View of the Present State of Ireland pt3
Author: Unknown
Date: 0101-01-01T00:00:00+00:00

View of the Present State of IrelandReturn to Part Two.

A View of the Present State of Ireland, Part Three Edmund Spenser

Note on the Renascence Editions text:

This html etext of A Veue of the present state of Ireland [1596] was prepared from the text found in Grosart [1894] and checked with Renwick’s edition of the Rawlinson MS [Scholartis, 1934] by Richard Bear at the University of Oregon. This edition is copyright Š The University of Oregon, January, 1997. It is made available for nonprofit uses only.

Please refer additions, corrections, or comments to rbear@oregon.uoregon.edu.

Eudox: Thus farre then you have now proceeded to plant your garrisons, and to direct their services; of the which nevertheles I must needes conceive that there cannott be any certayne direction sett downe, so that they must followe the occasions which shalbe [daylie] offred, and diligently awayted. But, by your leave Iren., notwithstandinge all this your carefull fore-sight and provision, me thinkes I see an evill lurk unspied, that may chaunce to hazard all the hope of this great service, if it be not verie well looked unto; and that is, the corruption of their captaynes: for though they be placed never so carefully, and their companyes filled never so sufficiently, yet may they (if they list) discarde when they please, and sende away suche as will willingly be ridd of that daungerous and harde service; the which well I wott, is their comon custome to doe, when they are laide in garrison, for then they may better hide their defaultes, then when they are in campe, where they are contynually eyed and noted of all men. Besides, when their pay commeth, they will (as they use) detayne the greatest porcons thereof at their pleasure, by an hundred shiftes that neede not here be named, thorough which they oftentymes deceyve the souldior, abuse the Queene, and greatly hinder the service. So that lett the Queene pay never so fully, the muster-master view them never so diligently, lett the deputie or generall looke never so exactly, yet they can cozen them all.

Therefore meseemes it were good, yf at least it be possible, to make some provision for this inconvenience.

Iren: It will surely be very harde; but the cheifest helpe for prevencon hereof must be the care of the coronell that hath the goverment of all his garison, to have an eye to their alteracon, to knowe the nomber and names of the sick souldiors, and the slayne, to marke and observe their rankes in their dayly risinge forthe to service, by which he cannot easely bee abused, so that he him self be a man of speciall assuraunce and integritie. And therefore good regarde is to be had in the chosinge and appoynting of them. Besides, I would not by any meanes that the captaynes should have the payeinge of their souldiors, but that there shoulde a paymaster be appoynted, of speciall trust, which should pay every man accordinge to his captaynes tickett, and the accompt of the clarke of his bande: for by this meanes the captayne will never seeke to falsify his alteracons, nor to dyminishe his companyes, nor to deceyve his souldiors, when nothinge thereof shalbe for his gayne. This is the manner of the Spanyardes captaynes, who never hath to meddle with his souldiors pay, and indeede scorneth the name as base, to be counted his souldiors pugadore; whereas the contrary amongest us hath brought thinges to so bad a passe, that there is no captayne, but thinkes his band very sufficient, yf he can muster iiixx [three score], and sticks not to say openly, that he is unworthie to have a captayneship, that cannot make it ccccli by the yere, the which they right well verifie by the proofe.

Eudox: Truly I thinke this is a verie good meane to avoide that inconvenience of captaynes abusions. But what say you of the coronell?

what authoritie thinke you meete to be gyven him? whether will you allow him to protect, to saufe conduct, [and] to have marshall lawe as they are accustomed?

Iren: Yea verely, but all theis to be lymited with verie straight instructions. As thus for protections, that hee shall have authority after the first proclamation, for the space of twentie dayes, to protect all that shall come unto them, and then to sende us to the Lord Deputie, with their sauf conduct or passe, to be at his disposicon; but so as none of them turne back agayne, beinge once comen, but be presently sent away out of the countrie, unto the next shereff, and so conveyed in sauftie. And likewise for marshall lawes, that to the souldior it be not extended, but by triall formerly made of his cryme, by a Jury of his fellowe souldiors as it ought to be, and not rashly, at the will or displeasure of the coronell, as I have sometyme seene to lightly. And as for other of the rebells that shall light into their handes, that they be well aware of what condicon they be, and what holding they have. For, in the last generall warres there, I knewe many good freeholders executed by marshall lawe, whose land was thereby saved to their heires, which should otherwise have escheated to her Majestie. In all which, the greate discretion and uprightnes of the cornell him self is to be the chiefest stay bothe of all theis doubtes, and for many other difficulties that may in the service happen.

Eudox: Your causion is verie good; but now towchinge the arche-Rebell him self, I meane the Earle of Tyrone, if he, in al the tyme of theis warrs, should offer to come in and submytt him self to her Majestie, woulde you not have him recyved, gyvinge good hostages, and sufficient assurance of him self?

