree of:the Senate was expressed in more flattering terms than had ever been used for any general. Cicero himself took part in obtaining this high testimony of public gratitude. (2) V. In spite of these demonstrations, there continued to exist among a certain class a secret Riots at Rome. hatred against the conqueror of Gaul: in (1) Plutarch, CUesar, 23.-De Bello Gallico, II. 35.

(2) “But why, especially on that occasion, should any one be astonished at my conduct or blame it, when I myself have already several times supported propositions which were more honourable for Cxesar than necessary for the state? I voted in his favour fifteen days of prayers; it was enough for’

the Republic to have decreed to Cvesar the’ same number of days which Marius had obtained. The -gods would have been satisfied, v think, with the same thanksgivings which had been rendered to.them in the most important wars. So great a number of days had therefore for its only object to honour Caesar personally. Ten days of thanksgivings were accorded, for the first time, to Pompey, when the war of Mithridates had been terminated by the death of-that prince. I was consul, and, on my report, the number of days usually decreed to the consulars was doubled, after you had heard Pompey’s letter, and been convinced that all the wars were terminated on land and sea. You adopted the proposal I made to you of ordaining ten days of prayers. At present I have admired the virtue:and greatness of soul of Cn. Pompey, who, loaded with distinctions such as no other before him had received the like, gave to another more honours than he had obtained himself. Thus, then, those prayers which I voted in favour of Cxesar were accorded to the immortal gods, to the customs of our ancestors, and to the’ needs of the state;; but the flattering terms of the decree, this new distinction, and the extraordinary number of days, it is to the person itself of Coesar that they were addressed, and they were a homage rendered to his glory.” (Cicero, Orat. pro Provinc. Consular., 10, 11.) (August, A.U.C. 698.)

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4225 HISTGIYtOy tt’hItUS CSAR. the mount1hPof D’eeembXdr 6 97~. tt its.; Lupus, namedtribun-e;fo’.th’folowia g year;, proposed to, eo ke sa’sas lawgs,’ and&to:isuspe ith distribution.of the latAds in: anipania; ().he expatat ed i: -accusations ag ains-t that generll-aiiad l-onpey,.~: T he senators’ were silenit; -.‘lM elinas,;the; consul nomlise, decared that in th.ei abseicA of’Pmpley iothing coIud be,d’ecided’/i. OGu..,anothler’:; hand,‘Rae citius, tib’e -of the people, roseto renew the-old;accusations against Clodius. (2) In order to baffle the designs of the latter, who aspired to the office of edile, and who, once niamed, -would`have.been inviol ablehe h onsub nominate, proposed thagt:,the’.telecton of the judges should taike. plt;a-edi’before’ tlhat of. the:’:diles: Gto and Cassius opposed this. Cicero eagerly seized the opportunity: of fulninating against Clodius`;but the latter, Who: was ’ prep areddefended himnelf a. t length, and durmg t’ins time his adherents excitedby’attacking Milo’sm,.mien~ such an -uproar; on; the, steps! of the Tem. pie: of Castor, Where the Seiahte’held.its sit”ting;i that the Forumbecame a new… fild. of battle.- The,: senator; died, i;and all proj e-s of laws were:sandoned,. () In’ the. presence. of these sanguinary collisions, the elections-:of ae4diles and quaestors culd not take place; moreoiVer, Milo and Sextius,from feelings of personal vengeance, prevented the Consul.- Q, Metellus from convooking:‘the: omitia.! As’ soon a-s:the co-nsuli named a. day of asss6mbly, the t:wo tribunes declared immediatelyt.that they were:observing:.the:. skF;-” and, for fear that, this icause of adjournment: miht’not be sufficient, )(‘) Cicerb, Epist. ad Quin’t., I. 1’ (2) Cicero, Epist. ad “Quint., II. 1. (3) Cicero, Epist. ad Quint., II. 1.

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR 697. 423 Milo established himself in the Campus Martius with his followers in arms. Metellus tried to hold the conitia by surprise, (1) and proceeded by night to the Campus Martius through bye-streets; but he was well watched. Before he: arrived at the place, he was met and recognised by Milo, who signified to him, in virtue of his tribunitial power, the obnunciation, that is. thek declaration: Qf a religious obstacle to: the hold. ing. oftihe:epopular assemblies.

().Thus’ended the year 697.::Dnuring. these iaglorious. struggles, in which both parties dishonoured themselves:-by acts of violence, Caesar: had, in: two,campaigns, saved Italy:from the invasion:of;the-barbarians?, d: vanquished:-the most warlike peoples of G-aul;.T-hus, at Roome, venality and anarchy Prevailed; with:the army, devotedness an gIory..

Then, as at certain epochs of our own revolutiony we: tnay. say -that the national honour’had taken refuge under:he flag. (1) Cicero,‘Epist. ad: Attic., IV. 3. (2): Cicero,t Epist.;.ad Atti.,.,.‘V2 and:3; -Epist,..d Quint., II. 1.

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CHAPTER III. EVENTS IN ROME DURING THE YEAR 698. I. THE Consuls of the year preceding had just been Presence in Rome succeeded by Cn. Cornelius Lentulus MarofPtolemy Auletes. cellinus and L. Marcius Philippus; the latter allied by family to Coesar, whose niece, Atia, he had married. (l) It was in vain that the chief magistrates succeeded each other annually, the change of persons led to no change in the state of the Republic. There happened about this time a circumstance which showed to what a low degree of contempt law and morality had fallen. Ptolemy Auletes, King of Egypt, father of the famous Cleopatra, hated by his subjects, had fled from Alexandria,’ and arrived in Rome, towards the end of 697, in spite of the advice of M. Cato, whom he had met at Rhodes. Ile came to solicit the protection of the Republic against the Egyptians, who, in his absence, had given the crown to his daughter Berenice. He had obtained the titles then the object of so much emulation, of friend and ally of the Roman people, by purchasing the suffrages of a great number of considerable personages, which had obliged him to exact heavy taxes from his subjects.‘He was at first well received, for it was known that he had brought with him his treasure, ready for (‘) Atia had wedded in first marriage Octavius, by whom she had a son, who was afterwards Augustus.

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EVENTS IN ROME DURING THE YEAR 698. 425 distribution among his new protectors. Pompey gave him a lodging in his house, (‘) and declared publicly in his favour. But the Egyptians, when they.were informed of his departure, sent an embassy, composed of more than a hundred persons, to defend their cause; most of them were assassinated on their way by Ptolemy’s agents; and the rest, terrified or corrupted by force of bribery, never carried out their mission. (2) This affair made:so much noise, that Favonius, called the ape of Cato, because he imitated his austerity, denounced the conduct of Ptolemy in the. Senate, and added that he knew one of the Egyptian deputies, named Dio, whp was ready to confirmis assertions. Dio did not dare to appear,. and, a’sort time after, was assassinated. In spite of this crime, Pompey persisted in his friendship for Ptolemy, and no one dared to prosecute the guest of so powerful a man. (3)‘Several’ plans were proposed for replacing’the King of Egypt on the throne, and this enterprise, which promised glory and profit, excited everybody’s ambition. Those who, probably, were: opposed to it, proposed to-consult the Sibylline books, which gave the answer:’” If the King. of Egypt come to ask you for succour, do not refuse him your friendship, but grant him no army.” Caius Cato, tribune of the people, kinsman of M. Porcius’Cato, and yet his adversai-y, lost no time in divulging this reply, although it was not permitted,‘without a decree of the Senate, to pub(‘) Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 14. (2) Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 12, 13. Plutarch, Pompey, 52. (3) Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 14.-” I do -not spare upon him even reproaches, to prevent him (Pompey) fiom meddling in this infamy.” Cicero, Epist. iFahminl.,I. 1.

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426 HISTORY OF JULIUS CESAR. lish the:Sibylline.’ oracles. (1’) TheSenate decreed that:;the’Kiqng of Egypt should be:restored to his throne..by thue,:Romaan magistrates, but-without an armed:intervention.

(2).But:this.. mission was a cause of great -dispute:?i some;proposed to charge, Lentulus Spinther-:with it,:others preferred Pompey, with the obligation to’employ:only two lictors; the jealousy of the-, candidates causediit, soon:-rto. be -renounced., Ptdlemy, abandoning.allhope, quitted, Rome and.,retired to-::Ephesus. (‘.),:: He was.restored: subsequently by Gabinius. I-,L The-election.for, the’;dileship had: taken place cTldius’alamed on. the.llth;of the-Calends of February A.dile.

Trial of * Milo o.:::Ti:l -;of the:,year 698 (28th of December, 6697), and, thaikst to the. money he, had-distributed, Clodius had beenl.’

named.: edile. (4).:.: Ie:-had hardly-bheenr invested:. with-‘
this.‘office, which.protected him from.the prosecutions:of’ M,ilo,..wlhen he turned:,round’.and attacked his accuser, charging him with.an armed.consqpiracy,:precisely the. same crime.:with’which Milo re. proached him…- It.‘wasnuot: Milo he. had in..view, but his powei..l protectors.; - Moreover, alleging unfavour. able-.auspicia,-,or -employing”.for that purpose some tribunes’-. of.the people, he, absolutely opposed the presentation by the consuls -of all. public affairs of any importance,.

nt. excepting the. curiate law, which decreed. their commands:.to the.:pr.oconsuls and. propreetors. (6) (1) Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 15. “(2) Cicero, Epist. ad.Quintum, II..2. ) Dio Cassius,.XXXIX. 16. (4) Cicero,:Epist.d adi Qintuni, II. 2.-Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 18. (5) Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 18, 19.

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EVENTS{IN rOME IDURING THE YEAR 698. 427 The’ trial with -which he was:threatened by’Clodius gave little uneasiness, to\Milo, who had-lost?none;of his’ habitul’ audacity.:In fact,;at a time when a. po.

litical personage could’aot be inm safeyty nless escorted -,by.a;- b-and of’ armed men, it,was -:difficulkt to condemnM~ilo for ihaaving gladiators i’n,his pay-especially when’his enemies had,-setethe exa lple -of having re. course to  imilar auxiliaries.‘The’ judi’ial st riggl~e:was athand-,-‘and preparations were maide aso fdorh;combat,~-;:The accuse had:for:his defeniders Cicero and Pompeyd; the greater part of the Senate was favourable! to, him,: and,as a a. precaution against.:riots,“his frienrds brough.t their clients-from: all part& of Italy; and even ifrom Cisalpine Gaul.-() Clodiusamidt. Caius C ato, on t-heir I side, had-assembled all their forces.:::They calculated, moreover, that the;popu lacei:enderedstill more eturbulen t by the dearth, would( gie:v:;very:: illreception to Pompey, who found n:oremedly:for the public misery:; and to Cicero~who, as superstitious -peopl:‘esaid, -had dr.a-wn upon’the town the anger,of-the.:godsi, by-choosing to’rebuild his house onz a-‘piece of ground,- consecrated to:the god. dess, -Libertas.,(2)~) Jlt appears:: that, many: -enemies of Pompey secretlye:(en’couraged’-and aided Clodius..

rassus himself was suspcted of giviing money; o hi~m, as well as to Caius Cato.On the:8th:ofFthe:e.Ides~of, iebruary (~The. 12th Janr uary, 698),Milo appeared before his judges. (3) When Pompey presented himself to speak in his defence, the mob, excited by: Clodiusreceived him with hooting (1) Cicero, Epist. ad::Quintum, II. &. (2) Dio.Cassius, XXXIX. 20.

(s) Cicero, Epist. ad Quintun, II. 3.

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428 HISTORY OF JULIUS CJESAR. and insults. The town mob knew all Pompey’s vanities, and wounded them with subtle cruelty. He, meanwhile, though.every moment interrupted, kept his temper, and strove to speak.

Clodius replied’to him; but his adversaries alsohad a mob organised and paid to abuse him, and to sing infamous verses on the subject of his amours with his own sister. (1) In this strange and ignoble dispute Milo was forgotten; it had become nothing more than -a sort of duel between Clodius and Pompey. Clodius, in the midst of his satellites, cried out at the utmost extent of his voice,’ Who is the man who makes us die of hunger?” And all the populace, with the unity of a tragic chorus, cried “

Pompey!” ” Who wants to go into Egypt?” cried Clodius again. A thousand voices replied, ” Pompey!”’-” Who ought to be sent there?” ” Crassus!” () Clodius added, ” Who is the autocrat whom nothing satisfies? Who is the man who seeks a man? Who scratches his-head with a single finger 2?’ “

Pompey! Pompey!” the crowd continued repeating. After all these mutual provocations, the two parties, tired of shouting, came - to blows. Cicero prudently made his escape, (3) and the victory once again remained with the nobles, who were probably supported by a greater number of gladiators.

(4) The judgment of Milo, adjourned to another day, gave rise again to similar scenes; but he was acquitted. (1) Cicero, Epist. ad Quintum, II.

3. (2) Cicero, Epist. ad Quintumr II. 3.-We look upon this word as giving the explanation of the quarrel then existing between the two triumvirs.

Egypt was so rich a prey, that it was calculated to cause division between them. (3),” Clodius is cast down from the tribane, and I steal away, for fear of accident.” (Cicero, Ep. ad Quint., II. 3.). (4) Cicero, Ep. ad Quint., II. 3.

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EVENTS IN ROME DURING THE YEAR 698. 429 III. In the midst of these intestine quarrels, M. Cato returned from Cyprus to Rome..He brought with him the treasure of.Ptolemy,-the brother of Ptolemy Auletes, amounting to 7,000 talents (about 40,000,000 francs), a considerable quantity of personal goods, and a great num, ber of slaves. Ptolemy had poisoned himself on.the report of Cato’s arrival, leaving him no other trouble than that of collecting his treasures, for the Cypriots, then slaves, in the hope of becoming the allies and friends of Rome, received him with open arms.. Proud of his expedition, which he had carried out with the most perfect integrity, he was very anxious that it should be approved. (1) The return of Cato could bring no remedy to the deeply troubled state of the Republic. (2) His virtue was not one of those which attract, but of those which repulse. Blaming everybody, because, perhaps, everybody was to blame, he remained the only one of his party.. From the moment of his arrival, he found himself at the same time in opposition with Cicero, who attacked the legality of his mission; and with Clodius, who, having entrusted it to him in his quality of tribune, counted on appropriating.all the glory of it to himself. In these new. intrigues of Clodius, Caesar, it is sail, supported him, and furnished him with subjects of accusation against Cato. (3) (1) Dio Cassius, XXXXIX. 22. (2) Plutarch, Cato, 45, tells us that Cato returned under the consulship of Marcius. Philippus. (3) Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 23.

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43.0 HISTORY. OF:JULI:US! C’SAR. IV`.A.:- concis.e -view of.the -events at-:Rome at this Sat.;f-Anatchy tiimee shows to..:what: a degree the moral level had beenl-abased.. fIt was no longer those:. mnemorable struggles beeen.he patricians and the.plebeians wthere: the: greatness. of; the o bj ect aimed.’ at ennobled: the’, means.:: lIt,:-was Ino longer a:question.of defeunding~;secular.. rigohts, or:f acquiring new: rights,but of-vulgar ambitions. and…personalinterests. to 3be-satisfied.. Nothing. indicates. more the:-decay of society than when. law becomes amnI, engine ofwar. for.the -useiof the different: parties, instead.of. remaining:.the: sincere expression’:of th general” needs. 
iEach man:. who arrived at power rendered himself guilty.-on:the morrow Qor that. -which. he.-had’l condemned on-the eve .:and -made thei institations;of his;-country the:slaves of his momentary passiomn-:;.At, one.time-.it; was the.Consul,Metellus’who, i 69. r: etarded:.the:momintion:of the questors,t in ordenr t. prevent that.: ofthe ju’dges; with the View of shielding Clodius, his kinsman, from a judiciary accusation;. (). at anolther time:.it was.Milo and Sexgtius who -.by way of-reprisals. againstthe same consul, apposed:all’ imaginable.

obstacles to the convocation of the: comitia;. Q lastly,-it-: was..theSenate itself which. (in.698) sought:to - retard:the. election of the judges,:in:orderi -to deprive. Clodius of the chance of beingnamed vedile.: Theancient custom -of taking the auspices was.no, longer, in the.

eyes;, of’anybody, more than a political manceuvre. N’ot:one.of the great personages; whom the momentary’favour of the people and the Senate raise to distinction, preserve (‘) Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 7. (2) Cicero, Epist. ad Quinturnm, II. 1.

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EVENXTS.-IN ROQME DURING-THE. YEAR 698. 431 af.y true sentiment ofrectitude: i-:Cicero,?who:: sees the whole:Rep~ublic;:in himself,-
and;wha attacks ~as:m nonstrous all which is: done against.him! and without him, declares, all the acts of:the tribuneship of Clodius illegal; the:rigid: Cato,on the contrary, defends,‘thxough personal interest, these same acts, because Cicero’s.pretension wounds?, his pride;; and invalidates the mission he has received from Clodius., (‘):.Caius Catoiviolates theJlaw;,:by making pubthicthe Sibylline:oracl O-n all.sides people have re.ourse:to; illegal meansi, which vary according to, their several: tempers:; some, like Milo,.Sextius;.; and Cldius, 0openly:place:lithe:mselves at the head, of arme&dbands;,::others -act, -withL timidity.and dissimulation:, like Cicero, whoi one::day -after a: previous unsuccessful.: attempt, carries-away- hy stealth from the: Capitol the plate of brass. wihichbore inscribed the law:wheich had.

proseribed him.: A singular er:ror of men,- who.beieve;that they:;efface,:history by. destroying;a;few, isible: signs: of the, past tj This relaxation of the social bonds caused,inevitably the dispersion, of-all:the forces,:the unioni o~::which would have been: s.; usefu,t:o-.he publi good. It was no sooner agreed, in a moment of danger, to give to one, man the authority necessary to restore order and tranquillity,, than, at the same moment, -everybody united to attack and degrade him, as if each were afraid of’his; own work;. Cicero has hardly returned from exile, when the friends:who have recalled him’become -jealous of his influence; they see. with pleasure a-certain degree of -coldness:arise:between Pompey and him, and secretly support the intrigues (‘) Plutarch, Cato, 40; Cicero, 45.

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;432 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. of Clodius. (‘) Pompey, amid the famine and the public agitation, is hardly invested with new powers, before the Senate on -one side, and the popular faction on’ the other, plot together to ruin his credit: by clever intrigues, they awaken the old hatred between him and Crassus. Pompey believed, or pretended to. believe, that there was a conspiracy against his life. He would no longer attend the.

Senate, unless the session were held close to his residence, he seemed to think it so dangerous to pass through the town. (2) “Clodius,” he said, “seeks to assassinate me. Crassus pays him, and Cato encourages. him. All the talkers, Curio, Bibulus, all my enemies excite him against me. The populace, who love the tattle of the tribune, have almost abandoned me; the nobility is hostile to me; the Senate is Unjust towards me; the youth is entirely perverted.” He added that he would take his precautions, and that’ he would surround himself with people from. the country. (3) Nobody was safe from the most odious imputations. Caius Cato accused the Consul P. Lentulus of (‘) “There has reached me a mass of private talk of people here, whom you may guess, who have always been, and always are, in the same ranks with me. They openly rejoice at knowing that I am, at the same time, already on terms of coolness with Pompey, and on the point of quarrelling with Caesar; but what was most cruel was to see their attitude towards my enemy (Clodius), to see them embrace him, flatter him, coax him, and cover him with caresses.” (Cicero, Epist. Familiar., I. 9.) (2) Cicero, Epist. ad Quintum, II. 3, (3) These words are reported by Cicero (Epist. ad Quintum, II. 3), to whom they were addressed by Pompey. Dio Cassius, contrary to all probability, pretends that Pompey, from this moment, was irritated against Cmesar, and sought to deprive him of his province. There is no proof of such an allegation. The interview at Lucca, which took place this same year, offers a formal contradiction to it.

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EVENTS IN ROME DURING THE YEAR 698. 433 having assisted Ptolemy with the means of quitting Rome clandestinely..) M. Cato was exasperated against everybody. Lastly, an implacable party never ceased manifesting, by its motions, without result, it. is true, its rancour and animosity against the pro. consul of Gaul. Towards the spring of 698, L. Domi. tius Ahenobarbus, the brother-in-law of Cato, whose sister Porcia he had espoused, and who had enriched himself with the spoils of the victims of Sylla, pro. posed to deprive him of his’ command. (2) Others renewed the proposal to put an end to, the distribution of the lands of the Campania, and revived the opposition. to the Julian laws. (8) But Cicero, at the request of Pompey, obtained tle adjournment of this question to the month of May. () He was, indeed, himself perplexed on this question, and confessed that he had no.very clear views upon it. (6) V. In the midst of the general confusion, many citThe Interview at izens turned their eyes towards Caesar, Luecca. Appius Claudius had already paid him a visit. (!) Crassus left Rome suddenly to join him at Ravenna, at the beginning of the spring of 698, before the campaign against the Veneti, and explain to () See Nonius Marcellus (edit. Gerlach and Roth, p. 261), who quotes a passage from Book XXII. of the -Annales of Fenestella, who wrote uknder Augustus or: Tiberius. (2) Suetonius, Ccesar, 24. (3) Cicero, Epist. ad Quintum, II. 5. (4) Cicero, Epist. Familiar., I. 9. (5) “‘The question of the lands of Campania, which ought to have been settled on the day of the Ides and the day following, is not yet decided. I have much difficulty in making. up my mind on this question.” (Cicero, Epist. ad Quintum, II. 8.) (April, 698.) (6) “Appius is not yet returned from his visit to Casar.”

(Cicero, Fpist. ad Quintum, II. 6.) (April, 698.) 19 II.-E E

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434: HISTORY OF JULIUS CESAR. him the state of affairs, for, as Cicero says in a letter of a subsequent date, there was no occurrence so small in Rome that Caesar was not informed of it. (1) Some time afterwards, Pompey, who was to embark at Pisa, to proceed to Sardinia, in order:to: hasten the supply of wheat, arrived at Lucca, where he had an interview with Caesar and Crassus. A crowd of people assembled similarly in that town; some were drawn thither by the prestige of Caesar’s glory, others by his well-known generosity, all by the vague instinct which, in moments of crisis, points to the. place where strength exists, and gives a presentiment of the side from which safety is to come. The Roman people sent him a deputation of senators. (2) All the most illustrious and powerful personages in Rome, such as Pompey, Crassus, Appius, governor of Sardinia, Nepos, proconsul of Spain, (3) came to -show their warm admiration for him and invoke his support; (‘) even women repaired to Lucca, and the concourse was so great that as many as 200 senators were seen there at a time; 120 lictors, the obligatory escort of the first magistrates, (6) besieged the door (‘) “Knowing well that small news as well as great news have reached Cmesar.”

(Epist. ad Quintum, III. i. 3.) (2) Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 25. (3) Plutarch, Ccesar, 24. (4) “, Appius, he says, has visited Cmesar, in order to wrest from him some nominations of tribunes.”: (Cicero, Epist. ad Q’uintum, II.

15.) (5) Appian, Civil Wars, II. 17.-The consuls and proconsuls had twelve lictors, the praetors six, the dictators twentyfour, and the master of the cavalry a number which varied. The curule Fediles, the questors, and the tribunes of the people, not having the imnperium, had no lictors. As, at the time of the conference of Lucca, there was no dictator or master of cavalry, the number of 120 fasces can only apply to the collective escort of proconsuls and praetors. It is not probable that the two consuls then in office at Rome should have gone to Lucca. On the other hand, the proconsuls were prohibited from quitting their

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EVENTS IN ROME ~DURING THE YEAR 698., 435 of the proconsul. “Already,”

Appius writes, “he dis. posed of everything by his ascendance, by his riches, and by the affectionate eagerness with which he, conferred obligations upon everybody.” (1) What took place in this interview? No one knows; but we may conjecture from the events which were the; immediate consequences of it. It is evident, in the first place, that. Crassus and Pompey, who had recently quarrelled, -were reconciled by Caesar, who, no doubt, placed before their eyes the arguments most calculated to reconcile them: “The public interest required it; they alone could put an end to the-state of anarchy which afflicted the capital; in a country provinces as long as they were in the exercise of their commands. (See Titus Livius, XLI. 7; XLIII. 1.) But, as the conferences of Lucca took place just at the epoch when the proconsuls and proprietors were starting for their provinces (we know from Cicero, Epist. ad Atticurn, III. 9, that this departure took place in the months of April and May), it is probable that the newly-named proconsuls and proprietors peraired to Lucca before they went to take possession of their commands. Thus the number of 120 fasces would represent the collective number of the lictors of proproetors or proconsuls who could pass through Lucca before embarking either at Pisa, or Adria, or at Ravenna. On this hypothesis, we should have the following numbers:Proprtetor of Sicily………………….. 6 fasces.’ of Sardinia………………………… 6 ” Proconsul of Citerior Spain……………… 12 ” ” of Ulterior Spain……………………..

12 ” ” of Africa……… 12 ” ” of Asia. 12 ” c of Africa……………………………….. 12 ” of Crete. 2 ” o of Syriar 12 of Cilicia…………………………….. 12 120 Plutarch (Pompey, 53) says in so many words that there were seen every day at his door 120 fasces of proconsuls and prxtors. (‘) Appian, Civil Wars, II. 17.

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-436 HISTORY OF -JULIUS CASAR. which was. a prey to vulgar ambitions, it required, to control them,. ambitions which: were: greater, but, at th.e same time, purer and more honourable; they must easily have seen that it was not in the power of a man like: Cicero,;wwith his: tergiversations, his-coward-,ice, and his vanity) or Cato, with. his stoicism, belonging to another.’ age, or. Domitius Ahenobarbus, with his. implacable hatred and his selfish. passions,- to restore order, or put an -end to. the divisions of opinion. In order.to obtain. these results, it was necessary that Crassus and Pompey should labour resolutely to obtain. the consulship. (1) As to himself, he only asked to, remain at the head of his army, and complete the conquest he had undertaken. Gaul was vanquished, but not subjugated.’ Some years were still necessary tom establish:there the Roman domination. This fickle and warlike people, always ready for revolt, was secretly incited and openly supported by two. neighbouring, nations, the,Britons and the: Germans. In the last war against the Belgae, the promoters of the rising, according’to the confession of the Bellovaci, had clearly shown, by taking refuge in Britain after their defeat, whence came the provocation. Even at this very moment, the insurrection which was in preparation among the tribes’ of the Veneti, on the shores of the ocean, was instigated by these same islanders. As to the Germans, the defeat of Ariovistus had not discouraged them’; and several contingents of that nation were lately found with the troops of Hainault. (1) See Suetonius,;Ccesar, 24.-The proof that this plan originated with Caesar is found in the fact that Pompey and Crassus had not previously taken any steps to ensure their election.

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EVENTS IN ROME DURING THE YEAR 698. 437 He intends to chastise these two: peoples, and to: carry his arms beyond-the Rhine as well’ asibeyond-the sea;: let them, then, leave him to finish his:::enterprise. Already the Alps:are levelled; the:barbarians, who, hardly;forty-four years ago, were ravaging. Italy, are driven back; into their deserts -and forests.,. A few years more, and fear or hope, punishments or reconpenses, arms or laws, will have bound for ever. Gaul to the empire.” (1) Language like this could not-fail to be:understood by Pompey and by Crassus. People are: easily. persuaded. when the public interest: offers itself through the prism -of self-love and personal:interest. Beyond the consulship, Crassus and, Pompey:saw at once -the government of provinces and the command of armies. As to Caesar, the logical realisation of his desires was the prolongation of his. powers. Only one difficulty lay in the. way. of the.execution of this plan-. The period: of the. elections was near at hand, and ~neither Pompey nor Crassus had taken steps to offer -
themselves.as candidates for. the consulship within’the time fixed by the law-; but it: had been so-usual for many years to delay the comitia, under frivolous pretexts, that the same thing might easily be done on the present occasion with a more: legitimate object. (‘) We have put into the mouth of Caesar the following words of Cicero: “In giving t[fe Alps as a boundary to Italy, Nature had not’done it without a special intention of the gods. If the entrance had been open to the ferocity and the multitude of the.Gauls, this town would never have been the seat and centre of a great empire.’ These lofty mountains may now level themselves; there is now nothing, from the Alps. to the ocean, which.Italy has to fear. - One or two campaigns more, and fear or hope, punishments or recompenses, arms or the laws; will reduce all Gaul into subjection to us, and attach her to us by everlasting ties.” (Cicero, Orat. de Provinciis Consularibus, 14.)

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438 HISTORY OF JULIUS C]ESAR. Caesar promised to support their election with all his power, by his recommendations, and by sending his soldiers on leave to vote in the comitia.’ In fact, his soldiers, either recruited from the veterans whom he had carried from Rome, or among Roman citizens established in great numbers in Cisalpine Gaul, had the right to give their vote in Rome, and enjoy the legitimate influence which is the reward of a life of dangers and self-denial. Cicero assures us of this in these words: “Do’you consider, in seeking the consulship, as a weak support the will of the soldiers, so powerful by their number and by the influence which they exercise’ in their families? Moreover, what authority must the vote of our warriors have over the whole Roman people in the question of nominating a consul! Fbr, in the consular comitia, it is the generals they choose, and not the rhetoricians. It is a very powerful recommendation to be able to say, I was wounded, he has restored me to life;, he shared the booty with me. It was under him that we captured the enemy’s camp, that we gave battle; he never required from the soldier more labour than he took upon himself; his success is as great as his courage. Can you imagine what a favourable influence such discourses have upon people’s minds?” (1) Thus Caesar. conformed to the established practice; in allowing his soldiers’to exercise their rights of citizen~. VI. The result of the interview at Lucca had been Consequences ofthe to unite in a common feeling the most Interview at Lucca. Conduct of Cicero. important men. in the Republic.

Some ()’ Cicero, Orat.pvro’llurcena, 18.

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EVENTS IN. ROME DURING THE YEAR 693. 439 historians have seen in it’ a mysterious conspiracy, and they have not hesitated to qualify it with the name of triumvirate, a denomination as inapplicable to. this agreement as to that which took place in 694. All interview in the. midst of so many illustrious citizens, who have assembled from all sides to salute a victorious general, had’hardly. the appearance of a mystery, and the mutual understanding of some men of influence in the same political thought was not a conspiracy. Some authors have,.nevertheless, pretended that the Senate, informed of this plot devised in Cisalpine Gaul, had expressed its indignation; but there is nothing to support this allegation; if it had been the case, would they,:a few months after the interview at Lucca, have. granted Caesar everything. he desired; and rejected everything that was displeasing to him?. We see, indeed, that at the annual distribution of the governments of provinces, the senators hostile to Caesar: proposed that he should be deprived of his command, or, at least, of the part of his command decreed by the Senate. (1) Yet, not only was this proposal rejected, but the Senate gave him ten lieutenants and subsidies to pay the legions he had raised’on his own authority, in.

addition to the four legions originally placed at his disposal by the Senate. In fact, the triumphs of Csesar had excited people’s minds. Public opinion, that irresistible force in all times, had declared loudly for him, and his popularity reflected upon Pompey and Crassus. (2) The (1) Orat. de Provinciis Consularibus, 15. (2) “Evidently all opposition to these great men, especially since the brilliant successes of Cxesar, was contrary to the general feeling, and unanimously rejected.” (Cicero, Epist. Familiar., I. 9.)

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440 HISTORY OF JUL IUS CA2SAR. Senate had then silenced its animosity, and even Ceesar showed himself full of deference for that assembly. (1) It must be said, in praise of humanity,:that true glory possesses the privilege of rallying all generous hearts; only men who are madly in love.

with: themselves, or hardened by party fanaticism, can resist; this general attraction towards those who constitute the greatness of their country. At this period, with the exception of a few spiteful and intractable individuals, the greater part of the senators felt the general impulse, as we learn from the orations of Cicero. (2) But if, on one side, the members of this pretended triumvirate are represented as closely leagued togeth. er against the Republic, on the other, Dio Cassius asserts that, at this time, Pompey and Crassus were conspiring against Caesar.

This opinion has no better foundation. We see, on the contrary, by a letter, of Cicero, how warmly Pompey at that time advo. cated the party of his father-in-law. Pompey, when he was leaving Lucca, met with Quintus Cicero, and, addressing him with warmth, he bade him remind:his brother of his past engagements: -” Cicero ought not to forget that what Pompey had done for his recall (‘) ” Cesar, strengthened by his successes, aid by the recompenses, honours, and testimonials with which the Senate had loaded him, had just lent to this illustrious order his glory and his influence.”

(Cicero, Epist. Familiar., 1.9.) (2) ” Why should I wait to be reconciled with Csesar? Has this reconcilement not been effected already by the Senate? the Senate, the, supreme council of the Republic, my rule and my guide in all my opinions. I walk in your steps, senators, I obey your counsels, I yield to your authority…. So long as the political measures of Ctesar have not had your approbation, you did not see me allied’ with him. When his exploits had changed your feelings and dispositions, you have seen me:not only agree in your decisions, but loudly applaud them.”

(Cicero, Orat. de Provinciis Consularibus, 10.)

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EVENTS IN ROME DURING THE YEAR 698. 441 was also the work of Caesar, whose acts he. hadprom. ised not to attack; if he would not serve him,‘at least let him abstain from all hostility.” () These reproaches did not remain without effect..Cicero, very apt to turn to the side of fortunej wrote to Atticus: “There is an end to everything; and since.those who are without power will have.me no longer, I will seek friends among those. who have.

the power.” C(2) He had already -acted with the senators in voting thanks for Caesar’s victories, since which: he: had: employed all his efforts.

ini seconding every proposal in favour of the conqueror of Gaul. As the.part Cicero acted on this occasion has had a particular import. ance, it will not be uninteresting to quote his words: “Could I be the enemy of a man whose couriers.and letters,in concert with his renown, make our: ears listen every day: to the names of so many peoples, of so many nations, of so many countries which he has added to our empire? I am inflamed with enthusiasm, senators, and you are the less inclined to doubt it, since you are animated by the same sentiments. (C) He has combated, with the greatest success, the most warlike and powerfuil nations of the Germans and Helvetii; he has overthrown, subdued, and driven back the others, and has accustomed them to obey the Roman people. Countries, which no history, no relation, no public report had hitherto brought to our knowledge, have been overrun by our general, our troops, our arms. We had formerly but’one way ifito Gaul; the other parts were occupied by peoples (‘) Epist. Familiar., I. 9. (2) Epist. ad Atticum,’ IV. 5.’ (3) Cicero, Orat. de Prov. Consularibus, 9. (August, A.U.C. 698.) 19*

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442 HISTORY OF JULIUS CJESAR. who were either enemies of this empire, or little to be trusted, or unknown, or at least ferocious, barbarous, and warlike; there was no one who was not. desirous of seeing them’ vanquished and subdued. (1) A re. port has been recently presented to us on the pay: of the troops. I’was not satisfied with giving my opinion, but I laboured to secure its adoption; I replied’ at great length.to those who held a contrary opinion; I assisted in drawing up.the decree; then, again, I granted more to the person than to I know not what necessity. I thought that, even without such a succour of money, with the mere produce of the booty, Caesar might’have maintained his army and terminated the war; but I did not consider that we ought, by a narrow parsimony, to diminish the lustre and glory of his triumph. “Moreover, there has been a question of giving Caesar ten lieutenants: some absolutely opposed the grant, others required precedents; these would have put off the consideration to: another day; those granted it, without employing flattering terms. Under these circumstances, from the” manner’in which I spoke, everybody understood that, while I sought to serve the interests of the Republic, I did still’more to honour’Caesar.”.:In another speech, the’ same orator exclaims: “The Senate has decreed Caesar public prayers in the most honourable form, and for a number of days hitherto without example. In spite of the exhausted state of the treasury, it has provided for the pay of his victorious army; it has decided that ten lieutenants shall () Cicero, Orat. de Prov. Consularibus, 13. (August, A.U.C.. 698.)

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EVENTS IN ROME DURING THE YEAR 698. 443 be given to the general, and that,by derogation of the law Sempronia, a successor should not be sent-him. It was I who moved these measures, and who spoke in support of them; and, rather than listen to my old disagreement with Caesar, I lent myself to what is demanded, under present circumstances, by the interest of the Republic and the need of peace.” (1) But if in public Cicero expressed himself with so much clearness, in his private intercourse he was still tender of the opinion of his former friends. It is, indeed, the only manner in which we can explain a contradiction too glaring even in a temper so inconstant. In fact, at the moment when he was boasting openly of the services he had assisted in rendering to. Caesar, he wrote to his friend P. Lentulus, proconsul in Cilicia: “They have just granted Caesar subsidies and ten lieutenants, and they have paid no regard to the law Sempronia, which required that a: successor should be given to him. But it is too sorrowful a subject, and I will not dwell upon it.” (2) VII. From what precedes, it is evident that unpopIntrigues ofPompey ularity did not fall upon Caesar, but upon and Crassus to obtain the Consulship. the: means employed by Crassus and Pompey for the purpose of obtaining the consulship. They made use’ of Caius Cato, kinsman of the Stoic, and of other men equally. undeserving of esteem, to cause’delay in the time of holding the comitia, and thus’ lead to’ the - creation of an interrex, (‘) which would facilitate their election, since the’consuls,-who (1) Cicero, Orat. pro Balbo, 27. (2) Cicero, Epist. Familiar., I. 7. (3) Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 27.

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444 HISTORY OF JULIUS CESAR. were the ordinary presidents of the assembly of the people; were; opposed to them. The relations of the,events of this period present great confusion. IDio Cassius-informs us that, in the seqel:of violent disputes in, the curia, between Pompey, who had recently returned from Sardinia, and the Consul Marceiinus, the Senate, in sign of its displeasure, decreed: that it would go into mourning, as for a public calamity, and immediately carried the decree into effect. Caius Cato opposed his veto.. - Then the Consul Cn.;Marcellinus, at the head of the Senate, proceeded to the Forum, and: harangued the people to ask it for the comitia, without-success probably, since the senators returned immediately to-the place of their session. Clodius, who, since the conference of Lucca; had become more intimate with~ Pompey, appeared suddenly among the crowd, interrupted the consul, and bantered him on this display of untimely mourning. In the public place. Clodius.would easily carry the approval of the multitudes; but;whea he attempted to return to the Senate, he encountered the most resolute opposition. The senators rushed to meet him and prevent him from entering; many of the knights assailed him with -insults;: they would have treated him still worse, had not the populace rushed to his aid and delivered him, threatening to: commit to. the flames the entire assembly.,(‘):On another hand, Pompey, with more authority and less violence,, protested against the. last senatusconsultus. Lentulus Marcellinus,:addressing him in full Senate, demanded if it were true, as reported, that he (‘) Dio C4ssius, XXXIX. 29.

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EVENTS IN ROME DURING THE YEAR 698. 4-5 aimed at the consulship,‘“As yet I know not what I shall do,” replied Pompey, roughly. Then, perceiving the bad impression caused by these disdainful words, he added immediately,‘For the good citizens, ~there is no use in my being consul; against the factious, perhaps I am necessary.” (1) To a similar question, Crassus replied, modestly, ” that he was ready to dowhatever would be useful to the Republic.?’ Then Lentulus bursting into. reproaches against Pompey’s ambition, the latter interrupted him insolently. ” Re -member,?’ he said,”

that thou art indebted to me for everything. Thou wast dumb, I made.thee a talker; thou wast a greedy beggar, I turned thee into a glutton,-who vomits to eat: again,”: This: language will give an idea of the violence of political passions at that period. The,senators, and Marcellinus himself, seeing that they could not contend: against the influence of these two: men, withdrew.. During the rest of the -year-they took. no part in public affairs; they confined themselves to wearing mourning, and absenting themselves from the festivals of the people. VIII. While Pompey and Crassus, in accord With C(ampaign against the convention of Lucca, employed all the Peoples on the ShoresoftheOcean. themeans in-their power to arrive at the, consulship, Caesar had his regards still fixed on a conquest which every year seemed achieved, yet every year it had to be.

commenced again. If the Gauls,.divided into so many different peoples, were incapa. ble of uniting for their common defence, they did not allow themselves to be discouraged by a single mis(1) Dio Cassius, XXXIX.

80.-Plutarch, Pompey, 53; Crassus, 18.

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446 HISTORY OF. JULIUS CAESAR. fortune. Hardly -were they crushed on one point, when the standard of insurrection was -raised somewhere else. In 698, the agitation showed itself first along the shores of the ocean, from the Loire to the Seine. The peoples of the Morbihan, masters of a considerable fleet, and possessing the exterior trade, placed them. selves at the head of the movement. They entered into alliance with all the peoples who dwelt on the coasts between the Loire and the Scheldt, and sent for assistance from England, with which country they were in constant relation.’ Under these circumstances, Coesar’foresaw that it was on the sea that he must curb the spirit of these maritime peoples. He gave orders for the building of ships on the Loire, demanded others from the peoples of the Charente and the Gironde, and sent from Italy Decimus Brutus with galleys and sailors. As soon as the season permitted, he repaired in person to the neighbourhood of Nantes, not far from Angers, where Publius Crassus was in winter quarters with the 7th legion. From the moment of his arrival his attention extended over the vast territory where he was to establish the domination of Rome. With this aim, he distributed his troops as follows: Labienus is tent with the cavalry to the east, in the direction of Treves, to hold the Germans in check; on his way, he will confirm the fidelity of the people, of Champagne and their neighbours; P.

Crassus is sent towards Aquitaine, to subdue that. country; Sabinus towards Normandy, to combat the insurgents of the Cotentin; Csesar reserves for himself the operations in the Morbihan. After besieg

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EVENTS IN ROME DURING THE YEAR 698. 447 ing, not without great difficulties, several small fortresses which, placed at the extremity of promontories, were surrounded with water at high tide, he resolved to wait for his fleet, and took a position on the coast, at Saint-Gildas, to the south of Vannes, Decimus Brutus led his vessels out of the Loire, encountered the enemy in sight of the Roman army, and, by a concurrence of fortunate circumstances, destroyed the Gaulish fleet; the flower of Brittany perished in the combat. The Morbihan and the neighbouring states suibmitted, and, nevertheless,‘the conqueror put to death all the principal citizens. Caesar’s conduct towards the inhabitants of this province has been justly blamed by the Emperor Napoleon I. “These people,”

he says, ” had not revolted; they had furnished hostages, and had promised to live peaceably; but they were in possession of all their liberty and all their rights. They had given Caesar cause, to make war upon them, no doubt, but not to violate international law in regard to them, and to commit so atrocious an abuse of victory. This conduct was not just, and it was still less politic. Such means never answer their object, they exasperate and revolt nations. The punishment of particular chiefs is all that justice and policy permit.” (1) While Brittany was vanquished on the sea, Sabinus gained a decisive victory over the peoples of Normandy, near Avranches; and, at the same time, Publius Crassus reduced Aquitaine.

Although this young lieutenant of Caesar had only a single legion, a corps of cavalry, and some auxiliaries, he gained possession (I) Precis des Guerres de Cesar, IIl. 5.

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448 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. of the strong fortress of Sos, and inflicted, a sanguinary defeat on the peoples situated between the Garonne and the Adour. His glory was the greater, as the Aquitanians had called to their assistance the Spanish chiefs, the wreck of that famous army which Sertorius had so lofig formed on the model of the Roman tactics. Although the season was far advanced, Caesar still resolved to subjugate. the peoples of Brabant and the Boulonnais, and marched against them. The Gauls retired into their forests; he was then obliged to clear a road in the woods by cutting down the trees,which, placed to the right and left, formed on each side a rampart iagainst theenemy. The bad state of the weather obliged him to retire before he had completed his task. In this campaign of 698, most of the countries which extend from the mouth of the Adour to that of the Scheldt had felt.the weight of the Roman arms. The sea was free; Caesar was at liberty to attempt a descent upon England.

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CHIAPTER IV. EVENTS OF THE YEAR 699. I. THE successes of the preceding campaign, and the Campaign against existence of a Roman fleet in the waters the Usipetes and the TencterL of the Morbihan, must have given Caesar the hope that nothing henceforth Would prevent an expedition against Great Britain; yet new events came to delay his projects. In the winter between 698 and 699, the Usipetes and the Tencteri, peoples of German origin, to escape the oppression of the Suevi, passed the Rhine not far from its mouth, towards Xanten and Cleves. They numbered 400,000, of all ages and both sexes; they sought new lands to settle in, and, in the spring of 699, the head of the emigration had already reached the country where now stand Aix-la-Chapelle and Liege. Coesar, alarmed at this event, starts for the army sooner than usual, proceeds to Amiens, there assembles his troops, and finds the Gaulish chiefs pro. foundly shaken in their fidelity by the approach of these new barbarians, whose co-operation they hope to obtain. He confirm: their feeling, of duty, obtains a contingent of cavalry, marches to encounter the Usipetes and the Tencteri, and arrives oh the Meuse, which he crosses at Maistricht. These latter, on hear. ing of the approach of the Roman army, had concentrated in Southern Gueldres. Established on the II-FF

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450 HISTORY OF JULIUS CJESAR. river Niers, in the plains of Goch, they send a deputation to Caesar,’ who had arrived near Venloo, to ask him not to attack them, but to allow them to keep the lands they had conquered.

The Roman general refuses, and continues his march. After new conferences, the object of which, on the part of the Germans, was to’ give their cavalry, sent beyond the Meuse, time to return, a truce of one day is accepted. Caesar declares, nevertheless, that he will advance to Niers.

Suddenly, however, his vanguard is treacherously attacked in its march and routed by the German. cavalry; he then believes himself freed from his engagements; and when next day the deputies come to excuse this perfidious aggression, he has them arrested, falls unexpectedly on the camp of the Germans, and pursues them without remission to the confluence of the Rhine and the Meuse (towards the place occupied now by Fort Saint-Andre), where these unfortunate people nearly all perish. In the sequel of this exploit, which brought him little glory, and in which doubt has been thrown on his good faith, Caesar resolved to cross the Rhine, on the pretence of claiming from the Sicambri the cavalry of the Usipetes and the Tencteri, who had taken refuge among thenm,‘but, in reality, to intimidate the Germans, and’ make them abandon the practice of seconding the insurrections 1in Gaul. He therefore proceeded up the valley of the Rhine, and arrived at Bonn, opposite the territory of the Ubii, a people which had already solicited his alliance and support against the Suevi. He caused to be built in ten days a bridge of piles, which he crossed with his troops,

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR 699. 451 but-he did notpenetrate far into Germany: unable to come up with either the Sicambri or the Suevi, who’ had withdrawn into the interior of their country, he re-crossed to the left bank,’.and caused the bridge’to be broken. II. Though the summer was already advanced, CoeFirst Descent in sar determined to take advantage of the England. time which still remained to’ pass into England and visit that island, concerning which people had but confused notions, and which was only known to the Romans by the intervention of the islanders in all the wars in Gaul. He therefore started from Bonn, travelled towards Boulogne, marking out, as we might say, the road which: subsequently Augustus ordered to be constructed between those two towns, and collected in that port the ships of the neighbouring coasts and the fleet which, the year before, had vanquished’ that of the Morbihan. After sending one of his officers to assure himself of the point of landing, he’ started from Boulogne, in thle night of the 24th to the 25th of August, with two legions, reconnoitred in his turn the coast of Dover, and landed’at Deal.

The shore was covered with armed men, who offered a vigorous opposition to the landing of the Roman army, which, having repulsed them, established itself on land near the sea. The Britons, astonished at such boldness, came from all sides to implore peace and make their submission. But the elements conspired against the invaders, and a dreadful tempest destroyed the transport ships and galleys. At the’news’of this disaster, the Britons

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45‘2 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. raised their heads again;‘on their side the Roman soldiers, far from desponding, hastened to repair their ships with; so much zeal that, out of eighty, sixtyeight were made fit for sea again.

Not far from Caesar’s camp, the Britons one day drew a legion into-an ambuscade; this led to a general battle, in which the Romans were victorious. Then Casar, hurried by the approach of the equinox, treated with the chiefs of some tribes, received hostages, and crossed again to the continent on the 12th of September, having remained eighteen days only in England. On the day after his arrival at Boulogne, the two legions he brought with him were dispatched against the people of the territory of Boulogne, who had taken refuge, since the preceding year, in the marshes of their country; other troops were sent to chastise the inhabitants of Brabant. After these expeditions, Caesar placed his legions in winter quarters among the Belgae, and then departed to visit the opposite part of his vast command, namely, Illyria, where also he had to protect the Roman frontiers against the incursion of the barbarians. III. We are astonished, in reading the ” CommentaC.esas Habitswhen ries,” at the ease with which Caesar rein Campaign. paired every year from Gaul into Italy, or into Illyria. There must have been relays established on the principal lines along which he had to travel, not only for his own use, but also for the couriers who carried dispatches. We have seen that, in 696, Caesar passed in eight days from the banks of the Tiber to Geneva. According to Suetonius, he trav

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,EVENTS OF THE YEAR 699..453 elled 100 miles a day, or 150 kilommtres in twentyfour hours, which makes a little more than six kilo. meotres an hour. The couriers took. twentyeight or thirty days to go from England to Rome. Plrutarch informs us that, in order to lose no time, Csesar trgvelled by night, sleeping in a chariot or litter. (1) By day he had with him a secretary, who wrote under his dictation, and he. was followed by a soldier who carried his sword. - In his military marches he went sometimes on horseback, but most frequently he preceded the soldiers on foot, and, with head uncovered, he gave no care either to sun or rain. (2) In the midst of the most perilous enterprises, he found time to correspond; with men of influence, and even to read poems which Cicero sent him, to: whom he sent back his opinions and criticisms; -() his mind was incessantly occupied with the events which were passing in Rome. IV.

