Speech of Hon. W.A. Richardson, of Illinois, Delivered in Burlington, New Jersey, Tuesday Evening, July 17, 1860 by William Alexander Richardson
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Title:Speech of Hon. W.A. Richardson, of Illinois, delivered in Burlington, New Jersey, Tuesday evening, July 17, 1860.

Author:Richardson, William Alexander, 1811-1872.

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Print Source:Speech of Hon. W.A. Richardson, of Illinois, delivered in Burlington, New Jersey, Tuesday evening, July 17, 1860.

Richardson, William Alexander, 1811-1872.

8 p. 22 cm.

[Philadelphia,

Ringwalt & Brown, printers,

1860]

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LIYL6) I yB,z SPEECH OF _ H oN. I:, ICHARD SO N, OF ILLIN,OIS, DELIVERED.

IN BURLINGTON, NEW JERSEY, Tuesday Evening, July 17, 1860. The two-t4hirds rule,.-:fellow-citizens, was adopted in 1844. I have not time to-night to recur to the reasons which induced the party to adopt that rule. The same language that,was used in 1844 is the precise language that is n o w binding up on Democratic. Conventions; it is the e l ng the sam e language that has obtained in every Democratic Convention from, 1844 to 1860. In 1848, when General C ass was nominatediat Badltimore, he received 179
votes, and Andrew Steven son, o f Va.,. the presidingt officer-long the Speaker of the House otfhReprefsentatives, at oned time our Minister at the”Court of St. James-de clared that he was nominated, having received two-thirds of atll the votes cast for Presidential nominee. The records show that Gen Cass received at that time no more than 179 votes.- A resolutio n w as adopte d then (tas a similar resolution wa s adopted recently at Baltimore in the case: of Mr. Douglas) that he be unanimously declared the nominee of the Conv ention.n,-The re were absent from ‘that Convention delegates fr o m the State of -lew York. They had absented themselves ubecause they refused to give a pledge to abicdee by the nomination and the platform that might be made by t he Conventi on. [h: Let us pass on. At Cincinnati, when Mr. Buchanan himself was nominated>
the highest vote he received was 168. Mr. Douglas was tien withdrawn byrme, and the next resqlution adopted was one declaring Mr. Buchanan the nominee of the Convention. Some d the delegated iaL n_nevr -did and never would consent that their votes.should be counted for him. What are the facts in relation-to,the nomination of Judge Douglas? On the last, ballot preceding his being, declared the nominee of the Baltimore Convention, he received 181i votes-more than Gen. Cass received in 1848, more than Mr.

Buchanan received in 1856; and immediately after Mr. Douglas received, that vote of 181~, the(Con.vention declared him unanimousl the nominee of the Democratic party. [Cheers.) MIR. PRESIDENT AND FELLOW-CITiZENS: -I am not here to-night for the purpose of assailing gentlemen who may belong to political organizations different from that of which I am a member. I believe that the masses of all the political parties in this country are for carrying on and preserving our Government as our fathers gave it to us. While I am not here for the purpose of assailing the masses of the parties, it is my duty, as it is the duty of every c itize n of this country, t o sE eak plainly of the Myers of those,parties. presente ~~o our view some very extraordinary things. We have had four Conventions, presenting as many candidates, representing a many views; and’ no one of those Conventions has en,orsed the Administration now in power in this Government. We have, for the first time’in the historyo,.f our Government, the extraordinry spectacle of aB President of the United States (not~endorsed by any Convention,) entering the political arena, End making political speeches for one of those parties; When the President of thy United States.thus.condescends to eater the political arena, I am disposed to treat his sentiments, his/opinions, his views, as I wguld treat those of any other opponent whoa Imight meet in,that arena n.m w i Thetresident of the United4 States has said, in a speech recently made, that wehave no regular Democratic nomination; that no one,,has been n minated by the D emo cratic party in suchi amxi/ieras~6-all upon that :harty to!~d the’no~‘mation their support. ie us inquire and see whether the President is n mistaken; or, if he:is not mistaken, whether he has not misstated the facts. I affirm I am readyto meet any man any. where wit(.4that affirmation-that the nomination of When A. Douglas, made at Baltimore, has been made in, accordance with the usages of the party-he receiving the votes necessary to constitute such i nomination.