Iren: No, marry; for there is no doubt, but he will offer to come in, as he hath done dyvers tymes alreadie, but it is without any intent of true submission, as the effect hath well showed; neither indeede can he now, if he woulde, come in at all, nor gyve that assurance of him self that shoulde be meete, for being, as he is, very subtill headed, seinge him self now so farr engaged in this bad action, can you thinke that by his submission he can purchase to him self any sauftie, but that hereafter, when thinges shalbe quieted, theis his villanyes wilbe ever remembered?

and whensoever he shall treade awry (as needes the most righteous must some tymes) advantage wilbe taken thereof, as a breache of his pardon, and he brought to a reconinge for all former matters: besides, how harde it is for him now to frame him selfe to subjection, that havinge once sett before his eyes the hope of a kingdome, hath therunto founde not onely encoragement from the greatest Kinge of Christendome, but also founde great fayntnes in her Majesties withstandinge [him], whereby he is animated to thinke that his power is to defende him, and offende further then he had done, when so ever he please, lett every reasonable man judge. But yf he him selfe should come in, and leave all other his accomplices without, as Adonel, Macmahon, Mackuyre, and the rest, he must needes thinke that then, even they will eare longe cut his throate, which having drawen them all into this occasion, now in the mydest of their trouble gyveth them the slipp; wherby he must needes perceyve how impossible it is for him to submytt himselfe. But yet if he woulde so doe, can he gyve any assurance of his good obedience? For how weake holde there is by hostages, hath to often been proved, and that which is spoken of takinge Shan Oneales sonnes from him, and setting them up against him, is a very perilous councell, and not by any meanes to be put in proof; for were they lett forth and coulde overthrowe them, or what assurance can be had of them? It wilbe like the tale in Ćsope of the wild horse, who, havinge enmytie against the Stagg, came to a man to desire his aide against his enemye, who yeilding therunto mounted upon his back, and so following the Stagg ere long slew him, but then when the horse woulde have him alight, he refused, but kept him ever after in his service and subjection. Suche, I doubt woulde be the prose of Shane Oneales sonnes. Therefore it is most daungerous to attempt any suche plott, for even that very manner of plott, was the meanes by which this traytorous Earle is now made great: for when as the last Oneale, called Turlagh Lenagh, began to stand upon some ticle termes, this fellow, then called Baron of Dungannon, was sett up (as it were) to beard him, and countenaunced and strenghened by the Queene so farr, as that he is now hable to kepe her self play: muche like unto a gamester which havinge lost all, borroweth of his next fellowe gamester that is the most wynner, somewhat to maynetayne play, which he, fetting unto him agayne, shortly therby wynneth all from the wynner.

Eudox: Was this rebell then sett up at first by the Quene (as you saie), and now become so unduetifull?

Iren: He was I assure you the [most] outcast of all the Oneales then, and lifted up by her Majestie out of the dust, to that he hath now wrought him selfe unto; and now he playeth like the frozen snake, who beinge for compassion relieved by the husbandman, soone after he was warme began to hisse, and threaten danger even to him and his.

Eudox: He surely then deserveth the ponishment of the snake, and shoulde worthely be hewed to peeces. But yf you like not the setting Shane Oneales sonnes against him, what say you then to that advise which I hearde was gyven by some, to drawe in the Scotts, to serve against him?

how like you that advise?

Iren: Much worse then the former; for who that is experienced in those partes and knoweth not that the Oneales are neerely alied unto the Mac Oneales of Scotland, and to the Earle of Argill, from whom they use to have all ther succors of those Scottes and Redshanks? Besides, all these Scottes are, through long continuance, intermingled and alied to all the inhabitants of the North; so as ther is no hope they will ever be wrought to serve faithfully against ther ould frends and kinsmen; And if they would, how when the warrs are finished and they have over throwen him, shall they themselves be put out? Do not all know, that the Scotts were the first inhabitants of all the North, and that those which are now called North Irish were indede very Scotts, which challing the ancient inheritance and dominion of that country to be their owne anciently. This were then but to leape out of the pan into the fier; for the chiefest caveat and provision in the reformacon of the North must be to keepe out the Scotts.

Eudox: Indede, I remember that in your discours of the first peopling of Ireland, you shewed that the Scithian or Scotts were the first that sat downe in the North, wherby it semes they may challeng some right therin.

How comes it then that Oneale claimes the dominion therof, and this Earle of Tirone saith the right is in him? I pray you resolve me herin; for it is very needefull to be knowne, and maketh most unto the right of the war against him, whos successe useth commonly to be according to the justnes of the caus, for which it is made: for if Tiron have any right in that Seignory me seemes it should be wrong to thrust him out: or if (as I remember you sayd in the beginning) that Oneale, when he acknowleged the King of England for his liege Lord and Soveraigne did, as he allegeth, reserve in the same commission all his seigniories and rights unto him self, it should be accoumpted unjust to thrust him out of the same?

Iren: For the right of Onele in the Seigniory of the North, it is surely none at all: for besides that the Kings of England conquered all the realme, and therby invested all the right of that land to themselves and ther heires and successours for ever, so as nothing was left in Onele but what he received back from them, Onele himself never had any auncient Seigniory in that country, but what by usurpation and incrochment, after the death of the Duke of Clarence, he got upon the English, whos lands and possessions being formerly wasted by the Scotts, under the leading of Edward le Bruce, as I formerly declared unto you, he eftesones entred into, and sithence hath wrongfully detayned, through the others occupations and greate affaires which the Kings of England sone after fell into here at home, so as they could not intend to the recovery of that country of the North, nor restrayning the insolency of Oneale; who, finding none now to withstand him in that desolation, made himself Lord of thos few poeple that remained there, upon whom ever sithence he hath contenewed the first usurped power, and nowe exacteth and extorteth upon all men what he list: soe that nowe to subdue or expell an usurper, should be no unjust enterprize nor wrongfull war, but a restitution of an auncient right unto the croune of England, from whence they were most unjustly expelled and long kept out.