At the beginning of the year 699, the consuls Consulship of Pom-were not yet nominated. In such cirpey and rassu. cumstances, the Senate appointed interreges,.who, invested with the consular powers, succeeded each other in, office every five days. It was by favour of this interregnum that: the comitia were held. The result was foreseen. Besides their immense clientelle, Pompey and Crassus were: assured of the sup(1) Plutarch, Ccesar, 18. (2) Suetonius, Ccesar, 57. (3) “What does Cwsar think of my poem, I pray? He has written to me that he had read the first book, and-that he had seen nothing, even in: Greek, which ever pleased him more.-

The rest, up to a certaini passage, is less finished: that is his expression. Tell me what it is that displeases him, the matter or the form, and fear not to speak candidly.” (Cicero, Ep. ad Quint., II. 16.)

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4541 HISTORY OF -JULIUS’ C2iESAR. port. of Caesar, who, as we have said, had taken care to send on leave a great number of his legionaries to vote.

(‘) They arrived’ in charge of Publius Crassus, son ofthe triumvir, whose exploits in Aquitaine had given him celebrity. The only candidate of the previous year, L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, excited by Cato, his brother-in-law, persisted in his candidature to the last’-moment. Starting before daybreak to the comitia, with M. Cato and many of his clients, he and his followers were exposed to violent attacks. The slave who walked before him with a lantern in his hand was killed, and Cato wounded.

Domitius was seized with terror, and sought shelter in his house. The interrex who presided over the comitia proclaimed, without opposition, Crassus and Pompey consuls. The arrangements concluded at Lucca had thus succeeded, and the ambition of the three eminent personages who absorbed public attention was satisfied; but the aim of this ambition varied’

according to. their several tempers. Crassus only desired the command of an army, in order to increase his reputation and his immense riches.

Pompey, without deep convictions, placed his vanity in being the first man of the Republic. Coesar,the head of the popular party, aspired to power, in: order, above fall. other considerations, to ensure the -triumph of his cause. The way which would offer itself to his -mind was not to excite civil war, but to obtain his own nomination several times to the consulship; the great, citizens who had preceded him had followed no other way,‘and there is a (1) Plutarch, Cr’assus, 16.-Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 31.

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR 699. 455 natural tendency to take for Our example that which has been successful in the past. - The glory acquired in Gaul assured Caesar beforehand of the public favour, which was to carry him again to the first magistracy. Nevertheless, to dispel the obstacles continually raised by a powerful party, it was necessary to remove hostile competitors from important offices; to gain the support of distinguished men, such as Cicero; and, as everything was venal, to buy, with the produce of the booty he made by war, the consciences which were for sale.

This courSe, seconded by Pompey and Crassus, promised success. Pompey, always under -the influence; of his wife’s charms, appeared to rest satisfied with the part which was assigned’to him. Had he been free from all engagement, and obeyed his own instincts, he would have embraced the -cause of the Senate rather than that which he was sustaining; for men of a nature so vain as his, prefer the flattering adherence of the aristocracy in the middle of which they live, to the expression of the approbation of the people, which rarely reaches their ears. Dragged on by the force of circumstances, he was: obliged to wrestle against those who stood in his way; and the more the opposition showed itself ardent, the more he gave way’ to the violence of his temper. Legality, moreover, was observed by nobody, as the following incident proves. Cato aspired to the praetorship. On’the day-of the comitia, the first century, to.which the epithet of prasr’ogativee was given, and the suffrage of which exercised a great influence over the others, voted for him. Pompey, not doubting the same result from the other

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456 HISTORY OF JULIUS CASAR. centuries, declared suddenly that he heard a clap of thunder, (‘) and dismissed the assembly. Some’ days afterwards, by purchasing votes and employing all the means of intimidation at their disposal, the new consuls caused P. Vatinius, the author of the motion which, in 695, procured for Caesar the government of the’ Cisalpine province, to be elected praetor, in the place of M. Cato. (2) Most of the other magistrates were similarly chosen among their creatures, and there were only two tribunes of the people, C. Ateius Capito and P. Aquilius Gallus, to represent the..opposition. All these elections were conducted with a certain degree of order, troubled only once -in the comitia for the sedileship. A battle took place in the Campus Martius, in. which there were killed-and wounded. Pompey rushed into the middle of the riot to appease it, and had his toga covered with blood. His, slaves took it to his house to bring another. At the view of this blood, Julia, who was in an advanced state of pregnancy, believed that her husband had been slain, and suffered a miscarriage. This accident injured her health, but was not, as has been stated, the cause of her death, which occurred only in the year following. (C) V. There was no further resistance to the two conMotion of Trebonius Suls. The factions appeared to be vanon the Government of the Provinces. quished. Cicero himself and Clodius became reconciled, and, through the mediation of Pompey and Crassus, promised reciprocal concessions. (4) (‘) Plutarch, Cato, 48; Pompey, 54. (2) Cicero, Epist. Familiar., I. 9. (3) Plutarch, Ponpey, i55. 4) Cicero, Epist. ad Quintuln, II. 9.

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR 699. 457 The moment had arrived for presenting the law which was to give provinces and armies to the two first magistrates of the Republic:: the latter wished the motion to come from a tribune of the people, and they had entrusted it to C. Trebonius, who was subsequently one of Caesar’s lieutenants. The Senate had not proceeded to the: distribution of provinces before: the consular elections, as the law required. Trebonius, following the example given a few years before, in the case; of the government of Gaul, addressed the people, and took the initiative of the two motions, one relating to Pompey and Crassus, the other to Caesar. The provinces destined for the two consuls, on quitting office, were not named separately for each, but Pompey and Crassus were to arrange the partition between them: Dio Cassius even pretends that they drew lots. This assertion appears to be incorrect. An insurrection of the Vaccaei and the reduction of the revolt of Clunia (1) served as a pretext-to ask that Spain should be given to \Pompey with four legions; Crassus was to have Syria and the neighbouring states, with a considerable army. The name of Parthians was not pronounced, but everybody knew whyi Crassus coveted Syria. (2) Although advanced in age (he was sixty years old), he dreamt of making the conquest of the countries which extend from the Euphrates to the Indus..(‘) As to Csesar, he was to be continued in his province. The duration of these governments was for five years; they conferred the (1) The country of the Vaccaei comprised part of old Castile; of the kingdom of Leon, and of the Basque provinces. Clunia, a town of the Celtiberii, was situated near Corufina del Conde. (2) Plutarch, Crassus, 19. (3) Plutarch, Crassus, 19. -20

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458 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. power of raising Roman or allied troops, and of making war or peace. The propositions of Trebonius were warmly combated by M. Cato, by Favonius, and by two other tribunes of the people, Ateius and Aquilius Gallus. “But Favonius,” says Plutarch, “was listened to by nobody; some were retained by their respect for Pompey and Crassus, the greater number sought to please Caesar, and remained quiet, placing all their hopes in him.” (‘) The enemies of the consuls in the Senate were intimidated, and kept silence. Cicero, to avoid the discussion, had retired to the country. In the assembly of the people, M. Cato spoke against the project of law of Trebonius, or rather he employed the two hours allowed him in declamations on the conduct of the depositaries of power. When the two hours were expired, Trebonius, who presided over the assembly, enjoined him to quit the tribune. Cato refused to obey; one of the tribune’s lictors dragged him from it; he slipped from him, and a moment after re-appeared on the rostra, trying to speak again. Trebonius ordered him to be taken to prison, and, to obtain possession of his-person, it required a regular contest; but, in the midst of this tumult, Cato had gained what he wanted, namely, to make them lose a day. () A second assembly had better success. Considerable sums had been distributed among the tribes, and armed bands were in readiness to interfere in case of need. - The opposition, on their side, had omitted no (1) Plutarch, Caesar, 24. (2) Plutarch, Cato, 49.-Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 34.

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EVENTS OF THE:YEAR 699. 45.9 preparation for disputing the victory. The tribune P. Aquilius, fearing that they might prevent him from approaching the public place, conceived the idea of hiding himself’the previous evening in the Curia Hostilia, which opened upon.the Forum. Trebonius, informed of this, caused the doors to be. locked, and kept him in all’ the night. and “the next’day. (1) M. Cato,- Favonius, and Ateius succeeded.

with great difficulty in reaching the Forum; but, unable. to force a way through the crowd up.to the rostra, they mount  ed on the shoulders of some of their clients, andbegan to shout” that, J upiter was tlhundering, and that there could be. no’deliberation. But. it was:all in vain;. always repulsed, but always -protesting, they gave up the contest when Trebonius had..proclaimed that the law.was accepted by the people..(2) One of its provisions decreed that Pompey should remain at Rome after his consulship, and that he should govern his province of Spain through his..lieuteniants.

The vote’was -published in the midst of the most stormy tumult. Ateius was wounded in the fray, which cost the lives of several citizens;‘this was a thing then’too frequent to’ produce any great sensation. Such was the memorable’struggle now commenced at Rome between the consuls. and the opposition. If (1) Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 85. (2) Plutarch, Cato, 49.-Dioo Cassius, XXXIX. 33, 35. Dio Cassius pretends erroneously that the imperium in the province of Gaul was only continued to Caesar by a sort of favour, and but for three years,: when his partisans’ murmured at seeing that Crassus and-Pomnpey thought only for themselves.’ He does not mention the’ conference of Lucca, which.is-attested by. Suetonius, Plutarch, and Appian. He foigets that Trebonius, Caesar’s creature, was one of: his most devoted.lieutenants-.in the Civil War. We think that the testimony of the other historians is to be preferred.

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460 HISTORY OF’ JULIUS CAESAR. we judge only from certain acts of violence related by the historians, we are at first tempted to accuse Crassus and Pompey of having had recourse to a strange abuse of:force; but a more attentive examination proves that they were, so to say, constrained to it by the turbulent intrigues of a factious minority. In fact, these same historians,.who describe complacently the means of culpable compulsion employed by the candidates for the consulship, allow contrary assertions to escape them here and there in the sequel, which help to deface the disagreeable impression made by their narrative. Thus, according to Cicero, public opinion blamed the hostility which was exercised against Pompey and Crassus. (): Plutarch, after presenting under the most unfavourable’ colours the manoeuvres of the consuls: for the distribution of the governments of the provinces, adds: “This partition pleased all parties. The people desired that Pompey might not be sent away from Rome.?’ (2) Csesar might hope that the consulship of Pompey and Crassus would restore~ order and the supremacy of the laws: it did nothing of the sort. After having themselves so often violated legality and corrupted the elections, they sought to remedy the evil, which they had contributed to aggravate, by proposing severe measures against corruption; this tardy homage rendered to public morality was destined to remain (1) In my opinion, that which it would have been best for his adversaries to do, would have been to cease a struggle which they are not strong enough to sustain…. At the present daysthe only ambition’ one:can have is to be quiet, and those who governed would be disposed to allow it us, if they found certain people less rigid against their domination.” (Cicero, Epist.

Familiar., I. 8, letter to Lentulus.) (2) Plutarch, Crassus, 19.

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR 699. 461 without effect, like.. all the remedies which had hitherto been employed. VI. They sought to repress extravagance by a Pompey’s Sumptua-sumptuary law, but a speech of Hortenrsius was sufficient to cause its rejection. The orator, after a brilliant picture of the greatness of the Republic, and of the progress of.civilisation, of which Rome was -the centre, proceeded to laud the consuls for their magnificence, and for the noble use they made of their immense riches. (1) And, in fact, at that very moment Pompey was building the theatre which bore his name, and was giving public games, in which it seemed his wish to surpass the acts of sumptuous extravagance of the most prodigal courtiers of the Roman people. (2) In these games, which lasted several days, 500
lions and eighteen elephants were slain. This spectacle inspired the mob with admiration; but it was remarked that, usually insensible to the death of the gladiators who expired under their eyes, they were affected by the cries of pain of the elephants. Cicero, who was present at these festivals, places, in the relation he addresses to one of his friends, the men and the animals on the same footing, and displays no more regret for the one than for the other, the spirit of humanity was still so little developed! (3) The splendour of these games had dazzled Rome and Italy, and restored to. Pompey a great part of his prestige; but the levies of troops, which he was (‘) Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 37. (2) Dio Cassius, XXXIX.

38. (3) Cicero, Epist. Familiar., VII. 1.

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462 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. obliged to order soon afterwards, caused great.discontent. Several tribunes vainly opposed their. veto; they were obliged to renounce a struggle which had Pompey, and especially Crassus, to’ sustain it. VII. Without waiting for the end of his consulship, Departure of Cras-Crassus determined’ on quitting Rome;.us for-Syria. he left in the last: days of October. (‘) As we have said, it was not: the government of Syria which excited his ardour.; his aim was to carry the war into the country of the Parthians, in order to acquire new glory, and obtain possession of the treasures of those rich countries. The idea of this expedition was not new. The Parthians had long awakened the jealousy of Rome. They had extended their frontiers from the Caucasus to the Euphrates, () and considerably increased their importance; their chief assumed, like Agamemnon, the title of king of kings. It is true that the part of Mesopotamia taken from the.Parthians by Tigranes had been restored to them by Lucullus, and Pompey had renewed the treaty which made the Euphrates the frontier of the empire of the Arsacides. But this treaty had not always been respected, for it was not one of the habits of the Republic to suffer a too powerfuilneighbour. Nevertheless, different circumstances might, at this moment, lead the Senate to make war upon the Parthians. While A. Gabinius exercised the command in Syria, Mithridates, dethroned, (1) According to the letter from Cicero to Atticus (IV. 13), Crassus had left Rome a little before the 17th of the Calends of December, 699, which answers, according to the concordance established by M. Le Verrier, to the 28th of’October, 699. (2) Justin, XLI. 6.

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR 699. 463 on account:of his cruelty,‘by his younger -brother Orodes, had invoked.the support.of the proconsul; and the latter was on. the point’of giving it, when Pompey sent him orders to repair first into Egypt to replace Ptolemy on his throne. Mithridates, besieged in Babylon, had surrendered to, his brother, who-had caused him to be put to death.’(1) On another hand, the Parthians were always at war with the kings of Armenia, allies of the Romans. -The Senate, had it the wish, was not, therefore,:in’ want of pretexts for declaring war. It had to avenge the death of a friendly pretender, and to sustain a threatened ally. To what point could the law of nations be invoked? That is doubtful; but, for several centuries, the Republic had been in the habit of consulting its own inter.ests much more than justice, and the war against the Parthians was quite as legitimate as the wars against Perseus, Antiochus, or Carthage. Nevertheless, this enterprise encountered a warm opposition at Rome; the party hostile to the consuls feared the glory which it might reflect upon Crassus, and many prudent minds dreaded the perils of so distant an expedition; but Caesar, who had inherited that passion of the ancient Romans who dreamt for their town the empire: of the wqrld, encouraged Crassus.in his projects, and, in the winter of 700, he sent Publius to his father, with 1,000 picked Gaulish cavalry. Inauspicious auguries marked the departure of the proconsul. The two tribunes of the people, C. Ateius Capito and P. Aquilius Gallus, adherents of the party (‘) Justin, XLII. 4.

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464 HISTORY OF JULIUS CASAR. of the nobles, opposed it. They had succeeded in imparting their sentiments to many of their fellowcitizens. Crassus, intimidated, took with him Pompey, whose ascendency over the people was so powerful that his presence was sufficient to put a stop to all hostile manifestation. Ateius Capito was not discouraged; he gave orders to an usher to place Crassus under arrest at the moment when he was leaving Rome. The other tribune prevented this act of violence. Then, seeing that all his efforts had failed, he had recourse to an extreme measure: he sent for a chafing-dish, and threw perfumes into it, while he pronounced against Crassus the most terrible curses. These imprecations were of a nature to strike the superstitious minds of the Romans. People did not fail to call them to memory afterwards, when news came of the Syrian disasters. VIII. About the same time, the news arrived at Cato proposes to de-Rome of the defeat of the Usipetes and liver Coesar to the Germans.

Tencteri, of the passage of the Rhine, and of the descent in Britain; they excited a warm enthusiasm, and the Senate decreed twenty days of thanksgiving. (1) The last expedition especially made a great impression onpeople’s minds; it was like the discovery of a new world; the national pride was flattered at learning that the legions had penetrated into an unknown country, from which immense ad-: vantages for the Republic were promised. (2) Yet (1) De Bello Gallico, IV. 38. (2) “Caeesar was very proud of his expedition into Britain, and everybody at Rome cried it up with enthusiasm. People congratulated each other on be

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR 699. 465 all were not dazzled by. the military successes; some pretended that Caesar had crossed, not the’ocean, but a mere pool, (1) and Cato, persevering in his hatred, proposed to deliver him to the Germans. He accused him of having attacked them at the moment when they were sending deputies, and, by this violation of the law of nations, drawn upon Rome the anger of Heaven; “they must,” he said, “turn it upon the head of the perfidious general:” an impotent diatribe, which did not prevail against the public feeling! (2) Yet, as soon as Cesar was informed of it, too sensitive, perhaps, to the insult, he wrote to the Senate a letter full of invectives and accusations against Cato. The latter at first repelled them calmly; then, taking advantage of the circumstance, he began to paint, in the darkest colours, Caesar’s pretended designs. “It was,” he said, “neither the Germans nor the Gauls they had to fear, but this ambitious man, whose designs were apparent to everybody.” These woids produced a strong impression on an auditory already prejudiced unfavourably. Nevertheless, the fear of the public opinion prevented any decision; for, according to Plutarch, ” Cato made no impression outside the Sencoming acquainted with a country of the existence of which they were previously ignorant, and of having penetrated into countries of which they had never heard before; everybody took his hopes for reality, and all that people flattered themselves-with obtaining some day caused as great an outburst of joy as if they had already possessed it.” (Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 53.) “After having landed in Britain, Coesar believed he had discovered a new world. He wrote (it is unknown to whom) that Britain was not an island, but a country surrounding the ocean.” (Eumenius, Panegyrici, IV. 2.) (1) Lucan, Pharsalia, II., line 571. (2) ” Without paying any attention to the opinion of Cato, the people during fifteen days performed sacrifices to celebrate this victory, and exhibited the greatest marks of joy.” (Plutarch, Nicias and Cvrassus, 4.) 20* I. G G

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46.6 HISTORY..OF JULIUS CAESAR. ate; the people desired that -Cesar should:be raised to. the highest power, and the Senate, -though it was f: the same opinion as Cato, dared not’to act, through fear of the people.”

(‘) (‘) Plutarch, Cato of Utica, 58.

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CHAPTER V. EVENTS OF THE YEAR 700. I. TaHE expedition to England, in 699, may be said Second Descent in to’ have been only a reconnoitring visit, England. showing the necessity of more numerous forces and more considerable preparations to subjugate-the warlike people of Great Britain. Accordingly, before starting for Italy, Csesar gave orders to build on the coast, and especially at the mouth of the Seine, a great number of ships fitted for the transport of troops. In the month of June he left Italy, visited his stocks where the vessels were building, appointed Boulogne as the general rendezvous of his fleet, and, while it was assembling, marched rapidly, with four legions, towards the country of the Treviri, where the inhabitants, who had rebelled against his orders, were divided into two parties,: having at their head; one Indutiomarus, and the other Cingetorix. He gave the power to the latter, who was:favourable’ to the Romans.‘After having thus calmed the agitation of that’ country, C0esar repaired at once’to Boulogne, where he found 800
ships ready to put to sea; he embarked with five legions’ and 2,000
cavalry, and, Without any resistance, landed; as in the year before, near Deal. A first successful combat, not far from Kingston, engaged him to continue his advance, when

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468-HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. he received information that a tempest had just destroyed part of his fleet; he then returned to the coast, took the measures necessary for repairing this new disaster, caused all his ships to be drawn on land, and surrounded them with a retrenchment adjoining to the camp. He next marched towards the Thames. On his way he encountered the Britons, who, vanquished in two successive combats, had nevertheless more than once scattered trouble and disorder. through the; ranks” of.the.

legions,- thanks to their chariots; these engines of war, mixed with the, cavalry, spread terror. and: disconcerted.the Roman. tactics. Coesar forced’the, passage. of Athe -Thames at Sunbury, went to attack the citadel-of Cassivellaunus near St. Albans, and obtained possession of it.

Several tribes, situated to the south of that river, made -their submission. Then, dreading the approach of the equinox, and especially the troubles which might break.out in Gaul during his absence, he returned to the continent. II. Immediately on his return, he placed his legions Displacement ofthe in winter quarters: Sabinus and Cotta at Army.,Dlsaster of - Shbinus. Tongres; Cicero at Charleroi; Labienus at Lavacherie;, on the Ourthe; Fabius, at; Saint-Pol; Trebonius at Amiens;: Crassus’ at Montdidier; Plan. cus at Champlieu;; and, lastly, Roscius in’the country of Seez. This -displacement of’ the army, rendered necessary by the.difficulty of provisioning it,’ separated by great distances the quarters from ea’ch other, though all, except that of% Roscius, were: comprised in a radius of 100 miles. As in’the preceding years, Caesar believed he might

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR 700. 469 repair into Italy; butG. aul still chafed under the~yoke of thifforeigner, and,:while the people of Orleans mas.

sacred Tasgetius,vwho-had been-given them.for. their king.three years before,: events -of a more serious character were. in p.reparation.: in the countries-: situate. between the-Rhine- and.the.

Meuse.:The..:people.-of Liege, led by A. biorix and Cativoleus, revolt and-attack, at Tongres, the cam.occupied..by; Sabinu.us and Cotta.with fifteen. cohorts. Tnable to ta yake it by assault, they have. recourse to’

stratagem.: they. spread abroad the report oft..he departure of; Cesar,: and.of the revolt of the whole of Gaul;. they offer the two lieutenants.to let them go, without obstacle,’ to rejoin the:nearest winter quarters.

Sabinus:. assembles a council of war, in which: Cotta,.an old:experienc.ed soldier, refused. all arrangement with. the.: enemy; but, as often happens in such meetings,.the. majority rallies to the least. energetic opinion;‘the: fifteen cohorts, trusting in. the promise. of the. Gauls, abandon their impregnable position,.. andbegin.. their march.. On arriving at the defile.of Lowaige, they are,attacked] and massacred by the barbarians, who had placed themselves in an: ambuscade.-in. the woods.

Ambiorix, emboldened’ by. this success, raises all the peoples on his way, and hastens, at Charleroi, to attack the camp of Cicero. The legion, though: taken unexpectedly, defends itself bravely, but the Gauls have learnt from deset.ers. the. art,.ofbesieging fortresses:in the Roman manner; they raise towers, construct covered galleries, and surround the camp with a countervallation. Meanwhile Cicero has found the means, of informing Caesar of his critical position.’ The.‘latter

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470 HISTORY OF. JULIUS: CASAR. was at Amiens; the morrow of the day: on which he receives this news, he starts with’two. legions, and sends a Gaul to announce his approach. The assailants, informed on-their part of Caesar’s march, abandon the ssiege, and go to meet him. The:.two.armies encounter:near the littlelstream of theI Haine,’ at fourteen kilImntres from Charleroi. Shut up in his retrenchments’ on’Mont Sainte Aldegonde, Caesar Icounterfeits fear, in order: to provoke the Gauls to. attack him; and when they rush uponthe ramparts to storm them, he sallies out through all’the gates, puts the enemies to the rout, and strews the ground with their dead. The same day he rejoins Cicero, congratulates the soldiers on their courage, and his lieutenant for having been faithful to: the Roman principle: of never entering into. negotiation with an enemy in’ arms. For the moment’this victory defeated at one blow the aggressive attempts of’the populations on the banks of: the Rhine against’ Labienus, and those of’the’maritime peoples on the coasts of the Straits against Roscius; but soon new disturbances arose:’ the inhabitants.of’the state of Sens.

expelled Cavarinus, whom Caesar. had given them!for king.; and, a little later, Labienus was forced to’ combat the inhabitants: of the country of Treves, whom. he defeated in an engagement in which. Indutiomarus was, slain. With the exception of the’ peoples of Burgundy and Champagne, all Gaul was in fermentation, which obliged Cvesar to pass the winter in it..

III. During this time, the struggle of parties continued at. Rome, and Pompey,, charged with the sup

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EVENTS OFP THE-.YEAR 700. 471 L.Domitilying of provisions, having under.

his orblabndi.Appuches ders lieutenants-and legions,. posted himC”onsuls.

_self at the. gates of the town;’ his-pres-‘ ence in Italy,- a pledge of roider and tranquillity, was accepted’ by all good citizens. (‘) His influence was, as Caesar thought,, to’ paralyse that of L. Domitius’

Ahenobarbus,..‘who had.obtained the consulship.’ In fact, when’on the.

preceding-occasion’ Crassus and Pompey placed”.them’selves-on.the ranks as candidates for the consulship,:the opposite’party,‘hopeless of defeating both; had sought the admission of at least one: of their’

candidates.‘They tried: again the maneuvre they had-employed in’ 695, by which-‘ they succeedeil in’the nomination.of Bibulus. as’the colleague of Caesar.. The:attempt: had’ failed; but, at the.:moment: when, -the question. of the election: of’consuls for the year 700 was. agitated, the aristocratic: party, -having no longer to contend againsti’persons’ of’

su.ch emi-‘nence -.as Crassus and’ Pompey,, obtainedl without.difficulty the’ election’ of Ahenobarbus. -This latter’ rep resented..‘alone, in that high magistracy, the -passions hostile to the triumvirs, since his colleague Appius. Claudius’ Pulcher was’ still,’ at that epoch, favourable-: to Caesar. The’authority of-the:consuls; whever they mightbe, was: powerless’for-‘remedyiig the demoralisation of the upper:classes, -which was revealed;by’numerous symptoms at Rome’ as’well as ian.the:provinces., “Cicero himself, as-the follo0wing.event.proves, treated-leogality with: contempt.when it intelfered:with’his -af-: fections or political:opinions. (‘) See page 456.

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472 HISTORY: OF JULIUS C’ESAR. IV. The Sibylline oracle, it will be remembered, Re-establishment of had forbidden recourse. to arms for the tolemyinypt purpose of restoring Ptolemy, King of Egypt, to his states. In spite of this prohibition, Cicero, as early as the year 698, had engaged.P. Lentulus, proconsul in Cilicia.and in Cyprus, to re-establish him by force, and, to encourage this enterprise, he had suggested to him the prospect of impunity in. success, without, however, concealing from..him that, in case of reverse, the legal question, as well, as the religiQus question, would assume a: threatening form. (1) Lentulus had thought it prudent to abstain; but. Gabinius, proconsul. in. Syria in-the following year, had not shown the same. degree of scruple, Bribed by the king, some said, but, as others said, having received orders from: Pompey,‘he, had left his son in Syria with a few troops, and had marched with his legions toWards Egypt. After havingr, on his way, plundered Judea~a and,sent prisoner to.‘Rome its king Aristobuluhs, he crossed the desert, and arrived before Pelusium. A certain Archelaus, who was looked upon as a good general, and had. served under Mithridates, was detained in Syria. Gabinius, informed that Queen Berenice wished to place;him: at the head of:her:army, and that she offered a large. sum of money for;his ransom, immediately set him at liberty, showing -thereby as much avidity for riches:.as -conitetpt.for the Egyptians. He defeated them in several battles, slew. Archelaus,, and entered:Alexandria, where he re-established’Ptolemy on the throne, and the latter, it is said, gave him (‘) Cicero, Epist. Familiar., T. 7.

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR 700. 473 10,000 talents.:(1) In this expedition, Mark Antony, who was soon to be:Caesar’s quaestor, commanded the cavalry; he distinguished himself by his intrepidity and by his military talent. (2) This was the commencement of his.fortune. ~ Gabinius, if we believe Dio Cassius, took good care not to send an account.of his conduct, but it was not long in becoming known, and he was compelled to return to Rome, where serious accusations, awaited him. Unfortunately -.for him,‘when the period of his trial came on, Pompey, his protector, was no longer consul.

Gabinius had to undergo. in. succession two accusations: he was acquitted of the first, on the double head of sacrilege and high. treason,‘because.

he paid heavy bribes’to his judges. (9) As to the second accusation, relating to acts of extortion, he experienced more difficulties. Pompey, who had’ been obliged to absent himself, in order to provide for theprovision(1) Dio Cassius, XxIX’X!. 56, 57, 58.-Schol. Bob..Pro Plancio, 271. (2) Plutarch, Antony, 2.. (3) Dio Cassius speaks of it as follows: “The influence of powerful men and of riches was’so great,: even against the decrees of the people and of the Senate, that Pompey wrote to Gabinius, governor of Syria, to charge him with the. restoring of Ptolemy in Egypt, and that he, who had already taken the! field, performed this task, in. spite of the public will, and in contempt of the oracles of the Sibyl. Pompey: only sought -to do what would be agreeable. to Ptolemy; but Gabinius had yielded to corruption. Afterwards,. when brought under accusation for this fact, he was not condemned, thanks to Pompey and to his gold. There reigned then in Rome such ai degree of moral disorder, that the magistrates’and judges,:who had received from Gabinius but a smallpart of the sums which had served to corrupt him, set their duties at nought inorder.to enrich themselves, aid taught others to do evil, by showing them that they could easily escape punishment with money. Iti was this which caused’ Gabinius to be acquitted; in the sequel, brought to trial for having.carried off. from his province more than 100,000,000
drachmas, he was’condemned.” (Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 55.)

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474 HISTORY OF JULIUS CESAR. ing with which he was charged, hastened to the gates of Rome, which his office of proconsul did not allow him to enter,. convoked an assembly of:the people outside: the. Pomceriutm, employed all his authority, and even read letters from Caesar,.in favour of the accused.. Still -more,.he begged Cicero to’.undertake his defence, and Cicero’ accepted -the task, forgetting the invectives with. which he -had. overwhelmed. Gabinius before the Senate.’ All.‘these: efforts.

failed.:: it.was necessary to yield to.the rage of the public opinion, skilfully excited by the enemies of Gabinius;- and-the latter, condemned, went into exile, where he remained until Coesar’s’ dictatorship. (1) V. We are. astonished to see personages such as, Corruption of the Pompey and Caesar protecting men who Elections seem to have borne such bad:character as Gabinius; but, to judge with impartiality the menof that period, we must not forget, in the first -place,. that there were very few without blemish, and, further, that the political parties never hesitated in throwing upon.their adversaries the most odious calumnies. Gabinius, belonging to the popular faction, and the, partisan of’PompeT, had incurred the hatred’ of the aristocracy and of the farmers of the revenues. Thenobles never pardoned him for being.‘the author of the law which had’ entrusted to Pompey the comn mland of:the’ expedition against the pirates, and for having shown, during his proconsulship in Syria, want of deference in regard to the Senate. So that assel: bly refused, in 698, to’order thanksgivings for his (‘) Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 43.

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR 700. 475 victories. (1) The farmers of the revenues bore illwill towards him on account of his decrees against usury, (2) and his solicitude: for the interests of his province.:() This proconsul, who is represented as an adventurer pillaging those under his administra.

tion, appears. to have governed Judea: with justice,. and to have restored with skill, on’his return from Egypt, the. order which had been disturbed during his absence., His military capacity cannot be. called in doubt. In speaking of him, the historian Josephus closes….with these words his account of the battle against the Nabathei: “This great captain, after so many exploits, returned to Rome, and: Crassus succeeded him in the government of. Syria.” (4) Nevertheless, it is very probable that Gabinius was. not more scrupulous than the other proconsuls in matter of probity; for, if corruption then displayed itself with impudence in the provinces, it was perhaps still more shameless in Rome. The following is.a striking example. Two candidates for the consulship, Domitits Calvinus and Memmius Gemellus, united their clients and resources of all kinds to. obtain the first magistracy. In their desire to procure the support: of Ahenobarbus and Claudius Pulcher, the consuls in office, they engaged by writing to secure for them, on their quitting office, the provinces they desired, and that by a double fraud: they: promised first to bring three augurs to affirm the existence of a supposititious curiate law,.and then to find.two. consulars who would declare that they had assisted at the regulation (‘) Cicero, Epist. ad. Quint., IL. 8. (2) See the Index Legumn of Baiter, 181. (3) Josephus, XIV. 43. (4) Josephus, XIV. 11.

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476 HISTORY: OF JULIUS CAESAR. relative to: the distribution of the provinces;- in-case of non-performance, there was stipulated, for the profit of the consuls -400,000 sestertii. (1) This: shameless traffic-and others of the same kind, in which were compromised AEmilius Scaurus and Valerius Messala, had caused the interest of money to be doubled. (2) The bargain would probably have been carried out, if, in consequence of a quarrel between the two covnsuls, Memmius had not denounced the convention in full Senate, and produced the contract. The scandal was enormous, but it remained unpunished as regarded the consuls.:Memmius, formerly Caesar’s enemy, had recently. joined his party; nevertheless, the latter, incensed at his impudence, blamed his conduct, and abandoned him; Memmius was exiled, (3) As to Domitius, he was, it is true, accused of solicitation, and the Senate intended absolutely to close the consulship against him by deciding that the consular comitia should not be held until after judgment had been given on his trial. All these facts bear witness to the decay of society, for the moral: degradation of.the individuals must infallibly bring with it the abasement of the institutions. VI. Towards the month of August of the year 700, Death of Char’s Coesar lost his mother Aurelia, and, a few Daughter. days afterwards, his daughter Julia. The (1) Cicero, Ep. ad Atticum, IV. 18. (2) Cicero, Ep. ad Quintum, IV. 15. (3) Schol.

Bob. Pro Sextio,:297. - Cicero, Epist. ad Atticum, IV. 16; Epist.

Familiar., XIII. 19.

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR 700. 47‘7 latter, whose health had been declining since the troubles of the preceding year, had become pregnant; she-died. in giving birth:to a son, which did not survive. Caesar.was painfully affected by this misfortune, (‘) of which he received the:news during his expedition to, Britain. (2) Pompey was desirous of burying his wife in his estate of Alba; but the populace opposed it, carried the body -to the Campus Martius, and insisted:. on its being buried there. By that rare privilege reserved to illustrious men, the people sought, according to Plutarch, to honour rather the daughter of Caesar than the wife of Pompey.

(-) This death broke one of the ties which united the two most important men of the Republic. To create new ties, Caesar proposed his niece Octavia in marriage to Pompey, whose daughter he offered to espouse, although she was already married to Faustus Sylla. (4) VII. At the same period, the proconsul of Gaul Csesars Buildings was, with the produce of his booty, reat Rome. building at Rome a magnificent: edifice, the old basilica of the Forum, which was extended, as far as to the Temple of Liberty. “It will be the most beautiful thing in the world,” says Cicero; “there will be in the Campus Martius seven electoral enclo. (‘) ” Cesar has written to me from Britain a letter dated on the Calends of September (28th of August), which I received-on the 4th of the Calends of October (23rd of September). His mourning has prevented my replying and congratulating him.” (Ciceid, Epist. ad Quintum, III. 1.) (2) “, In Caesar’s affliction; I dare not write to him, but I write to Balbus.” (Cicero, E’pist.

Familiar., VII. 9.)-” How kind and affecting is Cxesar’s letter! There is in what he writes a charm which increases my sympathy for the misfortune which afflicts him.” (Cicero, Epist. ad Quinturn, III. 1.) (3) Plutarch, Pompey, 4. (4) Suetonius, Ccesar, 27.

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478 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. sures and galleries of marble which will be surrounded with great porticoes of a thousand paces. Near it will be a public villa.” Paulus was charged with-the execution of the works; Cicero and Oppius considered that 60,000,000 sestertii was a small sum for such an undertaking. (1) According to Pliny, the mere pur-.chase of the site in the Forum cost Caesar the sum of.100,000,000 sestertii. (2) This building, interrupted by events, was only finished after the African war. (3) VIII.

While Caesar was gaining, by these works His Relations with destined for the public, the general admiCicero. ration, he neglected none of those attentions which were of a nature to ensure him the alliance of men of importance. Cicero, as we have seen, was already reconciled with him, and Cwesar had done all in his power to gain his attachment still further. He flattered his self-love, listened to all his recommendations, (‘) treating with great friendship Quintus Cicero, whom he had made one of his lieutenants; he went so far -as to place at the disposal of the great orator his credit and fortune,.(‘) and accordingly (1) Cicero, Epist. ad Atticum, IV. 17. Suetonius, Ccesa;,, 36. (2) Pliny, Hist. Nat.,‘XXXVI.

15. (3) Appian, De Bel. Civil., II. 102. (4) “4 Have you any other protdge to send me? I take charge of him.” (Letter of Caesar cited by Cicero, Epist. Familiar., VII. 5.)-“- I say not a word, I take not a step in Caesar’s interest, but he immediately’testifies in high terms that he attaches to it a value which assures me of his affection.” (Cicero, Ep1ist. Familiars., VII. 5.) (5) “I dispose, as though they were my own, of his credit,‘which is preponderant, and of his resources, which, you know, are immense.” (Epist. Familiar.,.I. 9.)-A few years later, when Cicero foresaw the civil war, he wrote to Atticus: ” There is, however; an affair of which’ I shall not cease speaking as long as I write to you at Rome: -it is Ccesar’s credit. Free me, before leaving, I’nplore you.”

(Cicero, Egoist. ad Atticumn, V. 6.)

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR 700.- 479 Cicero was in continual’correspondence.with him. He composed, as we have’seen, poems in his honour, and he wrote to Quintus ” that he placed above everything the friendship of such a man, whose affection:he prized as much as that of~his brother and children” (‘) Elsewhere he said: “The memorable and truly divine behaviour of Caesar towards Mie and towards my brother has imposed upon me the duty of seconding him in all his designs.” (2) And he had kept his word. It was at Caesar’s request that Cicero had consented to’ resume his old friendly relations with Crassus, (3) -and to defend Gabinius’and’Rabirius. This last,.compromised in the affairs of Egypt, was accused of having received great sums of money from King Ptol-.emy; but Cicero proved that he was poor, and reduced -to live upon Caesar’s generosity, and,‘in the course of the, trial, he expressed himself as follows:” Will you, judges, know the truth? If the gener-.osity of C. Caesar, extreme towards everybody, had not, in regard to Rabirius, passed. all belief, we should have.‘ceased long ago to see him in the Forum. Cae8sar singly; performs’ towards Postumus the duty of his numerous friends; and the services which these rendered to his prosperity, Caesar lavishes them upon,his adversity..

Postumus is no longer more than the shadow of a Roman knight; if he preserves this title, it is by the protection, by,the devotedness of a single friend. This phantom of his old rank, which Ceesar alone”has preservedi for him and assists him in sus(t) Epist. ad Quintum, II. 15; II. 1, (2) Epist. Familiar., I. 9. (3) 4, I have undertaken his defense (that of Crassus) in the Senate/, as high recommendations and my own engagement made it imperative for me,” ~(Epist. Familiar., I. 9.)

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480 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. taining, is the only wealth that wecan-now take from him. And this is a reason why we ought the more to maintain him.

in it in his distress. It:cannot be the effect: of a mean merit, to inspire, absent and in misfortune, so much interest in such a man, who, in so lofty a fortune, does not disdain to cast down his looks on the affairs of others. In that pre-occupation with the great things which he is doingv or has done, we should not be astonished if we saw him forget his friends, and, if he, forgot them, he would easily obtain forgiveness. ” I have recognised in Caesar very eminent and wonderful qualities; but his other virtues are, as on a vast theatre, exposed to the gaze of nations. To choose with skill.the place for a camp, to marshal an army, to take fortresses, break through enemies’ lines, face the rigour of winter and those frosts which we support with difficulty in the bosom of our towns and houses,/to pursue the enemy in that same season when the wild beasts: hide in the depth of their retreats, and where everywhere the law of nations gives a truce to combats: these are great things; who denies it?

but they have.for their motive the most magnificent of recompenses, the hope of living for ever in men’s memory. -Such efforts cause us no surprise in the man who aspires to immortality. “But this is the glory which I admire in Caesar, a glory which.is neither celebrated by the verses of poets nor by the monuments of history, but which is weighed in the balance of the sage: a Roman knight, his old friend, attached, devoted, affectioned to his person, had been ruined, not by his excesses, not by shame

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EVENTS. OF. THE. YEAR 700.., 481 ful extravagance and the losses brought on by indulgence of the passions, but by a speculation which had for its.

objeet to augment his patrimony: Caesar has arrested him in his descent;.

he has not suffered him to fall, he has held out his hand to him, has sustained him with his wealth, with his credit, and he still sustains him at the present time; he holds back his friend on the edge.of the precipice, and the calm of his mind is no moree disturbed by.the brightness of his own name, than his eyes-are dazzled by the blaze of his glory. May the actions of which Ihave spoken be as great in our esteem as they are in reality! Let people think what they will of my opinion in this respect; but when I see, in the bosom of such a power and of such -a prodigious fortune, this generosity towards others, this unforgetfulness of friendship, I prefer them to all the other virtues. And you, judges, far-from this character of goodness, so new and so rare among considerable and illustrious men, being disdained or repulsed by you, you should wrap it up in your favour, and seek to, encourage it; you should do this the more, since this moment.seems to have been chosen for attacking Caesar’s consideration, although, in this respect, we could do nothing but he supports it with constancy or repairs it without difficulty. But if he hears that one of his best friends has been struck in.his hon’our, it will be with the deepest pain, and;to him. an irreparable misfortune.” (1) In another circumstance, Cicero explained as follows the. reason of his attachment for’ the conqueror (‘) Cicero, Pro Rabilro Postunzo, 15, 16. 21

1I.-H H

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482 HISTORY OF JULIUS CQESAR of Gaul:.” Should I refuse my praises to Caesar, when I know that the people, and, after its example,the Senate, from which my heart has never been severed, have shown their esteem for him by loud and multiplied testimonies? Then, without doubt, it must be confessed that the general interest has no influence on my sentiments, and that individuals alone are the objects of my hatred or of my friendship!

What then? Should I see my vessel float with full sails’towards a port which, without being the same which I preferred formerly, is neither less sure nor less tranquil, and, at the’ risk of my life, wrestle against the tempesitirather than trust myself to the skill of the pilot who promises to save me?:No, there is no inconstancy in fol! lowing the movements which storms impress on the vessel of the state. For me, I have learned, I have recognized,I have read a truth, and the writers of our nation, as well as those of other peoples, have consecrated it: in their works by the example of the wisest and most illustrious of men; it is, that we ought not to persist irrevocably in -our opinions, but that we ought to accept the sentiments which are required by the situation of the state, the diversity:of conjunctures, and the interests of peace.” (‘) In his Oratiogn against Piso, he exclaims: “It would be impossible for me, in contemplation of the great things which Csesar has done, and which he is doing every -day, not to’ be his friend. Since. he has the command of your-armies, it is no longer the rampart of the; Alps which I seek to oppose to the invasion of the Gauls; it is no longer by means of the barrier (4) Cicero, Pro Cn. Plancio, 39. (A.U.C. 700.)

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR 700. 483 of the Rhine, with all its gurges, that I seek to arrest the fierce Germanic nations. Csesar has done so much that, if the mountains should be levelled, and the rivers dried, our Italy, deprived of her natural fortifications, would find, in the result of his victories and exploits, a safe defence.’ (l) The warm expansion of such sentiments must have touched Csesar, and inspired him with’confidence; therefore he earnestly engaged Cicero not to quit Rome. (2 The influence of Caesar continued to increase, as the letters and orations of Cicero sufficiently testify. If it was required to raise citizens such as C.

Messius, M. Orfius, M. Curtius, C. Trebatius, (‘) to elevated positions, or to excite the interest of the judges in favour of an accused, as in the trials:of Balbus,Rabirius, and Gabinius, it was allways the same support which was invoked. (4) (‘) Cicero, Orat. in L. Calpurnium Pisonem, 33.

(A.U.C. 700.) (2) Cicero, Epist. ad Quintum, III. 1. (3) Cicero, Epist. ad Atticumrn, IV. 15; Epist. Familiar., VII. 5; Epist. ad Quintum, II. 15.

(4) ” Pompey is all for Gutta, and he is confident of obtaining from Caesar an active intervention.”’ (Cicero, Epist. ad Quintumn, III. 8.)

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CHAPTER VI. EVENTS OF THE YEAR 701. I, TuHE disturbed-state of Gaul and the-.loss of fifExpedition-to the teen cohorts -at Tongres obliged Casar.to NorthosGaul.Sc-augment his army; he raised two’ legions mnd Passage of the Rhine. -inl the Cisalpine, and asked for a -third from Pompey. Again at the head of ten legions, Casar, with his usual activity, hastened to repress the incipient insurrections. -From the Scheldt to the Rhine, from the’Seine;to the Loire, most of the peoples were in arms.

Those’ of Treves had -called the Suevi to their assistance. Without waiting for the end of winter, Caesar brought together four legions at Amiens, and, falling unexpectedly upon the peoples of Hainault, forced fro mn them a speedy submission. Then he convoked in this latter town the general assembly of Gaul;; but the peoples of Sens, Orleans, and Treves did not repair to it. He then transferred the assembly to Paris, and afterwards marched upon Sens, where his appearance sufficed to pacify not only that country, but’ also that of Orleans. Having thus appeased in a short time the troubles of the north and centre of Gaul, he directed all his attention towards the countries situated between the Rhine and the Meuse, where Ambiorix continued to excite revolt. He was impatient to.

avenge upon him the defeat of Sabinus; but,

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EVENTS OF.THE YEAR 701. 485 to make more sure of overtaking him,he..resolved first to make two expeditions,.one into.Brabant, the other into the country of Treves, and in:this manner: to cut off-that chieftain from, all retreat, either on the-side of the north, or on the side of the. east, where the.Ger*mans were. He advanced, in person towards: Brabant, which he soon “reduced to obedience.: During this time, Labienus: gained, on: the banks of the Ourthe,: a great victory over the inhabitants of the country of Trbves. At the.news:of this’defeat, the Germans, who: had already. crossed’the’ Rhine, returned, home.. Caesar rejoined Labienus on the: territory of.Treves, and, determined to chastise the Suevi, he a second time crossed the Rhine, near Bounn, a little“‘above the place where he had built a bridge two years: before.. After compelling -the Suevi to take’ refuge in the interior of their territory, he returned to. Gaul, caused’a part of the bridge to be out, and left a strong garrison.on the left bank. II. Having thus’rendered all retreat impossible to -Ambiorix, he advanced with his army Pursuit of Ambiorix.towards the”’

country of: Lege by way of Zulpich and Eupen, across the. forest of the Ardennes. Having arrived on the -Meuse, he divided his.troops into three’corps, and’ sent all his baggage’with the 14th legion, under the, command. of Cicero, into the fortress of Tongres, the scene of the disaster of Sabinus. Of these three corps, the first was sent towards the north, near the southern frontiers of Brabant; the second’towards the west, between the M1euse’and the

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486 HISTORY. OF JULIUS CAESAR. Demer; and: the tiird mmarched towards the Scheldt, under the’ command of Caesar, whose intention was to gain the extremity of the forest’ of the Ardennes between Brussels’and Antwerp, where Ambiorix was said to have taken refuge. When he quitted Tongres, he announced that he should return in seven days.” But, unwilling-to risk his troops on difficult ground, against men who, scattered, carried on a war of partisans, he sent messengers to invite: the neighbouring peoples -to go. and ravage’the’ country of Liege, and, at his call, all hurried to’ take part in the pillage.. Among them 2,000 Sicambrian cavalry, at-:tracted from beyond the Rhine; conceived the idea of’falling upon Cicero’s camp’ in order to’carry off the -riches it contained. They arrived at the moment when a part of the garrison’ had gone to forage.‘It -was with:l gr’eat’ difficulty,:and with the’loss of two cohorts, that the Romans repulsed this attack. The “devastation of the country of Li6ge was completed, but Ambiorix escaped. The defeat of Sabinus at Tongres thus cruelly avenged, Caesar returiied to Rheims,‘convoked there -the assembly’of Gaul, and caused judgment to be passed-on the’Conspiracy of the peoples of Sens and.Orleans. Acco, the-head:of the revolt, was condemned to’death and executed, and.CGesar, after placing his legions in winter quarters’ in-the countries watered ~by the’Moselle, the’ Marne, and’the Yonne, repaired to’Italy. III. At Rome, the legal working: of theinstitutions -was incessantly clogged:by the, ambitions:.of individ

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR. 701. 487 C. Domitius Calvi-uals. The year 700 had-closed without nus and M.Valerius Messala,consuls. the holding of the consular comitia. Sometimes the tribunes of the people, the only magistrates whose elections took place on a fixed day, opposed the holding of the comitia; sometimes the interreges themselves failed to obtain favourable auspices, or, in moments of trouble, dared not assemble the people. (1) The boldness of the agitators of all parties explains this anarchy. Weary of intrigues and disorder, the public opinion looked for the end of it only from a new power, which wrests from Cicero this painful confession’:. “The Re. public is without force; Pompey alone is powerful.”