[Applause.’] 4, 1 i “, i 1. k -. 4.. -, I I i I I

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4 2 ted him endorsing the doctrine therein enunciated. What is that doctrine? We know that in that Conventioni this Mr. Yancey, of Alabama, proposed to amend the platform upon which Gen. Cass stood, by incorporating into it th e do ctrine of Congress ional interference to protect slavery in the Territories. The Democrat ic par ty, in C
onvention, by nearly a unanimous vote, decided against Mr. Yancey, and in favor o f th e great ddhtrotne of n onintervention by Congress, leaving the whole subject of slaver y in the Territories to be disposed of by the people. [Immense applause.] We went th r o ugh th e contest of 1848 upon th at ground. At Bal ti more, in tha t year, when Mr. Ya ncey e nt ered upon the journals of the Conven ti on his prote st against the doctrine of non-i nterventio n, the Souther n States -with the exception of Alabama, and perhaps, South Ca rolina and Florida-stood with u s and by us o n th at doctrine. Let us pass along in th is history. In 1850, whe n the slaver y ques tion was agitating the country t o it s u tmost extremity, when danger was menacing our institutions, anxiety for the public weal called from his retreat at Ashland, Kentucky, that able and exper ie nced statesman Mr. Clay. He entered the Senate; and there Clay, Cass, Webster, Douglas, ali united, all stood upon the ground known a s the Co m pr omise Measures, of 1850. What werentho-s Mr e  I oi therganization of the Territories of Utah and New Mex ico, instead of dividing the ter ritory, we too k h tttin the terr itory included in the Louisi ana pur c hase, covered by the line of 36 deg. 30 min., and united it with the terri tory acquired from Mexico at the conclu sion of the war. We extended t he same law over both. What was that law? That the pe ople of the Territories should legislate for themselves upon all question s in regard to which they were not prohibited by the Constitution of the United States. [Loud applause.] Congr ess in t he a doption of those measure s, planted itselfupdn the great doctrin e of nonintervention, rcheers,] and re ferred t he whole question in regard to slavery as well as other domestic institutions, from Congress to the people of Territo ries. [Applause.]

..Twoyear afterward, the Demorerattid party met in Convention at Baltimore; and passed resolutions’reaffirming the doctrines of 1848, and adopting the Compromise measures of 1850 as a finality on the slavery question. Every Democrat in the United hates, Rho in 1852 voted for General Pierce,fthe nominee of that Convention, pledged himself to stand by this doctrine of nonintervention by Con gress and to refer the question for adjustment to the people of the Territory. The Whig party also met in~ Convetson, and-they That resolution, which w as u nanimously adopted, wa s pass ed by 225 votes. With what truthfulness, then, c an Mr.

Buch ana n decl a re that we have no regular Dem ocrat ic nomination? Mr.

Douglas was no minated precisely as GCen. Cass was nominated, precisely as Mr. Buchanan himself was nominated; and on the ballot preceding his receiving the unanimous endorsement of the Convention, he obtained more votes than either of those gentlemen received when they were nominated.

[Applause.] Fellow-citizens, I ask your attention to these facts; and I say that Mr. Buchanan was not well informed upon this subject, or, if he was, he has misstated the facts. Mr. Buchanan says another thing. He declares that we have no Democratic nomination; that Democrats are at liberty to vote either for Mr. Douglas or for Mr. Breckinridge. Well, if that is his opinion, why is it that, under his Administration, every Federal offi cer in the United States is turned out of office as soon as it is known that he is for Mr. Douglas, [applause,] and they leave in office those who are in favor of Mr. Lincoln? for I declare to you that, in Illinois, there are four office-holders who are Republicans, supporters of Lincoln, where there is one in favor of Mr. Douglas. Throughout the en tire length and breadth of that State, so far as I know, there is not one single Federal officer who is in favor of Mr. Douglas. - There are those who are in favor of Mr. Lincoln. I ask the President I ask those who defend him how it is, and why it is, that he can leave Republicans in office, Breckenridge men in office, Bell men in office, but when ever a Douglas man is in office, the knife must be applied to him, no matter whether he is honest, faithful, trustworthy-no matter what may be his condition and position? Why is this war made upon this section of the Democracy if it is true, as Mr. Buchanan alleges, that a man, without violating his Democracy, may vote for either Mr. Breckin ridge or Mr.