Eudox: I am very glad herein to be thus satisfyed by you, that I may the better satisfy them whom I have often heard to obiect these doubts, and slaunderously to barck at the courses that are held against that traiterous Earle and his adherence. But now that you [have] thus settled your service for Ulster and Connaught, I would be glad to heare your opinion for the prosecuting of Feagh McHugh, who being but a base villaine, and of himself of no power, yet so continually troubleth that state, notwithstanding that he lyeth under ther nose, that I disdaine his bould arrogancy, and thinck it to be the greatest indignity to the Quene that may be, to suffer such a caytiffe play such reakes, and by his ensample not onely to give hart and incoragement to all such bold rebells, but also to yeild the succor and refuge against her Majestie, whensoever they fly into his Comerick: wherfore I would first wish, befoore you enter into your plot of service against him, that you should lay open by what means he, being so base, first lifted him self up to this dangerous greatnesse and how he mayteyneth his part against the Quene and her power, notwithstanding all that hath bin don and attempted ageinst him. And whether also hee have any pretence of right in the lands he houldeth, or in the warrs that he maketh for the same?

Iren: I will so, at your pleasure, and since you desire to know his beginning, I will not only discover the beginning of his private house, but also the originall of all his Sept of the Birnes and Tooles, so far as I have learned the same from some of them selves, and gathered the rest by reading: This poeple of the Birnes and Tooles (as before I shewed you my conjecture) discended from the auncient Britons, which first inhabited all those eastern parts of Ireland, as ther names do betoken; for Brin in the Britons language signifieth wooddy, and Toll hilly, which names, it semeth, they tooke of the country which they inhabited, which is all very mountaine and wooddy. In the which it semeth that ever sithence the comming in of the English with Dermonigile, they have continewed: Whether that ther country being so rude and mountaynous was of them despised, and thought [un]woorthy the inhabiting, or that they were receaved to grace by them, and suffred to injoy ther lands as unfit for any other, yet it semeth that in some places of the same, they did put foote, and fortifyed with sundry castles, of which the ruins there do only now remayne, since which time they are growne to that strength, that they are able to lift up hand against all the estate; and now lately, through the boldnesse and late good successe of this Feagh Mc Hugh, they are so far imboldned, that they threaten perill even to Dublin, over whos neck they continewally hang. But touching your demand of these Feaghs right unto that countrey, or the seignory which he claimes therin, it is most vaine and arrogant.

For this you cannot be ignorant of, that it was part of that which was given in inheritance by Dermot McMurrogh, Kinge of Leinster, to Strangbow with his daughter, and which Strangbow gave over to the King and his heires, so as the right is absolutely now in her Majestie; and if it were not, yet could it not be in this Feagh, but in Obrin, which is the auncient Lord of all that countrey; for he and his auncestours were but followers unto O Brin, and his grandfather, Shane Mac Turlogh, was a man of meanest regard among them, neither having wealth nor power.

But his sonn Hugh Mac Shane, the father of this Feagh, first began to lift up his head, and through the strength and great fatnesse of Glan-Malor, which adioyneth unto his house of Ballenecan, drew unto him many theeves and outlawes, which fled unto the succor of the glenn, as to a Sanctuary, and brought unto him part of the spoyle of all the country, through which he grew strong, and in short space getting to him self a great name therby amongest the Irish, in whos footing this his sonn continewing hath, through many unhappy occasions, increased his name, and the opinion of his greatnesse, so that now he is become a dangerous enemy to deale withall.

Eudox: Sure, I commend him, that being of him self of so bace as condicon, hath through his owne hardenesse lifted himself to the height that he now dare front princes, and make tearmes with great potentates; the which as it is honorable to him, so it is to them most dsgracefull, to be bearded of such a base varlet, that being of late growne out of the dunghill beginneth now to overcrow so high mountaines, and make him self great protector of all outlawes and rebells that will repayre unto him. But do you thincke that he is now so dangerous an enemy as he is counted, or that it is so hard to take him doune as some suppose?

Iren: No verelye, there is no great reckoninge to bee made of him; for hadd he ever beene taken in hand, when the rest of the Realme, or at least the parts adjoyninge, hadd beene quiet, as the honorable gentleman that nowe governeth there, I meane Sir Willyam Russell, gave a notable attempte thereunto, and hadd worthylie performed yt, yf his course hadd not bene crossed unhappelye, he could not have stood thre moneths, nor ever have looked up against a very meane power: but now all the parts about him being up in a madding moode, as the Mores in Lease, the Cavanaghes in the county of Wexford, and some of the Butlers in the county of Kilkenny, they all flock unto him, and draw unto his country, as to a strong hould where they thinck to be safe from all that prosecute them: And from thence they do at ther pleasures breake out into all the borders adjoyning, which are well poepled countries, as the countys of Dublin, of Kildare, of Carlough, of Kilkenny, of Wexford, with the spoyles whereof they victell and strengthen them selves, which should in short time be starved, and sore pined; so that what he is of him self you may hereby perceive.

Eudox: Then, by so much as I gather out of your speach, the next way to end the warrs with him, and to roote him quite out, should be to keepe him from invading of thos countries adjoyning, which as I suppose, is to be donn, by drawing all the inhabitants of thos next borders away, and leaving them utterly wast, or by planting garisons upon all thos frontieres about him, that, when he shall breake forth, may set upon him and shorten his retourn.

Iren: You conceive very rightly, Eudox., but for the dispoepling and driving away all the inhabitants from the countries about him, which ye speake of, should be great confusion and trouble, aswell for the unwillingnesse of them to leave ther possessopns, as also for placing and providing for them in other countries, me seemes, the better course should be by planting of garrisons about him, the which, when soever he shall looke forth, or be drawne out with desire of the spoyle of thos borders, or for necessity of victuall, shall be alwayes ready to intercept his going or comming.