(2) Already people even. spoke of.the dictatorship. (B) Several men, according to Plutarch, ventured to say openly “that the poweP of a single person was the only remedy for the evils of the Republic, and that this remedy must be sought from the mildest physician, which clearly indicated Pompey.” (‘) Accordingly, the tribune Lucceius brought forward the formal motion to elect Pompey dictator. Cato rose energetically against this ill-timed motion. Several of Pompey’s friends considered it prudent to justify him by affirming that he never asked or desired the dictatorship.

Cato’s reproaches had none the less pro. duced their effect; and, to put an end to suspicions, Pompey permitted the consular comitia to be held.

(6) In fact, he had never the courage equal to his ambition, and “although he affected in his speeches,” says (‘) Dio Cassius, XL. 45. (2) Cicero, Epist. ad Quintuzm, II. 4. (3) Cicero, Epist. ad Quinturn, III. 8. (4) Plutarch, Caesar, 31. (5) Plutarch, Pompey, 57.

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488 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. Plutarch, “to refuse absolute power, all his actions showed a desire to arrive at it.” (1) The comitia opened in the month of Sextilis of the year 701; the consuls named were Cn.Domitius Calvinus and M. Valerius Messala. The first had been placed under accusation, as we have seen above; but the pre-occupations 6of the moment had caused his trial;to drag out in length; and it is unknown whether he was acquitted, or whether all judicial action had’been paralysed on account of the absence of magistrates during the first months of the year 701. Moreover, Calvinus was protected by Pompey, and his colleague,‘Messala, was favoured by Csesar, at the recomimendation of Cicero. IV. Crassus had left for Syria about eighteen Expedition of c-months before, full of ambitious hopes, Parthians, and thi and flattering himself with the prospect Death of immense conquests. He intended not only to subjugate the Parthians, but even to renew the campaigns of Alexander, penetrate into Bactriana, and reach India; unfortunately, he was not equal to such a task. Forgetting the first rules of a general-in-chief, which consist in never despising his enemies, and in placing on his side all the chances of success, he had no care for the army he was going to combat, had made no inquiries either as to the roads, -or as to the countries he had to cross, and neglected the alliances and succours which the peoples who were neighbours and enemies to the Parthians might have offered him.

(‘) Plutarch, Ccesar, 31.

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR 701. 489 He had started from Brundusium in spite of the bad season, had landed at Dyrrachium, not without the loss of several vessels; thence, following the direct military road which led from the coasts of the Adriatic to the Bosphorus, (‘) he. had proceeded by land into Galatia, and:had entered into Mesopotamia, after crossing the Euphrates. () The Parthians, taken by surprise, offered no resistance, and the rich’ and flourishing Greek colonies on the Euphrates and Tigris, who detested the Parthian yoke, received Crassus as a liberator., The town of Nicephorium (Rakkah), situated near Ichna, on the Balissus, opened its gates to him; Zenodotium alone stood a siege. Instead of taking advantage of the concurrence of circumstances, and advancing promptly upon the Tigris, carrying the considerable town of Seleucia, Ctesiphon, (3) the ordinary residence of the King of the Parthians, and even Babylon, he confined himself to plundering the province. Having left 7,000 infantry and 1,000 cavalry in garrison in a few fortresses, he returned to Syria to take his winter quarters. There, without occupying himself with the next campaign, he only thought of committing exactions and of pillaging the temples of Hierapolis and Jerusalem. At the commencement of 701, Crassus took the field again with seven legions, nearly 4,000 cavalry, and the same number of light-armed infantry, (4) and re-enter(‘) “Ut via illa nostra, quae per Macedoniam est usque ad Hellespontum militaris.” (Cicero, Orat. de Provinciis Consularibus, 2.-Strabo, VII. vii. 268.) (2) Plutarch, Crassus, 17. (3) On the left bank of the Tigris, opposite Seleucia. (4) Plutarch, Crassus, 24. 21*

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490 HISTORY OF JULIUS CJESAR. ed Mesopotamia. He had for lieutenants his son Publius, celebrated for his courage, his elevated sentiments, and his conduct in Gaul; the brave Octavius, who aft. eriwards perished rather than abandon his general; Vargunteius, Censorinus, and Petronius: for quoestor, C. Cassius Longinus, esteemed forhis valour and prudence, and who was, ten years afterwards, one of the murderers of Caesar’. An Arab had become his auxiliary; it was the chief of the Osroenes, Bedouins of the desert, who had formerly served Pompey in his campaign against Mithridates; he-was named: Abgaros, or Abgar, (‘) and had been bribed by the King of the Parthians to; betray Crassus. Artabazus, King of Armenia, visited, the proconsul ~at the head of 6,000 cavalry, promising him..

10,000 more, and 30,000 foot, if he consented to attack the Parthians through Armenia, where the mountainous character of the country rendered their numerous and formidable cavalry useless. Crassus rejected.this proposal, alleging the necessity of proceeding into Mesopotamia to the garrisons he had left there in the preceding year. These, in fact, were already blockaded.by the Parthians, and soldiers who had escaped brought information: of the immense preparations Orodes was making to resist him.

A second time, then, he crossed the Euphrates, not far from Biradjik, the place of the passage of Alexander the Great. (2) There. he had his choice of two roads. to reach Seleucia.: either to descend the left bank of the Euphrates to the point (1) The ancient authors name him Augar, Abgaros, or Ariamnes. (2) Zeugma, according to Dio Cassius. This town is on the right bank of the Euphrates, opposite Biradjik.

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR 701. 491 iwhere it approaches the Tigris, (1)I or to”cross’the desert. The first, proposed by Cassius, although the longest, procured him the immense advantage of having hisright wing constantly supported by the Euphrates, on which boats could have’ carried his provisions. The second’offered, it is true, a shorter. passage:; but in following it, the. army was exposed to want _of water -and provisions, and to more laborious’ marches. The perfidious:counsels of Abgar led him to.

prefer the latter. “:There:was not,” said the Arab, “a moment to’lose,to prevent the Parthians from carrying away. their treasures, and, placing:them in safety among the Hyrcarnians and Scythians.”`:Crassus pos-‘sessed some“‘obfthe’qualities which make a good general; he had given proofs of it in the war of the allies,‘as” well as in’that against’

Spartacus,’ but his faculties’were paralysed.by his covetousness.’ Glory ought to be the only thought of the soldier. During -this’time, Orodes,’

King of the Parthians, had divided hlis.‘forces’ into two armies:: one,‘of which he took the command’in’ person, went-to- ravage Armenia, in order’

to prevent Artabazus from joining the’Romans;i the’ “other was: entrusted-to the vizier Surena, a man “of merit, to whom Orodes owed his crown.

Without’undervaluing “his intelligence, we are unwilling to believe, with some writers, that Surena invented new military tactics to oppose those of the Romans, and that that was the reason why, renouncing the employment of infantry, he made use (‘) Accordingto Drumann-the course of the river could not always be followed, as Plutarch says, because there existed a canal which joined the Euphrates with the Tigris. (Pliny, VI. 30.-Ammianus Marcellinus,.XXIV. 2.)

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492 HISTORY -OF. JULIUS CAESAR. only of cavalry. If he placed all his’confidence’in that: arm,: it was because the Parthians, in conformity with the nature of,their country, generally fought only on -horseback, and among them, as Dio Cassius says, infantry was of. no value.;(,) Surena’s i talent consisted in the employment of the craft: so. familiar to the Asiatics, in order to surround Crassus.with snares and traitors, and to draw him. minto the: plains, where the advantage was all on the side of cavalry. The army of the Parthians was,thus! composed’ sole-.ly of cavalry, some barbed with iron, as welllas their hors’es, (2) and armed with long and heavy lances; others: furnished with powerful bows and arrows, -which, while they carried much farther than those of the Romans, perforated defensive armour. After. quitting the’town of Carrhoe, the Roman army advanced’towards the:;south,. across the desert. The sand and heat made the march painful, while the enemy remained always: invisible.

At length, when they arrived on the banks, of a small river, the Balissus (Belick), which flows into’the Euphrates, they perceived a few Parthian horsemen. Abgar, sent against them with a vanguard to reconnoitre, did not return. The traitor’ had betrayed’ Ciassusi’ to Surena. The proconsul, impatient andd uneasy, then crosses the Balissus with his whole army, and, without’allowing it (1) “There are among them few infantry. These are only chosen among the weakest men.:From the tenderest age the Parthians are accustomed to handle the bow and the horse. Their country, which, forms almost entirely one plain, is very favourable’ for breeding horses, and for courses of cavalry.” (Dio Cassius, XL. 15.)-” Equis omni tempore vectantur; illis bella, illis convivia, illis publica ac privata officia obeunt.” (Justin, XLI. 8.) (2): “Munimentum ipsis equisque lorice plumatt sunt, que utrumque toto corpore tegunt,” (Justin, XLI. 2.)

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EVENTS OF THE. YEAR 701. 493 to repose, pushes forward -his cavalry, and obliges the infantry to follow it. A-few soldiers soon arrive..to inform-Crassus that they.are all: who have been’able’ to escape from: an ambuscade into which’ his vanguard has fallen,-and that the whole’Parthian. army is. on its, march. to’encounter him-.. At this intelligence, he, who believed thatthe’enemy would not dare to wait, him, becomes confused, and hastily forms his troops in. array of battle on a: long front, for fear of being surrounded. The cavalry is on the wiings:; the; Osroenes..form a last line.- The Parthians.first’throw forward their light cavalry, which’ makes whirls in the plain, raising clouds of dust, and causing the air to. ring with their savage, cries a.nd’ the noise. of their drums,: (‘): and then retire: as if:in; flight.

(2) Crassus sends forward against them ehis light infantry; but, surrounded. and overwhelmed with the more.powerful missiles of the Parthians, it -is obliged to take. refuge behind. the. legionSi On. a suddenj t’he Osroenes whom Abgar had npot carried with him attack the Romans. in the rear, (3) and at: the same. time appear, glittering.in the sun, the long lines. of the cuirassed: horgemen. Crassus then forms his army in a square. Each face is composed: of twelve -.cohorts, and the rest is in reserve. The. cavalry and light infantry, divided. into two (1),” Signum in pr.elio non tuba; sed tympano datur.” (Justin, XLI. 2.) (2) “Fidentemque fuga Parthum versisque sagittis.” (Virgil, Georg., III., line 31.) (3) “) The Osroenes, placed’ behind the Romans, who had their backslturned to. them, struck them where.their.unprotected limbs were exposed, and rendered more easy their destruction by the Parthians.” (Dio Cassius, XL. 22.)

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494. HISTORY. OF. JULIUS.CJESAR.. corps, flank two opposite sides of the square. (‘) Publius and Cassius command, one the right, the other the left. Crassus takes his place in the centre..(2) The heavy cavalry, lance in rest, charge the great Roman square, and attempt to break. it; but the thick and close ranks of the legions oppose an invincible resistance. The Parthians fall back a certain distance; and call up their numerous archers, then, all together, they:return in line, and throw upon the deep masses. of the Romans a shower of missiles of which none fail of their aim. The legionaries, if they remain in their. position, have the disadvantage oftheirpila and slings,. which carry but a short distance, and, if they advance to. use their swords, they lose that cohesion which forms their strength.. Without moving, and defending themselves with difficulty, they see their numbers diminish without being discouraged; they hope that; the enemy will soon have exhausted his munitions. But the ranks of the Parthians succeed. each other; as quickly as the first have used all their arrows, they go to fetch others near a long line’ of camels which carry their provisions. The combat has lasted sev-. eral hours; and the Parthians continue to extend their circle, and threaten to surround entirely the great Rol man square. In this critical position, Crassus can only have recourse to his cavalry. The side hardest pressed by” (‘) The army was composed of seven legions, but some troops had been left at Carrhoe. The square was composed of forty-eight cohorts, or nearly five legions; the rest was probably in reserve in the square. The 4,000 cavalry and, 4,000 light infantry were probably divided half to the right and half to the left of the great square, the sides of which must have been about 1,000 metres long..: (2) Plutarch, Crassus, 28.

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~EVENTS OF THE YEAR 701. 495 the enemy is that commanded by Publius; his father orders him to make’a desperate.effort to disengage the army. This noble and intrepid young man immediately takes 1,300 cavalry, among whom were the 1,000 Gauls sent by Caesar, 500 archers, and eight cohorts of infantry. Two young men of his own age follow him-Censorinus and Megabacchus; the first a senator and talented orator, the second equally distinguished. As soon as they are in motion, the Parthians, according to their custom, fly, shooting their arrows at…the same time, in the manner of the Scyth. ians. Publius takes this flight for a rout, and allows himself to’ be drawn too far away. When he has long advanced far’ out of sight of the body of the: army, the fugitives halt, wheel round, are joined by numerous reserves, and surround the Roman troop. These defend themselves heroically, but the Gauls, unprovided with defensive armour, resist with diffi. culty the cavalry barbed with iron. Meanwhile the son of Crassus has been rejoined by his foot, who combat valiantly; he orders them to advance, but they show him their hands nailed to their bucklers, and their feet fixed: to the ground, by the arrows. Pub. lius then makes a last appeal to his brave Gaulisha cavalry, who, in their devotedness to him, meet death far from their country, in:‘the service of ai foreign cause. They dash with impetuosity against the wall of iron which rises’before them, they overthrow some of the cavalry under the weight of their: own armour, snatch their lances from others, or leap to the ground to stab. their horses in the belly; but valour mustE

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496 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. yield:to numbers. - Publius, wounded, tries to retreat, and draws up bhe wreck of his:troops on groundthe slope of which is disadvantageous to him. He attempts in vain to make a retrenchment. with bucklers; his cavalry being placed in form of an amphitheatre, the last ranks are as much exposed as the first to the arrows offthe Parthians. Two Greeks offer to save him by leading. him to Ichns, a town not far off; the young hero replies that he will not abandon his soldiers; he rermains to die with them. Of 6,000 men, 500:only are -made.prisoners, the others are killed fighting. Publius and.his two friends, Censorinus and Megabacchus, slay each other. During this time, Crassus, relieved by his son’s offensive movement, had taken -position on a height, and waited in expectation of hisxvictorious return. But soon messengers come to inform him that, without prompt succour, his son is lost. He hesitates a moment between the hope of saving him and the’ fear of endangering the rest of his army.: At last he decides on marching.

-Hardly has he put the troops in motion, when he sees the Parthians’

approaching to meet him, uttering: shouts of victory, and carrying the head of.his son on the end of a: pike. In this circumstance, Crassus recovers an instant that energy familiar to the Roman character, and, passing along the ranks, “Soldiers,” he exclaims, ” this loss -concerns me alone.‘As long as you live, all the fortune and all the glory of Rome endure and remain invincible. Be not discouraged by my misfortune, and let your compassion for me be changed into rage against your enemies.” These last accents of.a presumptuous chief produced

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR 701L 497 little effect upon an army already disheartened. It fought with resignation, no longer feeling that ardour which gives the hope of victory. Taken in flank by the numerous archers, attacked in front by the heavy cuirassed cavalry, the Romans struggled till evening, remaining always on the defensive, and seeing the circle in which they were enclosed incessantly contracting around them. Fortunately, the Parthians, incapable of holding a position during the night, never encamped on the field of battle; they withdrew. This combat, fought at fifteen: or twenty leagues to the south of Carrha, was disastrous.

Nevertheless, all was not lost, if the general-in-chief preserved his energy and presence of mind; but, disheartened and plunged in deep grief, he stood immovable, aside from the rest, incapable of giving any-order.

Octavius and Cassius called together the tribunes and centurions, and decided on retreat; yet it was necessary to abandon 4,000 wounded, who could not be carried away, and even conceal their departure from them, lest their cries might awaken the attention of the enemy. The retreat is executed at first in complete silence; suddenly the miserable victims perceive that: they are made a sacrifice, their groans give warning to the Persians, and excite a frightful tumult among the Romans: some return to load the wounded on the baggage horses, others form in battle to repulse the enemy: 300 of the cavalry escape, reach Carrhoe, and cross the Euphrates over the bridge which Crassus had built.’ Meanwhile the Parthians, occupied in massacring the 4,000 wounded and the stragglers, pursue only faintly the remains of the Roman army, II.-I I

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498 HISTORY OF JULIUS CESAR. which, protected by a sally of the garrison of Carrhbe, succeed in shutting themselves up within its walls. Either through discouragement, or through want of provisions, the Romans made no stay in this town, but abandoned it, to seek refuge in Armenia. Crassus, followed by a small number of troops, trusting again in a native who was deceiving him, saw his flight retarded by the circuitous way he was made to take uselessly. At daybreak the Parthians appeared. Octavius had reached,- with 5,000 men, one bof the spurs of the mountains of Armenia, and would have been able to place himself in safety in the fortress of Sinnaka, at a distance of only a day’s march; he prefers descending into the plain to the succour of his general, whom he brings back with him to the heights. If they continue the combat till evening, all will not be lost; but Surena has again recourse to stratagem: he sends seductive offers, and proposes an interview. Crassus refuses it; he is resolved on fighting. Unfortunately, the soldiers, who hitherto had obeyed imprudent orders, this time refuse to obey the only order which could save them.

Crassus is -forced to agree to the interview. At the moment he is on his way to it, an accidental quarrel, or rather one raised by the treachery of the Parthians, arises between the escorts of the two nations. Octavius thrusts his sword through the body of a Parthian esquire; a battle follows, and all the Roman escort is massacred. Crassus is slain, and his head carried to-Orodes. Of 40,000 legionaries, one quarter alone survived. The cavalry of C. Cassius, which had separated from the army on their departure from Carrhae; and a few oth

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR 701. 499 er fugitives, succeeded in reaching Syria, in covering Antioch, and even subsequently in expelling successfully the’

Parthians from the Roman province. V. The death of Crassus had two serious conseConsequences of the quences: the first was to raise still high. Death ofCrasus. er the merit of the conqueror of Gaul, by showing what became of the most numerous and bestdisciplined armies under the command. of a presumptuous and unskilful chief; the second, to take away from the scene a man whose influence was a check upon the ambition of two individuals destined to become rivals.. With Crassus, Pompey would not have been the instrument of a party; without Pompey, the Senate would not-have dared to declare against Cesar. The balance thus broken, Pompey sought a new point of support. His alliance with Csesar had alone given him the concurrence of the popular party. Now that this alliance was weakened, he would naturally seek to be reconciled to the aristocracy, flatter its passions, and serve its rancours. In the first moments, he provoked disorder rather than repressed it. Three competitors disputed the consulship for 702, T.

Annius Milo, P. Plautius Hypsseus, and Q. Coacilius Metellus Scipio. (1) They rivalled each other in intrigue and corruption. (‘) Pompey, especially since he had been reconciled to P. Clodius, treated Milo as an enemy, and, according to his habitual tactics, pretended to believe that he harboured designs against (1) Q. Coecilius Metellus Scipio was the son of P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica, and of Licinia, daughter of Crassus. He had been adopted by Q. Ceecilius Metellus Pius. (2) Plutarch, Cato, 55.

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500 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. his life. Although he retarded the comitia, he favoured P. Hypsweus: and Q. Scipio, who solicited the consulship, and Clodius, who, the same year, was a candidate for the praetorship. Milo had a great number of partisans; his largesses to the people and his spectacles seemed likely to ensure his election; and Pompey, in the way of whose views he stood, did all he could to prevent the Senate from naming an interrex to hold the comitia. He desired this important office for himself; but, obliged to give way before the resistance of Cato, he confined himself to preventing any election, and the year ended again without the nomination of consuls.

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CHAPTER -VII. EVENTS OF THE YEAR 702. I. Roxm seemed to be given up only to the petty Murder of contentions of individuals; but, behind Murder of Clodius. the men who stood in view, grave interests and violent passions were in agitation. The disease which undermines society unknown to it, reveals itself when facts, of no great importance in themselves, occur suddenly to produce an unforeseen crisis, to unveil dangers which were unperceived, and to show to all men that society on the brink of an abyss of which nobody had suspected the depth. Thus, by mere accidents of his life, Clodius. -seems to have been destined to cause the explosion.of the elements of disorder which the Republic concealed in -its bosom. He is caught in the house of Caesar’s wife during a religious sacrifice, and this violation of the mysteries of the -Bona Dea leads to a fatal division in the.” first bodies of the state. His impeachment irritates the popular party; his acquittal exposes to the world the venality of the judges, and separates the order of the knights from that of the Senate. The animosity with which he is pursued makes him a chief of a formidable party, which sends Cicero into exile, makes Pompey tremble, and accelerates the elevation of Caesar. His death is destined to awaken ally.the popular passions, and inspire the opposite faction with so many fears,

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502 HISTORY OF JULIUS CESAl. that it will forget its rancours and jealousies to throw itself into the arms of Pompey, and all the people will be in arms from one end of Italy to the other. On the 13th of the Calends of February,‘702 (13th of December, 701), Milo started from Rome to proceed to Lanuvium, his native town, of which he was the dictator. (‘) Towards the ninth.hour, he met on the Appian Way, a little beyond Bovillae, Clodius, who, on his pat, was’ returning on horseback from,Aricia to Rome, accompanied by three friends and thirty’ slaves, all armed with swords. Milo was in a chariot -with his’ wife Fausta, daughter of Sylla, and M.‘Fuius,ihis familiar. Iri his train marched an escort tenti:m’es’more numerous than that of Clodius, and in which &were several celebrated gladiators. The two troopsspa/ssed near a small temple’of the’

Bona’Dea, (2) without exchanging a, single word,‘but casting on each other’furious looks.- They hhad hardly passed, when two of Milo’s gladiators, who lagged behin;d, picked a quarrel with.-the slaves-of,Clodius. A~t the noise of-t;his dispute,’:the latter turned his bridle, and advanced uttering threats. One of the gladiators,’ named Birria, struck him with his sword, andc wounded him grievously in the. shoulder.; (3) he was carried into a neighbouring tavern. (4) () -All that follows is taken almost entirely from Asconius, the most ancient commentator on Cicero, and is-derived, it’ is believed, from-the A’ta’ Diurna. (See the. Argument ofthe Oration’of Cicerofor Milo, edit. Orelli, p. 31.) (2) Nine years after the sacrilege committed on the day.of the festival of the Bona Dea, Clodius was slain by Milo before the gate. of the temple of the Bona Dea, near Bovilla. (Cicero, Orat. pro Milone, 31.) (3) Ro0aphCea.

(AscQnius, A rgument of the Orat. of Cicero pro Milone, p. 32, edit.

Orelli.) (4) Cicero, Orat. pro Milone KO Dio Cassius, XL. 48. Appian, Civil Wars, II. 21. Asconius, Argument of the Oration of Cicero pro Milone, p. 31, et seg.)

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR 702. 503 Milo, learning that Clodius was wounded, feared the consequences of this aggression, and believed that he would incur less danger by dispatching his enemy. He therefore sent his.men: to burst open the tavern; Clodius, dragged from the bed on which he had been placed, is pierced with blows,: and thrown into the high road.. His slaves are slain or put to flight. The corpse remained stretched on the Appian Way, until a senator, Sext. Tedius, who was passing, caused him to be.

taken up, placed in a litter, and carried to Rome, where he arrived at night, and was laid on a bed in the atrium, of his house. But already the news of the fatal meeting was spread through the whole town, and the crowd hastened towards the residence of Clodius, where his wife, Fulvia, pointing to the wounds with which he was covered, urged the people to vengeance. The concourse was so great that several men of mark, and among others C. Vibienus, a senator, were stifled in the crowd., The corpse was carried to the Forum, and exposed on the jrostra; two tribunes of the people, T, Munatius Plancus and Q. Pompeius Rufus, harangued -the multitude, and demanded justice. Afterwards, at the instigation of a scribe named Sext. Clodius, the body was carried to the curia, in order to insult-the Senate; a funereal pile was made of the benches,‘tables, and registers. The fire communicated to the Curia Hostilia, and thence gainedthe Basilica Porcia, and the two buildings were reduced to ashes..

Then the multitude, becoming more and more furious, snatched the fasces which surrounded the -funereal bed, (1) and proceeded to the front of’ (‘) Lectus libitine. (Asconius, p. 34.)-The sense of this word is given by

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504 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAiESAR. the houses of Hypsaeus and Q. Metellus Scipio, as if to offer them the consulship., Lastly, they presented themselves before the abode of Pompey; some demanded with loud shouts that he should be consul or dictator, others shouted the same wishes for Caesar. (‘) Nevertheless, nine days after, when the smoke was still rising from the ruins, the populace, on the: occasion of a funereal banquet in the Forum, sought to burn the house of Milo and that of the interrex, M.

Lepidus. They were driven away by a shower of arrows. (2)’ Milo, in the first moment, had dreamt only of hiding himself; but on hearing the indignation and terror caused by the burning of the curia, he resumed his courage. Persuaded, moreover, that, to repress these excesses, the Senate would proceed to severities against the opposite party, (‘) he returned into’Rome by night, carried his boldness so far as to announce that he still solicited.the consulship, and began actually to buy the votes.

Ccelius, a tribune of the people, spoke in his favour in the Forum. Milo himself mounted the tribune, and accused Clodius of having laid an ambush for him. He was interrupted by a considerable number of armed men, who rushed into the public place. Milo and Ccelius wrapped themselves in the mantles of slaves, and took flight. A great slaughter of their adherents was made. But soon the rioters, profiting by this pretext for disorder, Acro, a scholiast on Horace (see Scholia Horatiana, edit. Pauly, tom. I., p. 360). It corresponds with our word corbillard, a hearse. We know the custom of the Romans of carrying at interments the images of the ancestors of the dead with the ensigns of their dignities. The fasces must have been numerous in the Clodian family. (t) lio Cassius, XL. 50. (2) Dio Cassius, XL, 49. (3) Dio Cassius, XL. 49.

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR 702. 505 murdered all they met, whether citizens or strangers, especially such as attracted their attention by their rich garments -andigold rings; armed slaves were the chief instruments:of these.disorders. No crime was spared; under pretence of seeking Milo’s friends, a great number of houses were pillaged, and during several days all sorts of outrages were committed. (‘) II. Meanwhile:the Senate declared the Republic in The Republic isde-danger,: and charged the interrex, the dared in Danger tribunes of the people, and the proconsul Cn. Pompey, having the im-pe’ium near the town, to watch over the public safety, arid make levies in all Italy. The care of rebuilding the Curia Hostilia was entrusted to the son of Sylla: it was decided that it should bear the name of the old dictator, the memory of whom the Senate sought to place in honour. (2) As soon as Pompey had assembled a military force sufficiently:imposing, the two nephews of Clodius, both named Appius, demanded the arrest of the slaves of Milo, and of those of Fausta, his wife.But the first -care of Milo, his.enehmy once dead, had been to enfranchise his slaves, as a reward for having defended him, and, once enfranchised, they could no longer depose against their patron. About a month after the: death of Clodius, Q. Metellus Scipio brought the affair before the Senate, and accused Milo of falsehood in the explanations he had given. He arrayed skilfully all the circumstances which pointed to him as the aggressor: on one side, his escort much more numerous-the three wounds (A) Appian, Civil Wars, II. 22. (2) Dio Cassius, XL. 50. 22

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506 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. of Clodius-the eleven slaves of the: latter slain; on the other, certain: criminal. facts connected with the event-. a taverner slaughtered-two messengers massacred a slave chopped to pieces for refus’~g to give up a son of-Clodius; lastly, the sum of 1,000 ases offered by the accused to whoever would undertake his defence.: Then Milo.

sought to appease Pompey, by offering to desist from his candidature for the consulship. Pompey replied that the right.“of deciding belonged to the Roman people alone. Milo remained under the accusation not only. of murder, but of elect. oral solicitation, and of an outrage on the Republic. He could.not be:judged before the previous: nomination of the urban praetor, and before the convocation of the comitia. III. This time the fear of disorder silenced opposi-.tion, and: all eyes turned towards Pompey; but what title to give:him? That of dictator caused alarm. M.

Bibulus, though previously hostile, moved -the proposal to,elect him sole consul; it offered the.-only means of averting the dictature, and-,preventing Caesar from becoming his colleague. (1) M. Cato supported this motion, which passed unanimously. (2).It was added that,‘if Pompey believed a’ second’ consul necessary, he should name himself, but not within two months. (8) On (‘) “The Senate and Bibulus, who was first to state his opinion, forestalled the thoughtless resolutions of the multitude by conferring the consulship on Pompey, in order that he might not be proclaimed dictator; and in conferring it upon him alone, in order that he might. not have Cesar for his colleague.” (Dio Cassius, XL. 2.) (2) Plutarch, Cato, 47. (3) Plutarch, Pompey, 57.

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR 702. 507 the 5th of the Calends of March (27th of February)*it was during an intercalary month Pompey, though absent, was declared consul by the interrex Serv. Sulpicius, and; immediately re’entered Rome. “This extraordinary measure, which had never before been adopted for anybody, appeared wise; nevertheless, as Pompey sought less: than Caesar the favour. of the people, the Senate flattered itself with the hope of detaching him completely from it, and securing him in its own interests. And, so it happeneedn. Proud of this new;and altogether.unusual honour, Pompey no longer proposed any nieasure with a view ef pleasihg the multitude, and did scrupulously all that’could be agreeable’to the Senate.”’ (1) Three days after his installation,he obtained two senatusconsultus one, to repress outrages with violence, especially the murder cormiitted on the Appian Way, the burning ofthe:curia, and the attack on the house’of the’interrex, M. Lepidus; the other, to prevent-electoral solicitation by a:more:rapid proceeding and a more: severe penalty. In all:criminal-:actions, a delay of three days was,fxeiedtifor!the’interrogation of witnesses, and one day for the contradictory debates. The -accuser had two hours’ to speak,‘the accused three to defend himself. (2) M.,‘Ccelius, tribune of the people, proteteed’against these laws, alleging thati they violated -the tutelariy forms’ofjustice, and that they were only imagined for the ruin of Milo.

Pompey replied in a tone of men(1) Dib Cassius, XL. 50. (2) Dio Cassius, XL. 52.-Cicero, Brutus, 94; Epist. ad Atticum, XIII 49.Tacitus, Dialog. de Oratoribus, 38.

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508, HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. ace: ” Let them not oblige me to defend the Republie by arms!” He, moreover, adopted all measures for his personal’

safety, and went with a military guard, as though he feared some outrage on the part of Milo. IV. Pompey required further, that a qusestor should be chosen among the consulars to preside over the hearing of’the cause.

The comitia were held, and L,` Domitius Ahenobarbus was elected. It was conceded to Milo that the accusation of murder-should be tried first, and that that of solicitation should be adjourned. The accuserswere the elder of the Appii (the nephew of Clodius), M. Antonius, and P. Valerius Nepos.

Cicero, assisted by M. Claudius Marcellus, was to defend the accused.

Every effort had been made to intimidate Cicero.” Pompeius Rufus, C.

Sallustius, (1) and T. Munatius Plancus had sought to excite the people against him, and to make Pompey look upon him with suspicion. Although he remained firm against the threats of his adversaries, his courage was shaken. The trial began on the eve of the Nones of April, and on the first day the pleadings were interrupted by a violent agitation. Next day, the interrogation of the witnesses was carried on under the protection of an imposing military force. Most of the:evidence was overpowering for the accused, and proved that (‘) This was the historian. He had been the paramour of Milo’s wife. Surprised by him in the very act, he had been cruelly beaten, and compelled to pay, without pity.

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR 702. 509 Clodius had been massacred in’ cold blood.

When Fulvia, the widow of Clodius, appeared, the emotion increased twofold; her tears, and the spectacle.of her grief, affected the assembly.

When the session was closed, the tribune of tbhepeople,T. Munatius Planeius harangued the mob, engaged the citizens to come next day in great number to the public place, in order to oppose the acquittal of Milo, and he recommended them to show unmistakably their opinion and gqrie to the judges:when it came’ to the voting. On the 6th of the Ides of April the shops were closed; guards were placed on the issues of the Forurn by order of Pompey, who, with” a considerable reserve, stationed himself at the treasury. After the drawing for the judges, the eldest of the Appii, M.

Antonius, and P. Valerius Nepos sustained the accusation. Cicero alone replied. He had been advised to represent the murder of Clodius as a service rendered to the Republic; but he rejected this plea, although Cato had dared to declare in full Senate that Milo had performed the act of a good citizen. (‘) He preferred resting his argument on the right’ of legitimate defence. He had hardly commenced, when the cries and interruptions of the partisans of Clodius caused him an emotion which was visible in his speech;‘the soldiers were obliged to make use of their arms. (2) The cries of the wounded, and the sight of the blood, deprived Cicero.of his presence of mind; he trembled, and often broke off. His plead(‘) Velleius Paterculus, II. 47. (2) All this account is taken from the argument by Asconius Servius, serving as an introduction to his Commentary on the Oratibn for M]lilo. (See the edit. of Orelli, pp. 41, 42. Dio Cassius, XL. 53.)

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510 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. ing was far from being worthy of his talent.’ Milo was.condemned,: and went into exile to Marseilles. In the sequel, Cicero composed at his leisure the magnificent oration: which we, know, and, sent-it: to his unfortunate client, who replied:. ” If thou hadst. spoken formerly as thou hast.now written, I should not be eating mullets at Marseilles.”.(1) During the wars of Greece and Africa, Milo, who had not forgotten his part of conspirator, returned into Italy, invited by Ccelius. They both attempted to organise:seditious movements; but they failed, and paid for their rash. enterprise with their lives. 2) Pompey, having reached the summit of power, believed, like most men who are vain of themselves, that all was saved because they had placed him: at the head of affairs; but, instead of attending to these, his first care was to marry again.. He espoused, in spite of his advanced, age, Cornelia, daughter of Scip. io, the young widow of Publius Crassus, who had just perished among the Parthians. “It. was considered,” says Plutarch, “that a woman so. young, remarkable both for her mental qualities and for external graces, would have been more’properly married: to-his son. The more honest citizens reproached him with hav. ing, on this occasion, sacrificed the interests of the Republic, which, in the extremity to which it was reduced, had chosen him for its -physician, and trusted to him alone for its cure..Instead of responding to this confidence, he was seen crowned with, flowers, offering sacrifices and celebrating nuptial rites, while he ought to have regarded as a public calamity this con(1) Dio Cassius, XL.

54. (2) Velleius Paterculus, II. 68.

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~EVENTS; OF. THE YEAR 702. - 5,11 sulship, which he would not have obtained, according to the laws,. alone and without a -colleague,. if.

Rome had been more happy’”.”(1) Pompey had, -nevertheless, rendered. great services by: putting down the riots and protecting the: exercis.e of justice. - He had:delivered Rome,fiom: the bands of Clodius and Milo, had given.a more, regular organisation to the tribunals, 2): and’ caused’their judgments to be respected by armed force. Still, if we except these acts, commanded by circumstances, he had used his power with: hesitation, as a man who is strugglinggbetween’- his conscience and his. interests. Having become, perhaps unknowingly, the instrument of the aristocratic: party, the ties which had attached him to Caesar, had often checked him in - the way. in which: they sought’ to push him. As the defender of order, he had promulgated laws to restore it; but,,as the, man of: a party, he had been incessantly led.to violate them, to satisfy the urgencies of his faction.

He caused a senatusconsultus to be adopted; authorising prosecutions against those who had exercised public employments since his:irst consulship.. The retrospective effect of this. law, which embraced a period of twenty years, and, consequently the consulship of Caesar, excited the indignation; of the partisans of the latter; they exclaimed that Pompey would do much better to occupy himself with the present -than; to call the hateful investigation of the-factions to the past conduct of the first magistrates of the Republic; but Pompey replied that, since the law permitted the control of his own acts, he saw no reason why those (1) Plutarch, Pompey, 58. (2) Dio Cassius, XL. 53.

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512 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. of Caesar should be freed from it; and that, moreover, the relaxation of morals during so many years rendered the measure necessary. (1) Complaint was made of the power left to orators of pronouncing the eulogy of the accused, whose de. fence they offered, because the prestige attached.to the word of men of consideration procured too easily the acquittal of the guilty. A senatusconsultus prohibited the custom. Yet in contempt of these orders, which he had brought forward, Pompey was not ashamed to pronounce the eulogy of T. Munatius Plancus, accused, with Q. Pompeius Rufus, of the fire which burnt the CuiiriaHostilia. (2) Cato, who was one of the members of the tribunal, exclaimed, stopping his ears: “I do not believe this eulogiser, who speaks against his own laws.” The accused were condemned’ nevertheless. With the aim of repressing electoral corruption and bringing to justice those guilty of it, it was enacted that every one condemned for bribery who should succeed in convicting, another of the same crime should obtain thereby the remission of his punishment.- Memmius, condemned for an act of this description, wishing to take advantage of the benefit of the legal impunity, denounced Scipio. Then Pompey appeared clothed in mourning before the tribu. nal, at the side of his father-in.law. At the view of this:image of sorrow and of the moral pressure which resulted from it, Memmius desisted; deploring the misfortune of the Republic. As to the judges, they (‘) Appian, Civil Wars, II. 24. (2) Dio Cassius, XL. 52.

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR 702. 513 pushed flattery to the point, of conducting Scipio back to his dwelling. (‘) To put a stop in the elections to the intrigues arising fiom. the shameless covetousness, of the candidates, it Was decreed that the consuls and praetors should not be allowed to take the government of a province until five years after their consulship’or praetorship. (2) This discouraged the ambitious, who threw themselves into extravagant expenses in order to arrive through one of these magistracies at the government of the provinces. And nevertheless Pompey, although consul, not only preserved the proconsulship of Spain, but he caused, his -government to be prolonged for five years, kept a part of his army in Italy, and received a thousand talents for the;maintenance of his troops.

In the interest of his partisans, he did not hesitate to violate his own laws, which. has made Tacitus say of him, Suarum legum auctor idem ac subversor. (3) The preceding law did’ not deprive. Caesar.- of the possibility of arriving at the consulship, but the Senate put in force again the law which prohibited any one who was absent from offering himself as: a candidate, forgetting that it had just elected Pompey sole consul, although absent from the town of Rome. The friends of the proconsul of Gaul protested with energy. “‘Caesar,” they said, “had merited well of his country; a second consulship would only be the just recompense of his immense labours; or, at all events, if they felt reluctance in conferring this great dignity (!) Plutarch, Pompey, 59. (2) Dio Cassius, XL. 56; comp. 30. (3) Tacitus, Annales, III 28. 22* II. K K

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-514 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. upon him, they ought at least not to give him a successor, or deprive him of the benefit he had acquired.’” Pompey, who had no desire of breaking with Caesar, had recourse to Cicero (1) to add to the law already engraved on. a tablet of brass, which was then the form of promulgation, that the prohibition did not apply to those who had obtained the authorisation.to offer themselves as candidates in. spite of their absence. All the tribunes, who had at first protested, accepted this qualification, at the motion of Ccelius. (2) Nevertheless, Caesar’s friends’ went to him in great numbers to demonstrate that Pompey’s laws had been all brought forward against his interest, and that it was essential that he should be on his guard: against him. Caesar, proud in the justice of his claims, and strong in the services he had rendered, distrusted neither his son-in-law nor destiny, encouragedthem, and praised greatly the conduct ofPompey. (3) V. About the first of August, Pompey chose his Pompeytakesashis father-in-law Scipio as his associate in the Associate Ceecilius MetellusPius Scipio. consulship, for the last five months. This partition of power, purely nominal, and which was subsequently imitated by the emperors, appeared to satisfy men who thought only of forms. The senators (1) ” Shall I pronounce against Caesar? But what then becomes of that faith sworn, when, for this same privilege which he demands, I myself, at his prayer at Ravenna, went to solicit Ccelius, the tribune of the people? What do I say, at his prayer! at the prayer of Pompey himself, then invested with his third con40sulship, of eternal memory.”: (Cicero, Epist. ad Atticum, VII. 1.) (2),” It is he, Pompey, who has absolutely willed that the ten: tribunes should propose the decree which permitted Caesar to ask for the consulship without coming to Rome.”

(Cicero, Epist. ad Atticzam, VIII. 3. Dio Cassius, XL. 56.  Suetonius, Caesar, 28.) (3) Appian, Civil Wars, II. 25.

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR 702. 515 boasted of having restored order -without.injuring the institutions, of the.Republic. (1) Scipio sought to.signalise. his short administration by abolishing the.law of Clodius, which permitted the censors to. expel friom the Senate. only men; who had already undergone a condemnation.. - He restored things to the old footing, by rendering the power of the censors almost unlimited. This change was not received with favour; as; Seipio had.expected. The -old consulars; among.whom the censors were usually chosen, found the responsibility of such functions dangerous in a time-.of trouble and anarchy. Instead of being sought.:as -an.: honour,:the censorship was avoided as a perilous post. (2) It was every day more evident, in. the eyes of all men ofjudgment, thatthe institutions of the Republic were becoming more and more powerless to guarantee order within, and perhaps even peace without. - The Senate could no longer meet, the comitia be held, or the judges render judgment, without the protection of a military force-; it was necessary, therefore, to place themselves at the discretion of a. general, and. to abdicate all authority into his hands. Thus, while the popular instinct, which is rarely deceived, saw the safety of the Republic in the power of a single individual,. the’aristocratic party, on the contrary, saw danger only in this general tendency towards one man.

For this reason Cato inscribed himself among the candidates. for the consulship for the’ year 703, denouncing Pompey and Caesar as equally dangerous, (1) Plutarch, Pompey, 55.-Valerius Maximus, IX. 5.-Appian, Civil Wars, II. 23, 24;. (2) Dio Cassius, XL. 57.

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516 HISTORY OF JULIUS CiAISAR. and declaring that he only aspired to the first magistracy to counteract their ambitious designs. This competition, opposed to the spirit of the time and to the powerful instincts which were in play, had no chance of success: the candidature of Cato was defeated without difficulty. VI. Not only had the. murder of Clodius deeply agInsurrection of Gaul, itated Italy,.but the reverberationI made and Campaignof0l72. itself felt beyond the Alps, and the troubles in Rome had revived in Gaul the desire to shake off the yoke of the Romans. The intestine dissensions, by spreading. a belief in the debilitation of the state, awakened incessantly the hopes of its exterior enemies, and, which is’sad to confess, these exterior enemies always find accomplices among traitors who are ready to betray their country. (‘) The campaign of 702
is, without dispute, the most interesting in the double point of view political and military. - To the historian, it presents the affecting scene of tribes, hitherto divided, uniting in one national thought, and arming for the purpose of re-conquering their independence. To the philosopher it presents, as a result consoling for the progress of humanity, the triumph of civilisation against the best combined and most heroic efforts of barbarism. Lastly, in the eyes of the soldier, it is a magnificent example of what may be done by energy and experience (l),”….

-He (Vercingetorix) reckoned on persuading all Gaul to take arms while they were preparing at Rome a revolt against Csesar. If the chief of the Gauls had deferred his enterprise until Caesar had the civil war to contend with, he would have struck all Italy with no less terror than was caused in former days by the Cimbri and the Teutones.” (Plutarch, Ccesar, 28.)

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.EVENTS’OF THE.YEAR 702. 517 in war by a small number contending against masses who are wanting in organisation and discipline. The events which had occurred in Rome led the Gauls to think’that Caesar would be detained in Italy, upon which a formidable insurrection is organised among them.

All the different peoples act in con. cert, and form a coalition. The provinces in the military occupation of the legions, or held in fear.by their proximity, alone remain foreign to the general agitation. The country; of Orleans first gives the signal; the Roman citizens are slaughtered at Gien; Berry and Auvergne join the league; and’ soon, firom the Seine to the Gironde, from the C6vennes to the ocean, the whole country is in arms. As a chief never fails to reveal himself when a great national movement breaks out, Vercingetorix appears, places himself at the head of a war of independence, and, for the first time, proclaims this truth, the stamp of grandeur and patriotism: “If Gaul has the sense to; be united, and become one nation, it may defy the universe.” All respond to his call. The peoples, but lately divided by rivalries, customs, and tradition, forget their reciprocal grievances, and unite under him.

Foreign oppression creates nationalities much more than community of ideas and interests. Had.Vercingetorix formerly, like so many others, bent his brow under the Roman domination? Dio Cassius is the only historian who says so. Be this as it may, he shows himself, as early as the year 702, the firm and intrepid adversary of the invaders. His plan is as bold as it is well combined: to create in the heart of Gaul a great centre of insurrection,

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518 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. protected by the mountains of the C6vennes and -of Auvergne; Ifrom’this natural fortress to throw his lieutenants upon the Narbonnese, whence Caesar would be no longer able to draw either succours or provisions; to prevent even the Roman general from returning to his; army; to attack separately the legions while deprived of their chief, urge into insurrection the centre of Gaul, and destroy the-oppidun’of the Boii, that small people, the remains of the defeat of the Hel’vetii, placed by Caesar at the confluence of the Allier and the Loire as an advance sentinel. Informed of these events, Caesar quits Italy in haste, followed by a’ small number of troops raised in the Cisalpine. On his descent from the Alps, he finds himself almost alone Fin presence of wavering allies, and of the greatest part of Gaul in revolt, while his legions are dispersed ait a distance on the Moselle, the Marne, and the Yonne., So many perils excite -his ardour instead of abating it, and his resolution is soon taken. He is going to draw his enemies, by successful and multiplied diversions, to the points where he intends to strike decisive blows; and by sending his infantry into the Vivarais, his cavalry to VTienne, and’ proceeding in person 1to Narbonne, he divides the attention of his adversaries, in order to conceal his designs. His presence in the Roman province is equivalent to an army. He. encourages the men who -have remained faithful; intimidates the others; doubles, with the local resources, all the garrisons of the towns of the Province as far as Toulouse; and, after having thus raised in the south a barrier against all invasion,

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR 702. 519 he returns, and arrives at the foot of the C6vennes in, the Vivarais, where he.. finds the troops which had been’sent forward. He then crosses -the mountains covered, with snow, penetrates into Auvergne, and obliges Vercingetorix to abandon Berry, in order to hasten to defend his own country, which is threatened., Satisfied with this result, he starts unexpectedly, and, almost alone, hastens to Vienne.

He takes the escort of cavalry which had preceded him, reaches the country of Langres, and proceeds thence to Sens, where he brings together his ten legions. Thus, in little time, he has placed the Roman Province in security from any attack, forced Vercingetorix to fly to the defence of Auvergne, and rejoined and concentrated: his army. Although the rigour of the season adds to the difficulty of the marches and supplies of provisions (it was in the month of March), he decides upon immediately taking the field. Vercingetorix has just laid siege to Gorgobina, the oppidum of the Boii. These 20,000 Germans, so recently vanquished, preserve the sincere gratitude of a primitive people towards him who has given them lands, instead of selling them.for slaves: they remain faithful to the Romans, and face the anger of Vercingetorix and the attacks of revolted Gaul. Caesar, unwilling that a people who set the example of fidelity should become the victims of their devotedness, marches to their’succour. He might go directly to Gorgobina, and cross the Loire at Nevers; but in that case, Vercingetorix, informed of his approach, would have had time to come and dispute the passage..T~o attempt this by force was a dangerous

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520 HISTORY OF JULIUS C2ESAR. operation. He leaves at Sens two legions and his baggage, starts at the head of the eight others, and hastens,-by the shortest way, to cross the Loire at Gien.. He proceeds up the left bank of the river; while Vercingetorix, instead of waiting for him, raises the siege of Gorgobina. He proceeds to meet Cmsar, who beats him at Sancerre in a cavalry encounter, and then marches upon Bourges, without further care for an enemy incapable of arresting him in the open field. The capture of that important town must make him master of the whole country.

The Gaulish general confines himself to following by short’marches, and burning all the country around, in order to starve the IRoman army. The siege of Bourges is one of the most regular and interesting of the war in Gaul. Caesar opens the trenches, that is, he makes covered galleries which permit him to approach the place, to fill the fosse, and to. construct a terrace, a veritable breacling battery, surmounted on each side by a tower. When, with the assistance of his military engines, he has thinned the ranks of the defenders, he assembles his legions under protection of the parallels composed of covered galleries, and by means of the terrace,‘which equals the elevation of the wall, he gives the assault and carries the place. After the capture of.Bourges, he proceeds to Nevers, where he establishes his magazines; then to Decize, to appease the disputes which had arisen, among the Burgundians, from the competition of two claimants to the supreme power. He next divides his army; sends Labienus, with two legions, against the Parisii

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR -702. 521 and their allies; orders him to take the two.

legions left at Sens; and in person, with the six others, directs his march towards Auvergne, the principal -focus of the insurrection. By means of a stratagem, he crosses the Allier at Varennes without striking a blow, and obliges Vercingetorix to retire into Gergovia with all his forces.

Placed on almost inaccessible heights, these vast Gaulish oppida, which enclosed the greater part of the population of a province, could only be reduced by famine. Caesar was well aware of this, and’resolved on confining himself to the blockade of Gergovia; but one day he judges the occasion favourable, and he risks an assault. Repulsed with loss, he thinks only of retreat, when already the insurrection surrounds him on all sides. The Burgundians themselves, who owe everything to Caesar, have followed the general impulse: by their defection, the communications of the Roman army are intercepted land its rear threatened. Nevers is burnt, and the bridges on the Loire are destroyed; the Gauls, in their presumptuous hope, already see Caesar humiliated, and obliged to pass with his soldiers under new Fureae Caudina; but old veteran troops, commanded by a great captain, do not recoil after a first reverse; and these six legions, shut up in their camp, isolated in the middle of a country in insurrection, separated from all succour by rivers and mountains, yet immovable and unshaken in face of a victorious enemy who dares not pttrsue his victory, resemble those rocks’ beaten by the waves of the ocean, which defy the tempests, and’ the approach to which is so perilous that no one dare brave them.