Douglas. [Applause.] I do not desire to assail the Presidenit of the United States, except so far as he has placed himself in controversy before the country. I affirm, fellow-citizens, that Mr. Douglas is not only nominated in accordance with the traditions of the fathers and the usages of the party, bttt that hean-ds unin their principles. We all know, that, in re gatd to this eternal slavery question, which has agitated our country during the manhood :of most of us, the Democratic party has stood upon the same ground from 1848 until the present time. I will not tire your patience by entering into det~‘l; but I aver that in 1848, whenl Gem. Cass was our Presidential candidate, ho stood upon the Nicholson Let ter,-the Baltimore 43onvention that norainn f. - 0 .0 4. it - I It ip I tv f I.T

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3 nominated General Scott. What did they do with regard to this question of slavery? They also adopted the Compromise measures of 1850 as a finality upon the slavery question; they stood upon the great doctrine of noninterventionl. [Applause.] The Whig party and the Democratic party stood upon the same ground. It is no reply to this to say, ” But in the subsequent legislation you interposed; you did this, or did that, or did the other.” What did the two parties mean when they said that they would make the Compromise measures of 1850 a finality? Did they mean that they would not organize any more Territories? Not at all. What they meant and said was: “When we come to organize other Territories, we will remove all obstruction; we will take away all prohibition; we will confer upon the people of the Territories the power to dispose of these questions for themselves.” Hence, in the very next Territorial bill that was passed by Congress, the bill organizing the Territory of Washington, it was declared that all prohibitions or laws passed by Congress prior to September 1, 1848, should be inoperative and void, and that the people should have the power to dispose of all these questions for themselves. In that bill was enunciated the great doctrine ofnon-intervention, all previous prohibitions by Congress being rescinded, and the power being conferred on the people to settle for themselves the questions in regard to their internal affairs. That bill passed the House of Representatives by a two-thirds vote, and it passed the Senate unanimously. -Here are the Compromise measures of 1850, here is the action of the two parties in 1852, here is the action of Congress in 1853, all proceeding upon the ground that the people of the Territory shall themselves dispose of all these questions according to their wishes, subject to no other limitation than the Constitution of the United States. [Cheers.] restriction of 1820; but we did so in order that we might leave nothin g bind ing upon th e Territory, so that the people might for th emselves dispose of these questions in regard t o thei r domestic inst itutions. [Applause.] We next come to the Cincinnati platfo rm. And here, it is said, our action was liable to a double construction. Well, it is very easy to determine whether or not that is so. When we adopted that Cincinnati platform, we nominated James Buchanan for President, and John C. Breckinridge for Vice President. Each of those gentleman gave a construction to the Cincinnati platform. Mr, Buchanan, in his letter of acceptance declared that under the operation of the Kansas-Nebraska bill, ” the people of a Territory, like those of a State would decide for themselves whether slavery shall or shall not exist within their limits.” [Applause.] Mr. Breckinridge, when he went home to Kentucky, declared, in a speech to his constituents there, that this question was left to the people of the Territories, that they might dispose of it for themselves. Now men come forward and say there were two constructions. But both the candidates gave to that platform the same construction; they adopted the same construction which the Democratic party to-day gives to that platform, arnd those acts of legislation-that power was conferred upon the people of the Territories to dispose of these questions for themselves. Is there any man in this assembly who will stand up and tell me that in 1856 he construed that platform differently. If he adopted a different construction, why did he vote for Buchanan and Breckinridge? There is no man in America who misunderstood this platform.

[“That’s so,” and applause.] No honest men will rise and say so. [Cheers.]