Eudox: Where then do you wish these garrisons to be planted, that they may serve best against him; and how many in every garison?

Iren: I my self, by reason that, as I told you, I am no marsiall man, I will not take upon me to direct so dangerous affaires, but only as I understand by the purposes and plotts, which the Lord Grey who was well experienced in that service, against him did lay doune: to the performance whereof he only required a 1000. men to be layd in 4.

garrisons: that is, at Ballincore, 200 footemen and 50. hors, which should shut him out of his great glenn, whereto he so much trusteth; at Knocklough 200. footemen and 50. hors, to answer the county of Carlo; at Arclo or Wicklo 200 footemen and 50 horsemen, to defend all that side towards the sea; in Shelalagh 100 footemen which should cut him from the Cavernaghes, and the county of Wexford; and about the 3 castles 50.

horsmen, which should defend all the county of Dublin; and 100 footemen at Talbotts toune, which should keepe him from breaking into the county of Kildare, and be alwayes on his neck on that side: the which garrisons, so lade, will so busy him, that he shall never rest at home, nor stirr forth abrode but he shall be had; as for his Creete they can not be above ground, but they must needes fall into ther hands or sterve, for he hath no fastnesse nor refuge for them, or his partakers of the Mores, Butlers, and Cavanaghes. They will sone leave him, when they see his fastnesse and strong places thus taken from him.

Eudox: Surely this semeth a plot of great reason, and small difficulty, which promiseth hope of a short end. But what speciall directions will you set doune for the services and risings out of thes garrisons?

Iren: None other than the present occasions shall minister unto them, and as by good spialls, whereof ther they cannot want store, they shall be drawne coninually upon him, so as one of them shall be stil upon him, and sometimes all at one instant bayte him. And this I assure my self, will demand no long time, but will be all finished in the space of one yere; which how small a thing it is, unto the eternall quietnesse which shal therby be purchased to the realme, and the great good which should grow to her Majestie, should me thinck readily draw on her Highnesse to the undertaking of the enterprise.

Eudox: You have very well me semes, Irenius, plotted a course for the atcheiving of thes warrs now in Ireland, which seme to ask no long time, nor great charg, so as th’effecting thereof be committed to men of some trust, and some experience, aswell in the sayd country as in the manner of thos services; for if it be left in the hands of such raw captaines as are usually sent out of England, being thereto preferred only by frendship, and not chosen by sifficiensy, it will sone fall to the ground.

Iren: Therfore it were meete me thincks that such captaines onely were hereto imployed, as have fomerly served in that country, and bin at least lieftenants unto other captaines there. For otherwise, being brought and transferred from other services abroade, as in France, in Spaine, and in the Low-countries, though they be of good experience in those, and have never so well deserved, yet in these they will be new to seeke, and, before they have gathered experience, they shall buy it with great losse to her Majestie, either by hazarding of ther companies, through ignorance of the places, and manner of the Irish services, or by losing a great part of the time which is required hereunto, being but short, in which it might be finished, before they have almost taken out a new lesson, or can tell what is to be donn.

Eudox: You are no good frend to new captaines it semes, Irenius, that you bar them from the credit of this service: but to say truth, me thincks it were mete, that any one, before he come to be a captaine, should have bin a soldier; for, Parere qui nescit, nescit imperare. And besides, ther is great wrong done to the ould soldier, who from all means of advancement ( which is due unto him) is cut of, by shuffling in thes new cutting captaines into ther places, for which he hath long served, and perhaps better deserved. But now thos that have thus as I suppose finished all the war, and brought all things to that low eb which you speake [of], what course will you take for the bringing in of that reformation which you intend, and recovering all thinges from this dissolute estate, in which mee thincks I behould them now left, unto that perfect establishment and new commonwealth which you have conceived, of which so great good may redoune to her Majestie, and an assured peace be confirmed? for that is that wherunto we are now to looke, and do greatly long for, being long since made weary with the huge charg which you have lade upon us, and with the strong indurance of so many complaints, so many delayes, so many doubts and dangers, as will hereof I know well, arise: unto the which before you come, it were mete me thincks that you should take some order for the souldier, which is now first to be discharged and disposed of, some way; the which if you do not well fore-see, may grow to a great inconvenience, as all this that we suppose you have quit us from, by the loose leaving of so many thousand souldiers, which from hence forth will be unfit for any labor or other trade, but must either seke service and imployment abroade, which may be dangerous, or ells will perhaps imploy them selves here at home, as may bee discomodious.

Iren: You say very true; and it is a thing much misliked in this our commonwealth that no better cours is taken for such as have bin imployed once in service, but that retourning, whether maymed, and so unable to labor, or otherwise, though hole and sound, yet afterward unwilling to worke, or rather willing to make worke for the hang-man.

But that nedeth an other consideration; but to this that we have now in hand, it is far from my meaning to leave the souldier so at randome, or to leave that wast realme so weake and destitute of strength, which may both defend it against others that might seke to set upon it, and also kepe it from that relaps which I before did forecast. For it is one speciall good of this plot which I would devise, that six thousand souldiers of those whom I have now imployed in that service, and made throughly acquainted both with the state of the country, and manners of the people, should henceforth be still continewed, and for ever mayntayned of the country, without any charg to her Majestie; and the rest that either are ould, and unable to serve longer, or willing to fall to thrifte, (as I have sene many souldiers after ther service to prove very good husbands,) should bee placed in parts of the lands by them woonn, at such rate, or rather better then others, to whom the same shall be let.