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522 HISTORY OF JULIUS C2ESAR. In this extremity Caesar has not lost. hope.

Far from him the thought of re-crossing the Cevennes, and returning into the Narbonnese.. This retreat would bear too great a resemblance to a flight. Moreover, he, has fears for the four legions entrusted to Labie, nus, of-.whom ie: has. received no: news.since they went to combat the Parisii; he is anxious, to rejoin them at: all risks.:H  e t:H herefore marches.in the direction of Sens, crosses the Loire by a ford, near Bourbon-Lancy,:.andl,onl his arrival, near Joigny, he rallies Labienus, who, after-having’ defeated the army of Camulogenus under the.walls. of Paris, had. returned to Sensand. hastened to meet him. What joy: Caesar must have experienced, when he found his lieutenant, then. faithful still, on the banks of the Yonne! for this junction doubled his forces, and restored the chances of the struggle in his favour. While he Wvas, re-modelling his army, calling to him a reenforcement of German cavalry, apd: preparing-to approach nearer to the. Roman province, Vercingetorix had not lost a moment in stirring up the whole of Gaul against -the Romans.: The inhabitants of Savoy, as well as those.of he:Vivarais, are drawn into’revolt; all is, agitation from. the coasts of the ocean to the. Rhone. i He communicates to all hearts the sacred fire which.inflames: him, and. from, Mont Beuvray, as: its centre, its action radiates to: the extremities. of Gaul. But it is granted neither to’ the most eminent of men to. create in. one day an army, nor to -popular insurrection, however general, to form suddenly.a na. tion. The foreigner has not yet quitted the territory

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EVENTS, OF THE YEAR 702. 523 of their country before the chiefs become jealous of each other, and rivalries break out between the different -states.. The Burgundians obey unwillingly the people of Auvergne;. the people of the territory of Beauvais: refuse. their_ contingent, alleging that they will only:-make, war at their own. time and; in their own manner. The: inhabitants of Savoy, instead of responding: to the appeal made to: their: old independence,-oppose. a.-vigorous:resistance to the attacks: of the. Gauls, and the Vivarais shows no less devotedness to the.-Romran cause. As-to the Gaulish army,:.:its strength consisted chiefly in cavalry; the footmen, in spite of the efforts of Vercingetorix, composed; only an undisciplined mass; for military. organisation is always a reflection of the state of society,.and where there is: no’ people there is no infantry. In Gaul, as Caesar tells us,:two classes alone were dominant, the priests and the no., bles. (1) It.is not surprising if, then as in the-Middle Ages, the nobility on horseback formed the-true sinew.of the armies. Accordingly, the Gauls-never incurred the risk of resisting the Romans in the open field, or rather’everything was confined to a combat of cavalry,- and,::when their:ca alry- -was defeated, the army retired without the infantry being engaged at alL. This is what happened-before Sancerre: the defeat of his cavalry had forced Vercingetorix to make his retreat; he had allowed Csesar: to continue his route: undisturbed towards: Bourges, iand take -that (1) “In all Gaul there are only two classes of men who count and are considered (the Druids and the knights), for the people’have hardly any other rank than that of slaves.” (De Bello Gallico, VI. 13.)

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524 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. town, without ever daring to attack him either during his march or during the siege. It will be. the same at the battle of the Vingeanne. Caesar’directed his march from Joigny towards FrancheComte, across the country of Langres. His aim was to reach Besangon, an important fortress, from whence he could. at the same time resume the offensive and protect the Roman Province; but when he arrived at the eastern extremity of the territory of Langres, in the valley. of the Vingeanne, at about sixty-five kilometres from Alesia, his army, in march, is brought to’a halt by that of Vercingetorix, whose numerous cavalry have sworn to pass three times through the Roman lines; this cavalry is repulsed by that of the Germans in. Caesar’s pay, and Vercingetorix hastens to take refuge in Alesia, without the least Tesistance offered by his infantry. It is the belief of the Gauls that their country can only be defended in the fortresses, and the example of Gergovia animates them with a generous hope; but Caesar will attempt no more imprudent assaults. 80,000 infantry. shut themselves up in the walls of Alesia, and the cavalry is sent into the whole of Gaul to call to arms, and to conduct to the succour of the invested town the contingents of all the states. About forty or fifty days after the blockade of the place, 250,000 men, of whom 8,000 are cavalry,. appear on the low hills which bound the plain of Laumes on the west. The besieged leap with joy. How will the Romans be able to sustain the double attack from within and fronm without? Caesar has obviated all perils by the art of fortification, which he has carried

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR 702.: 1525 to perfection. A line of countervallation against the fortress, and a line of circumvallation against the army of succour, are rendered almost impregnable by means of works adapted to the ground, and in which science has accumulated all the obstacles in use in the warfare of sieges. These two concentric lines are closely approached to each other, in order to facilitate the defence. The troops are not scattered over the great extent of the retrenchments, but distributed into twenty-three redoubts and eight camps, from which they can move, according to circumstances, on the points threatened. The redoubts are advanced posts. The camps of infantry, placed on the heights, form so many reserves. The cavalry camps are stationed on the banks of the. streams. In the plain especially, where the attacks may be most dangerous, to the fosses, ramparts, and ordinary towers are added abatis, wolf-pits, things like caltrops, means still employed in modern fortification. Thanks to so many works, but thanks also to the imperfection of the projectiles of that time, we see a besieging army, equal in number to the army besieged, three times less in.force than the army of succour, resist three simultaneous attacks, and finish by vanquishing so many enemies assembled against it.

It is a thing to be remarked that Csesar, in the decisive day of the struggle, shut up in his lines, has become, in a manner, the besieged, and, like all besieged who. are victorious, it is by a sally that he triumphs. The Gauls have nearly forced his retrenchments on one point; but Labienus, by Caesar’s order, debouches from the lines, attacks:the enemy with the sword, and puts him to flight: the cavalry completes the victory.

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526 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. This siege, so memorable in a military point of view, is still more so in the historic point of view. Beside the hill, so barren at the present day, of Mont Auxois, were decided the destinies of the world. In these fertile plains, on these hills, now silent, nearly 400,000 men encountered each other; one side led by the spirit of conquest, the other by the spirit of independence; but none. of them, were conscious of the work which destiny. was employing them to accomplish. The cause of all civilisation was at stake. The defeat of Csesar would have stopped for a long period the advance of Roman domination, of that domination which; across rivers of blood, it is true, conducted the peoples to a better future. The Gauls, intoxicated with their success, would have called to their aid-all those nomadic peoples who followed the course of the sun to create themselves a country, and all together would have thrown themselves upon Italy; that focus of intelligence, destined to enlighten the peoples, would then have been destroyed, before it had been able to develop its expansive force. Rome, on her side, would have lost the only chief capable of arresting her decline, of re-constituting the Republic, en-d of bequeathing to her at his death three centuries of existence…. Thus, while we honour duly the memory of Vercingetorix, we are. not allowed to deplore his defeat. Let us admire the ardent and sincere love of this Gaulish chieftain for the independence of his country; but let us not forget that it is to the triumph of the Roman armies that we owe our civilisation; institutions, manners, language, all come to us from the con

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR 702. 527 quest. Thus are we much more the children of the conquerors than of the conquered; for, during long years, the former have been our masters for everything which raises the soul and embellishes life; and, when at last the invasion of the barbarians came to overthrow the old Roman edifice, it could not destroy its foundations. Those wild hordes only ravaged the territory, without having the power to annihilate the principles of law, justice, and liberty, which, deeply rooted,.

survived by their own vitality, like.those crops which, bent down for a moment beneath the tread of the soldiers, soon rise again spontaneously, andrecover a new. life. On the-groundc thus prepared, by Roman civilisation, the Christian idea was able easily to plant itself, and to regenerate the world. The victory gained atAlesia was, then, one of those decisive events which decide-the destinies of peoples. It is towards the.end of the third consulship of Pompey that the lictors must have arrived in Rome, carrying, according to the custom, with their fasces crowned with laurels, the letters announcing the surrender of Alesia. The degenerate aristocracy, who placed their rancours above the interests of their country, would, no, doubt, have preferred receiving the news of the loss.of the Roman armies, to seeing Caesar become greater than ever by new successes; but public opinion compelled the Senate to celebrate the victory gained at Mont Auxois: it ordered sacrifices during twenty days; still more, the people, to testify their joy, trebled the number. (‘) (1) Dio Cassius, XL. 50.

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CHAPTER VIII. EVENTS OF THE YEAR 703. I. THEa capture of Alesia and the defeat of the army New Troubles in of succour, composed. of all the continGaul, and the Campaign on the Aisne. gents of Gaul, must have encouraged the hope that the war was ended;’ but the popular waves, like those of the ocean, once agitated, require time to calm them. In 703, disturbances broke out on several points at the same time. Caesar, who was wintering at Bibracte, was obliged to proceed with two legions into Berry, and, some time afterwards, into the country of Orleans, to restore order there; next he marched against the people of Beauvais, whose -resistance threatened to be the more formidable, as they had taken but a slight part at the siege of Alesia. After having assembled four legions, he established his camp on Mont Saint-Pierre, in the forest of Cbompiegne, opposite the Gauls, who were posted on Mont Saint-Marc. At the end of a few weeks, unable to draw them to quit their post, and not considering his forces sufficient to surround on all sides the mountain which they occupied, he sent for three other legions, and then threatened to invest their camp, as had happened at Alesia. The Gauls left their position, and retired upon Mont Ganelon, from whence they sent troops to lay in ambush in the forest, in order to fall upon the Romans when they went to forage.

The

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR 703. 529 result was a combat in theplain of Choisy-a-Bac,‘i which the Gauls” were defeated, and which’ led to the submission of the whole country. After this expedition, Csesar turned his attention to the. country situated between the Rhine and the Meuse, the populations of which, in spite of the hard lesson of 701Q, were again raisiiig’ the standard of revolt under Ambiorix. The whole country was committed to fire and sword; but the invaders could not lay hold of the person of that implacable’enemy of the:Roman name. The remains of the old Gaulish bands had united on the left bank of the’ Loire, the constant refuge’of the last defenders of their country, and’were still displaying an energy sufficient to give uneasiness to the conquerors. They joined Dumnacus, the chief of the Angevins,‘who was besieging,‘in Poitiers, Duratius, a Gaulish -chief faithful to the Romans. Chsar’s lieutenants, Caninius Rebilus’ and C. Fabius, obliged Dumnacus to raise the siege, and defeated his army. During this time, Drappes of Sens and Lucterius of Cahors, who’had escaped from the last battle, attempted to invade’theRoman province; but, pursued by Rebilus, they threw themselves into the fortress of Uxellodunum (le Puy d’Issolu), where the last’ focus of the insurrection’was destined to. be extinguished. After a battle. outside the, fortress, in which the Romans were. victorious, Drappes fell into their power; Rebilus-and Fabius continued the siege. But the courage of the besieged rendered useless.the efforts of the besiegers. At this conjuncture Cwesar arrived there. Seeing that the place, being obstinately 23 II. -L L

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530 HISTORY’OF JULIUS CESAR. tlefended and abundantly provisioned, could not be reduced either by ~force or by famine, he conceived the idea of depriving the besieged of water. For this purpose, a subterranean gallery was carried to the veins of the spring which;, alone, supplied their wants. It became instantly dry. The Gauls, taking this circumstance.

for:a:aprodigy, believed -they saw in it a manifestation. of the will of the gods, and surrendered. CseSar inflicted. on the heroic defenders of Uxellodunum an atrocious punishment: he caused their hands to be cut off; an unpardonable act of cruelty, even although it might have appearednecessary. These events accomplished, he visited Aquitaine for the first time, with two legions, and saw his authority accepted: everywhere.

He subsequently proceeded to Narbonne, and from thence to Arras, where he!

established his head-quarters for -the winter.: Labienus, on his side, had obtained the complete submission of the. country of Treves. H. After eight years of sanguinary struggles, Gaul Cmsar”s Policy in was subdued, and thenceforward, far from Gand atRom, meeting. enemies in it, Caesar was destined to find only auxiliaries. Hs policy had contributed as much as his arms to this result.- Instead of’seeking to reduce’Gaul into a Roman province, the great:captain had applied himself to founding the supremacy’

of the Republic on powerful alliances, making the conquered:countries subj-ett to the states of whichli he was sure, and leaving to each people its chiefs’ and its’institutions, and to Gaul entire its general assemblies.

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EVENTS:F THE: YEAR 703. 531 It may have been remarked with what consideration Caesar, in -all.his wars, deals withi the countries which offer him:their co-operation, and with what generous ability he-treats them.’ Thus, in, his first campaign; he raises:- the Burgundians:from; the:state of inferiority in which they-were held -by the people of Franche-Comt6, and.: re-establishes them -in: possession of their hostages -and of their rights: ofpatronage over the states-whih: were their clients; (‘) yielding:to their prayer, in the second campaign, he pardons the people of Beauvais; (2’tin the sixth, the inhabitants of Sens. (3) In.

702,.the: auxiliary troops fur. nished by the Burgundians revolti-yet he takes: no vengeance upon them-;: the. samee year these people massacre: the Roman. merchants: they expect terrible reprisals, and send to:iplore pardon; GCesar:replies to their deputies: that he is fiar from: wishing to throw,on the whole country the. fault of a few; lastly, when, under the influence of the national. feeling, their: contingents have take.n part in the general insurrection, and’ are defeated before Alise, instead of reducing them. to captivity,: Caosar. gives: them. their’ liberty.

iHe:behaves: in -the same; manner towards the people of Rheims, whose influence he augments by granting their petitions in’ favour, at: one time of the people -of Soissons, ().-at another’ of.the inhabitants of Orleanais. (5) He restores similarly to the inhabitants of Auvergne:their’contingent vanquished at::Alise.; to the people of Artois, he remits all tribute, restores (‘) De Bello Gallico, VI. 12. (2) De Bello Gallico, Ii. 15. (3) IDe Bello Gallico, VI. 4. (4) De Bello Gallico, II.

12. (5) De Bello Gallico, VI. 4.

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5.32 HISTORY OF JULIUS.CAESAR. their’ laws, and-places the territory of the Boulonnaise in subjection to them. (‘) In each of his campaigns he follows an equally generous policy towards his allies. The chiefs wwhom:C.sar places over. the governments. of the different states are’

not’chosen arbitrarily; he takes them from the ancient families who have reigned over the country; often even he does no more than confirm the’

result of a. free election.’ He:maintains Ambiorix at the head of the people of Liege, restores to! him his. son and nephew, prisoners’ of the people, of Namur,: and’frees him from the tribute.which he paid to that people. () He. gives to the people of Orleans for their chief Tasgetius, and to the inhabitants of Sens, Cavarinus, both issued from families which. had possessed the sovereignty. (8) He appoints, as King of Artois, Cmmius, (‘) who, nevertheless,:as well as Ambiorix, subsequently revolted against him. In:presence of theprincipal personages of the country of the Treviri, he decides between rival ambitions, and pronounces’for Cingetorix,’.(Q) whom he calls -to the power. Again, he recognises Convictolitavis: as chief’of: the Burgundians. (6) We can pardon Caesar some acts of cruel vengeance, when we consider how far his age was still a stranger to the sentiments of humanity, and how far a victorious general must have been provoked. to see those’whose oath of fidelity:he had.

received, ahd whom he had loaded with honours, incessantly revolting -against his authority. (‘) De Bello Gallico, VII. 76. (2) De Bello Gallico, V. 27. (3) De Bello Gallico, V. 25, 54. (4) De Bello Gallico, IV.

21. (5) De Bello Gallico, V. 4. (6) De.Bello Gallico, VII. 33.

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.EVENTS. OF THE YEAR-703. 533. Almost every year he:convokes the assembly-of Gaul, (‘) either at. Lutetia, or at’Rheims, or at Bi. bracte, and he only imposes on the people the rights of the-conqueror’after having called them to discuss in his presence their! several interests;*
he presides ov/er them more.: as a protector than as a conqueror. Finally, when the last remains of the insurrection have been annihilated at Uxellodunum (Pytt d’ssolu), he proceeds to pass the winter in Belgium; there he strives to, render obedience more easy to the vanquished, brings into the exercise of power more of leniency and justice, and introduces among these races, still savages, the benefits of civilisation. Such was the efficacy of these measures that, when, finally abandoning Gaul, he was obliged to withdraw his legions from it, the country, formerly so agitated, remained calm and tranquil;: the transformation was complete, and, instead of enemies, he.left on the other side of the Alps a people always ready to furnish him with numerous soldiers for his new wars. (‘) When we see a man of eminence devote himself, during nine’ years, with so much perseverance and skill,: to the greatness’of his country, we ask how so many animosities and rancours could rise against him in Rome. But this angry feeling is explained by the’ regret and vexation, very excusable indeed, which the (1) “In the beginning of spring he convoked, according to custom, the’ assembly of Gaul.” (De Bello Gallico, VI. 3.) (2) Cicero appears to fear for his wife and daughter in thinking that Caesar’s army was filled with barbarians. (Cicero, Epist. ad Atticumi, VII. 13, A.U.C.

705.). He wrote to Atticus that, according to Matius, the Gauls offered Cwasar 10,000 infantry and 6,000 cavalry, which they would entertain at their own expense for ten years. (Cicero, Epist. ad Atticum, IX. xii. 2.)

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,34 HISTORY OF JULIUS C2ESAR. privileged castes feel.when a system which has, during several centuries, been the cause of their power and of the glory of the, country, has just given way under the irresistible action of new:ideas; this hatred fell upon-Cmesar as the.most dangerous promoter of these ideas..t is trvue-:th.at people: accused his, ambition; in reality, it was his, convictions openly pronounced which: had long:provoked hostility. C;esar.b.egan his.political career with a trial which is:.alwayshonouralblepersecution supported for’a good cause.

The.poputlar:party then rested; for. support on the memory of Marius.

Cesar. did not. hesitate in re. viving it withglory. Hence the prestige which sur. rounded him in his:youth,: and which ceased not to grow with him.:The constancy.of his principles gained him all the: honours. and all the dignities which were conferred upon him; named successively military-tribune,. quistor, grand’pontifE, guardian of the Appian Way, aedile, urban preator, proprmetor in Spain, and lastly consul, he might consider these different -testimonies of public favour as so many victories gained under the same flag-against the same enemies.. This was, the motive of othe violent passions of the aristocracy::: it made aa single man responsible for the decay, of an, order of things which was falling into the abyss:of corruption and. anarchy.: When, during his aedileship, Caesar causes the trophies of Marius, glorious symbols of the war against the Cimbri and Teutones, to be replaced in the Capitol, the opposite party already cries out that he intends to overthrow the Republic; when: he returns from Spain, after having led his victorious legions as

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR 703. 535 far as Portugal, his. passage across the Transpadane colonies inspires the Senate with so many fears, that two legions, destined for.Asia, are retained in Italy; when he believes that he has a claim.to a triumph and. the consulate at the same time a double favour accorded to. many.others he is obliged to renounce the triumph. As consul he encounters, during the whole period of his magistracy, the most active and the most spiteful opposition. Hardly have his. functions expired, when an accusation is sought to be brought against him,.which he only escapes by the privilege attached to the imrperiwmm. In his interview, not far from the Rhine, with Ariovistus, he learns that the nobles of Rome; have promised their friendship to the German king, if, by his death, he delivers them from their enemy. His victories, which transport the people with -enthusiasm,- excite jealousy and detraction among the Roman:aristocracy. They seek to undervalue his expeditions beyond the sea, as well as beyond the Rhine., In 701’ the news. reached Rome of the defeat -of the German tribes. who again threatened Gaul with invasion. Cato, under the pretence that Caesar had not observed the truce, proposed that they should. deliver up to the barbarians the glorious chief of the legions of the Republic. During the last campaign:agains the people, of the Beauvaisin, his adversaries rejoice in the false rumours which were,spread abroad concerning his military operations; they relate in whispers, without con. cealing their satisfaction, that:he is surrounded by the Gauls, that he has lost his cavalry, and that the 7th

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536 HISTORY OF JULIUSC.ESAR. legion has been nearly annihilated. () In the Senate, Clodius, Rutilius Lupus, Cicero, Ahenobarbus, and the two Marcelli,‘move in their turns, either to revoke the acts: of his consulship, or to supersede him as governor of Gaul, or, lastly, to reduce his command. Political parties never disarm, not even before the national glory. III. The two factions which divided the Republic Sulpicius Rufus and had each, in. 703, their adherent in the M. Claudius Marcel-,ls,contsuls. consulship.. Servius Sulpicius Rufus, a lawyer of reputation,’ passed for a man attached to Caesar; M. Claudius Marcellus was his declared enemy.:The latter,:a distinguished orator, who imitated Cicero, announced, on his entrance into office, the design of giving a successor to Caesar before the legal period of his command had expired; but this design, counteracted by his colleague,: and by the earnest opposition of the tribunes, was from time to’time adjourned.. “‘Why,” it was’:said, “depose a magistrate who has not committed a fault” (2) The attention of the Senate’ was, moreover, called in another direction by grave-events. It will be’ remembered that C. Cassius Longinus, the queestor of Cra’ssus, had rallied the wreck of the Roman army; he had even succeeded in repulsing vigorously an invasion of the Parthians into the province of Syria. He wvas reproached, meanwhile, with great’ rapacity in: his administration;’ it was pretend(1) ” All this,” Coelius writes to Cicero,’ “is not said in public, but in secret, in -the little. circle which you know well, sed inter paucos quos tu nosti palan.secreto narrantur.” (Ccelius-to Cicero, Epist. Familiar., VIII. 1.) (2) Dio Cassius, XL. 59.

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR 703. 537 ed that, for the purpose of justifying his acts of rapine, he had drawn in bands of Arabs, and afterwards driven them out, boasting that he had beaten the Parthians. (‘) Syria -was an important province, which could not be left in: the hands of a simple quvestor; M. Calpurnius Bibulus, Cesar’s old colleague in the consulship, was sent thither to exercise the comn mand. (2) At the same time Cicero, in obedience to the new law on the consular provinces,’ started, to’ his great regret, for:Cilicia. As he’ passed’ through Tarentum, he paid l visit to Pompey,: who, after his consulship, had absented himself from Rome, in order to avoid acting decisively. Cicero, with his ordinary want of discernment, went away enchanted with his interview.; declared in his letters that Pompey was an excellent citizen, whose foresight,’ courage, and wisdom were’ equal to all events, and that he believed him sincerely allied to the cause of the Senate. (8) If we reflect on the danger which then threatened the provinces of the East, we have reason’to’be -surprised at these two appointments. Neither Bibulus nor Cicero had given’any proof of military talents; the latter even very frankly avowed it. (4) The Parthians were-threatening, and, while Pompey had sent into Spain four old legions, remaining himself’in Ita. ly with two -others, the Eastern frontiers were only (‘) Cicero, Epist. Familiar., VIII. 10. (2) Cicero, Epist. ad Atticum, V. 18. (3) Cicero to Celius, Epist. Familiar., II. 8.

(4)‘i I station myself for some days near Issus, on the very site of the camp.of Alexander, who was a rather better general than you and I.’

(Cicero, Epist. ad Atticum, V. 20.) ” How ill this mission agrees with my habits, and how just is the saying, Every one to his trade!” (Cicero, Epist. ad Atticunl V. x. 18.) 23*

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538 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. guarded by weak’ armies, (1) and commanded by two generals who -had never seen war. IV. Marcellus, after he had.

failed in his project.of sbi.it llich. ani-.taking Cesar aaway from his army, pro. mates Casar’s Ad-vesadres.- posed a.. measure which displays the true character of the: passions which agitated the Republic. Pompey’s’

father had founded in.the Cisalpine the.colony of Nov’.n Conum, and had given; it the right of Latium, which conferred on -the magistratesof the town,.after a. year’s office, theprivileges of Roman citizens. (2) Cfesar had’ sent thither 5,000. colonists, ofwhom 500.were Greeks, (.) and during his first-consulship he had conferred upon them the right of Roman..citizens. Now Marcellus strove to cause this right to be withdrawn from them; but not having succeeded in this attempt, and unwilling at.any price to acknowledge.Cesar’s law, (4) he condemned to the rod, it is not known’for what offence,.an inhabitant of Novum.Comum..The latter protested, invoking the privileges. onferred on’ his. city, but in vain; Marcellus had him. flogged, telling him: “Go, show. thy shoulders to Cesar;- it: is thus I treat the citizens he makes.” (5) This contempt.

forthe new rights proved clearly the haughty. disdain of the aristocratic party, blaming one of the things which had contributed most to the-greatness of the Republic, the successive extension of the Roman city to the provinces, and to the vanquished themselves. Confounding, in his blind (‘) Cicero had two legions, but very incomplete. (2) Asconius, In Pisonem, 3.-Appian, Civil Wars, II. 26. (3) Strabo,V. 177. (4) Suetonius, Ccesar, 28. (5) Appian, Civil WTars, II. 26.

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EVENTS OF -THE YEAR 703. 539 reprobation, both the principle of a liberal policy. and him who had; applied it, he-saw.not that the:persecution.exercised towards the Transpadan citizen contributed further to increase aesar’s greatness, and to legitimise his popularity.

Yet these are the-doctrines and:acts of: those men who are’represented as the. worthy.:supports of the Republic!‘And Marcellus: was’ not the only man who, by denying to the Transpadans the rights;they had acquired,’.show.ed the perversity: of egotistic sentiments;.‘the other principal:personages.of ithe aristocratic faction hardly. recommended themselves-by more moderation and, disinterestedness..“Appius Claudius Pulcher,”.,-says; Cicero, “had treated with fire and sword the province entrusted to his care,.and had bled and drained it in every way; (1) FaustuLs,Sylla, Lentulus, Scipio, Libo,-and so many others,: sought to-elevate -themsel~ves -by civil wai,’ and to::recover their:fortune by; pillage; (2) Brutus, whose conduct was that of a -usurer, employed the troops of his. country to oppress the allied. peoples.:; Having lent mon(t) Cicero, Epist. ad Atticum, VI.’ 1. (2,) In speaking’of Pompey’s party, Cicero exclaims: “.Men’ who all, with the exception of a very small number,,breathed’ nothing but, pillage, and discourses such as made one tremble, the more as victory might convert’them into reality. not a person of rank: who] was:not:crippled with debts: there-wais absolutely nothing beautiful/ except the cause which they served.” (Cicero, Epist. Familiar., VII. 3.)-” They all agree, and Crassipes with them, that yonder there are nothing but inmprecations, but threats of hatred to the rich, of war against the’miunicipia (admire their.prudence,!), but proscriptions in mass; they are nothing but Syllas; and you must see the tone of Lucceius, and all that train of Greeks, and that Theophanes! Yet’ this is the hope of’the Republic! A Scipio, a Faustus, a Libo, with their troops of creditors at their heels, of what enormities are not such people capable?

What excesses against their fellowcitizens will such conquerors refuse?”

(Cicero, Epist.‘ad A tticum, IX. 11.)

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540 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. ey to the inhabitants of Salamina, he reckoned on extorting the repayment of the capital and the interest at the. usurious. rate of four per cent. a month, or forty-eight per cent. a year. To recover his debt, a certain Scaptius, to whom he had made over his claim, had obtained from’Appius a troop of cavalry,, with which, according to Cicero, “he held the Senate of Salamina besieged. so long that five senators died of’ hunger.”’ Cicero, when he became governor of Cilicia, sought to repair this injustice. Brutus, irritated,, wrote him letters full of arrogance, of which Cicero complained to Atticus with vivacity: “If Brutus pretends that I ought to pay Scaptius at the rate of four per cent. a month, in spite of my regulations and edicts which fix’ed the interest at one per cent., and when the least reasonable usurers are-satisfied with that rate; if he takes it ill that I have refused him a place of prefect for a tradesman;….. if he reproaches me with having withdrawn the cavalry, I regret much to have displeased him, but I regret;much more -to find him so different from what I had be. lieved!”

(1) There was a law of Gabinius, intended to prevent such abuses; it prohibited the towns from borrowing money at Rome to pay their taxes. But Brutus’ had obtained a senatusconsultus to free him from this constraint, (‘) and he employed even the means of coercion to’ obtain even. two or three times the value of that he had given. Such was the prob(‘) Cicero, Epist. ad Atticum, VI. 1. (2) “The Salaminians sought to borrow money at Rome to pay their taxes, but, as the law Gabinia prohibited it, the friends of Brutus, who offered to lend it them at four per cent. a month, demanded a senatusconsultus for their safetv, which Brutus obtained for them.” (Cicero, Epist. adAtticum, V. 21.)

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR 703.;54i ity of a manwho’ has been vaunted for his virtue. It is thus that the aristocratic party understood liberty; the hatred to Ceesar arose especially from the circumstance:that he took to heart the cause of the oppressed, and that, during his first consulship, as Appian. says, he had. done nothing in favour of the’nobles. () The’prestige of his victories had bridled the opposition; when the’ end of his command drew near, all the hostilities were awakened; they waited:the time when, returning to every-day life, he would-be no longer protected by the prerogatives attached to the’imperium. “Marcus Cato,” says Suetonius,”

swore that he would denounce Caesar to the magistrates as soon as he had disbanded.his army; and it was a matter of common talk that, if Coesar returned as a private individual, he would be obliged, like Milo, to defend himself before judges, surrounded with armed men. Asinius Pollio makes this. account very probable; he relates that, at the battle of Pharsalia,Caesar, casting his eyes on his adversaries vanquished or fugitives, exclaimed:”They have willed it.! After hav-:ing accomplished so,many great things, I, Caius Caesar, was condemned, if I had not demanded succour’of my army.’ (2) Hence Ccelius, writing to Caesar, put the question in its true light when he said,” Caesar is persuaded that his only hope lies in keeping his army;”(‘) and, on another side, as Dio Cassius informs us, Pompey did not dare to submit the differ(1) Appian, -Civil Wars, II1.25. (2) Suetonius, Ccesar, 30. (3) Coelius to Cicero, Epist. Faniliar.,.VIII. 14.:

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542 HISTORY OF JULIUS CtESAR. ence to the people,. knowing well that, if.the people were taken for judge, Caesar would gain the day.: () V. It is here the place to examine at what period The Question of the power of Caesar expired,-and what Right between the Senate and esar. wasthe pretext-of the conflict which rose between him and the Senate. Learned historians have long had this subject. under consideration;; they have devoted themselves to the most pr0found researches, and to the most ingenious suppositions,;still without arriving: at a completely satisfactory result, (2) which ought not-to -surprise us, inasmuch4 as Cicero himself found the question obscure. () In virtue of a law of C.

Sempronius Gracchus, (1) Dio Cassius, XLL. 6. (2) In our opinion, Professor A. W. Zumpt (Studia:Roniana, Berlin; 1859) is the only one who has cleared up this question; -and we shall borrow of him the greatest part of his arguments. As to M. Th. Mommsen, in a special dissertation, entitled The Question of Right between Ccesar and the Senate, heproves that we must distinguish in the p’oconsulship between the provincia’and the in2perimnt..According to him, the provincia being given, at the same -time with the consulship, it could be taken possession of, according to the law Sempronia, only on the Calends’ of the month of January of the following year; the infpieriumn, or military command, was added to it two months later, on the Calends of March. The provincia was given hby a senatusconsultus, and counted from January to January’ the imperium was given by a curiate law, and went from MIarch to March: the iinperi2mn followed the rules of the military service;: a year commenced was reputed finished, as for the. campaigns of the soldiers, and thus the two first months of 705 might count for a complete year. Thelearned professor concludes that,‘if the Senate had the right to deprive Cesar of his imperium, it could not take from him. the command of the province before the end of the year‘705; and that then Caesar would find himself in the.

same position as all the proconsuls who, during the’ interval between the 1st. of January, the commencement of their proconsulship, and the 1st of March, the time when they received the imperium, had the potestas, and not-the military command.. This system, we see, rests upon hypotheses which it is difficult to admit. (3) ” Erat autem obscuritas quaedam.”

(Cicero, Pro Mtarcello, 10.)

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR, 703. 543 named lex Sempronia, it had-been decided that the Senate should designate, before the election of the consuls, the provinces they were to administer after quitting office..: When Caesar and Bibulus were elected, instead of provinces, the inspection of the public ways was given to them:; but CQesar, unwilling’ to suffer this. affront obtained; by a ple6iscitum, on the motion of Vatinius, the government:of Cisalpine Gaul for five years; the -Senate’ added to it Transalpine Gaul, which then formed -a separate province independent of the other. (1) In 699, the. law:Trebonia prolonged, for five more years, Caesar’s command in Gaul. iThis command:was therefore’to last ten years; and, since Casesar -only’ entered upon. his proconsular functions at the beginning of the -year 696, it seems natural to infer that these ten -years should-reach to the 1st of Januaryj 706.. - We, nevertheless, see that, at the end of:704, the Senate regarded CaQsar’s power as at an end. -We then ask, on what ground that! assembly supported the pretence that the ten; years devolved to the-proconsul were completed at that datae.‘We consider, the following to be the explanation (1) The question became complicated through the difference of origin of the powers given for each of the two-Gauls. The Senate had the power~of taking away from Caesar’s command Ulterior Gaul, which was given’to:him’bya sehatus-consultus, but it could not deprive him of Citerior Gaul, given by a plebiscitum, and yet it was the contrary opinion that Cicero sustained in 698.- In fact, he exclaimed then, in his Oration on the Consular’Provinces: “He separates-the part of the province on which-there can be no opposition (because it has been given by a senatusconsultus), and does inot touch that which can be easily: attacked; and, at the same time:that he dares not take away that which has been given:by the people, heis in’haste to take away all, senator as he is, that:which has been given by the Senate.?’ (Cicero,’

Orat. de Provinc. Consular.,;15;Velleius Paterculus II1. 44.-Suetonius, Ccesa,; 20;-.Appian;:Civil Wars, II. 13.  Dio Cassius, XXXVIIT. 8.)

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544 HISTORY OF JULIUS. CESAR..It was’ in the month of March that, according to custom, the retiring consuls -took possession of the government of provinces. (1) It is, consequently, very probable that the law of Vatinius,. published, as we have seen, in 695, was voted towards the latter days of the month of February in that same year, and that the proconsulship given’to Caesar was to begin! from the day of the-promulgation of that law.’ Nothing would have prevented -him, indeed,’

from shortening the time’ of his’magistracy, and” seizing, before the.termination of his curule functions, the military command -or imperium, as Crassus did-in 6.99, who started for Syria without waiting for the end of his’con-‘sulship. “Supposing,-then,‘which is not impossible, that the whole-year of Cesar’s-consulship was included in his proconsulship, (‘) the’ fivefirst years of his command would date from 695, and end on the 1lst’of January, 700.’ The oration on the Consular Prov~inces proves that it was so understood. The time when it was pronounced (July or August, 698)‘was that of the assignment of the provinces -destined for the consuls who were to quit office eighteen months after-that is, in 700 and when the question of su(‘) The.1st of March was the commencement of the ancient Roman year,,the period at which the generals.entered into campaign. (2) P. Servilius, who was’ consul in 675, took possession of his province a short: time after he entered -upon his duties’as consul;:he returned in 679. Cicero (Orat. III. in Verremn, 90) says that he held the command during five years. This number can only be explained by admitting that the years 675 and 679 were’reckoned as complete. L. Piso, who was consul in 696, quitted Rome at the’end of his consulship, and returned thither.in the summer of 699. Now, he was’

considered as having exercised the command.during three’years. (Cicero, TIn Pisonem, 35, 40.). They must,‘therefore, have counted as one’year of the proconsulship the few months of 695..__. (See Mommsen, The Question of Right between Caesar and the Senate, p_. 28.)

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR 703. 545 perseding Caesar was agitated. The first.quinuen niuMn of his command terminated, therefore, in December, 699, and, consequently, the second in December, 704. Such was the system of the Senate, naturally much inclined to shorten’ the duration of the proconsulship of Gaul. (l) Accordingly, Hirtius informs us that in 703, the Gauls knew that Caesar had but one summer, that of 704, to pass in Gaul. (2) Dio Cassius says similarly that Cesar’s power was to end with the year 704. (3) According to Appian, the Con. sul Claudius Marcellus proposed, at the beginning of 704, to name a successor to Caesar, whose powers were on the eve. of expiring. (4) On the other hand, Cicero relates in one of his letters that Pompey seemed to be of the same opinion as the Senate, to require the return of the proconsul on the Ides: of:the November of 704. At the end of that same year, the great orator expresses, in the following terms, his own opinion on the subject of the claim raised by Caesar to dispensation from coming to Rome to solicit the consulship: “What, then? must we have regard for a man who will keep his army after the day fixed by the law.” (5) (2) At all times the assemblies have been -seen striving to shorten the dura. tion of the powers given by the people to a man whose sympathies were not with them. Here is an. example. The Constitution of 1848 decided that the President of the French Republic should be named for four years. The Prince Louis Napoleon was elected on the, 10th of December, 1848, and proclaimed on the 20th of the same month.

His powers ought to have ended on the 20th of December, 1852. Now, the Constituent Assembly, which foresaw the election of Prince Louis Napoleon, fixed the termination.of the presidency to the second Sunday of the month of May, 1852, thus robbing him of seven months. (2) De Bello Gallico, VIII. 39. (3) Dio Cassius, XL. 59. (4) Appian, Civil Wars, II. 4. (5): “

Quid ergo? exe;citum:retinentis, quum legis dies transierit, rationem haberi placet,? Mihi vero ae” absentit quidem.” (Epist. ad Atticusm, VII.

7.) I.-M M

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546 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. Some time afterwards, apostrophising Cavsar in a letter to Atticus, (1) he exclaims: “You have kept, during ten years, a province of which you have procured the continuance, not by, the sovereign will of the Senate, but by your intrigues and, your acts of violence. You have overpassed the term fixed, by your ambition, and not by the law….. You retain your army longer than the people has ordained and than it is the people’s will.” On another hand, a passage of Suetonius says, in a very formal manner, that Caesar intended to offer himself as candidate in‘705, to exercise the consulship in 706, when he would have completed.the time of his proconsulship. (2) Lastly the Senate so evidently regards, the beginning of the year‘705 as the obligatory termination of Caesar’s command; that, in the month of January, it declares him the enemy of the Republic, because he is still at the head of his soldiers, and decrees extreme measures against him. (3) But the dispute between the Senate and Caesar did not.-turn upon the term of his command. Caesar offered himself to the consular comitia of the year 705. A law, submitted to the people by the ten tribunes, and supported by Pompey and Cicero, had permitted him to solicit this charge, although absent. (4) This law would have been without object unless it had implied the authorisation for Casar to keep his army (‘) Cicero, Epist. ad Atticurn, VII. 9. (2) ” Absenti sibi, quandocumque imperil tempus expleri ccepisset.” (Suetonius, cesar, 26.-Cicero, Epist. Famil., XIII. 11.) (3) CMsar, De Bello Civili, 1. 5. (4) ” I have contended that regard should be. had to Caesar for his absence. It was not to favour him; it is for the honour of a degision of the people, promoted by the consul himself.”

(Cicero, Epist. Familiar., VI.- 6.)

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR 703. 547 until the time of the consular elections.

Certain authors even think that this right must have been for-. mally reserved in the law. The. “Epitome” of Titus Livius says, in fact, that, according to the-law, he was to keep. his “command until the time of his second consulship. (1) On the other hand, Cicero writes to Atticus that the best argument for refusing-Caesar, in, his absence, the power of soliciting the second consulship, is that, by granting it to him, they acknowledge in him, by the same act, the right of keeping his province.

and his army. (2) This advantage Caesar calls beneficium populi; (3) and when he complained that they were depriving him of six months of his command, he reckoned the time which had to pass between the lst of January, 705, and the month of July, the period of the consular comitia.

(‘) Nevertheless, Caesar had a great interest in keeping his army until he was elected to the first magistracy of the Republic, for he would’then keep the irperiurm as ong as Pompey, whose powers, prolonged in 702, would end on the 1st of January, 707. (~) It was evident that he was unwilling to disarm before his rival; now if, according to the combination established by (1) Titus Livius, Epitome, CVIII. (2) ” Sed quum id datum est, illud una datum est.” (Epist. ad Atticum, VII. 7.) (3) “Doluisse se, quod populi Romani beneficium sibi per contumeliam ab inimicis extorqueretur, erepto sehnestri imperio in urbem retraheretur.” (C*sar, De Bello Civili, I. 9.) (4) See, on the period of the comitia, Cicero,Epist.

ad Atticum, III. 13; Epist. Familiar., VIII. 4. (5) Although all the facts prove that the term of the power was to cease in 707, Plutarch (Pompey, 55) reckons four years: of prolongation, and Dio Cassius (XL. 44, 46) five, which shows the ~lifference in the estimation of dates. (Zumpt, Studia Romana, 855.)

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548 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. law, he remained consul till the 1st of January; 707, his command ended at the same time as that of Pompey, and after that he had nothing more to fear from the plots of his enemies. In fact;, everything was now merging into an open struggle between Caesar and Pompey. In vain-will the former seek all means of conciliation, in vain will the latter strive to escape from the exactions of his party; the force of circumstances will infallibly push them one against the other.

And just as we see, in the liquid traversed by ani electric current, all the elements it contains moving towards the two opposite poles, so in Roman society in a state of dissolution, all’the passions,. all.the interests, the memories of the past,.the hopes of the future, are going to separate violently and divide themselves between the two men whlo-personify the antagonism of:two opposite causes. V.-:L Let us’return to the relation of events.. PomIntigues to deprive pey, all-powerful, though a simple proCaesar of his Command. consul, had, as we have said before, retired to Tarent’un; he. seemed to wish to remain foreign to: the intrigues which, were at work in Rome; it appears even that he had the intention of going into Spain to govern his province. (‘) At the outset of revolutions, the majority of the people, and even that of the assemblies, incline always towards moderation; but soon, overruled by an excitable and enter(‘) “I believe certainly in Pompey’s intention of starting for Spain, and it is what I by no means approve. I have easily demonstrated to Theophanes that the best policy was not to go away. I am more uneasy for the Republic since I see by your letters that our friend Pompey is going to Spain.” (Cicero, Epist. ad Atticum, V. 11.)

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR 703. 649 prising minority, they are drawn by it into’

extreme courses. It” is what happened at this time,.Marcellus and’his party strove first to carry Pompey,’ and, when he had once taken his decision, they:carried the Senate. At the moment when, in the month of June, Pompey prepared to -return, to the troops stationed at Ariminum, he was’ called..back to.Rome; and When, on the 11th of the Calends ofAugust,:the senators assembled in the temple of Apollo to regulate the pay of the: troops, he was asked why.he had. lent a legion to.Cesar.’

Obliged. to give an explanation, he’ promised to recall it, but not immediately, as he was unwilling to have.the appearance of yielding to threats. He was then pressedto’give his opinion on the recall of Caesar; upon which, by one of those evasive phrases which were habitual, ith him,’

and which revealed his:hesitation, he. replied that “everybody ought equally to obey the Senate.” (1)’ Nothing was enacted in regard to the”

consular powers.: The question of the government of Gaul, was to be resumed on the Ides of August’.; then again, in. the month of Septemb.er.; but the Senate. never found itself in sufficient-.numbers’ to deliberate, so much did:it fear to come-to a’decision.- They did.not: determine on entering. upon the -question frankly until they were convinced of Pompey’s consent to the recall of C’asar. (‘) Then’ decrees were presented which bound beforehand the consuls nominated for the following (‘) Cicero, Fpist. Familiar.,VIIL 4. (2) “But at last, after. several successive adjournments, and the: certainty well acquired that Pompey’ consented to consider the recall of CQesar on the Calends of March, the senatusconsultus was passed which I send you.” (Coe. lius to Cicero, Epist. Familiar., VIII. 8.)

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550 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. -year, and imposed’upon them a-rule of conduct: their.hostility to Cvesar.had determined their election. On.the 11ith of the Calends of October, M. Marcellus, who made:himself the organ of the passions of the moment, exacted such numerous and unusual guarantees, -that we may judge to what point his party had at heart to carry the day. Thus, the consuls recently elected were required to enter into the engagement-to put the question on the orders of the day’for the Calends of March;’ until it was settled, the Senate was bound to assemble to deliberate upon it every day, -even pn those which were called comitiales, when any meeting of that body was forbidden, and, to this effect, the senators who should fill the offices of judges were to be -sent for into the curia.’ The Senate was -also to.: declare beforehand that those who had the power of interceding should. abstain from exercising it, and that, ifthey interceded or demanded an adjournment, they should be considered as enemies of,the Republic; a report of their conduct should be:made, at the same time, to the Senate and to the people.

(‘) This -motion was” adopted and inscribed in -the minutes as -a decision oran opionon of the Senate (senatus auctoritas). Four tiibunes of the people interceded:‘C. Ccelius, L.Vinucius, P. Cornelius, and C. Viblus Pansa., It was not enough to.prepare attacks against Cesar’s command; the discontent of the army was also to be feared; and, in order to avert or weaken its ef~ feet, M. Marcellus caused to be further inscribed in the minutes of the Senate the following decision: “The (‘) Ccelius to Cicero, Epist. Familiar., VIII. 8.

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR 703. 551 -Senate will -take-into consideration the situation of those soldiers of the army of Gaul whose time of service is expired, or who -shall produce sufficient reasons for being restored’to civil: life.” aC. Ccelius and C. Vibius -Pansa renewed their opposition.

(‘) Some senators, more impatient, demanded’that-‘ they should not wait for the time fixed by M. Marcellus to decree upon this subject. Pompey interfered -again as moderator, and. said that they could. not, without injustice, take a decision on the subject of Caesar’s province’ before the Calends of March,-704, an epoch’at which he should find no further inconvenience in it. W” What will be done,” asked one of the senators, “
if the decision of the Senate be opposed?”-” It mat. ters little,” replied Pompey,” whether Caesar refuses to obey this decision, or suborns people-to intercede.” -” But,” said another, ” if he seeks to be consul, and keep his armyy?”-Pompey only-replied with great.coolness, “‘If my son would beat me with la staff?.-…” He always, as we see, affected obscurity in his replies.- The natural conclusion from this language was to raise the suspicion of secret negotiations with Caesar, and it was’

believed’that the’latter’would accept one of these two conditions, either to. keep his province without’soliciting’the consulship, or to quit his army and return to Rome when, though absent, he should be elected consul.

The Senate. declared also that, for the province of Cilicia and the eight other. praetorian provinces, the governors should be chosen by lot among the.praetors who had not yet had’ a government. Ccelius and () Ccelius to Cicero, JEpist. Familiar., VIII. 8.

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552 HISTORY OF JULIUS CESAR. Pansa made opposition to this decree, which left to that assembly the power.of giving the provinces at its will.:(l) These different measures revealed sufficiently the thoughts of the Senate, and the prudent politicians saw with uneasiness that it -was seeking to precipitate events. Discord in the interior generally paralyses all national policy on the exterior. Absorbed by the intrigues at home, the aristocratic party was sacrificing the great interests of the Republic.

Cicero wrote in vain that his forces were insufficient to resist the Parthians, an invasion by whom appeared imminent: the consuls refused to occupy the Senate with his claims, because they were unwilling either to go themselves to undertake so distant a campaign, or to permit oth. ers to go in their place. (2) They were much more anxious to humble Caesar than to -avenge Crassus’; and yet the public opinion, moved by the dangers with which Syria was threatened, called for an extra-.ordinary command in the East, either for Pompey or for Cesar. (8) Fortunately, the Parthians did not at(1) Celius to Cicero, Epist. Familiar., VIII. 8, ~~ 3, 4. (2) ” But the consuls, who fear being. obliged, by,a decree of the Senate, to leave for the war, and who feel at the same time how disgraceful it will be to them if this commission fall on any other but them, will absolutely not allow the Senate to assemble; they carry it so far as to’make people suspect them of want of zeal for the Republic: there is no knowing if.it be negligence, or cowardice, or the fear of which I have just spoken; but what is concealed under this appearance of reserve is, thatthey will not have that province.”: (Ccelius to Cicero, Epist. Familiar., VIII. 10.) () ” With the succour of Dejotarus, the enemies may be. held at bay till the arrival of Pompey, who sends me word that they intend him for this war.”

(Cicero, Epist. ad Atticum, VI. 1.)-” At this news of the passage of the Euphrates, every one offers to give his advice: this man would have them send Pompey; the other, Coesar and his army.” (Coelius to Cicero, Epist.

Familiar., VIII. 10.)

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR 703. 553 tack; Bibulus and Cicero had only to combat bands of plunderers. The latter, on the 3rd of the Ides of October, defeated a party of Cilician mountaineers near Mount Amanus. He carried their camp, besieged their fortress of Pindenissus, which he took, and his soldiers saluted him as imperato. (1) From that time he took this title in the subscription of his letters. (2) (‘) Cicero, Epist. ad Atticum, V. 20.