No argument can be made in favor of any other construction that would not disgrace a man in any justice’s court in the land. [Applause.] But, fellow-citizens, we are now told that there is some division in the Democratic party. Even in New Jersey, it is said, there are some men who think that the Cincinnati platform meant exactly what Mr. Buchanan and Mr Breckinridge in 1856 said it did not mean. Gentlemen have the right to change their opinions. In this country,-iinthIs enlightened age, it is the duty of every gentleman when he changes his opinion to avow it. When a man is satisfied that he has been in error, I respect him for changing his opinion. But for men who, declaring that they stand where they stood in 1856, avow themselves in favor of a slave-code in the Territories, I have no respect not a particle [applause.:] they are entitled to none. Either they are stupid or else they are not trut~hful. [Cheers.] In 1854 Congress passed what is known as the Kansas-Nebraska bill. What is that bill? As you know, great excitement was produced in the Northern part of this country by the passage of that bill. Many men honestly believed that, in that measure, it was the purpose of the Democratic party to break down every barrier and to establish slavery in all the Territories of the United States. That charge was denied by the Democratic party. But we were overwhelmed at the North; our opponents swept districts, States, everything from ben eath our feet. Still, in that Kansas-Nebraska bill, we had onlv asserted the same doctrine to which Whigs and Democrats were pledged in 1852 and which was ratified by the action of Congress in 1853, It is true we repealed the I 0 4 I -0 il -.4

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4 tion by Congress with slavery in the States and Territo ries!” [Gre at applause.] ,But, fellow-citizens,. I know not how it may be with you, Mbut my belief is,th that the twent y mi llions of people residing in the Northern States have discussed this question of slavery quite long enough; that ther e are other great int erests to which they ought to look. What a spectacle does your country present to-day h For t he last four years, under the Ad ministration of James Bucha nan, you have been discussin g and agita ting the questrtion o f slavery. What position does your comme r ce o ccu py? What i s the state of the national f in ance s?. Duri ng this Administration your Government, in a time of profound peace, has contracted de bts at the rat e of $20,000,000 per annom. This Administration, di scussing the negro question, has involve d us in a debt of nearly o100,000,000. Is it n ot time tha t w e should say to Congress, distinrctly, emphat i cally, that we mean to banish this slave ry qu estion to the Territories, where it belongs, an d we in te nd to turn our attention to othe r great int erests, that concern the prosperity of the country? Now, I suppose there are none of us who are not satisfied that, on the subject of the tariff, th ere ough t to be mater ial c han ges. How is it 9 The collectors of your ports a re becoming rich; your Government is becoming poor. Is it not time that we should establish ar honme-d valuation upon every art icle that is brought into th e country, so th at we may prevent fraud? Is it not time th at we should discuss and investigate whether, upon many articles, it is not our wise and just policy to-day to levy specific duties, t o th e end that honest revenue may be collected, and that we may h ave the great interests of th e country protected? [Applause.] These important interests cannot receive proper attention so l on g as this eternal negro question is before Congress. If either the Republi can p arty or the p arty supporting Mr.

Breckin id ge succee d-the one s eeki ng t o pr ohibit slavery, the other to establish or protect it-you will not be able to give y our attention to anything e ls e than this agitating question. Why was it that the last Congress did not effect any modification of our-present tariff? They saw that we were falling in debt every year, the (eov-er nment itnot ollecdting revenue as it ought, yet no remedy avsLs provided, Why? Was not the tariff bill deferred, that they might d is cuss this que stion of s lavery in the Territories? Are you not, then, rea dy to repudiate an y party th at will longer press upon your consideration this question of slavery, to the exclusion of all others? In my judgment it is our duty to endeavor to banish this sub)ject forever from the halls of Congress. Let us turn our attention to other and more worthy ob~jects. Fellow-citizens, I might trace the course of Mr. Breckinridge from 1850 down to the present time, and show that whenever he has spoken upon this subject, hle has always stood upon the same ground that was occupied by him and Mr.

Buchanan in 1856. In 1850, Mr. Breckinridge offered in the Kentucky Legislature, of which he was then a member, a resolution declaring that Cengress had not the power either to establish or prohibit slavery in the Territories, that that right belonged to the people of those Territories.