Eudox: Is it possible Irenius? can ther be any such means devised that so many men should be kept still for her Majesties service without any charg to her Majestie at all? Surely this were an exceeding great good, both to her Heighnesse to have so many ould souldiers alwayes ready at call, to what purpose soever she list to imploy them, and also to have that land therby so strengthned, that it shall neither feare any forreigne invasion, nor practise, which the Irish shall ever attempt, but shall kepe them under in continewall awe and firme obedience.

Iren: It is so indeede. And yet this truly I do not take to be any matter of great difficulty, as I thinck it will also sone appere unto you. And first we will speake of the North part, for that the same is of most weight and importance. So sone as it shall appere that the enemy is brought doune, and the stoute rebell either cut of, or driven to that wretchednesse that he is no longer able to hould up hand, but will come into any condicions, which I assure my self will be before the end of the second Winter, I wish that there be a generall proclamation made, that whatsoever outlawes will frely come in, and submit themselves to her Majesties mercy, shall have liberty so to do, where they shall either find that grace they desier, or retourn againe in safety: upon which it is likely that so many as survive, will come in to sue for grace, of which who so are thought mete for subjection, and fit to be brought to good, may be receaved, or ells all of them, for I thinck that all will be but a very few; upon condicon and assurance that they will submit themselves absolutely to her Majesties ordinance for them, by which they shall be assured of life and liberty, and be onely tied to such condicons as shall bee thought by her mete for contayning them ever after in due obedience. To the which condicons I nothing doubt but that they will all most readily, and upon ther knees submit them selves, by the proofe of that which I saw in Mounster. For upon the like proclamation ther, they all came in tagge and ragge, and when as afterwards many of them were denyed to be received, they bad them doe with them what wolde, for they would not by noe meanes retorne, nor goe forth. For in that case who will not accept almost of any conditions, rather then dye of hunger and miserye?

Eudox: It is very likely so. But what then is the ordinance, and what be the condicions which you will purpose unto them, that shall reserve unto them an assurance of lyfe and libertie?

Iren: Soe soone as they have given the best assurance of them selves which may be required, which must bee I suppose some of their principall men to remaine in hostage one of another, and some other for the rest, for other suretye I reckon of none that may bynde them, neyther of wyfe, neyther of children, synce then perhappes thay wold gladly be rydd of both from the famine; I would have them first unarmed utterly, and stript quite of all there warlike weapons, and then, these conditions sett downe and made knowne unto them; that thay shalbe brought and removed with such creete as they have, into Lympster, wher thay shalbe placed, and have land given them to occupy and to lyve uppon, in such sorte as shalbecome good subjectes, to labour thenceforth for there lyvinge, and to apply them selves unto honest trades of Civility as thay shall everye one be founde meete and able for.

Eudox: Where then, a Gods name, will you place them in Lynster? or will you finde out any new land ther for them that is yet unknowen?

Iren: Noe, I will place them in all the country of the Birnes and Tooles, which Feagh McHugh hath, and in all the landes of the Cavanaghes, which are now in rebellion, and all the landes which will fall to hir Majestie thereaboute, which I knowe to be very spacious and large yeanough to contayne them, being very nere twenty or thirty myles wide.

Eudox: But what then will ye doe with all the Birnes, the Tooles, and the Cavanaghes, and all those that now are joined with them?

Iren: At the same very tyme, and in the same manner that I make that proclamation to them of Ulster, will I alsoe have yt made to these; and uppon ther submission therunto, I will take lyke assurance of them as of thother. After which I will translate all that remaine of them unto the places of the other in Ulster, with there Creete, and what els they have left them, the which I will cause to be devided amongest them in some meete sorte, as each may therby have somewhat to sustayne him selfe a while withall, untill, by his further travell and labor of the yearth, he shalbe able to provide himselfe better.

Eudox: But will you then give the lande frely unto them, and make them heires of the former Rebells? soe may you perhapps make the heires also of their former villanies and disorders; or how els will you dyspose of them?

Iren: Not so; but all the landes I will give unto Englishmene whom I will have drawne thither, whoe shall have the same with such estates as shalbe thought meete, and for such rente as shal eftsones bee rated: under every of those English men will I place some of those Irish to be the tennantes for a certayne rent, accordinge to the quantyty of such lande as every man shall have allotted unto him, and shalbe founde able to meete, wherin this speial regard shalbe hadd, that in noe place under any lande lorde there shall remaine of them planted together, but dyspersed wide frome there acquaintances, and scattered far abroad thorough all the country: for that is the evill which I nowe fynde in all Irelande, that the Irish dwell altogether by there septes, and severall nacions, so as they may practise or conspire what they will; wheras if there were English shedd amongest them and placed over them, thay should not bee able once to styrr or murmur, but that yt should be knowne, and thay shortned accordynge to there demerite.

Eudox: Ye have good reason; but what rating of rentes meane you? to what end doe you purpose the same?