(2) He kept this title until the moment the civil war broke out. 24

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CHAPTER;IX. EVENTs OF THE YEAR 704. I. THE year 703 had been employed in intrigues C.ClaudiusMarcel-with the object of overthrowing Caesar, lus and L. AEmiliusPaulus,Consuls. and the aristocratic party believed that, for the success of this sort of plot, it could reckon upon the support of the chief magistrates who were entering upon office in January, 704. Of the two consuls, C. Claudius Marcellus, nephew of the preceding consul of the same name, and L. ~milius Paulus, the first was kinsman, but at the same time enemy, of Caesar; the second had not yet shpwn his party, though report gave him the same opinions as his colleague. It was expected that, in concert with C. Scribonius Curio, whose advancement to the tribuneship was due to Pompey, (1) he would distribute the lands of Campania which had not yet been given out, the consequence of which would be that Caesar, on his return, could no longer dispose of this property in favour of his veterans. (2) This hope was vain; for already Paulus and Curio had joined the party of the proconsul of Gaul. Well informed of the intrigues of his enemies, Caesar had long taken care to have always at Rome a consul or tribunes devoted to his interest; in 703 he could reckon on the Consul Sulpi(1) Cicero, Epist. Familiar., VIII. 4. (2) Ccelius to Cicero, Epist.

Familiar., VIII. 10.

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR 704. 555 cius and the tribunes Pansa and Ccelius; in 704, Paulus and.Curio were devoted to him. If, subsequently, in 705, the two consuls -were opposed to him, he had, at least on his side, that year, the tribunes Mark Antony and Q. Cassius. Curio is called by Velleius Paterculus the wittiest of rogues;(‘) but as long as this tribune remained faithful to the cause of the Senate, Cicero honoured him with his esteem, and paid the greatest compliments to his character and his high qualities.

(2) Curio had acquired authority by his eloquence, and by the: numbers of his clients.. His father had been the declared enemy of C’esar, against whom he had’written a book, (3) and uttered many jokes, cutting or coarse, which were repeated in Rome. (4) Inheriting these feelings, Curio-had:long pursued the conqueror of Gaul with his sarcasms; but nobody forgot insults so easily as Caesar, and, as he appreciated the pb4itical importance of this dangerous adversary, he spared nothing to gain him to his interests. From his earliest youth, Curio had been bound by close intimacy to Mark Antony. Both ruined by debts, they had led together the most dissolute lives; their friendship had’never changed.(5) The relationship:of Mark A.ntony with the Julia family, (6) his connection with Gabinius, and, above all, his military conduct in Egypt, had gained for him the respect of Cesar, to whom he withdrew when Gabinius was put on his trial. (‘) Coesar employed him first as lieu(‘) “Ingeniosissime nequam.” (2) Cicero to Curio, Epist. Familiar., II. 7. (3) Cicero, Brutus, lx. 218. (4) Suetonius, Cacsar, 49. (5) Plutarch, Anton2y, 2.-Cicero, Philippica, II. xix. 48. (6) See his biography in Appendix D. (7) Cicero, Philiopica, II. xx. 49.

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556 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. tenant, and afterwards, in 701, chose him as queestor. His kindness for Mark Antony probably contributed to soften Curio’s temper; his liberality did the rest. He had given him, if we can believe Appian, more than 1,500 talents. (1) It is true that, at the same time, he bought equally dear the Consul L. Amilius Paulus, without requiring more than his neutrality. (2) We can-hardly understand how Caesar, while he was paying his army,. could support such sacrifices, and meet, at the same time, so many other expenses. To increase by his largesses the number of his partisans in Rome; (2) to cause to be built in the Narbonnese theatres and monuments; near Aricia, in Italy, a magnificent villa; (4) to send rich presents to distant towns-such were his burthens. How, to meet them, could he draw money enough from a province exhausted by eight years’ war? The immensity of his resources is explained by the circumstance that, independently of the tributes paid by the vanquished, which amounted, for Gaul, to 40,000,000 sestertii a year (more than 7,500,000 francs) [C300,000], the sale of prisoners to Roman traders produced enormous sums. Cicero informs us that he gained 12,000,000 sestertii from the captives sold after the unimportant siege of Pindenissus. If we suppose that ther num(‘) Appian, Civil Wars, II..

26.-Yet Cicero, who never spared his adversaries, makes no mention of this act of corruption; and Velleius Paterculus (II. 48) expresses himself as follows: ” Did Curio, as has been said, sell himself? It is a question we cannot venture to decide.” (2) “.Emilius Paulus built, they say, with this money the famous basilica which bears his name.” (Appian, Civil Wars, II.

26.) (3) ” It was said of him that there was no man so low but he thought him worth the trouble of gaining.” (Cicero, Ad Div.,VIIL. 22.) (4) A.

villa near Aricia. (Cicero, Epist. ad Atticu;,, VI. 1.)

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR 704. 557 ber amounted to 12,000, this sum would represent 1,000 sestertii ahead. Now, in spite of Coesar’s generosity in often restoring the captives to the conquered peoples, or in making gifts of them to his soldiers, as was the case after the siege of Alesia, we may admit that 500,000 Gauls, Germans, or Britons were sold as slaves during the eight years of the war in Gaul, which must have produced a sum of about 500,000,000 sestertii, or about 95,000,000 francs [~3,800,000]. It was thus Roman money, given by the slave-dealers, which formed the greatest part of the booty, in the same manner as in modern times, when, in distant expeditions, the European nations take possession of the foreign custom-houses to pay the costs of the war, it is still European nmoney. which forms the advance for’the costs. The reconciliation of Curio with Caesar was at first kept secret; but, whether in order to contrive a pretext for changing his party, the new tribune had moved laws which had no chance of being adopted, or because he felt offended at the rejection of his propositions, towards the beginning of the year 704 he declared-for Caesar, or, which was the same thing, as Ccelius said, he ranged himself on the side of the people. Whatever might be the motive of his conduct, the following are the circumstances in the sequel of which his attitude became modified. He had proposed the intercalation of a month in the current year, in order, probably, to retard the period for the decision of the question which agitated the Senate and the town. (1) (‘) ” Curio, in his ill humour at not having obtained the intercalation, has thrown himself, with unequalled levity, into the party of the people, and began to speak on Cxsar’s side.” (Ccelius to Cicero, Epist. Familiar’., VIII.

6.)

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558 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. His character of. pontiff rendered his motion perfectly legal: in spite of its incontestable utility, (1) it was ill received. He expected this, but he appeared to take the matter to heart, and to look upon the Senate’s refusal as an offence. From that moment he began -a systematic opposition. (2) Towards the same time he presented two laws, one concerning the alimentation of the people, with which he proposed to charge the aediles; (9) the other, on the repair of the: roads, of which he asked.for the direction during five years. (4) He seems to have intended to make the travellers pay according to the number and nature of. their. means of transport; or, in a word, to establish a tax upon the rich, and thus increase his popularity.(“) These last two projects were as ill received as the first,. and this double check completed his reconciliation with those against whom he had hitherto contended. The nomination of the censors, which took place at this period, brought new complications. One, L. Calpurnius Piso, Caesar’s father-in-law, accepted. the office only with regret, and showed an extreme indulgence; the other, Appius Claudius Pulcher, who had been consul in 700, a fiery partisan of the nobles, thought he served their cause by displaying excessive severity. (1) See Appendix A. (2) Dio Cassius, XL. 62. (3) Ccelius to Cicero, Epist. Familiar., VIII. 6. (4) Cicero, Epist. ad Atticum, VI. 1; Ad Div., VIII. vi. 5.  Appian, Civil Wars, II. 27. (5) The following letter explains the nature of this tax: “

This man of importance (P. Vedius) met me with two chariots, a chaise, a litter, and so great a number of valets, that, if Curio’s law passes, Vedius will surely be taxed at 100,000 sestertii. He had, moreover, a cynocephalus in one of his chariots, and wild asses in his equipage. I never saw a man so ridiculous.” (Cicero, Epist. -ad A tticumn, VI. i. 22.)

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR 704. 559 He expelled from the Senate all the freedmen, and several of the most illustrious nobles, among others the historian Sallust, a man of mind and talent, who immediately repaired to the Cisalpine, where Coesar received him with eagerness. (‘) Appius had no moderation in his harshness. Cicero says of him that, to efface a mere stain, he cut open veins and entrails. (2) Instead of remedying the evil, he only envenomed it; he threw into the ranks of the opposite party all whom he excluded, without giving greater consideration to those whom he kept. There are times when severity is a bad adviser, and is not calculated to restore to a government the moral force it has lost. II.

Casar passed the whole of the winter, 704, at Csarrepairs to the Nemetocenna (Arrcas). ” At -the beginCisalpine. ning of the following year, he started in haste for Italy, in order,” says Hirtius, ” to recommend’ to the municipal towns and colonies his quaestor, Mark Antony, who solicite4 the priesthood. Supporting him with his credit, he not only sought to serve a: faithful friend whom he had himself persuaded to seek that office, but to strive against a faction which wished to defeat him, in order to shake Caesar’s power at’the moment when his government was on the eve of expiring. On his way, before he reached Italy, he received intelligence-of the election of Antony to the office of augur; he considered it none the less his duty to visit the municipal towns and colonies, to thank, them for their favourable feeling towards (‘) Dio Cassius, XL. 63. (2) Cicero, Epist. Fanliai, VIII. 14.

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560 HISTORY OF JULIUS CJESAR. Antony. He sought also to secure their support next year (705), for his enemies insolently boasted that they had, on one hand, named to the consulship L. Lentulus and C. Marcellus, who would strip Caesar of his offices and dignities; and, on the other, that they had deprived Servius Galba of the consulship, in spite of his credit and the number of his’votes, for the sole reason that he was Cvesar’s friend and lieutenant. ” Caesar was received by the municipal towns and colonies with incredible marks of respect and affection; it was the first time he appeared among them since the general insurrection of Gaul. They omitted nothing that could be imagined in adorning the gates, roads, and places on his passage; women and children all rushed in crowds to the public places and into the temples; everywhere they immolated victims and spread tables. The rich displayed their magnificence, the poor rivalled each other in zeal.” Ceesar tasted beforehand the pleasures of a triumph earnestly desired. (1) After having thus visited Citerior Gaul, he quickly rejoined the army at Nemetocenna. In the prospect of his approaching departure, he wished to strike the minds of the Germans and Gauls by a grand agglomeration of forces, and show himself once more to his assembled troops. The legions, who had withdrawn to their quarters, were sent into the country of the Treviri; Caesar went there also, and passed the army in review. This solemnity was necessarily grand. He saw before him his old cohorts, with: whom he had fought so many battles, and of which the youn(‘) De Bello Gallico, VIII. 50, 51, 52.

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR 704. 561 gest soldiers reckoned eight campaigns. No doubt he reminded them that, general or consul, he owed everything to the people and to-the army, and that the glory they had acquired formed between them indissoluble ties. Until the end of the summer he remained in the north of Gaul, “only moving the. troops as much as was necessary to preserve the soldiers’ health. T. Labienus’ received afterwards the command of-Citerior Gaul, in the aim of securing more votes for Cvesar’s approaching candidateship for the office of consul. Although the latter was not ignorant of the manceuvres of his enemies to detach Labienus from him, and of their intrigues to cause the Senate to deprive him of a part of his army, he could not be prevailed upon either to doubt Labienus, or to attempt anything against the authority of the Senate. He knew that, if the votes were free, the conscript fathers would do him justice.” (1) In fact, whenever the Senate was not.under the dominion of a factious minority, the majority, pronounced in favour of Caesar. It had been decided, in the preceding month of October, that the question of the consular provinces should be brought under consideration on the 1st of March, 704, the period at which Pompey had declared that he would throw no obstacle in the way of the discussion. It was opened then, as appears from a letter of Cicero, and the Senate showed an inclination to recall Caesar for the Ides of November, 704. Nevertheless, there was no decisive result.

People were afraid yet to engage in a struggle for life: (‘) De Bello Gallico, VIII. 52. 24 II.-N N

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562 HISTORY OF JULIUS CIESAR. Curio, singly, made the Senate tremble by his opposition. (1) -When, in the bosom of that assembly, C. Marcellus was declaiming against Catsar, Curio began to speak, praised the consul’s prudence, approved much of the proposal that the conqueror of Gaul should be summoned to disband his army; but he insinuated that it would not be less desirable to see Pompey disband his. “Those great generals,” said he, “were objects of suspicion to him, and there would be no tranquillity for the Republic until both of them should be. come private men.” (2) This speech pleased the people, who, moreover, began to lose much of their esteem for Pompey since the time that, by his law on bribery, a great number of citizens were condemned to exile. On all sides they praised Curio’; they admired his courage in braving two such powerful men, and on several occasions an immense crowd escorted him to his house, throwing.flowers over him ” like an athlete,” says Appian, ” who had just sustained a severe and dangerous combat.” () (1) ” Pompey appears to agree with the Senate in requiring absolutely the return of Cwesar on the Ides of November. Curio is decided to do everything rather than suffer this: the rest he cares little about. Our party-you know them well-do not dare to undertake a deadly combat. This is how things stand now. Pompey, who, without attacking Caxsar, will accord nothing to him but what is just, accuses Curio of being an agent of discord. At the bottom, he will not allow that Caesar be designated consul before he has given up his army antl his province, and his great fear is that that may happen. He is by no means spared by Curio, who throws continually his second consulate in his teeth. I will tell you what will come to pass; if they do not use discretion with Curio, Caesar will gain af defender in him. With the fear which they show of the opposition of a tribune, they will do so much that Ctesar will remain indefinitely master in Gaul.” (Cicero, Epist. ad Familiar., VIII. 11.) (2) Dio Cassius, XL. 41.-Appian, Civil Wars, II. 27.

(3) Appian, Civil Wars, II. 27.

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR 704. 563 The clever manceuvres of Cieero had such success that, when Marcellus proposed to concert with the tribunes of the people -on the means of opposing the candidature of Caesar, the majority of the Senate gave their opinion to the contrary. On this subject, M.

Ccelius wrote to Caesar: ” The opinions have changed so much that now they are ready to reckon as a candidate for the consulship a man who will give up neither his army nor his province.” (‘) Pompey gave no sign of life, and let the Senate have its way. He always seemed to disdain what he desired most. -,Thus, at this time, he affected an entire carelessness, and retrenched himself in his legality, taking care to avoid all appearance of personal hostility towards CGesar. At the same time, either in order -to avoid being pressed too soon, or to appear indifferent to the question which agitated the Republic, he left his gardens near Rome to visit Campania. Thence he sent a letter to the Senate, in which, while he praised Caesar and himself, he reminded them that he never had solicited a third consulship, nor yet the command of the’ armies; that he had received it in spite of himself, in order to save the Republic, and that he was ready to renounce it without waiting the term fixed by the law. (2) This letter, studied’and artful, was intended to bring out the contrast between his disinterested conduct and that of Caesar,’ who refused to surrender his government; but Curio baffled this manceuvre. “If Pompey were sincere,” he said, “he (‘) Ccelius to Cicero, Epist. Famniliar.,VIII. 13.

(2) “It is his custom to speak in one way and to think in another; but he has not head enough to prevent people from seeing through him.” (Ccelius to Cicero, Epist. ad Familiar., VIII. 1). (3) Appian, Civil Wars, II. 28.

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564 HISTORY OF JULIUS CASAR. ought not to promise to give his resignation, but to give it at once; so long as he should not have retired into private life, the command could not be taken from Caesar. Besides, the interest of the State requiredl the presence of two rivals constantly opposed to each other;..and, in his eyes, it was Pompey who openly aspired to: absolute power.” (‘) This accusation was not without ground;,for during the:last nineteen years-,that is to say, since 684, the time of his first consulship-Pompey had nearly always been in possession of the imperium, either as consul, or as general in the wars against the:pirates and against. Mithridates, or, finally, as charged with the victual. ling of Italy. “To take Caesar’s army from him,” says Plutarch, ” and to leave his army to Pompey, was, by accusing the one of aspiring to the tyranny, to give the other the means of obtaining it.” (2) III. About’this time Pompey fell dangerously ill, Pompeyreeives Ova-and on his recovery the Neapolitans and to return his Two Le- -slSc o 1 I sw jy gions. that “every town, great or small,” says Plutarch,” celebrated festivals for several days. When he returned to Rome, there’was no place spacious enough to, contain the. crowd which came to meet him;, the roads, the villages, and the ports were full of people offering sacrifices and making banquets, in order to show their joy at his recovery. A great number of citizens, crowned with leaves, went to receive him with torches, and threw flowers on him as they accompanied him; the procession which followed (‘) Appian, Civil Wars, II. 28. (2) Plutarch, Ccesar, 34.

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR 704. 565 him in his progress offered the most agreeable and most magnificent spectacle.” (‘) Although these ovations had given Pompey an exaggerated opinion of his influence, on his return to Rome he observed in public the same reserve, though in secret he sup. ported the measures calculated to diminish Caesar’s power. Thus, taking for pretext the demands for reenforcements renewed incessantly by Bibulus and Cicero, proconsuls of Syria and Cilicia, who sought to place their provinces in safety against an invasion -of the Parthians, he represented that the levies ordered by the Senate were insufficient, and that it was necessary to send experienced troops to the East. It was thereupon decided that Pompey and Coesar, who were at the head of considerable armies, should each of them detach one legion for the defence of the threatened provinces. A senatusconsultus at once summoned Caesar to send his legion, and ordered him, by sides, to return the legion which Pompey had lent him shortly after the conference of Lucca. Perhaps they hoped for resistance on his part, for this last’legion had been raised, like all those of -his army, in Cisalpine Gaul; but he obeyed without hesitation, so that he alone had to furnish the reenforcements required for the East. Before parting with his soldiers, who had so long fought under his orders, he caused 250 drachmas (225 francs) to be distributed to each legionary. (‘) Appius Claudius, nephew of the censor of the same name; who had left Rome with the mission of bring(1) Plutarch, Ponpey, 61. (2) Appian, Civil Wars, II. 29.-Plutarch, Ccesar, 32.

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566 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. ing those troops from the Cisalpine into Italy, reported on his return that the soldiers of Coesar, weary of their long campaigns, sighed for repose, and that it would be impossible to draw them into a civil war; he pretended even that the legions in winter quarters in Transalpine Gaul would no sooner have passed the Alps than they would rally to Pompey’s flag.(‘) Events in the sequel proved the falsity of this information, for not only, as will appear hereafter, did the troops which had remained under Caesar’s command continue faithful to him, but those which had been withdrawn from him preserved the remembrance of their ancient general. In fact, Pompey himself-had not the least confidence in the two legions he had received, and his-letter to Domitius, proconsul at the commencement of the civil war, explains his inaction by the danger of bringing them into the presence of the army of Ciesar, so much he fears to see them pass over to the opposite camp. (‘) At Rome, nevertheless, they believed in the reports which flattered the pretensions of Pompey, although they were contra(l) Appian, Civil Wars, II. 29.-This officer (Appius) affected to undervalue the exploits which had been accomplished in that country (Gaul), and to spread rumours injurious to Caesar. “Pompey,” said he, “must have known very little his strength and reputation, otherwise would he, in order to measure himself with Cmeiar, seek other troops than those which were at his disposal? He would conquer him with the very legions of his enemy, as soon as he appeared, so much did the soldiers hate Coesar, and desire to see Pompey again.” (Plutarch, Pompey, 61.) (2) “‘I should like to come nearer to you; but, I regret to say, I dare not trust myself to the two legions…… The two legions must not be exposed in the’presence of Ciesar without the cohorts from Picenum.” (Letter fiom Pompey to Domitius, Proconsul.-Cicero, Epist. ad Atticum, VIII. 12.)-“- All my resources are reduced to two legions, which Pompey has ietained in an odious manner, and of which he is no more sure than of foreigners.” (Cicero, Epist. ad Atticum,`VII. 13.)

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR 704. 567 dieted by other more certain. information, which showed Italy, the Cisalpine provinces, and Gaul itself, equally devoted to Caesar. Pompey, deaf to these last warnings, affected the’

greatest contempt for the forces of which his adversary could dispose.

According to him, Ceesar was ruining himself, and had, no other chance of safety but in a prompt and complete submission. When he was asked with what troops he would resist. the conqueror of Gaul, in case he were to march upon Rome, he. replied, with an air of confidence, that he had only to strike the soil of Italy with his foot to make legions start up out of it. (‘) It was natural that his vanity should make him interpret favourably all that was passing.under his eyes. At Rome, the greatest personages were devoted to him. Italy had shuddered at the news of his illness, and celebrated his recovery as if it had been a triumph..The army of Gaul, it was said, was. ready to answer to his call..With less blindness, Pompey might have discerned the true reason of the enthusiasm of which he had been the object. He. would have -understood that this enthusiasm was much less addressed to his person than to the depositary of an authority which alone then seemed capable of saving the Republic: he would have understood that, the day another general should appear under the same conditions of fame and power as himself, the people, with its admirable discernment, would at once side with him who should best identify himself with their interests. To understand the public opinion correctly, he (1) Plutarch, Ponmpey, 61.

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568 HISTORY OF JULIUS C/EiSAR. ought not, though this might have-been a difficult thing to the chief of the aristocratic cause, to have confined himself solely to the judgment of the official world, but he should have interrogated the sentiments of those whose position brought them nearest to the people. Instead of believing the reports of Appius Claudius,. and reckoning on the discontent of certain of Caesar’s lieutenants, who, like Labienus, already showed hostile tendencies, Pompey ought to. have meditated upon that exclamation of a centurion,who, placed at the door of the Senate, when that assembly rejected the just reclamations of the conqueror of Gaul, exclaimed, putting’ his hand to his sword, “This will give him what he asks.” (1) The fact is that, in civil commotions, each-class of society divines, as by instinct, the cause which responds to its aspirations, and feels itself attracted to it by a secret affinity. Men born in the superior classes, or brought to their level by honours and riches, are always drawn towards the aristocracy, whilst men kept by fortune in the inferior ranks remain the firm supports.of the popular cause. Thus, at the return from the isle of Elba, most of the generals of the Emperor Napoleon, loaded with wealth like the lieutenants of Caesar, (2) marched openly against him; but in the army all up to the rank-of colonel said, after the example of the Roman centurion,: pointing to their weapons,.” This will place him on the throne again!” (‘) Plutarch, Cgesar, 33. (2) “, Do you approve that Labienus and Mamurra should have amassed immense riches?” (Cicero, Epist. ad Atticurm, VII. 7.)

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR 704.:569 IV. An attentive examination of the correspondTheSenate votes ence between M. Ccelius and Cicero, as impartially. well as the relations of the various authors, leads to the conviction that at that period it required great efforts -.on the part of the turbulent fraction of the aristocratic party to drag the Senate into hostility towards. Casar. The censor Appius, reviewing the list of that body, notedc Curio, that is, wished to strike him from the list; but at the instances of his colleague and of the Consul Paulus, he confined himself to expressing a formal reproof, and his regret that he could not do justice. On hearing him, Curio tore his toga, and.protested with the utmost passion against a disloyal attack. The Consul Marcellus, who suspected the good understanding between Curio and Csesar, -and who recloned on the feelings of the Senate, which were very unfavourable to both, brought the conduct of the tribune:under discussion. While he protested against this illegal proceeding, Curio. accepted the debate, and declared that, strong in his conscience, and certain of having always acted in the interests of the Republic, he placed with confidence his honour and his life in the hands of the Senate.- This scene could have no other result but an honourable vote for Curio; (‘) but this incident was soon left, and the discussion passed to the political situation. Marcellus proposed at first this question: Ougqht; Ccvsar to be superseded in his province? He urged the Senate to a vote. The sen. ators having formed themselves into two groups in the curia, an immense majority declared for the af(‘) Dio Cassius, XL. 63, 61.

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570 HISTORY OF JULIUS CiESAR. firmative. The same majority pronounced for the negative on a second question of Marcellus: Ought Pompey, to be superseded? But Curio, resuming the arguments which he had used so many times on the danger of favouring Pompey at the expense of Cesar, demanded a vote, upon a third question: Ought Pornpey and Ccesar both to disarm? To the surprise of the consul, this unexpected motion passed by a majority of 370 against 22. Then Marcellus dismissed the Senate, saying with bitterness, “You carry the day! you will have Caesar for master.” (1) He did not imagine that he foretold the future so well. Thus the almost unanimity of the assembly had, by its vote, justified Curio, who, in this instance, was only the representative of Coesar; and if P6mpey and his party had submitted to this decision, there would no longer have been a pretext for the struggle which honest men feared: Caesar and Pompey would have resumed their place in ordinary life, each with his partisans and his renown, but without army, and consequently without the means of disturbing the Republic. V. This was not what these restless men wanted, Violent Measures who masked their petty passions under adopted against CmeBar. the great words of public safety and liberty. In order to destroy the effect of this vote of the S.enate, the rumour was spread in Rome; that Caesar had. entered Italy; Marcellus demanded that troops should be. raised, and that the two legions destined for the war in the East should be brought from (‘) Appian, Civil Wars, II. 30. Cicero, Epist. ad A tticum, VIII. 4.

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EVENTS OF THE YEAR 704. 571 Capua, where they were in garrison. Curio protested against the falsehood of this news, and interceded, in his quality of tribune, to oppose all extraordinary arming. Then Marcellus exclaimed, “Since I can do nothing here with; the consent of all, I alone take charge of the public welfare on my own responsibility!” He then hurried to the suburb where Pompey had his quarters, and, presenting him with a sword, addressed him in these words: “I summon you to take the command of the troops which are at Capua, to raise others, and to take the measures necessary for the, safety of the Republic.” Pompey accepted this mission, but with reserves: he said that he would obey the orders of the consuls, “if, at least, there was nothing better to. do.” This prudent reflection, at a moment so critical, pictures the character of the man.

(1) M. Marcellus understood all the irregularity of his conduct, and brought with him the consuls nominated for the following year (705); even before they entered.upon office, (2) which was to take place in a few.

days, they had the right to render edicts which indicated the principles upon which they intended to act during the time of their magistracy. They were L. Cornelius Lentulus Crus and C. Claudius Marcellus, the last a kinsman of the preceding consul of the same name, both enemies to Caesar.

They entered. into an engagement with Pompey to support.with all their efforts the measure which their predecessor had taken at his own risk and peril. We see, they are. the consuls and Pompey who revolt against the decisions of.the Senate. (I) Appian, Civil Wars, II. 31.-Cicero, Epist. ad Atticum, VI. 9; VII. 1. (2) Dio Cassius, XL. 64.

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572 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. Curio could not oppose these measures regularly, the tribunes not having the right of exercising their powers outside Rome; but-he attacked before’ the people what had just been done, and recommended them not: to obey the levy of troops which. had been ordered by Pompey, in contempt of the law. (1) VI. The following letter from M. Ccelius to Cicero -stt of b shows what was the judgment of imparOpinion. tial’Romans upon the public situation in September, 704 -

“The nearer we approach the inevitable struggle, the more we are struck with the greatness of the danger. This is the ground on which the two men of power of the day are going to encounter each other. Cn. Pompey is decided not to suffer Caesar to be consul until he has resigned his army and his provinces, and& Coesar is convinced that there is no safety for him unless he keep his army; he consents, nevertheless, if the condition of giving up the commandment be reciprocal; Thus those effusions of tenderness and this so dreaded alliance will end, not in hidden animosity, but in open war. As far as I am concerned, I do not know which side to take in this conjuncture, and I doubt not but this perplexity is common to us. In one of the parties, I have obligations of gratitude and friendship; in the: other, it is the cause, not the men, I hate. My principles, which no doubt you -share, are these: i-n domestic dissensions, so long as things pass between -unarmed citizens, to prefer the most honest party; but when war breaks out, and two (‘) Appian, Civil VWars, II. 31.

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EVENTS: OF THE:YEAR 704. 573 camps are in presence, to side with the strongest, and seek reason where there is safety. Now, what do I see here?

On one side, Pompey, with the Senate and the magistracy; on the other, Caesar, with all who have anything to fear or to covet.. No comparison possible, as far as-the armies are concerned. May it please the gods to give us time to weigh the respective forces, and to make our choice.“Y(l) Ccelius was not long in making his; he embraced the party of Caesar. (2) This appreciation of a contemporary was certainly shared by a great number o..o persons, who, without well-defined convictions, were ready to side with the strongest. -Cicero, who was returning to Italy, (3) had the same tendency, yet he felt an extreme embarrassment. Not only was he on friendly terms with the: two adversaries, but Caesar had lent him a considerable sum, and’this debt weighed upon him like a remorse. (4) After having ardently desired to leave his command for fear of the war against the Parthians, he fell into the midst of preparations for a civil war (1) Ccelius to Cicero, Epist. Familiar., VIII. 14. (2) Cicero, Epist. ad Atticum, VII. 3. (3) Cicero landed at Brundusium on the 7th of the Calends of December, 704. (Cicero, Epist. ad Atticum, VII. 2.) (4) ” I receive flattering letters from Coesar; Balbus writes me as many in his name.. I am firmly determined not to flinch a finger’s length from the road of honour; but you know how much I am under obligation to Coesar. Do you think that I have not to fear that they will reproach me my debt,: if I vote even quietly in his favour, and, if I speak strongly, that they will ask it loudly from me? What am I to do? Pay it, you will say. Well! I will borrow from Ccelius. But think of it, I beg of you, for I expect, if I happen to speak firmly in the Senate, your good friend from Tartessus will at.once tell me: You, pay what you owe!” (Year 704, 9th December. Cicero, Epist. ad Alticum, VII. 3.)

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574 HISTORY OF. JULIUS CAESAR. which presented a much greater danger.

Hence, when:on his arrival in Greece he believed, on false reports, that Cwesar had sent four legions into Piacenza, his first thought was to shut himself up in the citadel of Athens. (1) When at last he had returned to Italy, he congratulated himself on being in a condition to obtain the.honours of a triumph, because then the obligation of remaining outside Rome dispensed him from declaring for either of the two rivals. He wished above all for the triumph, and in his letters he: pressed the influential-personages to prevail upon the Senate to consent to it; but Cato con-: sidered, like many others, that the exploits of the proconsul in Cilicia did not deserve so much honour, and he refused.to give him his support, whilst, at the Same time, he greatly praised his character. Caesar, less rigid on principles, forgetting nothing which could flatter the self-love of important men, had written to Cicero,to promise him-his assistance, and blame Cato’s severity. () Meanwhile, the celebrated. orator -did not deceive (1) “What will become of us? I have a good mind to shut myself up in the citadel of Athens, whence I write you this note.” (Year 704. Epist.

ad Atticunm, VI. 9.)-” Consequently, leaving to the fools the initiative of speech, I think that I shall do well to endeavour to obtain this triumph, were it only to have a reason not to be in Rome; but they are sure to find a means to come to wrest my opinion from me. You will laugh at me. How I wish I had remained in myprovince “. (Cicero, Epist. ad Atticum, VII. 1.) (2) ” He has borne witness, which I did not ask him, to my integrity, my equity, and my kindness, and he has refused me what I expected from him. You should see how Caesar,-in the letter in which he congratulates me and promises me eveiything, knows how to make the most of this abominable ingratitude of Cato! But this same Cato has caused twenty days to be granted to Bibulus. You must excuse me being spiteful; but this is a thing which I cannot bear, and which I will -never forgive him.”’

(Year 704, November. Cicero, Epist. ad Atticumn, VII. 2.)

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EVENTS’OF THE YEAR:704. 575 himself as to the resources of the two parties. When he talked with Pompey, the assurance of that warrior tranquillised him; but.when abandoned to his own meditations, he saw well that all the chances were on the side. of Caesar.~ “To-day,” he wrote, “Caesar is at the head of eleven legions (he forgot the two legions given to Pompey), without counting the cavalry, of which he can have as many as he likes; he has in his favour the Transpadan towns, the populace of Rome, the entire order of the knights, nearly all the tribunes, all the disor.

derly youth, the.ascendant of his glorious’ name, and his extreme boldness. This is the man they have’to’ combat (1) This party only wants a good cause; the rest they have in abundance. Consequently, there’ is nothing which they must. not do rather than’ come to war; the. result of which is always. uncertain, and how much the more is it not.. to be feared for us!” (2) As for his own party, he defined it in’ the following manner: “What do you mean by these men of the good side.? I know. none that I could’name. I know some, if we mean to speak of the whole class of honestlmen; for individually, in the true sense of the word, they’are rare; but in civil strife you must seek the cause of honourable. men where it is. Is it the Senate which is that good party; the Senate, which leaves provinces without governors? -Curio would never have resisted if they had made up their minds to oppose him; but the Senate has’:done nothing of (1) Year 704, December. Cicero, Epist. ad Atticum, VII. 7.-The words entire order qf the knights are not in the text, but they result from what Caesar says in the same -letter. (2) Year 704, December. Cicero, Epist. ad Atticum, VII. 3.

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576’ HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. the kind, and they have not been able to give Caesar a successor. Is it the knights who have never shown a very firm patriotism, and who Ilow are entirely devoted to.Cesar?.‘Are they the merchants or the country people who only ask to live in repose? Shall we believe that they fear much to see one single man in power, they who are content with any government, so long as they are quiet?” (‘) The more the situation became serious, the more wise men inclined towards the party of peace. Pompey had again absented himself from Rome for a few days; he showed great irritation at the arrogance of the tribune Mark Antony, who, in a speech before the people, had attacked him with violence. He seemed also much hurt at the want of regard of Hirtius, that friend of Caesar, who had come to Rome without paying him a visit. (2) The absence of Pompey in such critical moments had been generally blamed, (‘) but he soon returned; -his resolution was-taken.’ I have seen Pompey,” wrote Cicero to his friend, on the 6th of the Calends of December. “‘We went together to Formiae, and we conversed alone from two o’clock till evening. You ask me if there is any hope of agreement. As far as I have been able to judge (1) Year 704, December. Cicero, Epist. ad Atticurn, VII. 7. (2) Cicero, Epist.

ad Atticumn, VII. 4. (2) ” The situation of the Republic inspires me every day with more uneasiness. Honest people do not agree so well as is thought. How many Roman knights, how many senators, have I not heard inveighing against Pompey, particularly on account of this unfortunate journey! What we want is peace. All victory will be fatal, and cause a tyrant to rise up. Yes, I am one of those who think that it is better to grant all he (Cesar)- asks than to appeal to arms. It is now too late to resist him, when for the last ten years we have done nothing else but to’give him strength against us.” (Year 704, December. Cicero, Epist. ad Atticumn, VII. 5.)

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EVENTS OF -THE YEAR 704. 577 from what he told me in a lengthy, conversation full of details, there is even:no desire for it. He pretends that, if Caesar, obtains the consulship, even. after having dismissed his army, there will be’ a revolution in the state. He, is, moreover, convinced that, when Csesar knows that they take measures against him, he will abandon the consulship for this year, and that he will prefer keeping his army and his province; he added that his anger would not frighten him, and that Rome and he would know how to defend themselves. What shall I, say’ a? Although the great phrase, fMars has equal chances for: everybody], recurred often to my mind, I felt reassured; in hearing a valiant man, so able and so powerful, reasoning like a politician upon the dangers of a’false peace. We read together the speech of Antony, of the.10th of the Calends of January, which is, from beginning to end, an accusation against Pompey, whom he takes up from his infantile toga. He reproaches* him. with condemnations by thousands; he threatens us with war. Upon which Pompey said to me,‘What will Caesar not do, once master of the Republic, if his quaestor, a man without wealth, without support, dare to speak in this manner 2’ In short, far from desiring such a peace, he appeared-to me to fear it, perhaps because then he would be obliged to go to Spain. What annoys me most is, that I shall be obliged to’ reimburse Caesar, and to apply to that use all the money which I intended for my.

triumpl;, for it would’be’disgraceful to remain:the debtor of a political adversary.”’ (1) By this declaration Cicero proves in the most positive manner that (‘) Year 704, December. Cicero, Epist. ad Atticunm, VII. 8. 25

II.-O o

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578 HISTORY. OF JULIUS CAESAR. Pompey desired war, and rejected all reconciliation; he repeats it elsewhere with still more precision. Pompey, led by the inevitable march of events to oppose Caesar’s.just. demands, which he had’favoured at first, was reduced to desire civil war. He and his party had not arrived at this extremity without in most cases overruling the will of the Senate, without wounding the public feeling, and without overstepping the bonds of legality.: In the beginning of 703, when Marcellus had proposed to recall Caesar before the legal period, the Senate, assembled in great number,: had passed to the order of the day, (1) and, during the rest of the year they had shown a determination notlto undertake anything against the proconsul of Gaul. They had rejected a second time the motion of Marcellus, renewed on the 1st of March, 704, and afterwards the Senate had shown dispositions favourable to C esar.

However, the law which permitted. him to keep his command until the consular comitia of 705 is soon treated with contempt; after many hesitations the Senate decides that Cesar and Pompey shall disband their armies at the same time, but the decree is not executed; passions become inflamed, the most arbitrary measures are proposed, the tribunes intercede: their veto is considered as not existing. Then, without obtaining a senatusconsultus, without appealing to the people, the consuls charge Pompey to. raise troops, and to watch over the welfare of the Republic. It is the aristocratic party which places itself above. the law, and places right on the side of Cassar. (‘) “Senatus frequens in alia transiit.” (1e Bello Gallico, VIII. 43.)

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CHAPTER X. EVENT$ OF THE COMMEN9C MECENT OF THF YEAR 705. I. IN-the -course of the summer,it will’be rememC. Caudius Marcel-‘bered, Caesar’

had returned ito Arras, to lus and L. Cornelius LentulusConsuls. the middle of his army,which was encamped in the north of Gaul. He was informed’of the plots going on, at Rome;‘he knew’thaat his enemies would agree to no’ arrangement, buthe still hoped that the Senate would maintain the equal balance between him and his rival, for that assembly had already shown its pacific’tendencies, and’ did not even seem inclined to interfere’.in the quarrel. (1) In the winter between 704 and: 705 he returned to Cisalpine Gaul, presided there, according to his custom, over the’ provincial assemblies, and stopped at Raven. na, the last town in his command. (2) He had only’ the 13th legion at his disposal,which was 5,000
men strong, with 300 cavalry; (‘) nearly his whole army, to the number of eight legions, had remained in winter quarters in Belgium and Burgundy.

(4) It was at Ravenna that Curio, the’ year of whose tribuneship expired in December, 704,’(~) hastened to hiim. Caesar received him with open arms, thanked (1) “Neque senatu interveniente.” (De Bello Gallico, VIII.

4.) (2) Suetonius, CGesar, 30. (3) Appian, Civil Wars, II. 22.-Plutarch, Cassar, 41; Pompey, 85. (4) De Bello Gallico, VIII. 54. (5) It ended before the consular year.

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580 HISTORY OF JULIUS CJESAR. him.for his devotedness, and conferred with him upon the measures to be taken. Curio proposed that he should call the other legions which he had beyond the Alps, and march upon Rome; but Caesar did not approve of this counsel, still persuaded that things would yet come to an understanding. He engaged his friends (‘)‘at Rome’

to.propose a plan’of accommodation which had been approved, it was said, by Cicero, and which Plutarch expressly ascribes to him: Caesar was to have given’ up Transalpine.Gaul, and kept Cisalpine Gaul and Illyria with two legions, until he had obtained the consulship.. It was even said that he would be satisfied with Illyria alone and one legion. (2) “He made the greatest efforts,’ says Velleius Paterculus,(3) ” to maintain peace: the friends of Pompey refused all conciliatory proposals.” “The appearance of justice,” says Plutarch, “was on the side of Caesar.” When the negotiation: had failed, he charged Curio to carry to the Senate a letter: full of impudence, according to Pompey; full of threats, according to.

Cicero;’() well adapted, on the contrary, according to Plutarch, to draw the multitude to Caesar’s side. (‘) Curio, after travelling 1,300 stadia (210 kilomStres) in three days, re-appeared in that-assembly on the very-day of the installation of the new consuls, the Calends of January, 705…

He did not deliver to them, according to custom, the letter of which he was the bearer, for fear that they should not. communicate it; (t) Drumann is of opinion that the ” Commentaries” are in error in.mentioning Fabius.

(2) Plutarch, Pompey, 59. Appian, Civil Wars, II. 32. (3) Velleius Paterculus, II. 49. (4) Cicero, Epist. ad Atticum, VII. 9. (5) Plutarch, Pompey, 63.

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EVENTS OF THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE YEAR 705. 581 and, indeed, at first they. opposed the reading of it; but: two tribunes of the people devoted to Caesar, Mark Antony, formerly his quaestor, and Q. Cassius, insisted with so much energy, that the’new consuls were unable to refuse. (1) CVesar, after: reminding them of what he had done for the Republic, justified himself against the imputations spread against him by his enemies. While.he protested his respect for the Senate, he’ declared th’at he was ready to resign his proconsular functions, and to disband: his’army, or’ deliver it to his successor;,provided Pompey did the same.: It could not be required of him! to deliver himself up unarmed to his enemies while they remained armed, and alone to set the example bf:submission. He: spoke not on this occasion of his pretensions to the consulship; the great question, to know whether he and Pompey should keep their armies,‘overruled all the others. The conclusion of the letter-displayed a strong feeling of resentment. Csesar declared in it that, if justice were not:rendered’to him; he should know how, by revenging himself, to revenge his country’ also. This last expression, which strongly resembled a threat, excited the loudest reclamations in the Senate. “It is war he declares,” they exclaimed, and the irritation rose to the greatest height. (2) No deliberation could be obtained on any of his propositions. II. The Consul L. Lentulus, in a violent oration, engaged the Senate to show more courage and firmness: (‘) Plutarch (Pompey, 59) pretends even that they read it before the people. (2) Appian, Civil Wiars, II. 32.

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582 HISTORY OF JULIUS CASAR, Lentuluscarriesthe he promised.to support it, and defend Senate against Caesenateagst. Cthe Republic.: “If, -on the contrary, the assembly, in this critical moment, was wanting in energy-if, as in the past, it meant to spare Cwesar and to conciliate his good graces, there would be an end of its authority: as far as he was concerned, he should hasten to withdraw from it, and should in future consult only himself. After all, he also might gain the friendship and favour of Casar.” Scipio spoke in the same spirit: “Pompey,” said he, “will not fail the Republic, if he is -followed by the Senate; but if they hesitate, if: they act with weakness, the Senate will henceforth invoke his aid. in vain.” This language of Scipio seemed to be the expression of the thoughts of Pompey,, who was at the gates of the town with his army.

More moderiate ophiiias were also offeted. M. Marcellus demanded that, before coming to any decision, the Senate should assemble troops from the different’ parts-of Italy in order to ensure the independence of their deliberations; M. Calidius proposed that Pompey should reetire to.his: province, in order -to avoid all motive for a war; for Cssar mightjustly fear to see used against him the’ two legions taken away from his command, and retained under the walls’of Rome. M. Rufus gave his opinion nearly in the same terrms Lentulus immediately burst out into violent reproaches aginst the latter speakers; he upbraided them with their defection, and refused to put the proposal of Calidius t:o a vote. Marcellus, terrified, withdrew his motion. Then there happened one of those strange and sudden changes, so common in revolutionary assemblies: the violent apostrophes of

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EVENTS OF THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE YEAR 705.:583 ~Lentulus,the threats uttered by the partisans of Pompey, the terror inspired by the presence of an army under the walls of Rome, exerted an irresistible pressure upon the minds of the senators, who, in spite of themselves, adopted the motion of Scipio, and decreed that ” if Coesar did not disband his army.on the day prescribed, he should be declared an enemy of the Republic.” (‘) Mark Antony and’ Q. Cassius, tribunes. of the people, oppose this decree. (2) A report is immediately made of their opposition, invoking the decision taken by the Senate the year before; grave measures are proposed: the more violent they are, the-more the enemies of Caesar applaud. In the evening, after the sitting, Pompey convokes the senators in his gardens: he distributes praise and blame amongst them, en. courages some, intimidates others. At the same time, he recalls from all parts a great.‘nlumber of his veterans, promising them rewards and promotion. He addressed himself even to the. soldiers of the two) legions who had formed part of Csesar’s; army. (3) The town is in a state of extreme agitation. The tribune Curio claims the right:of the comitia which had been set aside.. The friends of the consuls, the adherents of Pompey, all who nourished old rancours against Caesar, hurry towards the Senate, which is again assembled. Their clamours and threats deprive that assembly of all liberty of decision.:-

The most varied proposals follow each other. The censor L. Piso and the prsetor Roscius offer to go to Coesar, to (t) Caesar, De Bello Civili, I.

1. (2) Cicero, Epist. Familiar., VIII. 8. (3) Caesar, De Bello Civili, I.

3.

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584 HISTORY OF JULIUS CASAR. inform him of what is going on; they only ask a delay of six days.. Others desire that, deputies be charged to go. to make him acquainted will the. will of the Senate.’ All these motions are rejected. Cato, Lentulus, and Scipio.redouble.in violence. Cato is animated by old enmities. and the mortification. of his recent check in the consular elections. Lentulus, overwhelmed with debts, hopes for honours and riches; he boasts among his party that he will become a second Sylla, and be master of the empire. (‘) Scipi flatters himself with an ambition equally chimerical. Lastly, Pompey, whlo will have no equal, desires.:war, the only way to’ get over the folly of his conduct, (2) and this prop of the Republic assumes the title, like Agamemnon, of king of kings. (3) The consuls propose to the Senate to assume public mourning, in order to strike the imagination of the people, and to show them that.the: country’is in danger.. Mark Antony and.his colleague Cassius intercede; but no attention is paid to their opposition. The Senate assembles in mourning attire, decided be. forehand on rigorous measures. The tribunes, on the other hand, announce that they intend to make use of their:right of veto. In the midst of this general excitement, their: obstinacy is no longer considered as a right of their office,- but’ as a proof, of their complicity; and, first of all, measures are brought,under. deliberation:to be taken against their opposition. lM:ark (‘) The Sibylline books had predicted the empire of Rome~to.three Cornelii: L. Cornelius Cinna had been consul; Sylla, dictator; Cornelius Lentulus was in hopes of beingthe.third. (2) Cicero, EEpist. Familiar., XVI. 12. (3) Appian, Civil Wars, II. 34.

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EVENTS OF THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE YEAR 705. 585 Antony is the most audacious; the Consul Lentulus interrupts him’ with’ anger,. and orders him to leave the curia,-” where,” he says, “his sacred character will not preserve him’.any longer from; the punishment merited by his’ spirit’ of hostility towards -the Republic.“‘Mark Antony:. thereupon, rising.

impetuously, takes the gods -to witness that the privileges of the tribune’s power are violated in his person. ” We are insulted’”

exclaims-he;‘“we.are treated:like murder-.ers. You want.-proscriptions, massacres,’ conflagrations. May. all those; evils which you have drawn down fall upon your:own heads!’” Then, pronouncing the forms. of execration, which had always the power of impressing superstitious minds, he leaves the curia, followed by-Q. Cassius, Curio,.and M. Ccelius. (1) It was time: the curia was on-the point’of being -surrounded by a detachment of troops, which were already -approaching. (2): All four left Rome in the night’ between’ the‘6th and 7th of January, in -the’ disguise of slaves, in an. ordinary chariot, and reached Caeaar’s quarters.: (‘) The following days the Senate meets outside the town. Pompey repeats there what he had employed Scipio’to say.’ He applauds the courage and firmness of the assembly; -he’ enumerates his forces, boasts of having ten legions six in Spain, and.four in Italy. (4) According to his. conviction, the army is not devoted to Caesar, and will not follow him in his rash undertakings. Besides, would he dare, with one single le(t) Cicero, -Epist. Familiar., XVI. 2.-Philippica, II. 21, 22. (a) Plutarch, Antony, 7.-Dio Cassius, XLI. 2, 3. (3) Plutarch, Antony, 7.-Appian, Civil Wars, II. 33. (4) Cicero, Epist. Familiar., XVI. 12. 25*

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586 HISTORY OF JULIUS CESAR; gion, to face the forces of the Senate Before-he will have had time to summon his troops, which are on the other side of the Atlps, Pompey will have assemt bled a formidable army. () Then the Senate declares the country in danger:(it was the 18th of the Ides of January), an extreme measure reserved for great public calamities; and the care to watch: that the. Republic receive no harm is confided to0 the consuls, the pro. consuls, the praetors, and the tribunes of the people.

Immediately, all-his. party, whose violence. has dri-v en Pompey and the Senate into civil war, fall.upon the dignities, the honours, the governments of provinces,:as so many objects of prey. Italy is divided into great’ commands, (2):which the principal chiefs divide amongst themselves. Cicero, always prudent, chooses Camphania as being -more distant from:the scene of war. -Scribonius Libo is sent to Etruria, (3) P.

Lentulus Spinther to the coast of Picenum, (4)-P Attius:Varus to Auximum and Cingulum, (5) and:Q Minucius Thermus to’ Umbria. (6) By a false inter.

pretation of the law which allows proconsuls to be chosen among the magistrates who have resigned their functions within five years, the consular and proetorian provinces are’shared.- arbitrarily:.Syria is given to Metellus Scipio, Transalpine Gaul. to L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, -Cisalpine: Ga-ul to Considius Nonianus, Sicily to Cato, Sardinia to M.: Aurelius Cotta, (1) Appian, Civil Wars, II. 34. (2) Cicero, Epist.