In 1854, while the Kansas and Nebraska bill was under consideration in the HGouse of Representatives, Mr. Breckinridge declared that he would vote for no law to establish ilavery, because that involved the power to prohibit slavery; that he was opposed to either establishment or prohibition. In 1856, Mr. Douglas and Mr. Breckiiridge spoke from the same stand, at Tippecanoe, Indiana, and they both took the same ground; they advocated the same doctrine; they gave the same construction to the Cincinnati platform. [Cheers.] And now those gentlemen who advocate the election of Mr. Breckinridge have the effrontery to come forward and say that neither he nor they have changed their position. But they say they are only for’prolect’)?,y” slavery. What do they mean by “protection?” I do not suppose that there is a State in this U-nion, that has a law establishihng slavery. Those States that desire to have the-institution of slavery within their limits, pass laws to protect it-mere municipal laws, police regulations; and when they do that, they establish slavery. Mr.

Breckinridge now says he is only in favor of ” protecting” and is opposed to “establishing” it. What is “protecting,” but establishing?” Do not deal with us in this double sense. Deal with us as if we were men-as if we were your equals in manhood, in honor, and in intellect. We are not to be deceived and cheated by this quibble; for it is nothing more, nothing less. [Applause.] Then, fellow-citizens, the party to which I belong is, not only as to nomination, but as to principle, standing under the time-honored flag that has been borne by the Democratic party. There we intend to stand, and fight all opponents, I care not by what name they may call themselves. The difference between the Republican party, and the party to which Mr. Breckinridge belongs is this: They are both in favor of intervention. Mr. Lincoln says: “We will intervene to prohibit slavery in the Territories;”?MPr. Breckinridge says:,,We will intervene to protect slavery in the Territories.” -The ]Democratic party, standing by its time-honored doctrines and usages, says to each of them, ” Stand oiff!

Noninterven 6 ‘k

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5 Why is it that we see so much in the public press in regard to the mail to California?the California Senators permitted their mailbill to be deferred, and finally lost, by consenting to take up Mr. Davis’

resolutionsresolutions contemplating no practical legislation, but merely involving the discussion of this eternal negro question. [Applause.] I ask you again, whether we shall not best consult our material interests by banishing this question from Congress, and referring it to the people of the Territories? [“Yes! yes!” and great applause.] And, fellow-citizens, why shall we not thus refer it? In so doing are we not carrying out the great doctrine that Underlies our institutions? For what did you fight your RIevolution? Was it not for the right to regulate your domestic affairs for yourselves t If you resisted the British Government because of its interference in regard to your internal concerns, ought you to attempt to impose your legislation upon the Territories? Why are not the people of the Territories ca pable of taking care of these questions for themselves?

The inhabitants of the Territories go from the State of New Jersey, from Pennsylvania, from New York, from all of our States. They are your friends, your kindred, your sons, your brothers, “bone of your boae, and flesh of your flesh.” While they remain here in your State, they are ca pable of exercising the elective franchise, of enjoying all the rights of suffrage. They vote for members of the Legislature; they become members themselves; in their legis lative capacity they determine what is for the interest of New Jersey. Why is it that these men, who are your equals, while they remain in this State, are not capable of taking care of themselves and determining their own interests and necessities when they go into the Territories? [A voice, “they are.”] WVithin the State, they have the pan oply of manhood around them, its diadem is upon their brow; but the mioment they cross the Territorial lines and cease to be citizens of the State, you say you ought to legislate for them, you ought to determine whether they shall have slavery or shall not have slavery! The doctrine of the Democratic party is nonintervention by Congress with slavery in the District of Columbia, in the States, and in the Territories, leaving the people to dispose of the question for them selves. [Applause.] Fellow-citizens, is there any mode by which you can remove this agitating question from our national councils? If you adopt the Republican doctrine, you must keep it before Congress; if you adopt the Breckinridg m doctrine, you must keep it before C:omress. Your representatives will go on for fol:’ years more discussing the negro questiou, to the exclusion of important measures of l egislation demanded by the interests of the country. So far as regards any measures for advancing the national prosperity, you will be left precisely where you are. In the meantime your public debt will swell t ttwo or thr ee hundred millions of dollars-this you wil lt have to pay for enjoying the privilege of discussing this negro question! [Laughter and applause.] Between the position of Mr. Breckinridge and that of Mr. Lincoln, the great body of conservative men in this country can have no choice. Either position keeps the ques, tion before the Congress of the United States for discussion, making it a subject of unpro fitable discussion for years. The Democratic party proposes to trans’br this question from. the Congress of the United States to the Ter ritories. Let the people decide it one way or the other, as they please; let them change that decision whenever they please. It is their right; it ought to be their privilege. It is the best means of settling the question, and, in my judgment, the only mode by which you can ever administer this Govern ment in harmony and tranquility. I have spoken of the principles that divide the parties. I propose now to speak, for a short time, in reference to the candidates. In regard to the claims cf Mr.