Iren: My purpose is to rate the rente of all those landes of her Majestie in such sorte, unto those English men as shall take them, as thay may be well able to lyve thereuppon, yeiding hir Majestie a reasonable cheiferie, and also give a competent maintenance unto the garrisons, which shall ther be left amongest them; for these soldiors (as I told you) remayning of the former garrisons, I cast to mantaine uppon the rent of those landes which shalbe escheated, and to have them devided through all Ireland in such places as shalbe thought most convenient, and occasion may require. And this was the course of the Romaines observed in the conquest of England, for thay planted of ther legions in all places convenient, the which thay caused the country to mantayne, cuttinge uppon every porcion of land a reasonable rente, which they called Romestot, the which might nott surcharge the tennante or freholder, and defray the pay of the garrison: and this hath beene alwais observed in all princes in all countries to them newly subdued, to sett garrisons amongest them to contayne them in dutye whose burden they made them to beare; and the want of this ordinaunce in the first conquest of Ireland by Henry the Second, was the cause of soe shorte decay of that goverment, and the quicke recovery againe of the Irish.

Therfore by all meanes it is to be provided for. And this is it that I would blame, if it should not misbecom me, in the late plantying of Munster, that noe care was had of this ordinaunce, nor any strenth of a garrison provided for, by a certayn alowance out of all the sayd landes, but only the present profit loked unto, and the saf continewance thereof ever herafter neglected.

Eudox: But ther is a band of soldioures layed in Mounster, to the mayntenance of which, what odds is there whethere the Quene, receiving the rent of the countrye, doe give pay at hir pleasure, or that ther be a settled allowance appoynted unto them out of ther landes there?

Iren: There is great oddes, for nowe that sayd rent of the country is not usually applied to the pay of the soldyars, but it is, (every other occasion comming betwene,) converted to other uses, and the soldier in times of peace discharged and neglected as unnecessary; whereas if the sayd rent were appoynted and ordayned by an establishment to this end only, it should not bee turned to any other; nor in troublous times, upon every occasion, her Majestie be so trobled with sendinge over newe soldiers as she now is, nor the country ever should dare to mutine, having still the soldiar in ther necke, nor any forraine enymy dare to invade, knowinge ther so stronge a garrison allwais to receave him.

Eudox: Sith then you thinkee this Romescott of the pay of the soldier uppon the lande to be both the redyest way to the soldier, and lesse troblesome to hir Majestie, tell us, I pray you, how ye wold have the sayd landes rated, that both a rente may rise therout unto the Queene, and also the souldiours receive pay, which (me seemes) wilbe harde?

Iren: First, we are to consider how much lande there is in all Ulster, that according to the quantitye thereof we may cesse the sayd rente and alowance yssuing thereout. Ulster, as the auncient recordes of that realme doe testifie, doeth contayne Nine Thousand plough landes, every of which plowe landes contayneth six score acres, after the rate of xxi.

foot to every pearch of the sayd acre, which amounteth in the whole to xviij[000]l, besides 6s. 8d. chiefrie out of every plowland. But becuase the county of Louth, being a parte of Ulster, and contayning in yt vij. h. and xij. plowlandes, is not wholy to escheat unto her Majestie as the rest, thay having in all these warrs continewed for the most parte duetyfull, though otherwise a great parte therof is now under the rebels, ther is an abatement to be made out of iiij h. or v h. plowe landes, as I estimat the same, the which are not to pay the whole yearly rente of xl [vis. 8d.] out of every plow land, like as the escheated landes doe, but yet shall pay for ther composition of cesse towardes the maintenance of the soldier xxs. out of every plow lande: soe as ther is to be deducted out of the former some iij h. yearly, the which may neverthelesse be supplied by the rent of the fyshings, which are exceeding great in Ulster, and alsoe by an increase of rente in the best landes, and those that lye in the best places nere the sea-cost. The which xviii [thousand] pounds will defray the entertaynment of xv.

hundred soldyers, with some overplus toward the pay of the victualls which are to be imployed in victualing of these garrisons.

Eudox: So then, belike,ye meane to leave xvc. [1500] soldyers in garrison for Ulster, to be payed principally out of the rent of those landes which shall there escheat unto her Majestie. The which, wher I pray you, will you have them garrisoned?

Iren: I will have them devided into 3 parts; that is, vc. [500] in every garrison, the which I will have to remayne in thre of the said places where they were before appoynted; to weete, v.c at Straban and about Loghfoyle, and soe as thay may hold all the passages of that parte of the country, and some of them be put in wardes, uppon all the straights thereabouts, which I know to be such, as may stope all passages into the country one that side; and some of them alsoe upon the Bann, up towardes Logh Sidney, as I formerly directed. Also other v.c. at the fort uppon Logh-earne, and wardes taken out of them which shalbe layde at Farmannagh, at Belicke, at Ballishannon, and on all the straightes towardes Connagh, the which I knowe doe so strongly commaunde all the passages that way, as that none cann passe from Ulster into Connaught, without ther leave. The last v.c. shall also remaine in their forte in Monoghan, and some of them be drawen into wardes, to kepe the keyes of all that country, both downwardes, and also towardes Orlyes countrie, and the pale; as some at Eniskilline, some at Belterbert, some at the Blacke forte, and so alonge that river, as I formerly showed in the first plantyng of them. And moreover at every of these fortes, I wold have the seate of a towne layed forth and incompassed, in which I wold wish that there should inhabitants of all sortes, as merchantes, artificeres, and husbanmen, to be placed, to whome ther shold be charters and franchises graunted to incorporat them. The which, as it wilbe no matter of difficulty toe draw out of England persones which wold very gladly be so placed, so would it in short space turne those partes to great commodity, and bring ere longe to her Majestie much profit; for those places are fite for trade and traffique, having most convenient outgates by [rivers] to the sea, and ingates to the richest partes of the lande, that they wold sone bee enriched, and mightily enlarged, for the very seating of the garrisons by them, besides, the safty and assurance which they shall worke unto them, will alsoe draw thither store of people and trades as I have sene ensampled at Mariburgh and Phillipstowne in Leinstor, wher by reason of those two fortes, though ther were but smale wardes left in them, there are two good townes now growen, which are the greatest stay of both those two countries.