Familiar., XVI. 11. (3) Florus, IV.:11. (4) Cmasar, De Bello’ Civiii, I.

-15. Cicero, Epist.. ad Atticum,VII.‘23.. (D) Cmesar, De Bello Civili, I.

7.-Cicero, Epist. ad Atticum, VII. 13. (6) Cmsar, De Bello Civili, I.

12.-Cicero, Epist. ad Atticum, VII. 3. Lucan, Plarsalia, II., line 463.

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EVENTS OF THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE YEAR 705. 587 Africa to L.‘lius Tuberno, and Cilicia to P. Sextius. (1) The obligation of a curiate law to legitimate their power is regarded as useless. Their names are not drawn by lot-‘; they do not wait, according to the established practice, till the people has ratified their election, and till they have put on the dress of war, -after having pronounced the usual vows. The consuls, contrary to custom, leave the town; men, till then strangers to all high’

office, cause lictors to go before them in Rome and in the Capitol. It is pro. posed to declare King Juba friend and ally of the Roman people. What matters whether he be: devoted or not to the Roman domination, provided he be-,come a useful auxiliary for the civil war? A levy of 130,000 men in Italy is decreed. All the resources of the public treasure are placed at the disposaI of Pompey. the’ moneoy preserved in the temples is taken; and if that be not sufficient, the property of private persons themselves shall be employed for the pay oft he troops,.In the midst of this sudden comr motion, rights divine and human are equally’trampled under foot. (2) And yet’ a few days had scarcely passed “when the Senate,” says Appian, “regretted not havinmg accepted, the conditions of Caesar, the jus. tice of which they felt at a moment:when fear brought them back from the excitement of party spirit to the counsels of wisdom.” (‘) (‘) Cesar, lDe Bello Civili, I. 6, 30. - Cicero, Epist. Familiar., V. 20; XVI. 12; Epist.

ad Atticum, X. 16.-Suetonius; Ocesar, 34. (2) Cicero, Epist. Familiar., XV. 11.-Appian, Civil Wars, II. 34. Cesar, De Bello Civili, I. 7. (3) Appian, Civil Wars, It. 36.

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588 HISTORY. OFJULIUS CAIESAR. III.; Whilst.‘at Rome all was’ confusion, and PomCesarharangueshis pey,. nominal. chief of his party, underTroops.~

-went its various exigencies and impulses, Caesar, master of himself and free in his;’ resolutions,‘waited quietly at.Ravenna until the thoughtless,.impetuosity.of his enemies should break itself against his firmness. and the justice of his cause. The tribunes of the people, Mark Antony and Q. Cassius;‘accompanied by Curio and M. Ccelius, hasten to him.

(‘) At the news of the events in Rome, he sends’. couriers to.the -other side of the Alps, in order to unite his army; but, without waiting for it, he. assembles the 13th legion, the only one which had crossed the’Alps; he reminds his soldiers in a few words of the ancient insults and the’recent injustices of which he is the victim. “The people had authorised him, although absent, to solicit a new consulship, and, as soon as he thought that he ought to avail himself of this favour, it was opposed. He has been asked, for the interest of his country,,to deprive himself of two legions,and, after he has made the sacrifice, it is against him they are employed. The decreqs.ofthe Senate andthe people, legally’ rendered, have been disregarded, and other decrees have been sanctioned. notwithstanding th-e opposition of the tribunes. The right of intercessiQn, Which Sylla himself had respected, has. been’ set.at naught, and it is under the garb of slaves that the representatives of the Roman people come to seek a (‘) The “Commentaries,” it is true, say that the tribunes of the people rejoined Caesar at Rimini; but it was more probably at Ravenna, as reported by Appian (II. 33), or in his camp between Ravenna and Rimini.

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EVENTS OF THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE YEAR 705.:589 refuge in his camp. All his proposals of conciliation have been rejected.; What:has been refused to him has: been granted to;Pbmpey, who,: prompted by envious malignity, has broken the ties of an old:friendship] Lastly, what pretext is there for declaring the country in danger, and calling the Roman people to arms?

Are they in presence-of a popular revolt, or a violence of the tribunes, as in the time of the Gracchi, or an invasion of the barbarians, as in the time of:Marius. Besides, no’law’has:been promulgated, no motion has -been submitted for the sanction of the people;’ all which has been-done withiout tlhe sanction of the people: is utnlawtfu.l. l() Let the soldiers, then, defend-the general under whom, for nine years,: they have: served the0’ Republic;. with so much success, gained so’many battles, subdued:the whole of Gfaul, overcome.the:Germans:and’the’

Britons;- for his enemies are theirs, and his elevation, as well as his glory, is their work.” Unanimous acclamations respond to this speech of Calsar.:The soldiers;of the 1:3th legion declare that they are ready to make, the greatest sacrifices; they will revenge their. general:and the tribunes of the people for all: these outrages; as a proof of his: 4evotion, each centurion offers to entertain a horseman at his expense; each soldier, to:serve gratuitously, the richer ones-providing for the poorer ones; and during the whole civil war, Suetonius affirms, not one of them failed in this engagement. (2) Such was the devotedness of the army;.

Labienus alone, whom Caesar loved (L) The -words ofthe. proclamation of the Emperor Napoleon on landing in the gulf of Juan’in 1815. (2) Suetonius, aTessar, 68.

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590 HISTORY OF JULIUS-CASAR. especially, whom he had loaded with favours, deserted the cause of the conqueror of Gaul, and passed over to Po mpey.

(1) Cicero and his party thought that this deserter would bring a great addition to their strength. But Labienus, (2) though an able general under Caesar, was only an indifferent one in the opposite camp., Desertions have never made any man great. IV. The:moment for -;action had arrived. Coesar C:sar is driven to was reduced to the alternative of mainvi War. taining himself at the head of his army, in spite of the Senate, or surrendering himself to his enemies, who -would have reserved for him the fate of the accomplices of Catiline, who had been condemned to death, if he ~were not, like the Gracchi, Saturninus, and-so many others, killed in a:popular tumult. Here the question naturally offers itself: Ought not Caesar, who had so often faced death on the battle-fields, have gone to Rome to face it under another form, and to have renounced his’command, rather than engage in a struggle which must throw the Republic into all the horrors of a civil war? Yes, if by his abnegation he could save Rome from anarchy, corruption, and tyranny. No, if this abnegation would endanger what he had most at heart, the regeneration of the Republic. Csesar, like men of his temper, cared little (l) Cicero, Epist. ad Atticum,VII. 12. (2) ” Cesar has received’ a terrible blow: T. Labienus, who had so much influence in his army, has refused to become his accomplice: he has left him and has joined us. This example will have numerous imitators.” (Cicero, Epist.‘IFamiliar., XVI. 12.) ” Labienus considers CaeSar as utterly unable to maintain the struggle.’”: (Cicero, Epist. ad Atticum, VII. 16. )

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EVENTS OF THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE YEAR 705. 591 for life, and still less for power for the sake of power; but, as chief of the popular party, he felt a great cause rise: behind him; it urged him forward, and. obliged him to conquer in despite of legality, the imprecations of his adversaries, and. the uncertain judgment of posterity. Roman society, in a state of dissolution, asked for a.master; oppressed Italy, for a representative of its rights; the world, bowed under the yoke, for a saviour. Ought he, by deserting his mission, disappoint so many legitimate hopes, so many noble aspirations? What! Caesar, who owed all his dignities to the people, and confining himself within his right, should he have retired before Pompey, who, having. become the docile tool of a factious minority of the Senate, was trampling right and justice under foot; before. Pompey, who, according to the admission of Cicera himself, would have been, after victory, a. cruel and vindictive despot, and would have allowed the world to be plundered for the benefit of a few families, incapable, moreover, of arresting the decay of the Republic, and founding an order of things sufficiently firm to retard the invasion of barbarians for many centuries! He would have retreated before a party which reckoned it a crime to repair the evils caused by the violence of Sylla, and the.severity of Pompey, by recalling the exiles; (1) to give rights to the peoples of Italy; to distribute lands among the poor and the veterans; and, by an equitable administration, to ensure the prosperity of the provinces-! It would have been madness. (‘) “Is that honourable…. (in Csesar) to thinkof nothing bnt abolition of debts, calling back exiles, and so many other outrages?” (Cicero, Epist. ac: Atticum, VII. 11.)

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592 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. The question had”not the mean proportions of a quarrel between two. generals who contended for power: it was the decisive conflict between two hostile causes, between. the: privileged classes and the people; Sit was the continuation of the formidable struggle between Marius and Sylla, (‘) There are imperious circumstances which condemn public men either to abnegation or to perseverance. To.

cling’ to power when; one is no longer able to do good, and when, as a representative’ of -the past, one has, as it were, no partisans but among those who live upon abuses, is a’ deplorable obstinacy;:to abandon it:when one.is’ the,representative: of a new’ era, and the-hope of a better future, is a cowardly’ act and a crime. V. Caesar has taken his resolution. He began the Caesar crosses the conquest of Gaul with four legions;- he is going to commence that of the world with one only; He must first of all, by a’ surprise, take possession of Ariminum: (Rimini), the first important fortress of Italy on the side of Cisalpine Gaul. For this purpose, he sends before him a detachment composed of trusty soldiers and’

centurions, commanded by Q. Hortensius; -he places. a part of his cavalry in echelon on the road. (2) When evening arrives, pretending an.

indisposition, he leaves his officers, who were at table, enters a chariot with’ a few friends, and joins his vanguard. When he:arrives at the Rubi.

(‘) “A power’ after the manner of Sylla, that is what Pompey desires, and what all those wish who surround him.” (Cicero, Epist. ad Atticumn, VIII.

11.) (2) Appian, Civil Wars, II. 35.-Plutarch,, Ccesar, 35.

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EVENTS OF THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE YEAR 705. 59,3 con,a.stream which.

formed the limit of his government, and which the laws forbad him to, cross, he halts for amoment as though. struck with terror; he communicates his.appreliensions to’Asinius Pollio and those’who surround him.:- A: comet has appeared. in the sky; (‘)‘he foresees the misfortunes which are on the poi. nt’of befalling Italy, and recollects the dream which~ the night before had oppressed his mind: he had: dreamti that he violated his mother.. Was.not his country, in fact, his mother,;’ and, notwithstanding the justness of his -cause and: the greatness of his designs, was not’ his-:enterprise an outrage upon her. But’ the augurs; those flattering: interpreters of-the future, affirm that’this dream promises him the empire of the world; this woman whom he’has seen extended on’ the ground is no. other than the earth, the common mother, of’all mortals. (2) Then snddenly an apparition, it is’ said, strikes the eyes of Caesar: it is a. man of tall.stature, blowing martial airs on; a trumpet, and calling him-to the other.bank. All’hesitation ceases; he hurries -on’ward and crosses the Rubicon, exclaiming‘“The die is:cast! Let us go’

where I am called by’ the prodigies’ of the gods and the iniquity of my enemies.” (:’- Soon he arrived’at.Ariminum, of which he takes. possession without striking a blow. The civil war has commenced! “The true author of war,” says Montesquieu, “is not he who declares it, but he who renders it necessary.” It is not granted to man, notwithstanding his (1) Lucan, Pharsalria, I., line 526. (2) Suetonius, Ccesar, 7.-Plutarch, Ccesar, 37.

(3) Suetonius, Ccesar, 32.. II.-P rP

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594 HISTORY OF JULIUS CJSAR. genius and power, to raise at will the popular waves; yet, when, elected by the public voice, he appears in the midst of the storm which endangers the vessel of the state, then he alone can direct its course and bring it to the harbour. Caesar was not, therefore, the instigator of this profound perturbation of Roman society: he had become the indispensable pilot. Had it been otherwise, when he disappeared all would have returned to order; on the contrary, his death gave up the whole universe to all the horrors of war. Europe, Asia, Africa, were the theatre of sanguinary struggles between the past and the future, and the Roman world did not find peace until the heir of iis name had made his cause triumph. But it was no longer possible for Augustus to renew the work of Caosar; fourteen years of civil war had exhausted the strength of the nation and used up the characters; the men imbued with the great principles of the past were dead; the survivors had alternately served all parties; to succeed, Augustus himself had made peace with the murderers of his adoptive father; the convictions were extinct, and the world, longing for rest, no longer contained the elements which would have permitted Caesar, as was his intention, to re-establish the Republic in its ancient splendour and its ancient forms, but on new principles.

NAPOLEON. Tke Tuileries, March 20, 1866.

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APPENDIX A. CONCORDANCE OF DATES OF. THE ANCIENT ROMAN CALENDAR WITH THE

JULIAN STYLE, FOR THE YEARS OF ROME 691-709. Bases on which the Tables of Concordance are Founded. BEFORE the Julian reform, the Roman year comprised 355 days, divided into twelve months, namely: Januarius, 29
days; Februarius, 28; Martins, 31; Aprilis, 29; Maius, 31;:Junius, 29; Quintilis, 31; Sextilis, 29; September, 29; October, 31; November, 29; December, 29. Every other year, an intercalation of 22 or 23 days alternately was to be added after the 23rd day of February. The mean year being thus too long by one day; 24 days were to be subtracted in the last eight years of a period of 24 years. We shall not here have to take this correction into consideration. The intercalation appears to have been regularly followed from A.U.C. 691 (that of Cicero’s consulship) until‘702, when it was of 23 days. In the middle of the troubles, the intercalation was omitted in the years 704, 706, and 708. Towards the end of the year 708, Csesar remedied the disorder by placing extraordinarily between-November and December 6‘7 days, and by introducing a new mode of intercalation. The year 708 is the last of the confusion. The year 709 is the first of the Julian style. Historical Data which the Concordance must.

Satisfy. Cicero relates that at the beginning of his consulship the planet Jupiter lighted the whble sky. (De Divin., I. 11.) Cicero entered on office on the Calends of January in the year of Rome

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596 HISTORY OF JULIUS CJESAR. 691; that is, on the 14th of December, 64

B.C. Jupiter had reached opposition eleven days before, on’the 3rd of December. (l) In the year 691, on the 5th of the Ides of November, Cicero, in his Second Oration against’ Catiline, 10l asks how the effeminate companions of Catiline will support the frosts of the Appenine, especially in these nights already long (his praesertimjam noctibus). (2) We are, in fact, on the 15th of October, 63 B.C. Later, in his Oration for Sextius, speaking of the defeat of Catiline at the beginning of January,, 692 (the middle of December, 63 B.c.), Cicero assefts that the result is due to Sextius, without whose activity the winter would have been allowed to intervene (datus illo in bello esset hiemi locus). In the’year 696 of Rome (58 B.c.), the Helvetii appoint their r’endezvous at Geneva for a’ day, fixed: “is dies erat a. d. v. KalAprilis.” (COesar, De Bello Gallico, I.-

6.)” This -date corresponds with the Julian 24th. of March, the: day on:which the spring equinox fell. The Helvetii had taken this natural period; Cesar has-referred it to the Roman calendar. (3) In the year 700
of Rome (54 B.C.), Caesar, after his second campaign in Britain, re-embarks his troops. “quod aequinoctium suberat.” (DeBello Gallico, V..23.) He informs Cicero of it on the 6th of the Calends of October, the Julian 21st of September. (Cicero, Epist. ad Atticum, IV. 17.) The equinox fell on the 26th of September. (4) In the year 702,: on the 13th of the Calends of February (that is, on the 30th of December, 53 B.C.), Clodius is slain by Milo. (1) De la Nauze refers this opposition to the 17th of April following (Academie des Inscriptions, tom. XXVI. 244). His calculation is incorrect. (2) De la Nauze, influenced by his wrong calculation of the opposition of Jupiter, insists that these events took place at the approach of spring. He overlooks the particle jam. Ideler suppresses it from the German text. (3) According to the system of Ideler, the Helvetii only started-on the:Julian 16th of April., On that reckoning, we cannot find room’for the numerous events which occurredbefore the wheat was ripe. (Caesar, De Bello Gallico, I. 16.) (4) The system of Ideler (see Korb, in Orelli, Onomasticum Tullianum, tom. I., p. 170), according to whom the 6th of the Calends of October fell on the Julian 30th of August, is manifestly in the wrong. Coesar, who, in the preceding year, saw no objection to pass into Britain at the end of August, would not have troubled himself about the’equinox when it Was still 27 days’ distant.

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APPENDIX A. 597 (Cicero, Orat. pro Milone,;10.) Pompey is created consul.

for the third time on the 5th of the Calends of March, in the inteicalary month. (Asconius.) In the year‘703, Cicero writes to Atticus (V. 13): “I have arrived at Ephesus on the 11th of the Calends of Sextilis (12th of July, 51 B.c.), 560 days after the battle:of Bovilkle;” an: exact computation, if we count the day of the murder of Clodius, and reckon 23
days for the intercalation of‘02. (1) In the year 704 the intercalation is omitted. Cesair’s partisans demanded it in vain. (Dio Cassius, XL. 612, 62.) In “705, Cicero, who hesitates in joining Pompey, writes to Atticus: ” a. d. xvii.-Kal. Junii::Nunc quidem aequinoctium nos moratur, quod’

vale-; perturbatum erat.” It was the 16th of April; the equinox was passed 21 days before, and the atmospheric disturbances might still last. Or was it anything else than an excuse on the part of Cicero? Csesar embarks at Brundusium on the eve of the Nones of January, 706. (De Bello Civili, III.

6.) It is the 28th of November, 49 B.C. “Gravis autumnus in Apulio circumque Brundusium….. omnemn exercitum valetudine tentaverat.” (De Bello Civili, III. 2, 6.)-” Bibulus gravissima hieme in navibus excubabat.” (De Bello Civili, III. 8.) ” Jamque hiems appropinquabat.”

(De Bello C(ivili, III. 9.) After his arrival at Rome towards the end of the year 707, Caesar started again for the African war. It was only on his return towards the middle of the year 708, that he could devote himself to the re-organisation of the Republic and the reform of the calendar.

According to Dio Cassius (XLIII. 26), “as the days of the years did not concord well together, Caesar introduced the present manner of reckoning, by intercalating 67 days necessary to restore the concordance. Some authors have pretended that he intercalated more; but this is the truth.”

(2) (‘) General de Goeler has sought to raise a new system founded on the assumption that the Roman year had only 354 days. According to him, this reduction would have been necessary to find the 560 days of which Cicero speaks. The author commits more than one error; among others, he ascribes, by inattention, 29 days instead of the 27, to the month of February in the year 703. (De Goele;r p. 91.) (2) Suetonius had written: “OCesar placed, for this time, two other months between November and December, so that the year had fifteen months, in

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598 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. What concordance -was it that required to be established thus? The 6‘7 days necessary were exactly what required to be added that, in the secular year of Rome 700, the Julian month of March should coincide with the ancient Roman month of March. The month of March of the year 700 of Rome is the true starting-point of the Julian style.

cluding the one to be intercalated, which, following the usage, had fallen in this same year.” Censorinus, adopting this view, finds that Coesar intercalated 90 days in the year 708. But Suetonius has bequeathed us other errors. Dio Cassius, consul for the second time in the year 229
after Christ, had drawn from authentic sources; it is better to hold to his system, which restores the astronomical concordance for the equinox in the year 700, whereas, with the system of Censorinus, it has been sought in vain what Cesar’s intention could have been.

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APPENDIX A. 599:JULIAN YEAR, 64 BEFORE CHRIST. o A$ SEPTEMBER.. OCTOBER. ~

NOVEMBER. ~ DECEMBER. YEAR OF ROME. 690 690 690 690-691 1 XVI Kal. Oct.

XVII Kal. Nov. XV Kal. Dec. XIV Kal. Jan. 2 XV XVI XIV XIII 3 XIV XV XIII XII 4 XIII XIv XII XI 5 XII XIII XI X 6 XI XII X IX 7 X XI IX VIII 8 IX X

VIII VII 9 VIII IX VII VI 10 VII VIII VI V 11 VI VII V IV 12 V VI IV III 13 IV V III’ Pridie 14 III IV Pridie KAL. JAN. 15 Pridie IlH KAL. D]EC. IV

Nonas 16 KAL. OCT. Pridie IV Nonas III 1.7 VI Nonas KAL. NOV. II’ Pridie 18 V IV Nonas Pridie Nonce 19 IV III Non’e VIII Idus 20 III Pridie VIII Idus VII 21 Pridie Nonae VII VI 22 None -VIII Idus VI V 23 VIII Idus VII V

IV 24 VII:VI IV III 25 VI V III Pridie 26 V IV Pridie Idus 27 IV III Idus XVII Kal. Feb. 28 III - Pridie XVII Kal. Jan. -XVI 29 Pridie Idus XVI XV

30 Idus XVII Kal. Dec. XV XIV 31 XVI XIII

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600 HISTORY’ OF, JULIUS CECSAR. JULIAN YEAR‘63 BEFORE CHRIST. JANUARY.

FEBRUARY.. MARCH. A.‘APRIL. MAY.- JUNE. YEAR OF ROME. 691 691 691 691 691

691 1 XII K. Feb. IX K. Mar. -XII K.‘Apr. X Kal. Maii XI Kal. Ju.: IX K.

Quin. 2 XI VIII XI IX X VIII 3 X VII X VIII IX VII 4 IX VI IX VII VIII VI 5 VIII V VIII VI VII V 6 VII IV VII V VI IV 7 VI III VI IV V III 8 V

Pridie V III IV Pridie 9 IV KAL. MAR. IV rIII KAL. UIN. 10 III VI Nonas III  KAL. MAII Pridie VI Nonas 11 Pridie V Pridie VI Nonas KAL. JUN. V 12

KAL. FEB. IV KALS APR. v IVNonas IV 13 IV Nonas III-IV Nonas IV III III 14 III Pridie III III Pridie Pridie 15 Pridie Nonaeo. Pridie Pridie -

Nonae. Nonac 16 Nonce - VIII Idus Nonlm Nonme VIII Idus VIII Idus 17 VIII Idus: VII VIII Idus VIII Idus VII VII 18 VII VI VII VII VI VI 19 VI V -VI VI’V V 20 V IV V V IV IV 21 IV III IV IV III III 22 III Pridie III III Pridie Pridie 23 Pridie Idus Pridie Pridie Idus - Idus 24 Idus XVII K.Ap.

Idus Idus XVII Kal. XVII K.Sex. 25 XVI K. Mr. XVI XVII Kal. XVIIK.Jun. XVI [Quin. XVI [Maii 26 XV XV XVI XVI XV XV 27 XIV XLV X XV XV V XIV 28

XIII’XIII XIV XIV XIII XIII 29 XII XIII XIII XII XII 30 XI XII XII XI XI 31 X XI X

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APPENDIX A. 601 JULIAN. YEAR.63.BEFORE’. CHRIST. JULY. AUGUST. ~

SEPTEMBER. OCTOBER.’ NOVEMBER.. DECEMBER. YEAR OF’.ROME. 691 691 691 691; 691. 691-692 1 X Kal. Sex. VIII K. Sep..VI Kal. Oct. VII K. Nov..V Kal.

Dec. IV. Kal.Jan. 2 IX VII V VI IV III 3 VIII VI IV - V III Pridie 4 VII V

III IV Pridie KAL. JAN. 5 VI IV Pridie III KAL. DEC, IV Nonas 6 V III KAL.

OCT, Pridie IV Nonas III 7 IV Pridie VI Nonas KAL’. NOV, III Pridie 8 III KAL. SEP, V. IV Nonas Pridie Nonwa 9 Pridie IV Nonas IV III Idusr 10 KAL.

SEX. III III Pridie VIII Idus VII 11 IV Nonas Pridie Pridie Nonae VII VI 12 III None Nonxe VIII Idus VI V 13 Pridie VIII Idus VIII Idus VII V IV 14

Nonae VII VII VI IV III 15 VIII Idus VI VI V III Pridie 16 VII V V IV

Pridie Idus 17 VI IV IV III Idus XVII K.Fb. 18 V III III Pridie XVII K.Jn.

XVI 19 IV Pridie Pridie Idus XVI XV 20 III Idus Idus XVII K.Dc. XV XIV 21

Pridie XVII K.Oct XVII K.Nv. XVI XIV XIII 22 Idus XVI XVI XV XIII XII 23

XVII K.Sep. XV XV XIV XII XI 24 XVI XIV XIV XIII XI X 25 XV XIII XIIIII II X IX 26 XIV XII XII I IX VIII 27 II XIII XI X VIII VII 28 XII X X IX VII VI 29 XI IX IX VIII VI V 30 X VIII VIII VII V IV. 31 IX VII VI III. 26

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602 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. JULIAN YEAR:62 BEFORE CHRIST. c JANUARY.

FEBRUARY. MARCH. APRIL. MAY. JUNE. YEAR OF ROME. 692 692 692 692 692 692 1

Pr. K. Feb. VIId. int. VII Id.Mar. V Id. Apr. VI Id. Maii IV Id. Jun. 2

KAL, FEB. V VI IV V III 3 IV Nonas IV V III IV Pridie 4 III III IV Pridie III Idus 5 Pridie Pridid IIIIdus Pridie XVII K.Qu. 6 Nonse Idus Pridie XVII K. M. Idus XVI 7 VIII Idus XV K. Mar. Idus XVI XVII K.Ju. XV 8 VII XIV XVII K.Ap. XV XVI XIV 9 VI XIII XVI XIV XV. XIII 10 V XII XV XIII XIV

XII 11 IV X XII. XIII XI 12 XIII XXI XII X 13 Pridie IX - II X XI IX 14

Idus VIII XI IX X VIII 15 XI Kal. int. VII X VIII IX VII 16 X VI IX VII VIII VI 17 IX V VIII VI VII V 18 VIII IV VII V VI IV i9 VII III VI IV V

III 20 VI Pridie V III IV Pridie 21 V KA-L. MIR. IV Pridie III KAL. QUIN.

22 IV’ VI Nonas III KAt. MAII Pridie VI Nonas 23 III V Pridie VI Nonas KAL. JUN. V 24 Pridie IV KAL. APR. V IVNonas IV 25 KAL. INT. III IV Nonas IV III III 26 IV Sonas Pridie III III Pridie. Pridie”27 III Nonse Pridie Pridie’Non’ Nonse 28 Pridie VIII Idus Non e Nonse VIII Idus VIII Idus 29

Nonse VIII Idus VIII Idus VII’ VII 30 VIII Idus VII VII VI VI 31. VII VI V

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APPENDIX A. 603 JULIAN YEAR 62 BEFORE CHRIST. JULY. AUGUST. SEPTEMiER.

OCTOBER. I NOVEMBER. DECEMBER. YEAR -OF ROME. l,692!692: 692:692: 692

692-693 1 V Id. Quin. III Id. Sex. Idus Sept. Pr. Id. Oct. XVII K.Dec. XVI K. Jan. 2 IV-Pridie XVII K.Oct. Idus XVI XV 3 III Idus XVI XVII K.Nv. XV

NIV 4 Pridie XVIIK.Sep. XV XVI XIV XIII 5 Idus XVI XIV XV XIII XII 6

XVIIK.Sex. XV XIII XIV XII XI 7 XVI XIV XII XIII xI X 8 XV XIII XI XII X

IX 9 XIV XII X XI IX VIII 10 XIX X VIII XVII 11: XII X VIII IX VII VI 12

XI IX VII VIII VI V 13 X VIII VI VII V IV 14 IX VII V VI IV III 15 VIII VI IV V III Pridie. 16 VII V III IV Pridie KAL. JAN. 17 VI IV Pridie III KAL.

DEC. IV Nonas 18 V III KAL. OCT. Pridie IV Nonas III 19 IV Pridie VI Nonas KAL. NOV. III Pridie 20 III IKAL. SEP v IV Nonas Pridie Nonre 21 Pridie IV

Nonas IV III Nonse VIII Idus 22 KAL. SEX. III III Pridie VIII Idus VII 23

IV Nonas Pridie Pridie Nonre VII VI 24 III None. Nonse VIII Idus VI V 25

Pridie VIII Idus VIII Idus VII V IV 26 None VII VII VI IV III 27 VIII Idus VI VI V III Pridie 28 VII V V IV Pridie Idus 29 VI IV IV III Idus XVII K.Fb. 30 V III III Pridie XVII K.Jan. XVI 31 IV Pridie I Idus XV

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.604 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. JULIAN YEAR 61 BEFORE CHRIST. o (BISSEXTILE.) _ JANUARY. ~FEBRUARY.‘MARCH.’ APRIL. MAY. - JUNE. YEAR OF

ROME. 693 693 693 693 693 693 1 XIV K.Feb. XI K. Mai’. XIII K. Ap. XI K.

Maii XII K. Jun. X Kal. Qu. 2 XIII X XII X XI IX 3 XII IX XI IX X VIII 4

XI VIII X VIII. IX VII 5 X VII IX VII VIII VI 6 IX VI VIII VI VII.V 7 VIII V VII V VI IV 8 VII IV VI IV V III 9 VI III V III IV - Pridie 10 V Pridie IV Pridie III iKAL. QIIN. 11 IV KtA. 1MAR. III KAL. MAIl Pridie VI Nonas 12 III VI Nonas Pridie VI Nonas KAL. JUN. v 13 Pridie V KAL, APR. V IVNonas IV 14 KAL. FEB. IV IV Nonas IV III III 15 IV Nonas III III III Pridie Pridie: 16 III Pridie Pridie Pridie Nonae Nonae 17 Pridie Nonae Nonae Nonea VIII Idus VIII Idus 18 Nonre VIII Idus VIII Idus VIII Idlus VII VII 19 VIII Idus VI VII VII VI VI 20 VII VI VI VI -V V 21 VI V V V IV-IV 22 V IV IV IV III III 23 IV III,. III III. Pridie Pridie 24 III Pridie Pridie Pridie - Idus Iduls 25 Pridie. Idus Idus Idus XVII K.Qu. XVII K.Sex. 26 Idus XVII K.Ap. XVII K. M. XVII K.Jn. XVI XVI 27 XVI K. Mr. XVI XVI XVI XV. XV, 28 XV XV XV X V XIV XIV 29 XIV XIV XIV XIV XIII XIII 30

XIII XIII XIII. XII XII 31 XII XII XI

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APPENDIX A. 605 JULIAN YEAR 61 BEFORE CHRIST. (BISSEXTILE.) ” JULY.

AUGUST. SEPTEMBER. OCTOBER. NOVEMBER. DECEMBER. YEAR OF ROME. 693 693 693

693 693 693-694.1 XI K. Sex..IX K. Sep. VII’K. Oct. VIII K. NTv. VI K.

Dec. V Kal. Jan. 2 X VIII VI VII V IV 3 IX VII V VI IV III 4 VIII VI IV V

III Pridie 5 VII. V III IV Pridie KAL. JAN. 6 VI IV Pridie III KAL. DEC,.

IV Nonas 7 V III-KAL. OUT. Pridie IV’Nonas III 8 IV Pridie IVI Nonas IAL.

NOV. III Pridie 9 III. KAL SEP. IV ITonas Pridie Nons 10 Pridie. IV: Nonas IV’II Nonse VIII ldus 11 KAL’ SEX, III III Pridie VIII Idus VII 12 IV

Nofias Pridie Pridie Nonce VII VI 13 III Nonse Nonae VIII Idus VI V 14

Pridie VIII Idus VIII Idus VII V IV. 15 Nonae VII - VII VI IV III 16 VIII Idus VI VI V III Pridie 17 VII V V IV Pridie Idus 18 VI IV IV - III Idus XVII K.Fb. 19 V III III Pridie XVIIK.Jan. XVI 20 IV Pridie Pridie Idus XVI XV 21 III Idus.Idus XVIIK.Dec. XV XIV 22 Pridie XVII K.Oct. XVII K.Nv. XVI XIV XIIi 23 Idus XVI XVI; XV XIII XII 24 XVII K.Sep. XV XV XIV XII XI 25

XVI XIV XIV XIII XI X 26 XV XIII XII XII X IX 27 XIV XII xxn XI’ IX VIII 28 XIII’ XI’ XI X VIII VII 29 XII X X IX VII VI 30 XI.:IX IX VIII VI V 31

X VIII’ VII IV

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606 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. JULIAN YEAR 60 BEFORE CHRIST. JANUARY.

FEBRUARY. MARCH. APRIL. MAY. JUNE. YEAR OF ROME. e 694 694 694 694 694 694

1 III K. Feb. VII Id. int. Nonve Mart. VIII d. Ap. VIII Id.Ma. VI Id. Jun.

2 Pridie VI VIII Idus VI VII V 3 KAL. FEB. V VII V VI IV 4 IV Nonas IV VI IV V III 5 II III V Il IV Pridie 6 Pridie Pridie IV Pridie III Idus 7

Nonae Idus III Idus Pridie XVII K.Qu. 8 VIII Idus XVI K.Mar. Pridie XVII K. M. Idus XVI 9 VII XV.dus XVI XVII K.Ju. XV 10 VI XIV XVII K.Ap. XV XVI XIV 11 V XIII XVI XIV XV XIII 12 IV XII XV XII XIV XII 13 III XI XIV XII XIII XI 14 Pridie X XIII XI XII X 15 Idus IX XII X XI IX 16 XI Kal. int.

VIII XI IX X VIII 17 X VII X VIII IX VII 18 IX VI IX VII VIII VI 19 VIII V

VIII. VI VII V 20 VII IV VII V” VI IV 21 VI III VI IV V III 22 V Pridie V

III IV Pridie - 23 IV KAL. MAR. IV Pridie III KAL. QUIN. 24 III VI Nonas III KAIAL. MAI Pridie VI Nonas 25 Pridie V’ Pridie VI Nonas. KAL.‘JUN. v 26 KAL, INT, IV KAL. APR. v IV Nonas IV 27 IV Nonas III IV Nonas IV III III 28 III Pridie III III Pridie Pridie 29 Pridie Pridie Pridie Nonee Nonre 30 Nonae Nonae Nonxe VIII Idus VIII Idus 31 VIII Idus VIII Idus VII

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APPENDIX A.‘607 JULIAN YEAR 60 BEFORE CHRIST. JULY. AUGUST. SEPTEMBER.

OCTOBER. NOVEMBER. DECEMBER. =3 - YEAR OF ROME. co 694 694 694 694 694

694-695 1 VII Id. Qu. V Id. Sext. III Id. Sep. IV Id. Oct. Pr. Id. Nov.

Idus Dec. 2 VI - IV. Pridie III Idus XVII K.Jn. 3 V III Idus Pridie XVII K.Dc. XVI 4 IV Pridie XVII:K.Oct Idus XVI XV 5 III Idus XVI XVII K.Nv. XV

XIV 6 Pridie XVII K.Sep. XV XVI XIV XIII 7 Idus XVI” XIV XV XIII XII 8

XVII-K.Sex. XV XIII XIV XII XI 9 XVI XIV XII XIII XI X 10 XV XIII xi XII X

IX 11 xiv xIr x xi ir’x rl 11 XIV XII X XI IX VIII 12 XIII XI IX X VIII VII 13 XII X VIII - IX VII VI 14 XI IX VII VIII VI. V 15-X- VIII VI VII V

IV 16 IX VII V VI IV III 17 VIII VI IV V III Pridie 18 VII V III IV Pridie KAL, JAN.‘19 VI IV Pridie III KAL. DEC. IV Nonas 20 V III KAL. OCT. Pridie IV Nonas III 21 IV Pridie VI Nonas KAL. NOV. III Pridie 22 III KAL. SEP. v IV Nonas Pridie Nonce 23 Pridie IV Nonas IV III Nonae VIII Idus 24 KAL.-

SEX. III III Pridie VIII Idus VII 25 IV Nonas Pridie Pridie Nonae VII VI 26 III Nonre Nonoe VIII Idus VI V 27 Pridie VIII Idus VIII Idus VII V IV

28 Nonre VII VII VI IV III 29 VIII Idus VI VI V III Pridie 30 VII V V IV

Pridie Idus 31 VI IV III XVII K.Fb.

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-608 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR..608 JULIAN YEAR 59 BEFORE CHRIST.. JANUARY.

FEBRUARY. MARCH. APRIL; MAY. JUNE. YEAR OF ROME. 695 695 695 695 695 695 1

XVI K.Feb. XIII K. Mr. XVI’K. Ap. XIV K.Maii XV K. Jun. XIII K. Qu. 2 XV

XII XV XIII XIV XII 3 XIV XI XIV XII XIII XI 4 XIII X xIII XI XII X 5 XI-I IX XII X ~ XI IX 6 XI. VIII XI’ IX X VIII 7 X VII X VIII IX VII 8 IX VI IX

VII VIII VI 9 VIII V VIII VI. VII V 10 VII. IV VII-V VI IV 11 VI III VI IV V III 12 V Pridie. V III IV Pridie 13 IV KAL. MIAR IV IPridie III KAL.

QUIN. 14 III VI Nonas III HAL, AI Pxidie VI Nonas 15 Pridie V Pridie VI Nonas KAL. JUN. V 1 KHAL. FEB. IV KAL. APR. v IV Nonas IV 17 IV Nonas III IV Nonas IV - II III 1.8 III Pridie III III Pridie Pridie 1-9 Pridie Nonce Pridie Pridie Nona Nonae 20 Nonce VIII Idus Nonce Nonre VIII Idus VIII Idus 21 VIII Idus VII VIII Idus VIII Idus VII VII 22 VII” VI VII VII VI VII 23 VI V-VI VI V V 24 V IV V V IV I V 25 IV III IV IV III III 26 III Pridie III III Pridie Pridie 27 Pridie Idus Pridie Pridie Idus Idus 28

Idus XVII K.Ap. Idus Idus XVII K. Qu. XVII K.Sex. 29 XVI K. Mr. XVII K. M.

XVII K.Ju. XVI XVI 30 XVI XVI XVI XV XV 31 XIV XV XIV

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APPENDIX A. 609 JULAN: YEAR 59 BEFORE CHRIST. x~~ UrlDBL i-~P~..I B~no~re.

/~oy~nssn~.- -. JULY. AUGUST. SEPTEMBER.. OCTOBER. NOVEMBER. DECEMBER, YEAR OF ROME. o * 695 695 695 695 695 695-696 1 XIV K. Sex. XII K. Sep, X

Kal. Oct. XI K. Nov. IX K. Dec, VIII K.Jan. 2 XIII XI IX X VIII VII 3 XII X VIII IX VII VI 4 XI IX VII VIII VI V 5 X VIII VI’VII. V IV 6 IX VII V VI IV III 7 VIII VI IV V III Pridie 8 VII V III IV Pridie KAL JAN. 9 VI IV

Pridie III KAL. DEC. IV Nonas 10 V III KALO OCT. Pridie IV Nonas III KAL.

OCT. 11 IV Pridie, VI Nonas KAL, NOV. IHI Pridie 12 III KAL. SEP. V IV

Nonas Pridie Nonre 13 Pridie IVNonas IV III None VIII Idus 14 KAL. SEX.

III III Pridie VIII Idus VII 15 IV Nonas Pridie Pridie Nonm VII VI 16 III Nonae Nonve VIII Idus VI V 17 Pridie VIII Idus VIII Idus VII V IV 18.

Nonme VII VII VI IV III 19 VIII Idus VI VI V III Pridie 20 VII V V IV

Pridie Idus 21 VI IV IV III Idus XVII K.Fb. 22 V III III Pridie XVIIK.Jan.

XVI 23 IV Pridie Pridie Idus XVI XV 24 III Idus Idus XVIIK.Dec. XV XIV 25

Pridie XVII K.Oct. XVII K.Nv. XVI XIV XIII 26 Idus XVI XVI XV XIII XII 27

XVII K.Sep. XV XV XIV xII xI 28 XVI XIV XIV XIII XI X 29 XV XIII XIII XII X IX 30 XIV XII XII. XI IX VIII 31 XIII XI X VII. 26* II.-Q Q

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610 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. JULIAN YEAR 58 BEFORE CHRIST.. JANUARY.

FEBRUARY. MARCH. APRIL. - MAY. JUNE. YEAR OF ROME. 81 696 4696 696 696 696

696 1 VI K. Feb. Pr. Yon. int. III Non.Mr. Nonve Ap.- Pr.Non.Ma. VIII -Id.‘Ju, 2 V Ndn Pridie, VIII”Idus Nonae VII 3 IV VIII’Idus Nonae VII VIII Idus VI 4 III VII VIII Idus VI VII V 5 Pridie VI VII V VI IV 6 KA. FEB. V

VI IV V III 7 IV Nonas IV V III IV Pridie 8 III III IV Pridie III Idus 9

Pridie Pridie III Idus Pridie XVII K.Qu. 10 Nonxe Idus Pridie XVII K. M.

Idus XVI l 1 VIII Idus XV K. Man Idus XVI XVII. K. Ju. XV 12 VII XIV XVII K.Ap. XV XVI XIV 13 VI XIII XVI. XIV XV XIII 14 V XII XV - XIII XIV XII 15’ IV XI XIV XII XIII XI 6 III X XIII XI XII x 17 Pridie IX XII X XI IX

18 Idus VIII XI IX X VIII 19 XI Kal. int. VII X VIII IX VII 20 X VI-IX

VII VIII VI 21 IX V VIII VI VII V 22 V1III IV VII V -VI IV 23 VII III VI-TV V III 24 VI Pridie V III IV Pridie 25-V KAL. MAR. IV Pridie IIIKA.

QUIN. 26 IV VI Nonas III KAL. MAII Pridie VI Nonas 27 III V Pridie VI Nonas KAL,. JUN. v28 Pridie: IV KtAL, APR, v IV Nonas IV 29 KAL. INT, IV

Nonas IV III III 30 IV Nonas III III Pridie Pridie 31 III Pridie Nonae

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APBENDIX A. 61 JULIAN YEAR 58 BEFORE CHRIST. JULY. | AUGUST. SEPTEMBER.

OCTOBER. NOVEMBER. DECEMBER. YEAR OF ROME. at 696 696 696 696 696 696-697

1 Nonae Qu. VII Id. Sex. V Id. Sept.’ VI Id. Oct. IV. Id. Nov. III Id.

Dec. 2 VIII Idus VI IV V III Pridie. 3 VII V III. IV Pridie Idus 4 VI IV.

Pridie III. Idus XVII K.Jn. 5 V III.. Idus Pridie XVII K.Dc. XVI. 6 IV

Pridie XVII K4Jct Idus XVI XV 7 IIIIdus XVI XVII K.Nv. XV. XIV 8 Pridie XVII K.Sep. XV XVI - XIV. XIII 9 Idus XVI XIV., XV XIII XII 10 XVII K.Sex.

XV XIII XI-V XII XI 11 XVI XIV XII XIII XI X 12 XV XIIII XI XII x - IX 13

XIV XII X XI IX VIII 14 XII XI. IX X VII VII 15 XII X VIII IX VII VI 16 XI IX VII VIII VI V 17 X VIII VI VII V IV 18 IX VII V. VI IV III 19 VIII VI IV V III Pridie 20 VII V III IV Pridie KAL. JAN. 21 VI IV Pridie III KAL, DEC, IV Nonas 22 V IIIV KAL,. 0CT,. Pridie IV Nonas III 23 IV Pridie VI Nonas KAL. NOV. III Pridie 24 III KAL. SEP. v IV Nonas Pridie Nonce 25’Pridie IV Nonas IV III Nonce VIII Idus 26 KAL.- SEX. III III Pridie”

VIII Idus VII 27 IV Nonas Pridie Pridie None’ VII VI 28 III-Non’.None VIII Idus VI’ V 29 Pridie VIII Idus VIII Idus VII V IV_ 30 Nonre VII VII.VI IV III 31 VIII Idus VI V Pridie

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612 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. JULIAN YEAR 57 BEFORE CHRIST. (BISSEXTILE.) JANUARY. |FEBRUARY.| MARCH. - APRIL MAY.; JUNE. o44 YEAR OF ROME. $ 697

697 697 697 697 697 1 Idus Jan. XV K. Mar. XVII K.Ap. XV K. Maii XVI K.Jun. XIV K. Qu. 2 XVII K.Fb. XIV. XVI XIV XV XIII 3 XVI XIII XV XIII XIV

XII. 4 XV XII XIV XII XIII XI 5 XIV XI XIII XI XII X 6 XIII X XII X XI: IX

7 XII IX XI IX X VIII 8 Xi VIII X VIII IX VII 9 X VII IX VII VIII VI 1.0

IX VI VIII VI VII V 11 VIII V VII V VI IV 12 VII IV VI IV V III‘13 VI -

III V III IV Pridie 14 V Pridie IV Pridie III KAL.QUIN. I5S IV KAL. MlAR.

III ]KAL. 1MAII Pridie VI Nonas 16 III VI Nonas Pridie VI Nonas tAL, JUN.

v 17 Pridie’ V KAL, APR. v’ IV Nonas IV 18’ KAL. FEB. IV IV Nonas IV III III i9 IV Nonas III III III Pridie Pridie 20 III Pridie Pridie Pridie Nona Nonas 21 Pridie Nonae Nonae Nonme VIII Idus VIII; Idus 22 Non a VIII Idus VIII Idus VIII Idus VII VII 23 VIII Idus VII VII VII VI VI 24 VII VI VI VI V. V 25 VI V V V IV IV 26 V IV IV IV III III 27 IV III II I III Pridie -.Pridie 28 III Pridie Pridie Pridie-Idus Idus 29 Pridie Idus Idus Idus XVII K.Qu. XVII K,Sex. 30 Idus XVII K. M. XVII K.Jn. XVI XVI 31 XVI’K. Mr.

XVI XV

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APPENDIX A. 613 JULIAN YEAR-57 BEFORE CHRIST. (BISSEXTILE.) JULY. AUGUST.

SEPTEMBER. OCTOBER. NOVEMBER. DECEMBER. TYEAR OF ROME. / $X 1 697 697 697

697 697 697-698 1 XV K. Sex.: XIII K.Sep. XI Kal;Oct. XII K. Nov. X Kal.’

Deb. IXKal.Jan. 2 XIV XII X XI IX VIII 3 XIII’ XI IX X VIII VII 4 XII X

VIII IX VII VI 5 XI IX VII’ VIII VI V 6 X VIII VI vI V IV 7 IX VII-V VI IV III 8 VIII VI IV V III Pridie 9 VII V III IV Pridie HAL. JAN. 10 V I IV

Pridie III KAL. DEC. IV Nonas: 11 V III ATL. OCT. Pridie IV Nonas III 12

IV Pridie VI Nonas’KAL. NOV. III Pridie 18 III KAL. SEP. v IV Nonas Pridie Nona 14 Pridie IV Nonas IV III Nonce VIII Idus 15 KAL. SEX. III III Pridie VIII Idus VII 16 IV Nonas Pridie Pridie None VII VI 17 III Nona None VIII Idus VI V 18 Pridie VIII Idus VIII Idus VII V IV 19 Nonme VII VII VI IV

III 20 VIII Idus VI VI V III Pridie 21 VII V V IV Pridie Idus 22 VI IV IV

III. Idus XVII K. Fb. 23 V III III Pridie XVIIK.Jan. XVI 24 IV Pridie Pridie Idus XVI XV 25 III Idus Idus XVII K.Dec. XV XIV 26 Pridie XVIIK.Oct. XVII K.Nv. XVI XIV XIII 27 Idus XVI xVI XV XIII XII 28 XVII K.Sep. XV XV’ XIV XII XI 29 XVI XIV XXIV XI X 30 XV XIII XIII XII X IX. 31

XIV XII XI’vIII

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614 HIST’ORY OF JULIUS ClESAR.:JULIAN YEAR 56 BEFORE -CHRIST..g JANUARY.

FEBRUARY. MARCH. APRIL. MAY. JUNE. YEAR OF ROME.: 698 698 698 698 698 698

1 VII K. Feb. III Non. int. V Non. Mr. III Non.Ap. IVNon.Ma. Pr. Non. Ju.

2 VI Pridie, IV Pridie: III Nonxe 3 V Nonae III Nona Pridie VIII Idus 4 IV

VIII. Idus Pridie VIII Idus Nonme VII 5 III VII None VII VIII Idus VI 6

Pridie VI VIII Idus VI VII V 71 KAL.:FEB. V VII V VI IV 8 IV Nonas IV VI IV V III 9 III III III V III IV Pridie 10 Pridie Pridie IV Pridie III Idus 11 Non.e Idus III Idus Pridie - XVII K.Qu. 12 VIII Idus XVI K.Mar.. Pridie XVII-K. M. Idus XVI 13 VII XV. Idus XVI XVII K.Ju. XV 14 VI XIV XVII-K.Ap.

XV XVI XIV 15 V XIII XVI. XIV XV XIII 16 IV XII XV XIII XIV. XII 17 III XI. XIV XII XIII XI 18 Pridie X XIII XI -XII 19 Idus IX XII X XI IX 20 XI Kal. int. VIII XI IX X VIII 21 X. - VII. X VIII IX VII 22 -IX VI IX VII VIII VI 23 VIII V V VII I VI I V 24 VII IV vII’ V VI IV 25 VI - III.VI IV

V III 26 V Pridie V III IV Pridie. 27 IV KAL. IMAR. IV Pridie III KAL.

QUIN. 28 III VI Nonas; III KAL. MAII Pridie VI Nonas 29 Pridie Pridie VI Nonas KAL. JUN, v 30 KAL. INI. KAL..APR. v IV Nonas, IV 31 IV Nonas IV

Nonas III

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APPENDIX A. 615 JULIAN! YEAR 56 BEFORE CHRIST. JULY. AUGUST. SEPTEMBER.