Breekin ridge, I do not believe there are enough Breckilnridge men in th,is p,ut of the country to require from me much argument addressed to them. The great and powerful party here are the Republicans. It is with them the Democracy have to contend. Whom have they presented as their candidate for the Presidency? Have they put forward a tried statesmlan?

Have they presented a man who has won renown by brilliant achieve  mients on the battle-field? What great act has Mr. Lincoln pe-rfor-med? What great mleasure has lhe bioughfit forward? What legislation to advance the interests of the country has been consummated through his exertions? Let his admirers answer, if they can. Sixyears of my life I had the pleasure or the misfortune, (I do not know which it was,) [laughter,] to serve with Mr. Lincoln in the Illinois Legislature. During that period, what measure did he ever advocate that looked to the interest,s of the State? Why, fellow-citizens, he once got a law passed providing for bui iding a toll-brid,e across Salt River, [laughter,] ard I hope he wilt find it necessaryto geta s’t.estmboat wvithwhich torun up Salt lRiver.

[ILauighiter.] But I ask, as I have asked in Illinois, what act of his, what measure of his is there t hat may challenge our approbation or ~indicate his fitness for theproud position to which he aespires?9 What prominent place has he occupied? He was i I f i I i I i v I t

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two years a member of Congress. He and I I took seats in Congress together in 1847. What was his position there? What great measure did he bring forward or advocate? Let us review his history: On the Ed of January, 1848-after our ar my in Mexico had fought a series of victori ous battles, unparalleled in history, termi nating in their taking possession of the cap ital-Mr. Hudson, of Massachusetts, offered a resolution proposing to withdraw the army this side of the Rio Grande, and proposing further that the President should make peace with Mexico, surrendering all claim “to in demnity for the past and security for the fu ture.” For that proposition Mr. Lincoln voted, although in the State of Illinois, many of our families were clad in mourning for sons and brothers that had been lost in those bloody battles! Suppose his policy had prevailed, where would we have been to-day? Struggling as we were in 1840, with distress and disasters; for remember that since the acquisition of California, the gold that has been thrown into circulation from that source has amounted to over $800,000,000. Mr. Lincoln proposed to throw away that conquest, or that purchase, whatever it may be called, and to leave the land in the hands of Mexico, with those treasures to lie buried forever! Again, on a proposition offered by Mr. Ashmun, the president of the late Republican Convention, Air. Lincoln voted to declare that that war had been unconstitutionally and unnecessarily begun by the President of the United States. That is his record in reference to the war. True, his friends declare that he voted for supplies of men and money to carry on that war.

I have not examined the record; I shall not do so, for the reason that if he believed the war unconstitutional and unjust, he committed perjury whenever he voted for supplies of men and money to carry it on.