Eudox: Indeed me semes 3 such townes, as ye say, would doe very well in those places with the garrisons, and in shorte space wold be so augmented, as thay wold be able with little [helpe] to inwall them selves strongley: but, for the plantyng of all the rest of the country, what order will yee take?

Iren: What other then as I sayd to bringe people out of England, which should inhabit the same; whereunto though, I doubt not, but great troupes would be ready to runn, yet for that in such cases, the worst and most decayed men are most ready to remove, I would wishe them rather to be chosen out of all partes of this realme, either by discresion of wise men therunto appointed, or by lott, or by the drumme, as was the ould use in sending forth of Collinies, or such other good meanes as shall in ther wisedome be thought metest. Amongst the cheife of which I wold have the lande set into segniories, in such sort as yt is now in Mounster, and devided into hundredes and parishes, or wardes, as it is in England, and layed out into sheires as yt was aunciently; vizt. the countie of Downe, the countye of Antrim, the countie of Lowth, the countye of Armagh, the countie of Cavan, the countye of Colrane, the countie of Monaghan, the countye of Tiron, the countie of Fermannagh, the countie of Donegall, being in all 10. Over all which I wish a Lord President and a Counsell to bee placed, which may keepe them afterwardes in awe and obedience, and minister unto them justic and equity.

Eudox: Thus I see the whole purpose of your plott for Ulster, and now I desire to heare your like opinion for Cannagh.

Iren: By that which I have already sayd of Ulster, yee may gather my opinion for Cannagh, beinge very answereable unto the former. But for that the landes, which shall escheat unto hir Majestie, are not so intyrelie togeather as that they cann be accounted unto one some, it nedeth that they be considered severally. The province of Cannagh contayneth in the whole, as appeareth by recorde at Dubline, vii thousand and twoe hundred plowe landes of the former measure, and is of late devided into six sheires or countyes: the countie of Clare, the countye of Letrim, the county of Roscaman, the county of Galway, the county of Maio, the county of Sligoh. Of the which, all the county of Slygoh, all the county of Maio, the most parte of the countie of Lietrim, a greate parte of the county of Galway, and some of the county of Clare, is lyke to escheate unto hir Majestie for the rebellion of there present possessors. The which two counties of Sligoh and Maio are supposed to contayne almost iij [thousand] plowe landes, the rate wherof, ratablie to the former, I valewe almost at vj [thousand] li. p.

ann. The countie of Roscomon, savinge what pertayneth to the howse of Roscomon and some fewe other English there lately seted, is all out, and therfore it is wholy lykwise to escheat to her Majestie, savinge those porcons of the English inhabitantes; and even those English doe, as I understand by them, pay as much rente to hir Majestie as is set uppon those in Ulster, countyng ther composition money therwithall, so as it may runn all into one reconinge with the former two countyes: So that this countye of Roscomon, contayning xij.c. plowe landes, as yt is accounted, amounteth to ij [thousand] iiijc. poundes by the yeare, which with the former twoe countyes rent maketh about viij [thousand] li. for the former wanted somwhat. But what the escheated landes of the countyes of Galway and Lietrim will rise unto is yet uncertayne to define, till survay thereof be made, for that those landes are intermingled with the Earle Clanricard, and other [lands]; but it is thought that thay be thone halfe of both those countyes, soe as thay may bee counted to the valewe of one thousande plowlandes (for so many the least county of them comprehendeth,) which maketh two thousand poundes more, that is, in all, x or xi thowsand poundes. Thother two counties must remaine till ther escheates appeare, the which lettyng passe as yet unknowne, yet thus much is knowne to be accounted for certayne, that the composition of these twoe counties, beinge rated at xxs. everye plowe lande, will amounte to above xiij [thousand] li. more: all which being layd togeather to the former, may be reasonably estimated to rise unto xiij [thousand] poundes, the which some, togeather with the rest of the escheated landes in the twoe last countyes, which cannot yet be valued (beinge, as I doubt not, lesse than a thowsand poundes more) will yeild largely unto a thowsand men and ther victuallers, and a thowsand pounds over towards the Governor.

Eudox: Ye have me thinckes, made but an estimate of those lands of Connaght even at a very venter, so as it should be harde to build any certaintye of charge to be raised uppon the same.

Iren: Not altogeather yet uppon uncertantyes; for thus much may easily appeare unto you for certayne, as the composition money of every plowelande amounteth unto; for this I would have you principally understande, that my purpose is to rate all the landes in Irelande at xxs. every plowlande, for there composition towardes the garrison. The which I knowe, in regard of being feed from all other charges whatsoever, wilbe redyly and most gladly yeilded unto. Soe that there beinge in all Ireland (as appeareth by there old rentes) 43920
plowelandes, the same shall amounte to the somme likewise of 43920
poundes, and the rest to be reared of thescheated landes which fall to hir Majesty in the said provinces of Ulster, Connoght, and that parte of Leinster under the rebels; for Mounster wee deale not withall.

Eudox: But tell me this, by the way, doe you then lay composition uppon thescheated landes as you doe uppon the rest? for soe me thinckes, you recken all togeather. And that sure were to much to pay vij nobles out of every plowe lande, and composition money besides, that is xxs. out of every plowelande.

Iren: Noe, you mistake me; I put onely vij nobles rent and composition both uppon every plowe lande escheated, that is xls. for composicon, and vjs. vijd. for cheifery to hir Majestie.