OCTOBER. NOVEMBER. DECEMBER.‘YEAR OF:ROME. 698 698 -698’ 698‘698 698-699 1

III Non. Qu.‘None Sext. VII Id. Sep. VIII Id.Oct. VI Id. Nov. V Idus Dec.

2 Pridie VIII’Idus VI VII’ V IV 3 None VII V VI IV III 4 VIII Idus VI IV V

III Pridie 5 VII V III IV Pridie Idus 6 VI IV Pridie III Idus-XVII K.Jn.

7 V III Idus Pridie XVII K.Dc. XVI 8 IV Pridie XVII K.Oct Idus XVI XV 9

III Idus XVI XVII K.Nv. XV XIV 10 Pridie XVII K.Sep. XV XVI XIV XIII 11

Idus XVI XIV XV XIII XII 12 XVII K.Sex. XV XIII XIV XII XI 13 XVI XIV XII XIII XI X 14 XV XIII XI XII X IX 15 XIV XII XI IX VIII 16 XIII XI IX X

VIII VII 17 XII X VIII IX VII VI 18 XI IX VII VIII VI V 19 X VIII VI VII V

IV 20 IX VII V VI IV III 21 VIII VI IV V III Pridie 22 VII V III IV Pridie KAL. JAN. 23 VI IV Pridie’ III KAL. DEC. IV Nonas 24 V III KAL. OCT.

Pridie IV Nonas III 25 IV P-ridie VI Nonas KAL. NO III Pridie 26 III HAL.-SEP. V IV Nonas Pridie Nonva 27 Pridie-IV Nonas IV III. None VIII Idus 28 KAL. SEX. III III Pridie’ VIII Idus VII 29 IV Nonas Pridie -

Pridie Nonre VII VI 30 III Nonae Nonae VIII Idus VI V 31 Pridie VIII Idus VII IV

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HIST’ORY’OF JULIUS’C.ESAR. 616 JULIAN YEAR 55 BEFORE CHRIST. ~ JANUARY.

FEBRUARY. MARCH. APRIL. MAY. JUNE. YEAR OF ROME. 699 699 699 699 699 699 1

III Id. Jan. Idus Feb. III Id. Mar. Idus Apr. Pr. Id. Ma. XVII K.Qu. 2

Pridie XVI K. Mr. Pridie XVII K.Mr Idus XVI 3 Idus XV Idus XVI XVII K.Ju.

XV 4 XVII K.Fb. XIV XVII K.Ap. XV XVI XIV 5 XVI XIII XVI XIV XV XIII 6 XV

XII XV XIII XIV XII 7 XIV XI XIV XII XIII XI 8 XIII X XIII XI XII X 9 XII IX XII X XI’ IX 10 XI VIII XI IX X VIII 11 X VII X VIII IX VII 12 IX VI IX’ VII VIII VI 13 VIII V VIII VI VII V 14 VII IV VII VI IV 15 VI III.VI IV V III I6’V Pridie V III IV Pridie 17 IV KAL. MAR, IV Pridie III KAL.

QUIN. 18 III VI Nonas III KAL. MAIl’ Pridie VI Nonas‘19 Pridie V Pridie VI Nonas KAL, JUN, v 20 KAL. FEB. IV HKAL. APR. v IV Nonas IV 21 IV Nonas III IV Nonas IV III III 22 III Pridie III III Pridie Pridie 23 Pridie Nofnse Pridie Pridie Nonm Nona 24 Nonve VIII Idus None: Nonm VIII Idus VIII Idus 25 VIII Idus VII VIII Idus VIII Idus VII VII 26 VII VI VII VII VI VI 27 VI V VI VI V V 28 V IV v V IV IV 29 IV IV IV III.III 30 II III III Pridie Pridie 31’ Pridie Pridie.Idus

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APPENDIX A. 617 JULIAN. YEAR 55 BEFORE CHRIST. JULY. AUGUST. SEPTEMBER.

OCTOBER. NOVEMBER. DECEMBER. YEAR OF ROME. o Cs61:96 99 ” 699 669 9 6 99

699 699-700 1 Idus Qu. XVI K. Sep. XIV K. Oct. XV’K. Nov. XIII K.Dec. XII K. Jan. 2 XVIIK.Sex. XV XIII XIV XII XI 3 XVI XIV XII XIII XI X 4 XV’ XIII XI XII X IX 5 XIV XII’X XI IX VIII 6 XIII XI IX X VIII VII 7 XI X II I IX

VII VI 8 XI IX VII VIII VI V 9 X VIII VI VII V IV 10 IX VII V VI IV III 11

VIII VI IV V III Pridie 12 VII V III IV Pridie KAL. JAN, 13 VI IV Pridie III KAL. DE. IV Nonas 14 V III KAL. OCT. Pridie IV Nonas III 15 IV Pridie VI Nonas KAL NOV. III Pridie 16 III KAL. SEP. v - IV Nonas Pridie Nonne 17

Pridie IV Nonas IV III None VIII Idus 18 ] KAL. SEX. III III Pridie VIII Idus VII 19 IV Nonas Pridie Pridie Nonae VII VI 20 III Nonre Nonce VIII Idus. VI V 21 Pridie VIII Idus VIII Idus VII V IV: 22 Nonce VII VII VI IV

III 23 VIII Idus VI. VI: V III Pridie 24 VII V V IV Pridie Idus 25 VI IV

IV III Idus XVII K. Fb. 26 V III III Pridie XVII K.Jan. XVI 27 IV Pridie Pridie Idus XVI’XV 28 III Idus Idus XVIIK.Dec. XV XIV 29 Pridie XVII K.Oct. XVII K.Nv. XVI XIV XIII 30 Idus XVI XVI XV XIII XII 31 XVII K.Sep.

XV XIV XI

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618 HISTORY’ OF JULIUS C2ESAR. JULIAN YEAR 54 BEFORE CIHRIST. JANUARY.

FEBRUARY. MARCH. APRIL. MAY. JUNE. YEAR OF ROME. 700 700 700 700 700 700 1

X Kal. Feb. Pr. Kal. int. KAL. MAR. KAL. APR. VI Non.Ma. IV Non. Ju. 2 IX

KAL. INT. VI Nonas IV Nonas V III 3 VIII IV Nonas V III - IV Pridie 4 VII III IV Pridie III Nonce 5 VI Pridie III Nonre Pridie VIII Idus 6 V Nonre Pridie VIII Idus Nonae VII 7 IV VIII Idus Nonre VII VIII Idus. VI 8 III VII VIII Idus VI VII V 9 Pridie VI VII V VI IV 10 KAL. FEB. V v I IV V III 11 IV Nonas IV, V III IV Pridie 12 III III IV Pridie III Idus 13 Pridie Pridie III Idus Pridie XVII K.Qu. 14 Nonc Idus Pridie XVII K. M. Idus XVI 15 VIII Idus XV K. Mar. Idus XVI XVII K. Ju. XV 16 VII XIV’ XVII K.Ap. XV’

XVI XIV 17 VI XIII XVI XIV XV XIII 18 V XII XV XIII XIV XII 19 IV XI XIV

XII XIII XI 20 III X XIII XI XII X’ 21 Pridie IX XII-X XI IX 22 Idus VIII XI IX X VIII 23 XI Kal. int. VII X VIII IX VII 24 X VI’ IX VII VIII VI 25

IX V VIII’ VI VII V 26 VIII IV VII V VI IV 27 VII III VI IV. V III 28 VI Pridie V III IV Pridie 29 V IV Pridie. III KAL. QUIN. 30 IV III KAL, MAII Pridie VI Nonas 31 III Pridie KAL. JUN.

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APPENDIX A. 619 JULIAN YTEAR 54 BEFORE CHRIST.. JULY. | AUGUST. SEPTEMBER.

OCTOBER. NOVEMBER. DECEMBER. JVYI.UI I EI _ -YEAR OF ROME. > 700: 700 700

700 700‘700-701 1’VNon. Qu. III Non.Sex. Nona Sept. Pr.Non. Oct. V III Id.No. VII Id.Dec. 2 IV Pridie VIII Idus None VII VI 3 III Nonooe VII.

VIII’Idus VI V 4 Pridie VIII Idus VI VII V IV 5 Nonxa VII V VI IV III 6

VIII Idus VI IV V III Pridie 7 VII V III IV Pridie Idus 8 VI IV Pridie III’ Idus XVII K.Jn. 9 V III Idus Pridie XVII K.Dc. XVI 10 IV Pridie XVII K.Oct Idus XVI XV 11 III Idus XVI XVII K.Nv. XV - XIv 12 Pridie XVII-K.Sep. XV XVI XIV XIII 13 Idus XVI XIV XV XIII XII 14 XVIIK.Sex. XV

XIII XIV XII XI 15 XVI XIV XII XIII XI X 1 6 XV XIII XI XII X IX 17 XIV

XII X XI IX VIII 18 XIII XI IX. X VIII VII 19 XII X. VIII IX VII VI 20 XI IX VII VIII. VI V 21 X VIII VI VII V IV. 22 IX VII V VI IV III 23 VIII VI IV V III Pridie 24 VII V III IV. Pridie KAL. JAN. 25 VI IV Pridie III KAL.

DEC. IV Nonas 26 V III BALOCT. Pridie IV Nonas III 27 IV Pridie VI Nonas KAL. NOV. III Pridie 28 III KAL. SEP. V IV Nonas Pridie Non e 29 Pridie IV

Nonas IV III Nonoe VIII Idus 30 KALO SEX. III III Pridie VIII Idus VII 31

IV Nonas Pridie Nonme VI

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6320 HISTORY OF JULIUS’ CESAR. JULIAN YEAR 53 BEFORE CHRIST. m.

(BISSEXTILE.) JANUARY. FEBRUARY. MARCH. APRIL. MAY. JUNE. YEAR OF ROME.

701 701 - 701.701 701 701 1:V Idus Jan. III Id. Feb. IV Id. Mar. Pr. Id.

Apr. III Id. Maii Idus Jun. 2 IV Pridie III Idus Pridie XVII K.Qu. 3 III Idus’ Pridie XVII K. M. Idus XVI 4 Pridie XVI K. Mr. Idus-XVI XVII K.Ju.

XV 5 Idus XV XVII t.Ap. X V XVI XIV 6 XVIIK.Fb. XIV XVI XIV XV XIII 7 XVI XIII XV - XIII XIV XII 8 XV XII XIV xII XIII XI 9 XIV XI XIII XI XII X 10

XIII X XII X XI IX 11 XII. IX XI IX X VIII 12 XI VIII X VIII IX VII 13 X

VII. IX II VIII VI 14 IX VI VIII VI VII V 15 VIII V VII V. VI IV 16 VII IV

VI IV V III 17 VI III V III IV Pridie 18 V Pridie IV Pridie III KAL. QUIN.

19 IV KAL. MIAR III KAL, MAlII Pridie VI Nonas 20 III VI Nonas Pridie VI Nonas KAL.JUN. v 21 Pridie V KAL. APR, v IV Nonas IV 22 KAL. FEB. IV IV

Nonas IV III II 23 IV Nonas III III III Pridie Pridie 24 III Pridie Pridie Pridie Nonam Noan 25 Pridie Nonae None None VIII Idus VIII Idus 26 Nonce VIII Idus VIII Idus VIII Idus VII VII 27 VIII Idus VII VII VII VI VI 28

VII VI’ VI VI V V 29 VI V V V IV IV 30 V IV’ IV III III 31 IV III Pridie

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APPENDIX A. 621 JULIAN YEAR 53 BEFORE CHRIST. (BISSEXTILE.) JULY. AUGUST.

SEPTEMBER; OCTOBER. NOVEMBER. DECEMBER. YEAR OF ROME. V’ 701 701 701 701

701 701-702 1 Pr. Id. Quin XVII K. Sep. XV K. Oct. XVI K.Nov. XIV K.Dec.

XIII K. Jan, 2 Idus XVI XIV XV XII. XII 3 XVII K.Sex,. XV XIII XIV XII XI 4 XVI XIV-XII XIII XI X 5XV XIII-XI XII X IX 6 XIV XII X XI IX VIII 7

XIII X IX X VIII VII 8 XII X VIII IX’ VII VI 9 -XI IX VII VIII VI V 10 X

VIII VI VII V IV 11 IX VII V VI IV III 12 VIII VI IV V III Pridie 13. VII.

V III IV - ridie KAL. SAN. 14 VI IV Pridie III KAL.: DEC,. IV Nonas 15 V

III KAL. OCT. Pridie IV. Nonas III 16 IV.. Pridie VI Nonas KA. NOV, III Pridie 17 III. KAL.- SEP. V IV Nonas Pridie Nonce 18 Pridie IV Nonas IV

III Nonce VIII Idus 19 KAL. SEX,. III III Pridie VIII Idus VII 20 IV Nonas Pridie Pridie Nonae VII VI 21 III Nonce Nonae VIII Idus VI V 22 Pridie VIII Idus VIII Idus VII V IV 23 Nonae VII VII VI IV III 24 VIII Idus VI VI V III Pridie 25 VII V V’ IV Pridie Idus 26 VI IV IV. III Idus XVII K.Fb.

27 V III III Pridie XVII K.Jan. XVI 28 IV Pridie Pridie Idus XVI XV 29

III. Idus. Idus X;VIIK.Dec. XV XIV 30 Pridie XVII K.Oct. XVII:K.Nv. XVI XIV XIII 31 Idus XVI XV XII

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622 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. JULIAN YEAR 52 BEFORE CHRIST. JANUARY.

FEBRUARY. MARCH. APRIL. MAY. JUNE. YEAR OF ROME. 702 702 702 702 702; 702

1 XI K. Feb. III Kal. int. III K. Mar. III K. Apr. Pr. K. Maii Pr. K. Jun.

2 X Pridie Pridie Pridie KAL MIAII KAL. JUN. 3 IX I KALTN, INT KALA MAR.

KAL: APR. VI Nonas IV Nonas 441 VIII IV Nonas VI Nonas IV Nonas V III 5

VII. III V III IV Pridie 6 VI Pridie IV-Pridie III Nonao 7 V None III Non1a Pridie VIII Idus 8 IV VIII Idus Pridie VIIIIdus Nonae VII 9 II I VII” None VII VIII Idus VI.10 Pridie VI VIII Idus VI VII V 11 KAL. FEB. V
vIr V VI IV 12 IV Nonas IV VI IV V III 13 III III V III IV Pridie 14

Pridie Pridie IV Pridie III Idus 15 None Idus III Idus Pridie XVII K.Qu.

16 VIII Idus XVI K. Mar. Pridie XVII K. M. Idus X-VI 17 VII XV ~ Idus XVI XVII K.Ju. XV 18 VI XIV XVII K.Ap. XV XVI XIV’ 19 V XIII VI XVI XV XIII 20

IV XII XV XIII XIV XII 21 III XI XIV. XII XIII XI 22 Pridie X XIII XI XII X 23 Idus IX XII X XI - IX 24 XI Kal. int. VIII XI IX X VIII 25 X VII X

VIII IX VII 26 IX VI IX VII VIII VI 27 VIII V VIII VI VII - V 28 VII IV

VII V VI IV 29 VI VI IV vIII 30 *V V III IV Pridie. 31 IV IV III

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APPENDIX A. 623 JULIAN YEAR 52 BEFORE CHRIST. JULY. AUGUST. SEPTEMBER.

OCTOBER..NOVEMBER. DECEMBER. -,. YEAR OF ROME. a2 702 702 702 702 702

702-703 I KAL. QUIN,. KAL SEX, IIINon.Sep. IVNon.Oct. Pr..Non.Nv. None Dec. 2 VI Nonas,IV Nonas Pridie III Nonae VIII Idus 3 V III Nonm Pridie VIII Idus VII 41 IV Pridie VIII Idus Nonm VII VI 5 III None V. VIII Ids VI V 6 Pridie VIII Idus VI, VII V IV 7 Nonm VII V VI IV III 8 VIII Idus VI IV

V III. Pridie 9 VII V III. IV Pridie Idus 10 VI IV Pridie III Idus XVII K.Jn. 11 V III Idus Pridie XVII K.Dc. XVI 12 IV Pridie XVII K.Oct Idus XVI XV 13 III Idus XVI XVII K.Nv. XV XIV 14 Pridie XVII K.Sep. XV XVI XIV XIII 15 Idus XVI XIV XV I XV II.. XII 16 XVIIK.Sex. XV XIII XIV XII XI 17 XVI.

XIV XII XIII XI X 18 XV XIII XI XII’ X IX 19 XIV XII X XI IX VIII 20 XIII XI IX X VIII VII 21 XII X VIII IX VII VI 22 XI IX VII VIII VI V 23 X Vill V I VV IV 24 IX VII V VI IV III 25 VIII VI IV V III -Pridie 26 VII V III IV Pridie KAL. JAN. 27 VI IV Pridie III KAL.-IEC, IV Nonas 28 V III KAL.

-OCT. Pridie IV Nonas III 29 IV Pridie VI Nonas KAL. NOV. III Pridie 3q III KAL. UEP. v IV Nonas Pridie Nonte 31 Pridie IV Nonas III VIII Idus

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624 HISTORY OF JULIUS CASAR. JULIAN YEAR 51 BEFORE CHRIST,. JANUARY, FEBRUARY,, MARCH.- APRIL. MAY. JUNE. YEAR OF ROME. D-703 703 703 703 703

703 I VII Id.Jan. V Id. Feb. VII Id.Mar. V Idus Apr. VI Id. Maii IV Id.

Jul. 2 VI IV VI IV V III 3 V. III V III IV-Pridie 4 IV Pridie IV’ Pridie III Idus 5 III Idus III Idus Pridie XVII K.Qi.. 6 Pridie XVI K. Mr. Pridie XVII K.Mr Idus XVI 7 Idus XV Idus XVI XVII K.Ju. XV 8 XVII K.Fb. XIV XVII K.Ap. XV XVI XIV 9 XVI XIII XVI XIV XV XIII 10 XV XII XV XIII XIV XII! 1

XIV XI XIV XII XIII XI 12 XIII X XIII XI XII x 13 XII IX XII X XI IX 14 XI VIII XI IX X VIII 15 X VII x VIII IX VII 16 -IX VI IX VII VIII VI 17 VIII V VII I VI VII V 18 VII IV VIf V. VI IV 19 VI. III VI IV V III 20 V Pridie V III IV Pridie 21 IV KAL, IAR. IV Pridie III KAL. QUIN. 22 III VI Nonas III HAL. IAII Pridie VI Nonas 23 Pridie V Pridie VI Nonas KBAL JUN. V 24

KAL, FEB. IV KAL. APR. v IV Nonas IV 25 IV Nonas IV III III 26 III Pridie III III Pridie Pridie 27 Pridie Nonre Pridie Pridie Nonce Nonce 28 Nonae VIII Idus Nonce Nonce VIII Idus VIII Idus 29 VIII Idus VIII Idus VIII Idus VII VII 30 VII VII VII VI VI 31 VI VI V

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APPENDIX A. 625 625 JULIAN YEAR 51 BEFORE CHRIST.. JULY. AUGUST.

SEPTEMBER.. OCTOBER, NOVEMBER. DECEMBER. 0 erC,~ ~ YEAR OF ROME. C5 703

703 703 703 703 703-704 1 V Id. Quin. III Id. Sex. Idus Sept. Pr. Id. Oct.

XVIIK.Dec. XVI K.Jan. 2 IV Pridie XVIIK.Oct. Idus XVI. XV 3 III Idus XVI XViI K.Nv. XV XIV 4 Pridie XVIIK.Sep. XV XVI XIV XIII 5 Idus XVI XIV XV

XIII XII 6 XVIIK.Sex. XV XIII XIV XII XI 7 XVI XIV XII XII xI X 8 XV XIII XI XII X IX: 9 XIV XII X XI IX VIII 10 XIII XI IX - X VIII VII 11 XII X.

VIII IX VI VI: 12 XI IX VII VIII VI V 13 X VIII VI VII V IV 14 IX VII V VI IV III 15 VIII VI-IV V III Pridie 16 VII V III IV Pridie KAL. JAN. 17 VI IV Pridie III.KAL. DEC. IV Nonas 18 V III KAL. OCT., Pridie IV Nonas III 19 IV Pridie VI Nonas KAI. NOV. III Pridie 20 III KAI. SEP. v IV Nonas Pridie None 21 Pridie IV Nonas IV III Nopne VIII Idus 22 KAL. SEX. III III Pridie VIII Idus VII 23 IV Nonas Pridie Pridie Nonea VII VI 24 III. Nnme Nonce VIII Idus VI V 25 Pridie VIII Idus VIII Idus VII V ~ IV 26 Nonce VWII VI VI IV III 27 VIII Idus VI VI V III Pridie 28 VII V V IV Pridie Idus 29 VI IV IV III Idus XVII K. Fb. 30 V III III Pridie XVIIK.Jan. XVI 31 IV Pridie Idus XV 27 II.-R R

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6226 HISTORY OF JULIUSCA2ESAR. JULIAN YEAR 50 BEFORE CHRIST..~ Y JANUARY.

FEBRUARY.- MARCH. APRIL. MAY. JUNE. YEAR OF ROME. o4 X1 701 704 704 704

704 704 1 XIV K.Feb. XI K. Mar. XIV K. Apr. XII K. Maii XIII K. Ju. XI K.

Quin. 2 XIII X XIII XI XII X 3 XII IX XII X XI IX 4 XI VIII XI IX’ X VIII 5 X VII X VIII IX VII 6 IX VI IX VII VIII VI 7 VIII V VIII VI VII V 8 VII-IV VII V VI IV 9 VI III VI IV V III 10 V Pridie. V III IV Pridie 11 IV

KAL. MAR, IV Pridie III KAL. QUIN. 12 III VI Nonas III KAILJ MAII Pridie VI Nonas 13 Pridie V Pridie VI Nonas KAL. JUN. v 14 KAL. FEB. IV KAL;.

APR. v IV Nonas IV 15 IV Nonas III IV Nonas IV III III 16 III Pridie III III Pridie Pridie 17 Pridie -Nonle Pridie Pridie None Nonae 18 Nonea VIII Idus Non.e Nona-VIII Idus VIII Idus 19 VIII Idus VII VIII Idus VIII Idus VII VII 20 VII VI VII VII VI. VI 21 VI V. VI VI V V 22 V IV V. V IV IV 23

IV III IV IV III. III 24 III Pridie III III Pridie Pridie 25 Pridie Idus Pridie Pridie Idus Idus 26 Idus XVII K.Ap. Idus Idus XVII K.Qu. XVIIK.Sex.

27 XVI K. Mr. XVI XVII K.Mr XVII K.Ju. XVI XVI 28 XV XV XVI XVI XV XV.29

XIV XV XV XIV XIV 30 XIII XIV XIV XIII XIII‘31 XII XIII XII

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APPENDIX A. 627 JULIAN YEAR 50 BEFORE CHRIST. JULY. AUGUST. SEPTEMBER.

OCTOBER. NOVEMBER. DECEMBER. YEAR OF ROME. -4 X 704 o 704 704 704 704

704-705 1 XII K. Sext. X Kal. Sept. VIII K.Oct., IX K. Nov. VII K. Dec. VI K. Jan. 2 XI IX VII VIII VI V 3 X VIII VI VII V IV 4 IX VII V VI IV III 5

VIII VI IV V III Pridie 6 VII V III IV Pridie KAL, JAN. 7 VI IV Pridie III KAL.DEC. IV Nonas 8 V III. KAL. OCT. Pridie IV Nonas III 9 IV Pridie’VI Nonas KAL. NOV. III Pridie 10 III KAL. SEP. V IV Nonas Pridie Nonce 11

Pridie IV Nonas IV III Nonte VIII Idus 12 KAL:- SEX. III III Pridie VIII Idus VII 13 IVNonas Pridie. Pridie Non e VII VI 14 III Nonae NoneL VIII Idus VI V 15 Pridie VIII Idus VIII Idus VII V IV 16 Nofii VII VII VI IV -

II 17 VIII Idus VI VI V III P iidie 18 VII V V IV Pridie Idus 19 VI IV IVIII’ Idus XVII K. Fb. 20 V III III Pridie XVII K.Jan. XVI 21 IV Pridie.

Pridie. Idus XVI XV. 22 III Idus Idus XVIIK.Dec.’ XV XIV 23 Pridie XVII K.Oct. XVII K.Nv. XVI XIV. XII.24 Idus XVI XVI’ XV XIII XII 25 XVII K.Sep.

XV - XV. IV. XII XII XI 26 XVI XIV XIV XIII XI X 27’ XV XIII XIII XII X IX

28 XIV XII XII XI IX VIII 29 XIII XI XI X I X VIII VII 30 XII X X X VII VI 31 XI IX. VIII V

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628 HISTORY OF JULIUS C}ESAR. JULIAN YEAR 49 BEFORE CHRIST. (BISSEXTILE.) JANUARY. FEBRUARY. MARCH. APRIL. MAY. JUNE. YEAR OF ROME. 705 705 705 705

705 705 1 IV K. Feb. KAL. MIAR III Kal. Ap. KAL. MAII Pr.Kal.Jun. VI N.Quin. 2 III’ VI Nonas Pridie VI Nonas KAL. JUN. V 3 Pridie V KAL’ APR. v IV Nonas IV 4 KAL. FEB. IV IV Nonas IV III III 5 IV Nonas III III III Pridie Pridie 6 III Pridie Pridie Pridie Nonce Nonce 7 Pridie None Nonre Nonae VIII Idus VIII Idus 8 None VIII Idus VIII Idus VIII Idus VII VII 9

VIII Idus VII - VII VI VI 10 VII VI VI VI V V 11 VI V v v IV IV 12 V IV IV

IV III III 13 IV III III’ III Pridie Pridie 14 III Pridie Pridie Pridie Idus Idus 15 Pridie. Idus Idus Idus XVII K.Qu. XVII K.Sex. 16 Idus XVII K.Ap. XVII K. M. XVII K.Ju. XVI XVI 17 XVI K. Mr. XVI XVI XVI XV XV 18 XV

XV XV XV XIV XIV 19 X IV XIV XIV XIV XIII XIII 20 XIII XIII XIII XIII XII XII 21 XII XII XII XII XI XI 22 XI Xi xI x X X 23 X X X. X IX IX 24 IX IX: IX IX VIII VIII 25 VIII VIII, VII VIII VII VII.. 26 VII. V II VII II VI.

VI 27 VI VI VI VI V V 28 V V V V IV IV. 29 IV IV IV IV III III 30 III III III Pridie Pridie 31 Pridie Pridie KAL. QUIN.

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APPENDIX A. 629 JULIAN YEAR 49 BEFORE CHRIST. (BISSEXTILE) -JULY. AUGUST.

SEPTEMBER. OCTOBER. NOVEMBER..DECEMBER. YEAR OF ROME. >> 705 705 705 705

705 706 706 1 KAL. SEX. III N. Sep. III N. Oct. Pr. N. Nov. VIII Id.Dec.

VII Id.Jan. 2 IV Nonas Pridie Pridie None VII VI 3 III Nonme Nonae VIII Idus VI’ V 4 Pridie VIII Idus VIII Idus VII V IV 5 Nonae VII VII VI IV III 6 VIII Idus VI VI V III Pridie 7 VII V V IV Pridie Idus 8 VI IV IV III Idus XVII K. Fb. 9 V III III Pridie XVIIK.Jan. XVi 10 IV Pridie Pridie Idus XVI. XV 11 III Idus Idus XVIIK.Dec. XV XIV 12 Pridie XVII K.Oct. XVII K.Nv. XVI XIV XIII 13 Idus -XVI XVI XV XVI XII XII 14 XVII K.Sep. XV XV

XIV XII XI 15 XVI X IV XIV XII.XI X 16 XV XIII - XIII XII X IX 17 XIV XII XII XI IX VIII 18 XIII-XI XI X VIII VII 19 XII X X IX VII VI 20 XI IX IX

VIII VI V 21 X VIII VIII VII V IV 22 IX VII -VII VI IV III 23 VIII VI VI V

III Pridie 24 VII V V IV Pridie KAL. FEB. 25 VI IV IV III ~IL. JAN. IV

Nonas 26 V III III Pridie IV Nonas III 27 IVP Pridie Pridie KAL. DEC, III Pridie 28 III KAL. OCT. KAIL. NOV. IV Nonas Pridie Nonae 29’ Pridie VI Nonas IV Nonas III Nonre VIII Idts 30 KAL. SEP, V III Pridie VIII Idus VII 31 IV Nonas IV Nonoe VI

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‘6310 HISTORY OF JULIUS CASAR. JULIAN YEAR 48 BEFORE CHRIST. JANUARY.

FEBRUARY. MARCH. APRIL. MAY. JUNE. ~ YEAR OF ROME. 706‘706 706 706’ 706

706 1 V Idus Feb. IV Id. Mar. V Idus Apr. V Id. Maii. IV Id. Jun. IV Id.

Quin. 2 IV III IV IV i’ III. 3 III Pridie III III Pridie Pridie 4 Pridie Idus Pridie Pridie Idus Idus 5 Idus XVII K.Ap. Idus Idus XVII K.Qu. XVII K.Sex. 6 XVI K. Mr. XVI XVII K.Mr. XVII K.Ju. XVI XVI 7 XV XV XVI. XVI XV

XV 8 X IV X IV XVV X IV IV 9 XIII XIII XIV XIV XIII XIII 10 XII XII XIII XIII x XII XII 11 XI XI XII XII XI XI 12 X X XI XI X X 13 IX IX X X IX IX

14 VIII VIII IX IX VIII VIII 15 VII VII ” VIII VIII VII VII 16 VI VI VII VII VI VI 17 V V VI VI V V 18 IV IV V V IV IV 19 III III IV IV III III 20

Pridie Pridie III III Pridie Pridie 21 KAL. MAR. KAL. APR. Pridie Pridie KAL. QUINS KAL. SEX. 22 VI Nonas IV Nonas KAL. AIl KAL., JUN. vI Nonas IV

Nonas 23 V III VI Nonas IV Nonas V III 24 XIV Pridie V III IV Pridie 25

III None IV Pridie III’ Nons 26 Pridie VIII Idus III Nonse Pridie VIII Idus 27 None VII Pridie VIII Idus None VII 28 VIII Idus VI. Nonr VII VIII Idus VI 29 VII VIII Idus VI VII V 30 VI VII V VI IV 31 V VI V

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APPENDIX A. 631 JULIAN YEAR 48 BEFORE CHRIST.‘JULY. AUGUST. SEPTEMBER.

OCTOBER. NOVEMBER. DECEMBER. YEAR OF ROME. 706. 706 706 706 706-707 707‘1

III Id. Sex. Idus:Sept. Idus Oct. XVIIK.Dec. XV K. Jan. XIV K.Feb. 2

Pridie XVII K.Oct. XVII K.Nv. XVI XIV XIII 3’Idus XVI: XVI XV XIII XII 4

XVII K.Sep. XV XV XIV XII XI 5 XVI XIV XIV XIII XI X 6 XV XII I XIII XII X

IX 7 XIV XII XII XI IX VIII 8 XIII XI XI X.VIII VII 9 XII” X X IX VII VI 10 XI IX IX I - VIII VI. 11 X VIII VIII VlI V IV 12 IX VII VII VI IV III 13 VIII VI VI V III Pridie 14 VII’ V V IV Pridie KAL. FEB. 15 VI. IV IV

III K IAL. JAN. IV Nonas _16 V III - III Pridie IV Nonas III 17 IV Pridie Pridie KAL. DEC. III Pridie 18 III.KAL. OCT. KAL. NOV. IV Nonas Pridie Nonce 19 Pridie VI Nonas IV Nonas III Nonae VIII Idus 20 KAL. SEP. v III Pridie VIII Idus VII 21 IV Nonas IV Pridie Nonfe VII VI 22 III III Nonae VIII Idus VI V 23 Pridie Pridie VIII Idus VII V IV 24 - None’None VII VI IV III. 25 VIII Idus VIII Idus.. VI V III Pridie 26 VII’ VII V IV Pridie Idus 27 VI VI-IV III Idus XVI K. Mr. 28 V V III Pridie XVII K.F.b. XV 29

IV; IV Pridie Idus XVI XIV 30 III - III Idus - XVII K.Jan. XV XIII 31

Pridie Pridie XVI XII

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632 HISTORY OF JULIUS-CESAR. JULIAN YEAR 47 BEFORE CHRIST. - JANUARY.

|FEBRARY. MARCH. APRIL. MAY. JUNE. YEAR OF ROME. 707 707 707 707 707 707 1

XI K. Mar. XI Kal. Ap. XII K. Ma. XII K. Jun. XI K. Quin. XI Kal. Sex. 2 X

X-XI XI X X 3 IX IX X X IX IX 4 VIII VIII IX IX VIII VII 5 VII VII VIII V

VII VII 6 VI VI VII VII. VI VI 7V V VI VI V V 8 IV IV V V IV IV 9 III III IV IV III-III 10 Pridie Pridie III III Pridie Pridie 11 KAL. MAR. KAL.

APR. Pridie Pridie KAL. qUIN. KAL. SEX. 12 VI Nonas IV Nonas KAL. MAII KAL. JUN. VI Nonas IV Nonas 13 V III VI Nonas IV Nonas V III 14 IV Pridie V III IV Pridie 15 III None IV Pridie III Non X 16 Pridie VIII Idus III None Pridie VIII Idus 17 Nonxe VII Pridie VIII Idus Nnme VII 18 VIII Idus VI Nonre VII’ VIII Idus VI 19 VII -V VIII Idus VI VII V. 20 VI IV VII - V

VI IV 21 V III VI IV V III 22 IV Pridie. V.III IV Pridie 23 III Idus IV

Pridie III Idus 24 Pridie XVII K. M. III Idus Pridie XVII K.Sep. 25 Idus XVI Pridie. XVII K.Qu. Idus XVI” 26 XVII K.Ap. XV Idus XVI XVII K.Sex.- XV

-27 XVI XIV XVII K.Ju. XV XVI XIV 28 XV XIII’ XVI XIV XV XIII,29 XIV XV

XIII XIV-XII 30 XIII XIV XII XIII XI 31 XII XIII XII

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APPEN)IX A. 633 JULIAN YEAR 47 BEFORE CHRIST. JULY. AUGUST. SEPTEMBER.

OCTOBER. NOVEMBER. DECEMBER., = I’ YEAR OF ROME. 707 707 707 7707 707-708

708 1 X Kal. Sep. VIII K.Oct. VIII K.Nv. VII K. Dec. V Kal. Jan. IV

Kal.Feb. 2 IX VII VII VI IV III 3 VIII VI VI V III Pridie 4 VII V V IV

Pridie KAL. -FEB. 5 VI IV IV - IIIKAL JAN IV Nonas KA[L, JAN. 6. V III III Pridie IV Nonas III 7 IV Pridie Pridie ) KAL. DEC, III Pridie 8 III KAL.

OCT. KAL. NOV.- IV Nonas Pridie Nonxe 9 Pridie VI Nonas IV Nonas’ III None VIII Idus o10 KAL. SEP. v III Pridie VIII Idus VII 11 IV Nonas IV Pridie Nonme VII VI 12 III III Nonae VIII Idus VI V 13 Pridie Pridie. VIII Idus VII V IV 14 Nonae Nonse VII VI IV III 15 VIII Idus VIII Idus VI -.. V III Pridie 16 VII VII V IV Pridie Idus’ 17 VI VI IV III Ids XVI K. Mar. 18 V V

III Pridie XVII K.Fb. XV 19 IV IV Pridie Idus XVI XIV 20 III III Idus XVII K.Jn. XV XIII 21 Pridie Pridie XVII K.Dc. XVI XIV XII 22 Idus Idus XVI XV

XIII XI 23 XVII K.Oct. XVII K.Nv. XV XIV XII X 24 XVI XVI XIV XIII XI IX

25 XV XV XIII XII X VIII 26 XIV XIV XII XI IX VII27 XIIII XIII XI X VIII VI 28 XII XII X IX VII V 29 XI XI IX VIII VI 1 V 30 X X VIII VII V III 31

IX IX VI Pridie 27*

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634 HISTORY OF JULIUS’ CESAR. JULIAN YEAR 46 BEFORE CHRIST. JANUARY.

FEBRUARY.. MARCH. APRIL.’ MAY. JUNE..:.YEAR OF ROME. 708 708 708 708 708

708 1 KAL. MIAR, KAL. APR. Pr. K. Maii Pr. K. Junii HAL; QUIN. KAL. SEX. 2

VI Nonas IV Nonas KAL. I AIL KAL. JUN. VI Nonas IV Nonas 3 V III VI Nonas IV Nonas V -‘ III 4 IV Pridie V III IV Pridie 5 III-None IV Pridie III -

Nonx 6 Pridie VIII Idus III Nonre Pridie VIII Tdus 7:Nonae VII Pridie VIII Idus Nonne VII 8 VIII Idus VI - Non VII VIII Idus VI 9 VII V VIII Idus VI VII V 10 VI IV VII V VI IV 11 V III’- VI - IV V III 12 IV - Pridie V III IV Pridie 13 III Idus IV Pridie III. Idus 14 Pridie XVII K.Mr. III. Idus Pridie XVIIK.Sep. 15 Idus XVI Pridie XVII K.Qu. Idus XVI 16 XVII K.Ap. XV.

Idus XVI XVIIK.Sex. XV - 17 XVI XIV XVII K.Ju. XV XVI XIV 18 XV XIII XVI XIV XV XIII 19 XIV XII XV XIII XIV - XII 20 XIII XI -I XIV XII XII-XI 21

XII X - XIII XI XII X 22 XI IX XII-X XI IX 23 X VIII XI-IX X VIII 24 IX

VII X - VIII IX VII 25 VIII VI IX VII VIII VI 26 VII V VIII VI VII-V - 27

VI IV VII V VI IV 28 V III VI IV V III ~29 IV V III IV Pridie 30 III IV

Pridie III KAL. SEP. 31 Pridie III Pridie

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APPENDIX A. 635 JUEIAN. YEAR 46 BEFORE-CHRIST.’ JULY. AUGUST. SEPTEMBER.

OCTOBER. NOVEMBER. DECEMBER. YEAR OF ROME.. 708 708, 708 7 70708. 708 1I IV Non.Sep. IV Non. Oct. Pr. Non. Nv. Non. int. pr. VII Id. int; III Kai.

Dec. 2 III III Nonxe VIII.Idus VI [post. Pridie 3 Pridie Pridie VIII Idus VII V KAL. DEC. 4,Non’ None VII VI IV IV Nonas 5 VIII Idus VIII Idus VI V

III III 6 VII VII V IV. Pridie Pridie 7’VI VI IV III Idus Nonae 8 V V III P.ridie XXVI Kal. VIII Idus 9 IV IV Pridie Idus XXV [Dec. VII 10 III III Idus XVII K. int. XXIV VI l - [post. 11 Pridie Pridie XVII K. int. XVI XXIII V 12 Idus Idus XVI [pr. XV XXII IV 13 XVII K.Oct. XVII K.Nv. XV XIV

XXI III 14 XVI XVI XIV XIII XX Pridie 15 XV XV XIII XII XIX Idus 16 XIV

XIV: XII XI XVIII XVII K.Jn. 17 XIII XIII XI. X XVII XVI 18 XII XII X IX’

XVI’ XV 19 XI XI. IX VIII XV: XIV 20 X X VIII VII XIV XIII 21 IX IX VII VI XIII XII 22 VIII VII VI V XII XI 23 VII VII V IV XI X 24 VI VI IV III X IX

25 V V. III Pridie IX, VIII 26 IV IV Pridie K. INT. POST. VIII VII 27 III II K. INT. PR IV Nonas VII VI 28 Pridie Pridie IV Nonas III VI V 29 KAL.

OCT. KAL. NOV. III Pridie V IV 30 VI’Nonas IV Nonas Pridie Nonme IV III 31

V III VIII’Idus Pridie

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636 HISTORY OF JULIUS.CAESAR. JULIAN YEAR 45 BEFORE CHRIST, oI (BISSEXTILE.) JANUARY. FEBRUARY.’ MARCH. APRIL.’ MAY. JUNE. YEAR OF ROME.

709 709 709 709 709 709 1 KAL. JAN.‘KAL. FEB. KA. MAR,. KAL. APR. KAL, MAlII KAL. JUN. 2 IV Nonas IV Nonas VI Nonas IV Nonas VI Nonas IV Nonas 3

III III V III V III 4 Pridie Pridie IV Pridie IV Pridie 5 None Nonme III Nonae III Nonm 6 VIII Idus VIII Idus Pridie VIII Idus Pridie VIII ldus 7

VII VII Nonm VII Nonae VII 8 VI VI VIII Idus VI VIII Idus VI 9 V V VII V

VII V 10 IV IV VI IV VI IV 11 II I III V III V III 12 Pridie Pridie IV

Pridie IV Pridie 13 Idus Idus III Idus III Idus 14 XIX K. Feb. XVI K. Mr.

Pridie XVIII K.M. Pridie XVIII K.Q. 15 XVIII XV Idus XVII Idus XVII 16

XVII XIV XVII K.Ap. XVI XVII K.Ju. XVI 17 XVI XIII XVI XV XVI XV 18 XV XII XV XIV. XV XIV 19 XIV XI XIV XIII XIV XIII’ 20 XIII X XIII XII XIII XII 21

XII IX XII XI. XII XI 22 XI VII I XI X XI X 23 X VII X IX X IX 24 IX

Bissext. IX. VIII. IX VIII 25 VIII VI VIII VII VIII VII 26 VII V VII VI VII VI 27 VI IV VI V VI V 28 V III V IV V IV 29 IV Pridie IV III IV III 30

III III Pridie III PridiB 31 Pridie Pridie Pridie

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APPENDIX A. 637 JULIAN YEAR 45 BEFORE CHRIST. o - (BISSEXTILE.) JULY.

AUGUST. SEPTEMBER. OCTOBER. NOVEMBER. DECEMBER. ” YEAR OF ROME.’ 709 709

709 709 709 709 1 KAL. QUIN. KAL. SEX. KALS. SEP. KAL. OCT,. KAL. NOV.

KAL. DEC. 2 VI onas IV Nonas IV Nonas VI Nonas IV Nonas IV Nonas 3 V III III V III III 4 IV Pridie Pridie IV Pridie Pridie‘5 III Nonoe None III None Nonm 6 Pridie VIII Idus VIIIIdus. Pridie VIII Idus.VIII Idus 7 Nonm VII VII None -V II VII 8 VIII Idus VI VI VIIIIdus VI VI 9 VII V V VII V V

10 VI IV IV VI IV IV 11 V III III V III III 12 IV Pridie Pridie IV Pridie Pridie 13 III Idus Idus III Idus Idus 14 Pridie XIX K.Sep. XVIII Kal.

Pridie XVIIJK.Dc. XIX K. Jan. 15 Idus XVIII XVII [Oct. Idus XVII XVIII 16

XVII K.Sex. XVII XVI XVII K. Nv. XVI XVII 17 XVI XVI XV XVI XV XVI 18 XV

XV XIV XV XIV XV 19 XIV XIV XIII XIV XIII XIV 20 XIII XIII XII XIII XII XIII 21 XII XII XI XII XI XII 22 XI XI X XI X XI 23 X X IX X -IX X 24 IX

IX VII IX VIII IX 25 VIII VIII VII VIII VII. VIII 26 VII VII VI VIi VI VII 27 VI VI:V VI V VI 28 V V IV V IV V 29 IV IV III IV III IV 30 III III Pridie III Pridie III 31 Pridie Pridie Pridie Pridie

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APPENDIX B. CONCORDANCE OF ROMAN AND MODERN HOURS, FOR THE YEAR OF ROME

699 1(55 B.C.) AND FOR THE LATITUDE OF PARIS. Spring Equinox……………………. March 23, 5 o’clock, p.m. Summer Solstice……………………. June 25, 5 o’clock, p.m. Autumnal Eguinox………… September 26, 3 o’clock, a.m. Winter Solstice…………………….. December 23, 7 o’clock, p.m. The dates are referred to the Julian style. The Roman hours are reckoned from sunset and sunrise. The modern hours are given in true solar tnme. The Romanr hours are given at the head of the columns, in Roman numerals. The modern hours are in ordinary numerals. Two examples will explain the use of the Table..Division of she Night on the 16th of August.-To obtain it, we seek the date in the indicating column on the left, entitled NIGHTS. We conclude from the line opposite: at 7h. llm., sunset, beginning of the first hour and of the first watch; at 9h. 36m., end of the first watch and beginning of the second; at 12h. Om. it is midnight, the second watch ends, the third begins; at 2h. 24m., end of the third watch, beginning of the fourth; at 4h. 49m. the sun rises, and the fourth watch ends. Division of the.Day on the 16th of August.-We seek the date in the indicating column to the right, entitled DAYS. We conclude from the line opposite: at 4h. 49m., sunrise, beginning of the first hour; the third hour ends at 8h.

25m.; the sixth hour at noon; the ninth at 3h. 35m,; at 7h. 11m. the sun sets. iAt the summer solstice, each watch embraces two of our hours; in the winter solstice, it embraces four.

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1ST WATCH. 2ND WATCH. 3RD WATCH. 4TH WATCH. NIGHTS. I I. III. IV. V. VI.

VII. VIII. IX. X. xi. XII. DAYS. *bne N5. H.‘M. H. M. l.H. Ni. M. H. M.

1.M. M..H.-M. H. M.M H.M. HM.“H. H. June 25. 8 1 8 41,9 20 10 0 10.40‘1120

12 0 0 40 120 2 0 2 40 319 3 59 December 23. July 5’June 15. 7 58 8 39 9

19 9 59 10 40 11 20 12 0 040 1 20 2 1 2 41 3 21 4 2 Jan. 1 Dec. 14 July 16

June 4 7 51 833 9 14 9 56 10 37 11 19 12 0 0 41-123 2 4 2 46 3 27 4 9

Jan. 1 Dec. 4 July 26 May 25 7 41 8 24 9 7 9 51 10 34 11 17 12 0 0 43 126

2 9 2 53 3 36 4 19 Jan. 21 Nov. 25 Aug. 5 May 15 7 28 8 13 8 59 9 44 10 29

11 15 12 0 0 45 131 2 16 3 1 3 47 [4 32 Jan. 31. Nov. 15 Aug.. 16 May 4. 7

11 8 0 848 9 36 10 24 11 12 ~12 0 4813622`4 3 12 4 0 4 49 Feb. 10Nov. 5 P4

Aug.26 April24 6 55 7 46 8 37 9 27 10 18 11 9 12’ 0 0 51 142 2 33 3 23 4

14 5 S’eb. 20 Oct. 26 Sept. 5 April13 6 37 731 8 25 9 19 1013 11 6 120 0

54 147 2 41 3 35 4 29 5 23 Mar. 2 Oct. 16 F~ Sept. 16 April 2 6 18 7 15 8

12 9 9 10 - 6 11 3 -12 0057 154 2 51 3 48 4 45. 5 42 Mar. 13 Oct. 6 z Sept. 26 Mar. 23‘6 0 7 0 8 0 9 0 10 0 -11 0 12 0 1 0 2 0 3 0 4 0 5 0

MarMar. 23e Sept. 26 Oct. 6 Mar. 12 5 42 6 45 7 48 8 51 9 54 10 57 120 1 3

2 6 3 9 4.12 5 15 618 April 2 Sept. 16 Oct. 16 Mar. 2 5 23 6 29 7 35 ~8 41

9 47 10 54‘12 0 1 6 2-13.3 19 4 25 5 31 6 37 April 13 Sept. 5 Oct. 25a’

Feb. 21 5 6 6 15 7 24 8 33 9 42 10 51. 12 0 1 9 2 18 3 27 4 36 5 45 6 5 4

April23 Aug. 26 Nov. 4 Feb. 11 4 49 6 1 7 13 8 25 9 36‘10 48 12 0 1 12 2

24 3 35‘4 47 5 59 7 11 May -3. Aug. 16 Nov. 14 Feb.- 1 4 33 548 7 2 8 17 9

31‘10 46 12 0 1-14 2 29 3 43 4 58 6 12 7 27 May 14 Aug. 6 Nov. 24 Jan. 22

4 19 5 36 6 53 8 10 9 27 10 43 12 0 1 17 2 33 3 50 5 7 6 24‘7 41 May 24

July 27 Dec. 3 Jan. 12 4 9 5 28 6 46 8 5 9 23 10 42 12 0 1 18 2 37 3 55 5

14 6 32 7 51 June’ 3 July‘17 Dec.‘13 Jan. 2 4 2 5 22 6 41 8 1 9 21 10 40

12 0 120 2 39 3 59 5 19 6 38 7 58 June‘14, July - 6 December 23. 3 59 5 20

6 40 8 0 9 20 10 40 12 0 1 20 2 40 4 0 5 20 6 40 8 1. June25. NIGHTS. I.