[Applause.] After these votes, Mr. Lincoln went home; and the district that by her valorous sons had contributed so largely to those conquests in Mexico, excused him from serving further in Congress. [Laughter.] There were some other propositions which Mr. Lincoln made while he was in Congress, and I propose to discuss them all. You need not be alarmed, it will not take me very long for his record is very short. [Laughter.] On one occasion, when he had this negrophobia upon him, he introduced a bill to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia. How do you suppose he intended to abolish it? Abolish it right out? No? Here is the District of Columbia, over which, as all agree, Congress has absolute jurisdiction yet Mr. Lincoln in his bill proposed to refer the question of abolition to the white voters in the District, If they voted “syes,“3 slavery should be ab oli she d; If the y vote d “no,” it should continue. Now, the Republicans tell you that you ought not t o trust this question of slavery t o the p eople of the Territories. They w ant to induce you to believe that the people will not decide it pro perly; yet Mr. Lincoln, b efore he became a candidate for the Presi denc y, th ought tha t in the District of Columbia the pe o ple ought to decide whether or not they would have slavery, [Applause. ] But he did not exactly propose to set the negroes free. By his bill, the President of the United States, the Secretary of State, and the Secretary of the Treasury were constituted appraisers. In each case, this’ body of appraisers were to set a value upon the negro; if the owner agreed to take the price named, they were to give him an order upon the treasury; and your money was to go to pay for that negro, who had, perhaps, served out the best of his life as a slave in the District of Columbia. [Laughter.] The doctrine of the Democratic party interposes, and says, “Hands off! Nonintervention by Congress with the subject of slavery!” Let us look at the question involved in this proposition, and see how the beauty of the Democratic doctrine of nonintervention is displayed in contrast with the doctrine thus propounded by Mr. Lincoln. Do you favor the idea that your money should go to buy the negroes in the District of Columbia? I am opposed to it. I do not want this Government to become a great negro-purchaser. In the section of country where I was reared, and which is now my home, the man who engages in the purchase and sale of negroes is considered degraded. In my judgment, the Government which engages in their purchase and sale is also degraded. We want nothing to do with slavery. Let the people, when they get tired of slavery, dispose of the question for themselves as you have done. Allow me to say here, that in regard to this doctrine of allowing the people to determine the question for themselves, we might court investigation from the Republican party. We might recall to their attention the fact that at the formation of our Constitution, every State in the Union except one was a slave State, yet, under the operation of this right of the people in the States to dispose of the question for themselves, one half of the original States have become free States. [Applause.] We want no Congressional prohibition upon the subject. But this bill of Mr. Lincoln’s may foreshadow something else. In his contest two years ago with Mr. Douglas, Mr. Lincoln declared: “In my opinion it [the slavery agitation] will not cease unxtil a crisis shald have been reached and passed. ~A house dtivided against itself 6 t 4 0 t

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17 I a of Representatives, as a Senator of the UTnited States. [Applause.

] Whatever emergency has arisen, he has shown ability and courage to meet it as a statesman ought. You find him entering the National House of Iepresentatives, and put ting at ease the heart of Andrew Jackson, because, in regard to declaring martial law at New OrIeans, Mr. Douglas placed Gen. Jack son’s defence upon the proper ground, permit tin-the old hero to go down to his grave with this painful subject removed from his thoughts. In the Senate of the United States it has been the fortune of Mr. Douglas to encounter our country’s brightest intellects; and, let me say, that, since the death of Cla.y and of Webster, he has stood in that Senate without a peer, and without an equal. [Great applause.] In his onward march, it has become neces sary for him to encounter at times the preju dices of his own constituents; it has become his duty to brave the opposition of Senates and Presidents. He has met them all with out shrinking, and in defence of the right has marched on, though Presidents frowned and Senates opposed. [Cheers.] In concluding these hasty remarks, fellow citizens, let me impress on your minds the fact that there is but one mode by which we can get rid of this vexatious and irritating slavery question, and that is by adopting the doctrine which is recognized by the Consti tution of the United States, of leaving the question to each separate organized commu nity to dispose of it for themselves, thus making the discussion local, not national. We oppose the one party of the South, and the other of the North, because they propose to make the question national. We desire to make it local, to leave it to the people in the Territories, in the States. and in the District of Columbia. This, it seems to me, is a ground upon which all conservative men can unitedly stand. Here let me say that, though Judge Douglas and myself have been warm, devoted friends for twenty-seven years, and though there is no man upon the earth whom I would rather see President than him, yet above his political advancement, I prize the peace and harmony of the country; and if we can succeed in banishing this agitation from the National Legislature, it is of minor conse quence how mere questions as to men are determined. I invoke you, then, you national men, you conservative men, you men who think it is your duty to transmit this Government with all its blessings to your children, bright and unimpaired as your fathers gave it to you, to,rally round this conservative doctrine, this conservative platform. Casting behind us all local and temporary considera mtions, it is our duty in this great emergency, cannot stand.’ I believe this Gove)‘nmont cannot endure p)ermanecntly half slave an half free. -i do not expect the Union to be dissolved. I do not expect the house to fall; but I do ex pect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other.” Now, we know perfectly well that slavery never will extend into New Jersey; we know it never will go into New England; we know it never will go into the North-west, so rap idly settling with energetic white men. It can find no foothold there, and no foothold here. What is the meaning, then, of Mr. Lincoln’s proposition? These Republicans will tell you “We only propose to prohibit slavery in the Territories.” But Mr.

Lin coln says that the States must become all free or all slave. Now, how is he going to bring that about? I know of but two ways in which he can accomplish it. He must e ither do it as J ohn B rown att empte d to do it-by violence, by force, by war or he must buy the slaves. I do not know of any other -Method. Now, I do not u nderstand the Rie pub lican party to be in favor, and I do not charge them with being in favor, of such raids as that of John Brown. If you are opposed to such proceedings, how is Mr.

Lincoln to carry out his views? What is the process? Are you in favor of purchasing the slaves by appropriations from the National treasury? I know of no other means by which the thing is to be accomplished. Are you -in favor of mortgaging the white men-you, your children, and your children’s children-to buy these negroes in the South ern States and to set them free? That is a question for you to determine; for, whenever you embark in that Quixotic enterprise, you do mortgage the white man that the negro may become free. I repeat again, the great doctrine of the Democratic party is nonintervention; let the people do as they please.

,.[Cheers.] I have exhibited to you the career and the principles of Mr.

Li.neoln. De you propose to commit this great Government, with all its proud memories, with all its bright hopes, into such hands as his? Reflect upon the solemn duty that is imposed on you. Oh! do not commit this Government, the only perfect one upon earth, into such dangerous lrnds-hands that are not able to manage the, Ship of State. [Applause.]

After t hus glancing at sr. L incoln, w h at man is there in this country, standing with the regular Democratic organization, who cannot turn with pride to his candidate? [Loud cheers.] Trace Judge Douglas from his boyhood up. Mark his political career -as member of the State Legislature, as Secretary of State, as Judge of the Court of Appeals, as member of the National House -b ik I i .A ‘k I i’l !V 41 h 41 )L At 4 li 4 , I I I ‘, I”ki i, I” i I I ‘t -4

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then the 1peace of the eo06ttry ia’ a18eeda when oar institutions are in dar.nger, to forget men, to look only at great principles.

Fellow-citizens, this Government ig all the heritage that I received from my fathlcr; it is the onlly patr-i-ony that I expect to transmTit to my children. I would rather give it to my boys as my father gave it to me, withB every avenue to fortune and to honor open, than bestow upon them all the mines of California. Hence it is that I would rise above every mere consideration as to men, if we can unite upon a great principle-a principle which will secure peace and harmony in this Government. When such an issue is involved: men sink into insignificance and are utterly lost. [Applause. ] I am going, fellow-citizens, in a few days, to my home in the North-west. I expect to enter actively into the battle there. I shall stand beneath that Democratic flag under which I have stood from boyhood’s hoeur up to this time. [Applause.] I expect to deal some hard blows at the Republicans, and I expect to receive some blows in retiurn. I do not anticipate that I shall be obliged there to talk against Mr.

Breckinridge; for there are not enough Breck Inr’dge men1 thlie to make mlle-posts along the public highways. [Laughter.] Whatever doctrines may have obtained, whatever heresies may have sprung up, those people of the North-west are not in favor of making this Governme nt a g re at est ablishment to propagate slavery, and to do nothi ng else. But I expect to fight the doctrines of the Republicans, which, in my ijudgment, are equally dangerous to the peace of the country. I shall oppose those doctrines with all my power, and wherever the opportunity may offer. I shall endeavor to persuade the members of the Republican organization to abandon their position and to stand by the rights of the people -of the Territories; to preserve our institutions as our fathers gave them to us, and to leave this Government, when we go hence, standing like the angel in Revelation, with one fbot upon the land and the other upon the sea, with her counteeance beaming upon the sons and daughters of the nation and invoking the down-trodden and oppressed of every clime to comne here and be free. (The speaker retired amid enthusiastic, long-continued cheering,) Ringewalt & Brown, Printers, Phila. 8 le

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