II. III. IV. V. VI. VII. ViII. IX. X. XI. XII. DAYS.

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APPENDIX C. NOTE ON THE ANCIENT COINS COLLECTED IN THE EXCAVATIONS AT

ALISE. THE result of the excavations made round Alise-Sainte-Reine would be sufficient to establish the identity of that locality with the Alesia of Coesar; but the abundance of proofs can do no injury to the argument, and there is one the value of which cannot be disputed: we mean that fui’nished by the ancient coins found in the fosses of Camp D. (See Plate 23.) Lost in a combat, and falling into a fosse full of water, they thus escaped discovery in the immediate search made usually on a battle-field.

To establish the date of an event which has’ occasioned the burial of certain coins, we must first show that these coins have been struck at a period anterior to that event. Thus the coins lost at Alesia must naturally belong to a period anterior to the siege of-that town. The coins collected are in number 619; they may be divided into two distinct groups: some bear the impression of the Roman Mint, others are of the Gaulish Mint. This being understood, let us examine separately the age of the two groups. M. le Comte-de Salis and M. de Saulcy’have kindly undertaken the classification.’ All the Roman coins, without exception, have been struck by order and under the direction of the monetary magistrates, appointed by the government of the Republic: they belong to the republican period, and appertain to the class of coins called consular. Thanks to the labours of men like Morell, Borghesi, Cavedoni, Cohen, Mommsen, and, above all, the Comte de Salis, the age, of the coins of this class is now pretty clearly determ

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APPENDIX C. 641 ined. On the date of their emission, in general, itiwould be, so to say, impossible to’ commit an error of several years. The series of denarii and quinarii offers us the names of eighty-two magistrates, and the club, the symbol of an eighty-third; four of these denarii present neither name nor symbol;. it is the same case with an as in copper, of the type of Janus with the prow of a ship, which has probably borne no other legend but the word ROMA. The most recent of these coins belong to the year 700 of Rome, or 54 B.C. The year in which the siege of Alesia took place was 702. This fact alone would serve, if needed, to demonstrate that Alise and Alesia are the same place. The examination of the coins of Gaulish fabrication is equally important. They belong to twentyfour civitates, or different tribes. Military contingents, assembled from all parts of the Gaulish territory, have therefore taken part in the war in which these coins were lost and scattered in the soil. But the decisive fact is, that in this number we find 103 which are incontestably of Arvernan origin;. one of them bears, distinctly inscribed, the name of Vercingetorix. Of 487 Gaulish coins, 103 belong to the Arverni. We may add that, among the latter, 61-bear:the name of Epasnactus, who became, after the capitulation of Alesia, a faithful ally of the Romans, and the chief of Arvernia. (De Bello Gallico, VIII. 44.) Now: the coins of Epasnactus have been long well known; they may be subdivided into.two classes: some, anterior to the submission of that personage, present pure Gaulish types; others, of later date, offer:only Romanised types, if we may use the expression. In the fosses of Camp I) have been found only coins of Epasnactus of the primitive type. The battle in which these coins were lost by the Arverni before Alise was, therefore, anterior to the year 51

B.C., the year of the submission of Epasnactus. II.-S s

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642’ HISTORY OF JULIUS C2ESAR. LIST OF ANCIENT COINS FOUND IN THE

EXCAVATIONS AT ALISE. COINS STRUCK IN THE MINT AT ROME. i n N SNames or Symbols of the Probable Numbers of the Plates in.~j~ ~~ . ~~Dates Magistrates inscribed on the Coins. A.U.C. Cohen’s Work. 1 Anonymous.

485-537 P1. XLIII. Uncertain 1. (The word ROMA is not in incuse letters.) 1 Anonymous. 558-579 PI. XLIII, Uncertain 2. (The word ROMA is in a rectangle.) 1 M. ATILI. SARAN. 580-588 Pl.‘VII Atilia 2. I NAT. 589-595

P1. XXXI Pinaria 2. 1 L. CVP. 602-605. P1. XVI Cupiennia. I M. IVNI.

602-605 P1. XXIII Junia 2. 1 C. RENI. 606-609 P1. XXX.VI Renia. I P.

PAETVS. 606 609 P1. I JElia 1. 1 CN. LVCR. TRIO. 624-627 P1. XXV Lucretia 1. 1 M. MARC. 640-643 Pl.XXVI Marcia 3. 1 M. PORC. LAECA. 644-64:7 P1.

XXXIV Porcia 2. 1 Q. METE. 648-651 P1. VIII Cxecilia 3. 1 M. VARG. 652 P1.

XL Vargunteia. 1 T. CLOVLI. (a quiiarius) 653 P1. XII Cloulia 2. 1 Q.

PILIPVS. 658 P1. XXVI Marcia 4. 1 L. LIC. CN. DOM. L. PORCI. 662 P1. XXXIV

Porcia 1. LICI. 1 M. HERENNI. 663 P1. XIX Herennia. 2 L. IVLI. L. F.

CAESAR. 664 P1. XX Julia 4. 1 C. COIL. CALD. 664 P1. XIII Celia 2. 1

CALD.. 664 P1. XIII Ccelia 3. 1 Q. THERM. M. F. 664 PI. XXVIII Minucia 5.

1 L. THORIVS BALBVS-664 P. XXXIX Thoria. 1 P. SERVILI M. F. RVLLI. 665

P1. XXXVIII Servilia 6. 1 C. ALLI. BALA’ 665 P1. I Aelia 3. 1 L. PISO

FRVGI (a quinarius) -666 - P1. IX Calpurnia 5. 2 L. PISO FRVGI, 666 PI. IX

Calpurnia 10. 1 Q. TITI. 667 P1. XXXIX Titia 1. 4 Q. TITI. 667 P1. XXXIX

Titia 2. 4 C. VIBIVS C. F. PANSA. 667 P1. XLI Vibia 4. 1 L. TITVRI. SABIN.

667 P1. XXXIX Tituria 4. 2 L. TITVRI. SABIN. 667 P1. XXXIX Tituria 5. 1 C.

CENSO. 668 P1. XXVI Marcia 7. 3 CN. LENTVL. 668 P1. XIV Cornelia 7. 1 L.

RVBRI. DOSSEN. 668 P1. XXXVI Rubria 1. 3 i L. C. MEMIES L. F. GAL. 668 PI.

XXVII Memmia 3. 1 MN. FONTEI. C. F. 669 PI. XVIII Fonteia 4.

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APPENDIX C. 643 Names or Symbols Numbersof the Plates in Magistrates inscribed on the Coins. A.U.C. Cohen’s Work. 1 CAR. OGVL. VER. 670 P1. XI Carvilia 3. 2 C. LIMETA.P. CREPVSI. 671 P1. XXVI Marcia 10. I. CENSORIN..

1 L. CENSOR. 671 Pl. XXVI Marcia 9. 2 -P. CREPVSI. 671 P1. XVI Crepusia. 4

C. MAMIL. LIMETAN..61 P1. XXV Mamilia. 1 C. ANNI. T. F. T. N’L. 672 P II Annia 2. FABI. L. F.; 1 C; NAE. BALB. 672 PI. XXIX Naevia. 1 L. PAPI. -

673 P1. XXX Papia 1. 2 TI. CLAVD. TI. F. AP. N. 673 P1. XII Claudia 3. 1

C. MARI. C. F. CAPIT. 674 P1. XXVI Maria 3. 1 L. PROCILI F. 675 P1. XXXV

Procilia 1. 2 L;PROCILI. F. - 675 P1. XXXV Procilia 2. 1 P. SATRIENVS’ 676

P1. XXXVI Satriena. 1 L. RVTILI. FLAC. 676 P1. XXXVI Rutiia.: 1 L.

LVCRETI. TRIO 677 -P1. XXV Lucretia 2. 1 MN. AQVIL. MN. F. MN. N. 682 P1.

VI: Aquillia 2. 6 PAVLLVS LEPIDVS 683 P1. I iErnilia 9. 2 PAVLLVS LEPIDVS

LIBO 683 P1. I iEmilia 10. 2 LIBO. 683 Pi. XXXVI Scribonia 2. 2 C. HOSIDI.

C. F.:GETA 683 P1. XIX Hosidia 1. 1 C. HOSIbI. C. F;.GETA: 683 P1. XIX

EIosidia 2. 1 P. GALB. 683 P1. XXXVIII ~ulpicia 2. 2 L. ROSCI FABATI 684

P1. XXXVI Roscia. 1 M. PLAETORL. CEST. 686 P1. XXXIIPl1etoria 3. 1 M.

PLAETORIVS M. F.’ 686 P1. XXXII Platoria 9. CESTIANVS..’ 1 C. PISO L.F.

FRVGI. 690 P1. IX Calpurnia 15. 1 C. PISO L.’ F. FRVGI. 690 P1. IX

Calpurnia 16. 1 Q. CASSIVS 695 P1. XI Cassia 6. 5. M. SCAVR. P. HYPSAE.

696 P1. I Amilia 1 2 Q. POMPELI RVF.- 697 P1. XV Cornelia 20. (This coin ought to be classed with the Pompeia.) 1 PHILIPPVS 698 P1.-XXVI Marcia 8.

1 P. CRASSVS M. F. (incuse) 699 P1. XXIV Licinia 2. 1 FAVSTVS (in a monogram) 700 P1. XV Cornelia 23. 1 A. PLAVTIVS 700. P1. XXIII Plautia 6.

The coins of the social war (664 665), of the time of Marius and Sylla (666 674),’ and of the last two yBars of the war of Spartacus (682-683), are extremely common, and mostly of very rude work.

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644 IIISTORY. OF. JULIUS’.C SAR. COINS STRUCK IN SOUTIERN:ITALY. Probable Names or Symbols of the Probable Numbers of the Plates in o Magistrates inscribed. on tbp Coins. A.U.C.tes. Cohen’s Work.. 1 A club. 485-537 This coin is: not found in Cohen. 1. Anonymous. 538-557 P1. XLIII uncertain 2.

(The name on the exergue is written:ROMAi.) 1 Anonymous. 558-579 P1. XLIII uncertain 2. (The name on the exergue is written ROMA.) 3 Q. FABI. LABEO: 653 Pl. XVII Fabia 2. I M. TVLLI. 653 P1. XXXIX Tullia. I M. SERGI. 655

P1. XXXVII Sergia. 3 L. FLAMINI.- CILO 656 P1. XVIIlFlaminia 1. I M. CIPI M. F. (incuse) 658 PL XII Cipi.a. I P. NERVA. 659 P1.. XXXVIII Silia. 1 L.

PHILIPPVS. 660 PI. XXVI Marcia 5. 2 M. FOVRI L.‘P. PHILI 662 P1. XIX Furia 3. 1 MN. AEMILIO LEP. 663 P1. I Amilia 3. 1’CN. BLASIO CN; F.: 663 ” PI.

-XIV Cornelia 4. 1 L. CAESI. 663 P1. VIII (OCesia. 1 Q.‘LVTATI. 664 P1.

XXV Lutatia2. -‘3 L. MEMMI.. 664 P1.; XXVII Memmia 1. 1 L. VALERI FLACCI 664 P1. XL Valeria 3. 1 M. CATO - 664 - PI. XXXV, Porcia 6. 1 A. ALBINVS

S. F. 665 P1. XXXV Postum’ia 2. This series ends with the social war in 665.COINS STRUCK OUT OF ITALY. s Names or Symbols of the Numbers of the Plates in Dates’ I Magistrates inscribed on the Coins. ACe. Cohen’s Work.

A… 2 CN. LEN., Q. 678-682 P1. XIV Cornelia 10. 2 LENT. CVR. K FL.

678-682 P1. XIV Cornelia 11. These coins were struck in Spain during the war of Sertorius. No provincial coins were struck during the interval between the iwo civil wars from 682 to 704.

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APPENDIX C. 645 GAULISH COINS (FROM CAMP D, ON THE BANKS OF THE OSE).

ARVERNI. Number of each. ANEPIGRAPHIC. COINS.. Number R. Head. B. horse and boar 1 of each..1 Electrum. Staters with the types lR. Head dressed with long of Vercingetorix……………. 3 locks of hair………..’ 1

Electrum. Stater’with an effigy,JR.. The same type.’ A branch adorned with a singular head-above the horse……………. 1
dress………………l… 1. The same type. A sword Silver. Thick and ancient dena-and pentagram……………… 1 rii of various types……….. 13 Silver. A thick and ancient de-COINS WITH LEGENDS.

narius, with a bird under the Electrum. ABVDOS, A stater 1
horse………’……….. 1 A. The same’legend………… 9 Silver.’ A thick and ancient de-JE. The same type. OSNAII 1 narius, of the type, of the sta-AE. The same type. ISVNIS 1 ters of Vercingetorix……….. 1

Electrum. SOLIMA. A stater I -B. The same legend……. 6 COINS WITH NAMES

OF.CHIEFAS S……..7 VERCINGETORIXS. This LE. The same type. YNO…. 4
coin appears to be of copper, AR. The same type.:qIOV.. 1I and yet may be only a stater,E. Under the horse..- OEN… 1 of very debased electrum……. I 2E. Under the horse. CAM AE. CVNVANOS’;……’……, 5.. (Cambolectres?).‘l A_. CALIIDV………….. 7 HE. A. behind the effigy…. 2 A. PICTILOS……………. 8 BUCIOS. Al,. EPAD. Epasnactus, be-.iE. An unknown coin, at presfore his submission………… 3 ent unique………………….. 1.E. IIPAD’RC’CICIIDV’ BRI.

Epasnactus………… 59 NoTE. Three of these latter coins are CADURdI.

stuck together. IE. Anepigraphic. Types of the coins of Lucterius………. 1 AULERCI-EBUROVICES. AE. CAMBIL. (Camu!ogenus?) 5

CARNUTES. ANEPIGRAPHIC’COINS. Brass………………. 7 BITURIGES. ZR.

Head. BC. An eagle and ANEPIGRAPHIC COINS. serpent… 4 Electrum. Staters with-a pea-AR. Head. RC. Eagle - and cock placed above the horse…. 2
young eaglc………………..

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646 HISTORY OF JULIUS 4jiASAR. COINS WITH LEGENDS. Number MASSALIETES.

Number of each, of each. iE..VANDIILIOS………. 19 Al. Oboli with the wheel……. 2,E. CALIAGIIS……………… 12 IE. TASGIITIOS. Tasgetius 1 PETROCORII. SR. With the-boar lying down 4 AEDUI. ANEPIGRAPHIC COINS.

PICTONES..R, Old denarii……….27 Electrum. A stater with the COINS

WITH LEGENDS. hand………………….. 1 AiR. I<A A-E L OV. (Celts-AJ.

Anepigraphic…………… 1 JEdui)………… 2 JR. ANORBO -DVBNOREX.

COINS WITH NAMES OF CHIEFS. (Dumnorix)………….. 14. VIIROTAL. A warrior.,R. DVBNOREX-DVBNO- standing……………………… 10 COV.

(Dumnorix)………… 4 S. VIIROTAL. A lion…..1 Al. DVBNOREX - DVBNO -

COV. (Dutnnorix. ) The chief holds in his hand a REMI. man’s head cut off.1… With three heads joined Ml. LITA. Litavicus…… 12
together……………….. 2 HELVII? SANTONES. AR. EPOMIID. A lion.- B.

Electrum. A stater. Under Two heads embracing………. 4 the horse SA…………. 1 LEMOVICES. SENONES. Al. A human head above the Brass, anepigraphic. Animals horse. 5 facing each other………. 1._

YLLYCCI…………… 6 LEUCI. Brass, with the boar……………1

SEQUAI. Brass, anepigraphic………… 12 LEAGUE AGAINST THE. i SEQVANOIOTVOS. 16 -GERMANS..:TOGIRIX………… 72 JR. Q.DOCI SAM.F……… 18 AR. Quinarii with the horseman……….

-……………….. 2 SUESSIONES. MANDUBII (OR LINGONES)? JE.

Divitiacus. AEIOVICIABrass……………………………… 32

COS…………………………… 1

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APPENDIX C. 647 TREVIRI. Number VOLC2E-TECTOSAGES. of each. A A.

Anepigraphic…………….. EMIGRANTS FROM GERMANY. Number of each.

TRICASSES (OR LINGONES)?..1 Brass…………………………….. 2

UNCERTAIN FROM THE VELIOCASSES. SOUTH. AE. A figure kneeling……….. 1

-. A horse drinking in a vase…………….3…………. 3

VOLC2E-ARECOMICI. ~……………………………. UNDETERMINABLE.

VOLCAE-TECTOSAGES……………. 1……… AR.. B……………….. 3

IE. and brass……1…………:4

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APPENDIX D. NOTICE ON CGESAR’S LIEUTENANTS. IN his campaign against Ariovistus, Ccesar had six legions; he put at the. head of each either one of his lieutenants or his quvestor. (De Bello Gallico, I. 52.) His principal officers, then, were at that period six in number, namely, T.

Labienus, bearing the title of legattusproprwtore (I. 21), Publius Crassus, L. Arunculeius Cotta, Q. Titurius Sabinus, Q. Pedius, and C.

Sulpicius Galba. 1. T. ATTIUS LABIENUS. T. Attius Labienus had been tribune of the people in 691, and had, in this quality, been the accuser of C. Rabirius. He served.Cesar with zeal during eight years in Gaul.

Although he had been loaded with his favours, and had, thanks to him, amassed a great fortune (Cicero, Epist. ad Atticum, VII. 7.Caesar, De Bello Civili, I. 15), he deserted his cause as soon as the civil war broke out, and in 706 became Pompey’s lieutenant;in Greece. After the battle of Pharsalia, he went, with Afranius, to rejoin Cato at Corcyra, and passed afterwards into Africa. When Scipio was vanquished, Labienus repaired to Spain, to Cn. Pompey. He was slain at the battle of Munda. Ceesar caused a public funeral to be given to the man who Had repaid his benefits by so much ingratitude. (Florus, IV. 2. Appian, Civil Wars, II. 105.  Di Cassius, XLIII. 30, 38.) 2. PUBLIUS LICINIUS CRASSUS. Publius Licinius Crassus Dives, youngest son of the celebrated triumvir, started with Caesar for the war in Gaul, made the conquest of Aquitaine, and was employed to conduct to Rome the soldiers who were to vote in favour of Pompey and Crassus. He quitted Cresar’s army in 698, or at the beginning of 699. Taken by his father into Syria, he perished, id 701, in the war against the Parthians,.still very young; for Cicero, attached to him by an intimate friendship (Epist. Familiar., V. 8), speaks of. him as adolescens in a-letter to Quintus (II. 9), written in May, 699. He was, nevertheless, already augur, and the great orator succeeded him in that dignity.

(Cicero, Epist. Familiar., XV. 4.-Plutarch, Cicero, 47.)

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APPENDIX D. 6493. L. ARUNCULEIUS COTTA. The biography of Arunculeius Cotta, before his arrival in Gaul, is not known. His name leads us to suppose that he was descended from a family of clients or freedmen of the gens Aurelia, in which the name of Cotta was hereditary. The mother of Cresar-vwas an Aurelia.. 4.. QUINTUS -TITURIUS SABINUS. The antecedents of Quintus’ Titurius Sabinus are no more known than those of Arunculeius Cotta, whose, melancholy fate-he shared. His name shows that he descended from the family of Sabine origin of the Titurii, which had given different-magistrates’ to the Republic. The name of Titurius is found on several consular medals; it is also found in some inscriptions posterior, to the time of Caesar. 5. Q. PEDIUS.‘Q. Pedius was the son of a’sister of Cesar. (Suetonius, Ccesar, 83.) Elected 2edile in the year 700 (Cicero, Orat..pro Plancio, 7), he must have quitted the army of Gaul at the latest in 699. When the civil war broke out, he remained one of the firmest adherents of his uncle, whose interests he sustained, in 705, at Capua.

(Cicero, Epist. ad Atticum, IX. 14.) He was-praetor when he was besieged in Cosa, by Milo, a partisan of Pompey. He was sent into Spain with Q.

Fabius. (Caesar, De Bello Civili, II. 22; De.BelloHispan., 2. Dio Cassius, XLIII. 31.).Made by Cwesar’s will the heir of one-eighth of his wealth, he gave up what was left to him to Octavius. (Suetonius, Ccesar, 83.-Appian, Civil Wars, III. 94.) It was at the motion of Q. Pedius, then consul, that the law’was passed which has received its’ name from him, and which was directed against the murderers. of.the Dictatorf. (Velleius Paterculus, II. 65.-Suetonius, Nero, 3.) Q. Pedius remained faithful to Octavius, yet he proposed the retractation of the declaration of war launched against Antony and Lepidus. He was admitted to the secret of the triumvirate, which was on the point of being concluded, and died suddenly before the end of the year 711. (Dio Cassius, XLVI. 52.-Appian, Civil Wars, IV. 6.) 6. SERVIUS SULPICIUS GALBA. Servius Sulpicius Galba, whom the Emperor Galba reckoned among his ancestors, was of the illustrious family of the Sulpicii; he descended from Sulpicius Galba, consul in 610, who had left the reputation of a great orator. S. Sulpicius Galba, Caesar’s lieutenant in Gaul, had already served in the war in that country under C. Pomptinus, in 693 (Dio Cassius, XXXVII. 48), which explainslthe choice made of him by the future Dictator. He must have quitted Caesar’s army at latest in 699, for he was, at his recommendation, elected praetor in 700. (Dio Cassius, XXXIX. 65.) Hesolicited the consulship in vain in 705. Pressed by the’creditors of Pompey, for whom he had made himself surety, he was relieved from his difficulties by Coesar, who’paid his: debts. (Valerius Maximus, V. 2, ~ 11.) Finding himself finally deceived in his hope 28

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650 HISTORY OF JULIUS, C2ESAR. of arriving at the consulship, S. Galba joined the conspiracy against his old chief. (Suetonius, Galba, 3.’-‘Appian, Civil Wars, II. 113.) He served in the war against’Antony,, under the Consul Hirtius. We have; a letter from, him’ to Cicero, written from the’ camp -of. Modena. (Cicero, Epist, Familiar., X. 30.).

Prosecuted, in -virtue of the law Pedia, as a murderer ofCaesar (Suetonius, Galba, 3), he was condemned, and died probably in exile., The Senate granted COesar, in:698, ten lieutenants: Labienus, Aruncutlehis Cotta, Titurius Sabinus, already in’Gaul, Decimus Brutus, P. Silpicius Rufus, Munatius Plancus, M. Crassus, C. Fabins,., Roscius, and T.$Sextius.

As to Sulpicius Galba, P. Crassus, and Q. Pedius, they had returned to Italy. 7. DECIMUS JUNIUS 3BRUTUS. Decimus Junius Brutus, belonging to the family. of the Junii, was son of. Decimus Junius Brutus, elected consul in the year 677, and. of Sempronia, who performed so celebrated.a part in Catiline’s conspiracy. He was adopted by A. Postumius Albinus, consul in 655, a’nd took, for this reason, the surname of Albinus, by which we find him sometimes designated. When, Cesar took him into Gaul; he was still very young; the “Commentaries” apply to him the epithet adolescens. He must have returned to Rome in January, 704, since a letter of Cicero mentions -his presence there at that period. (Epist. Familiar., VIIL 7.) Thpe year following he commanded Coesar’s fleet before Marseilles. (Cesar, De Bello Civili, I. 36.-Dii Cassius, XLI. 19.) He gained, although with unequal forces, a naval victory over L. Domitius. (Cmesar, De Bello Civili, II. 5.) Having received from Caesar, in 706, the government of Transalpine Gaul,.he repressed, in 708, an insurrection of the Bellovaci.

(Titus Livius, Epitome, CXIV.) Ar object of the special favours of his old general, who felt for him a warm affection, D. Brutus, along with Antony and Octavius, was -associated in the triumph which Coesar celebrated in 709, on his return from Spain, and mounted with them on the car.

(Plutarch, Antony, 13.) By his will of the Ides of September, the Dictator named him one of the guardians of Octavius, and’ made him’ one. of his second heirs (Dio Cassius, XLIV. 35. -Appian, Civil’Wars, II. 143.-

Suetonius, Cesar, 83); he caused to be given him, for the year‘712, the government of Cisalpine Gaul, In spite of this friendship, of which Cmesar had given him so many pro-ofs, and which the latter believed to be paid by a requital, Brutus, who had remained faithful to his benefactor in the civil war, lent his ear to the proposals of the conspirators, and yielded to the seductions of M. Brutus, his kinsman.- He not only went to the Senate to assist in striking the victim, but he accepted the mission of going to’persuade the’Dictator,- who was hesitating, to repair to the curia. (Dio Cassius, XLIV. 14, 18. Appian, Civil Wars, II. 115.-Plutarch, Caesar,.70.) Exposed to public hatred (Cicero, Philppic., X. 7), and intimidated by the threats of Antony, he left Rome to go and take possession of the province

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APPENDIX D, 651 which Csesar had caused to be assigned to him. (Cicero, Epist. ad Atticum, xIV. 13.) He appears, however, to have -acted but feebly in favour lof the. party he.had embraced.. Antony, having obtained from the people, in exchange for Mace, donia, the province commanded by-Brutus.’(Appian, Civil-Wars, III. 30),-the latter refused to abandon his government, and, supported by: Cicero, he obtaine’d from the Senate an edict maintaining him in it (Cicero, Philippic., III. 4.-Appian, Civil Wars, III. 45), which led to-an armed contest between the two competitors. Pursued.by: his. rival, Brutusn. threw himself into lModenai and there sustained a long siege (Appian, Civil, Wars, III. 49, Titus Liius, Epitome, CXVII.), which bad for:its final result the celebrated-battle in which Antony: was defeated. D. Brutus, overlooked among new. actors in this sanguinary drama, remained in it almost a mere spectator. (Dio Cassius, XL-VI. 40.) He then range. himself. on the’. side of Octavius, yet without the existence of any very’ close, or.very sincere intimacy. between these two men. He continued to’ exercise an important’

command during the war, but fortune. was not long-in turning against him,:.Pressed by Antony, who’.had united with Lepidus, and threatened personally by the prosecutions which Octavius, armed with the law Pedia, was directing:against the murderers of Casar (Titus Livius, Epitome, CXX.-Dio Cassius, XLVI. 53), he found himself deserted by his troops, and, after a vain attempt to cross into Macedonia, he’directed.his steps,with a small escort towards Aquileia;: but a Gaulish chief, named Camillus, betrayed towards him the rites of hospitality, kept, him prisoner, and sent information of what he had done. to Antony. The’old lieutenant of Coesar immediately sent -Furius with:a party of cavalry, who-slew Brutus, and -carried away his head.. (Appian, Civil Wars, III. 97, 98.-Velleius-Patercul]us, II. 63, 64.) Brutus was one of the-correspondents of Cicero, who gives him praise,especially for his. constancy in friendship, of which he was certainly little worthy. 8. PUBLIUS SULPICIUS RUFUS. Publius Sulpicius Rufus, who belonged to the same family as S. Suilpicius Galba, served, in 705,- the cause of Cmsar in Spain (Cmesar, De Bello Civili, I.

74); he. commanded in the following year, with’ the title of prtetor, the’fleet which was cruising at Vibo, on the coast of Bruttium (Caesar, De Bello Civili, III. 101); subsequently he, obtained the government of Illyria,‘a country where. he had served in the ranksof the Csesarians, and consequently succeeded Q. Cornificius (Caesar, De Bello Afric., 10;;De: Bello Alexandrin.; 42).- A letter of.Cicero, addressed to him (Epist.

Eamiliar;, XIII. 77), shows that he was still in that province in 709. We know nothing certain relating to his actions.”It has been supposed with probability that he is the same with a P. Sulpicius, censor under the triumvirate, and mentioned in a’latiniinscription (Tabula Collatina), to which Drumann refers (tom. i., p. 528).

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652 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. 9. LUCIUS MUNATIUS PLANCUS. Lucius -Munatius Plancus, whose name is’found in several inscriptions and on a rather great number of medals (see especially Orelli, Izlscriptiones, N. 591); belonged to an illustrious. plebeian family.: Intimate at first with Cato, he subsequently gained the entire affection of Ceasar (Plutarch,: Cato of Utica, 42. -Cicero, Epist. Familiar., X. 24), and remained faithful to him to the last. After having served in Gaul; he became, in 705; one,of his most active’ lieutenants -in Spain (Caesar, De Bello Civili, I. 40), and afterwards in Africa. (Caesar, De Bello Afr., 4.) Ctesar. caused to be given to -him, for the year 710, the government of Transalpine Gaul, without the Narbonnese and Belgic Gaul (Appian, Civil Wars, III. 46.

Cicero,:Philipp., III. 15),. and named him, with P. Brutus,‘for the consulship in 712 (Velleius Paterculus, II.’ 63.-Dio Cassius, -XLVI. 53); he was then in great favour with, the Dict!tor: Cicero made his approaches through him to obtain’ Cesar’s favour.’ (Epist. Familiar., X. 3 a’ XIII.

29.)’ After the murder of Caesar, Plancus, who no doubt, like,Antony, feared the vengeance of the party of the’conspirators,. proposed.an amnesty, in concert with him and Cicero (Plutarch, Brutus,’ 22), and hastened to go into.the province which had been* assigned to’ him. In Gaul he founded the colonies of Lugdunum and Raurica (Orelli, Inscriptiones, No. 590.-Dio Cassius, XLVI. 50); subsequently, gained by: Antony,’ he abandoned to his vengeance, during the proscription, Plotius, his’ own -brother. (Appian, Civil Wars, IV. 12.  Valerius Maximus, VI. 8, ~ 5.) In 712,’ Plancus took, with Lepidus, on the 1st of January, the-consulship which Caesar had destined for him. (Dio Cassius, XLVI. 53; LXVII. 16.) In the war of Perusia, he commanded the troops of Antony, who sent him, in 714, into Asia. In 719 he still governed Syria for’that-triumvir, and: he has been accused of the death of Sextus Pompey. (Appian, Civil Wars, V.

144.) He proceeded to Egypt with Antony, to the court of Cleopatra.

(Velleius Paterculus, II. 83.) F..oreseeing the ruin of Antony, of whom he has been reproached with being the base flatterer, he did not wait for the defeat of Actium to embrace the party of Octavius: he returned to Rome, and attacked -his former friend bitterly in the Senate. (Velleins Paterculus, II. 83.) Dio Cassius (L. 3) accuses him of having revealed Antony’s will. - From this time devoted to Octavius, he proposed, in 727, to confer upon him the title of Augustus.” (Suetonius,‘Octavius, 7.

-‘Velleius Paterculus, 11.‘91.) In 732, he held the office of censor.: (Dio Cassius, LIV. 2.) The inscriptions and medals show that he was also invested’ with other dignities. The date of his death is unknown. Horace addressed to him one of his odes.’(Book I., Ode 7.) 10. MARCUS LICINIUS

CRASSUS. Marcus Licinius Crassus Dives was the elder: brother of young Crassus, whose place he had taken as Ceasar’s lieutenant in Gaul. Little is known of his life. Cicero, less intimate with him than with his younger brother, has

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APPENDIX D. 653 mentioned him but slightly. (Epist. Familiar., V. 8.) He ranged himself on Caesar’s side at the time’ of the civil war, and’became, in 705, governor of Citerior Gaul. (Appian, Civil Wars, II. 41.-Justin, XLII. 4.) The time of his death is unknown. l11. CAIUS FABIUS. It is not known what Caius lFabius had been before the’campaign of Gaul. When the civil war broke out, he: remained faithful to Cvesar,- who;. sent him orders to proceed from Narbonnese Gaul to Spain. With his usual rapidity, he moved by forced marches to Herda (Herida), near which..town Afranius was. encamped. He distinguished himself in’ the whole of this campaign, in which the army of Ccesar, which had-joined him, was for a: moment in’

danger. No further mention is made of C. Fabius. His name’ does not occur’either in the campaigns of Greece, Alexandriaj or Africa, or in that of the second Spanish war, or elsewhere. 12. L. ROSCIUS. L. Roscius, who only played a secondary part in the war of Gaul, appears.to be.the same as’ a personage to whom Cicero gives the. name of L. Fabatus, and who fell in the battle of Modena in 711. (Epist. Familiar.; X. 33.) He was prretor in 705, and Pompey,‘who knew the. friendship which:Csesar. had for Roscius, deputed him to him at Ariminum with proposals of peace. (Coesar, De Bello Civili,- I. 8, 10.’-Dio Cassius, XLI. 5.) It is believed that it is his name which, followed by the surname Fabatus, figures on the Roman denarii which bear the image ofJuno Lanuvina. It’is also believed to occur in, a Latin inscription. 13. TITUS SEXTIUS.. Titus Sextius, whose history before his arrival in Gaul is not known, became, in 710, governor of Numidia.. (Dio Cassius, XLVIII.. 21.) According to Appian (Civil Wars, IV.

53),.he took the side of Octavius; according to Dio Cassius (XILVIII. 21), that of Antony. He made war against Q. Cornificius, who sought to keep the ancient-province of Africa, which the Senate had given him. Sextius aspired to the same government, and prepared to exercise it for. Octavius, to whom Africa. had been assigned in the partition of the triumvirs.

(Appian, Civil Wars,.IV. 53.) The defeat and death of Cornificius allowed him to realise his projects, and he remained in possession of his province until 713. Appian and Dio Cassius have told differently the events:which forced Sextius, after the:battle of Philippi, to abandon Numidia, where Octavius had sent a new governor. Nothing else is known of his biography.

In the year 700 two new lieutenants make their appearance, Q. Tullius Cicero and: C. Trebonius, who came to replace Arunculeius Cotta and Titurius Sabinus, slain by the Gauls at Tongres.

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654 HISTORY OF JULIUS CAESAR. 14. Q. TULLIUS CICERO. Quintus Tullius Cicero, younger brother of the great orator, was born in 652, and went with him to Athens, in order to perfect himself in literature, which he cultivated with success. The correspondence of the two brothers which has been preserved is a proof’ of this, and we know, from other sources, that Quintus had composed divers works which are lost. Quintus had married, before the year 686, Pomponia, sister of Atticus (Cicero, Epist. ad Atticum, I. 5, 6), with whom he lived on bad terms, and from whom he finally separated. He was sedile in 688, the year of his brother’s prnetorship; and in 691, when his brother was consul,‘he lent him in the affair of Catiline his intelligent support, and shared the same dangers.

(Cicero, Epist. ad Quintum, L 1; Catilinaria Quarta, 2, 3.)‘However, lie did not share in his opinion in the judgment of the conspirators, when he’

voted, with Caesar,.against the punishment of death. (Suetonius, Caesar, 14.) He becam’e praetor in 692, defeated in Bruttium the bands of the Catilinarian Marcellus (Orosius, VI. 6), and presided over the tribunal which judged Archias. (Scholiast of Bobbio on the Oration for Archias, p.

354, edit. Orelli.) In March of the year 693, he proceeded-to the province of Asia, of which he had obtained the government (Cicero, Pro Flacco, 14); he administered that province with as much equity as talent, seconded by able lieutenants. (Cicero, Epist. ad Quintum, I. 1.) They had, however, to reproach him with frequent fits of anger, which drew upon him the remonstrances of his brother. At. the end of April, 69.6, Quintus left Asia in order to proceed direct to Rome,: without taking.time to. visit at.;Thessalonica. M. Cicero, who was’ still under the weight of his condemnation to exile. The fact was, he feared an accusation of extortion, which his enemies, and those of his’brother, endeavoured to prepare against him. (Cicero, Epist. ad Atticum, III. 9;. Epist. ad Quintun, I. 3; Oratio pro Domo suea, 36.) He employed himself actively in favour of his biother, and narrowly escaped being:killed in’ the riot raised by Clodius, on the 8th lof the Qalends of February, 697, on the occasion of the proposition of -the tribune Fabricius. (Cicero, Oratio pro Sextio, 35.-Plutarch, Cicero, 44.) When this. same Clodius opposed the rebuilding of the house of M. Cicero, Quintus saw his own, which was next to that of his brother, burnt by the partisans of that turbulent demag6gue.:(Cicero, Epist. ad Atticum, IV. 3.):Towards the end of the same. year, Quintus was one of the fifteen lieutenants given to. Pompey in order to direct the supplying of victuals, and in that quality he’ proceeded to Sardinia.

(Cicero, Epist. ad Quintum, 11.2.) He started for Gaul in the beginning of 700, and it appears from a passage in the Oratio pro Milone that.he was still:there in:702. He left Cmsar’s army in 703, and joined, in the quality of legate, his brother, who had been made proconsul of Cilicia, and to whom he lent the indispensable support of his. experience and ability’ in: matters of war.. (Cicero, Epist. Familiar., XV. 4; Epist. ad Atticum, V. 20.) During the, civil war, Quintus took the side of Pompey, but he imitated his brother’s circumspection, and, after the battle of Pharsalia, he made every effort to clear himself in the eyes of

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APPENDIX D. Caesar, to whom he sent as his deputy. in Asia his own son, and thus obtained his pardon. After the, death of Cesar, Quintus pronounced energetically, like M. Cicero, against Antony, an opposition which turned out equally fatal to him, for, like his brothe,l;- he was comprised in the-proscription. Having vainly attempted -with him to-reach Macedonia, he returned to Rome accompanied by his son,. and -both were delivered; up:by’ slaves to,the executioner. (Appian, Civil Wars, IV.

20.-Plutarch, Cicero, 62.) 15..:CAIU’S.TREBONIUS. Caius Trebonius was the, son of a Roman knight, of whom Cicero speaks in his Philippica (XIII.

10)… Being questor in:694, he opposed the law Herennial which authorised:the adoption of Clodius by a plebeian; as tlribune of the people in 699, he proposed the celebratked laws which gave to Pompey and Crassus important provinces, and continued-for five years Caesar’s command in Gaul. Having been called by Casar the year after in quality of legate, he.remained in Gauluntil the commencement of the civil war. He was’afterwards sent to Spain against Afranius,tnd next charged with the siege of Marseilles by land. (Caesar, De Bello Civilt’I, 36. .Dio Cassius, XLI. 1.9.) In 706; he’became praetor urbanus’(Dio Cassius, XLII 20);- a year. later he’ succ eeded Cassius Longinus in the government of ione of the two Spains. (Caesar, De Bello Alexandri no, 64; De Bello Hispano, 7.-Dio Cassius, XLIII. 29.): Compelled to leave the Peninsula, after some checks, he returned to Rome, where Caesar caused him to be named consul in October, 709, and with the province of Asia, on quitting office.’ (Dio Cassius, XLIII. 46. Appian, Civil Wars,III. 2.) All these’acts’ of kindness, however, could not secure to the dictator the devotedness of his lieutenant: even before Trebonius had taken possession of his proconsulate of Asia, he.entered into the conspiracy formed against the life of Caesar. But,.detained by.Antony outside the curia, he could not strike him with his own: hand. (Appian, Civil Wars, II. 117.-Dio Cassius, XLIV. 19.Cicero, Philippica, II. 14; XIII. 10.) After. the death of Caesar, Trebonius started quietly for his government:of Asia, and was in May, 710, at Athens. (Cicero, Epist. Familiar., XII 16.) Duiring his proconsulship he supported the party: of Brutus and Cassius.’ In February; 711, Dolabella, who had come to replace him, drew him into a snare at Smyrna; slew him, and threw his head at the foot of a statue of Caesar, thus revenging his friend who had been so shamefully:betrayed. i (Cicero, P]ilippica, XIII. 10. Apian, Civil Wars, HI. 26. V.elleius’Paterculus, II. 69.-Dio Cassius, XLVII. 29.) Cicero, whose correspondent Trebonius’

had been, stigmatises this murder, in which Antony saw the just punishment. of a villain and a parricide. It is certain that Trebonius:had entered the conspiracy without remo’se, since afterwards he wrote to Cicero:’ If you compose. anything on the murder of Csesar, do’not attribute a small’part of; it to me.”’ (Cicero,’ Epist. Familiar., XII.

16.) During the years 701 to 705 new lieutenants joined-Ceesar in Gaul: they were Minucius Basilus, Antistius Reginus, M. Sila

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656 HISTORY OF JULIUS. CAESAR. nus, Caninius Rebilus, Sempronius Rutilus, Marcus Antonius, P. Vatinius, Q. Calenus, and Lucius Caesar. 16.-.MINUCIUS

BASILUS. L. Minucius Basilus. had taken his name and surname from a rich Roman who had adopted him. Previously his name was L. Satrius. Cicero names him thus in one of his treatises (De Officiis, III. 18), although elsewhere (Epist. ad Atticum, XI. 5) he designates him by his name and surname. He became praetor in’ 709. *(Dio Cassius, XLIII. 47.) Irritated at not having obtained, on leaving.offlce, the province which he coveted, and;at having only received money from Caesar, he entered into the conspiracy formed against the Dictator. (Appian, Civil:Wars,: IL 113..

Dio Cassius, XLIII. 47.) A few months after, he was assassinated by his slaves, who thus took revenge.for his having subjected several of them to the punishment of castration. (Appian, Civil Wars, III. 98.) 17. C.

ANTISTIUS.REGINWIS. Nothing is known of the. antecedents or the end of this lieutenant of Csesar. To judge by his: name, he must have. belonged to the family of the Antistii, which produced divers magistrates of.

the:Republic, and several members of which have perpetuated their memory in inscriptions. 18. M. SILANUS. Marcus Junius. Silanus, son of Servilia, was brother, by the mother’s side, to M. Brutus. After the murder of Cesar, he accompanied his brother-in-law Lepidus in his campaign in; the: north of Italy, and was sent by’him, in 711, to Modena, without precise instructions:(Dio Cassius, XLVI..38); to the great regret of Lepidu/s, he took’the side of Antony. (Cicero, Epist. Familiar., X. 30, 34.) After Antony’s’ defeat,.Silanus, who had lost the confidence of-Lepidus, proceeded-to Sicily, to Sext. Pompey, and did not. return to Rome, until the peace.of Misenum hadlbeen concluded with.the latter, in 715.’

(Velleius Paterculus, II. 77.) Nothing more is known of his life, except that Augustus, in 729, took:him!as his colleague in the consulship. (Dio Cassius, LIII. 25.). 19. C. CANINIUS REBILUS. Caius -Caninius Rebilus.

great-grandson, -in all probability, of the person of. that name who was prsetor in 583, does not.‘appear in history until the war with Gaul..

Cxesar sent him,: in 705, to’ Scribonius Libo, to treat of peace with Pompey. (Cessar, De Bello Civili, I. 26.) Rebilus next accompanied Curio into Africa, and escaped only with a small number from the defeat inflicted upon them.by King Juba.. (De Bello.Civili, II. 24.) In. 708 he: was still making war in the same:province, and took Thapsus after the defeat of Scipio. (Caesar, De Bello Africano, 86, 93.) In 709 he commanded in Spain the garrison of Hispaiis. (Coasar, De Bello Hispano, 35.) At the, end of the same year, Coesar caused him to be named consul, in the-place of Q. Fabius, who

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APPENDIX D. 657 had: died suddenly: it was:on the eve of the Calends of January that this event had taken place. Rebilus consequently was only consul for ait few hours, and the short(period of his office has excited the jokes of Cicero. (Epist. Familiar., VII. 30. Dio Cassius, XLIII.

46..-Plutarch, Cesar, 63.) No other details are known of the life of this lieutenant of Cxesar. 20. -M. SEMPRONIUS RUTILUS. History is’ silent on what became of this lieutenant after the war of Gaul. 21. MARGUS ANTONIUS

(MARK.ANTONY). The biography of Mark Antony is too well’ known; and is too much mixed up with the events which followed the war in Gaul, to render it necessary’to give a sketch of it here. It is well known that Mark Antony, bornin 671, was -the son of a Mark”Antony who had served in Crete, and grandson of the celebrated orator of the same name. His mother was a Julia, and belonged, consequently, to the family of Caesar.’ After having erncouraged and supported Caesar in his projects on Rome, he became his magister equitum, when the dictature had been conferred:upon him.’ At: Pharsalia, he commanded the left wing of Caesar’s’army.’ After the: murder of the gre’at man, he was the rival of Octavius, and subsequently, with Lepidus, his colleague in the triumvirate. When disunion arose between the’ future Augustus and the ancient’lieutenant of his uncle, the battle of’Actium completed the ruin of Antony, who, having taken refuge in Egypt, slew himself in despair, on the information which Cleopatra, with whom he’was violently-in love, gave him of her intended suicide. 22. PUBLIUS

VATINIUS. The part played by Publius Vatinius, before he became lieutenant in Gaul, has been told in’ the course of this work. At the conclusion of his tribuneship, he was employed in the army of Cmesar;‘but he had already, after his quaestorship, served in Spain in: the’, same quality of lieutenant, under -the proconsul C. -Cosconius. Threatened by:the laws: Licinia: and Junia, Vatinius returned to’Rome, and succeeded, thanks to the, support of Clodius, in avoiding the-trial with -which he was threatened. H-e failed’in his candidature for the Wedileship, figured as one-of the witnesses in the trial of Sextius, in which he showed great animosity against the accused, and against-Cicero who defended him.

Important events marked’his praetorsh’ip in 699. As lieutenant of Caesar in the civil war (Caesar,‘De Bello Civili, III. 19), after the battle of Pharsalia,.he defended Brundusium against L.alius. (De Bello Civili, III.

100.) In 706 and 707 he continued to serve in the ranks of the partisans of the Dictator, who, in the end of that year, cauised the-consulship to be conferred upon him for a fe w days.. -(Dio Cassius, XLII.

55.-Macrobius, Saturnalia, II. 3.)‘In 709 hel was sent by Coesar into Illyria, with~ the title of proconsul (Appian, Illyric lrar, 1 3), from which province he sent,’ obliging letters to Cicero.’ (Epist. Familiar., i V. 9, 10.): After the murder of the Dictator, when the Dalmatians had revolted and had’ defeated a considerable -corps of his army,‘Vatinius, who mistrusted 28* II.-T T

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658 HISTORY OF JULIUS C2ESAR. the fidelity of his soldiers, retired to Epidamnus, and delivered his pro’vince and his legions to M. Brutus.

(Titus Livius, Epitome, CXVIII. Velleius Paterculus, II. 69.-Appian, Illyric War, 13.) Nevertheless, he obtained, at the end of that year (711), a triumph for his victories. It is not known what became of him afterwards. 23. Q. FUFIUS CALENUS. Q. Fufius Calenus, of one of the most illustrious families of Rome, the gens’ Fsufia, was tribune of the people in 693, and served at that time actively the interests of Clodius, when the latter was accused of having violated the mysteries of the Bona Dea.

(Cicero, Epist. ad Atticum, I. 14.) As prmtor during the consulship of Coesar and Bibulus, he gave his name to a judiciary law, and served with zeal, during his magistracy, the -projects of him whose lieutenant he became in Gaul.. He also supported Clodius in the affair of Milo. When the civil war broke out, Fufilus Calenus joined Csesar at Brundusium; he followed him afterwards into Spain, in the character of lieutenant.

(Epist. ad Atticurm, IX. 5. Cesar, De Bello Oivili, I. 87.) Sent afterwards into Epirus, he took, before the battle of Pharsalia, the principal towns of Greece. In 707, he became consul with Va:tinius:(Dio Casius, XLII. 55); sided, after the death of Ctesar, with Antony, whom he defended against the attacks of Cicero (Philip, pica, VIII. 4. Dio Cassius, XLVI. 1-28), and was his lieutenant during the struggles which followed. He-commanded an army in Transalpine Gaul in 713, when he was carried off by a. sudden death, at.the moment when he was on. the.point.of encountering the troops of Octavius. (Appian, Civil Wars, V. 3, 51.-Dio Cassius, XLVIII. 20.) 24. L. CIESAR. L. Julius Cfesar, who appears as lieutenant of the great Ccesar only at the end of the war of Gaul, belonged to the same family as himself; he was a son of L. Julius Cxesar, consul in the time of the war against the Marsi, who was assassinated by Fimbria, and brother of Julia, mother of Mark Antony. He stood for the sdileship without success (Cicero, Orat. pro Plancio, 21), was more fortunate in his petition for the consulship,. and exercised that high magistracy in 690. (Cicero, Orat. pro Murena, 34; Epist. ad Aticum, I. 1, 2.Dio Cassius, XXXVII. 6.) He was, with Caesar, the year after, one of the judges (duumvir perdyellionis) in the trial of C. Rabirius. (Dio Cassius, XXXVIT. 27.) When the Senate was deliberating on the conspiracy of Catiline, the relationship which united him with P. Lentulus did not prevent him from voting for his condemnation to death. After the war of Gaul,‘he returned to Rome, and, in the year 707, Mark Antony invested him with the functions of prefect of the town; he was then very aged. (Dio Cassius, XLII. 30.) After Csesar had been assassinated, L. Csesar withdrew from the party of Antony, although the latter was his nephew, for which he has been praised by Cicero. (Episl. Fan’ liar., XII. 2.) But his opposition softened down afterwardS, and he rejected the. proposal to declare war against the ancient-lieu

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APPENDIX D. 659 tenant of Caesar, made by the great orator. (Cicero, Philivppica, VIII. 1; Epist. Familiar., X. 28.) This was the effect of the influence exercised upon him by his sister Julia, to whom he owed his safety in the proscription which followed the conclusion of the triumvirate. (Appian, Civil Wars, IV. 12.Plutarch, Cicero, 61; Antony, 20.

Florus, IV. 6. -Velleius Paterculus, II. 67.) Nothing is known concerning his after life. END OF VOL. II.

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