Eudox: I doe now conceiue you; procede then I pray you, to the appointing of your garrisons in Cannaght, and shew us both howe many and where you would have them placed.

Iren: I wold have one thosand laide in Cannaght in two garrisons; namely, v.c. in the county of Maio, about Clan McCostulaghes, which shall kepe Mayo and the Burckes of McWilliam Enter: thother v.c. in the county of Clanricarde, about Garrandough, that thay may contayne the [Conhors] and the [blank] Burkes ther, the Kellies and Macknyars with all them about; for that garrison which I formerly placed at Lougharne will serve for all occasions in the county of Sligah, Being nere adjoyning therunto, so as in one nighets march they may be allmost in any place thereof when need shall requier them. And like as in the former places of garrison in Ulster, I wished iij corporat townes to be planted, which under the safegarde of the strenth shall dwell and trade safely with all the country about them, soe would I alsoe wish to be in this of Connaght; and that besides, there were another established at Athlone, with a convenient warde in the castle there for ther defence.

Eudox: What should that need, seing that the Governor of Cannagh useth to ly there alwaies, whose presence wilbe a defence to all that towneship.

Iren: I know he doth soe, but that is much to be dysliked that the Governor should lye so farre of, in the remotest place of all the province, wheras it were meter that he should be continually abidinge in the middest of his charge, that he might both looke out alike into all places of his goverment, and also be soone at hande in any place, where occasion shall demaunde him; for the presence of the Governor is (as you sayd) a great stay and brydle vnto them that are ill disposed: like as I see it is well observed in Mounster, wher the dayly good thereof is continually apparant; and, for this cause alsoe doe I greatly mislike the lorde Deputies seating at Dubline, being the outest corner in the realme, and left neding the awe of his presence; wheras, me seemes it were fitter, since his proper care is of Leinster, though he hath care of all besides generally, that he should seat himselfe about Athie, or therabouts, uppon the skirt of that unquiet contry, so as that he might sit, as it were, at the very mayne mast of the shipp, whenc he might easly overlooke and some tymes overreach the Mores, the Butlers, the Dempses, the Ketines, the Conners, Ocarrell, Omoloy, and all that heape of Irish nations which ther ly hudled togeather without any to over-rule them, or contayne them in dutye. For the Irish man, I assure you, feares the goverment noe longer then he is within sight or reach.

Eudox: Surely me thinckes herin you observe a matter of much importance, more then I have heard ever noted; but sure that semes so expedient, as that I wonder it hath beene hertofore over omitted; but I suppose the instance of the cittizens of Dublin is the greatest let there.

Iren: Truly, then it ought not so to bee; for noe cau[s]e have they to feare that it wilbe any hindrance for them; for Dubline wilbe still, as it is, the key of all passages and transportacons out of England thither, to noe lesse profit of those citizens then it now is, and besides other places will herby receave some benefytt. But let us now, I pray you, come to Lynster, in the whcih I wold wish the same course to be observed as in Ulster.

Eudox: You meane for the leavinge of the garrisons in there fortes, and for planting of English in all those countryes bewene the county of Dubline and the county of Wexforde; but thosw wast wild places, I thinke, when thay are woone unto her Majestie, that ther is none that wilbe hasty to seek to inhabite.

Iren: Yes, ynough, I warrante, for though the whole tracte of the countrie bee mountaine and wodie, yet there are manie goodlie vallies amongst them, fytt for fayre habytation, to which those mountaines adjoyned wilbe a greate increase of pasturage; for that countrie is a verie great soyle of cattell, and verie fitt for breed: as for corne it is nothing naturall, save onlie for barlie and oates, and some places for rye, and therfore the larger peniworth may be allowed vnto them, though other wyse the wyldnes of the mountaine pasturage doe recompence the badnes of the soile, soe as I doubt not but it will finde inhabitants and undertakers enough.

Eudox: How much then doe you thinke that all those landes which Pheagh McHugh holdeth under him may amount unto, and what rent may be reared therout to the mayntenance of the garrisons that shalbe layd there?

Iren: Truly, it is ympossible by aime to tell yt, and as for experience and knowledge, I doe not thinke that there was ever any of the particulars thereof, but yet I will, if it please you, gesse therat, uppon grounde only of there judgment which have formerly devided all that countrye into twoe sheires or countyes, namely the county of Wickloe, and the county of Fernes: the which twoe I see noe cause but thay should holy escheat to her Majesty, all but the barrony of Arclo which is the Earle of Ormwoodes auncient inheritance, and hath ever bene in his possession; for all the whole lande is the Quenes, unlesse there be some graunt of any parte therof to be showed from hir Majestie: as I thinke there is only of New Castle to Sir Henry Harrington, and of the castle of Fernes to Sir Thomas Masterson, the rest, being almost thirty miles over, I doe suppose canne contayne noe lesse then two thousande plowelandes, which I will estimat at iiij [thousand] li. rent, by the yeare. The rest of Leinster, being vij countyes, to weete, the countye of Dubline, Killdare, Catherlogh, Wexford, Kilkenye, the Kinges and the Queenes countye, doe containe in them 7400. plowelandes, which amounteth to so many poundes for composition to the garrison, that makes in the whole xi [thousand] iiijc. l., the which some will yeild pay unto a thowsand souldiars, little wantynge, which may be supplied out of other landes of the Cavenaghes, which are to be escheated to her Majestie for rebellione of ther possessions, though otherwise indeed they be of hir owne auncient demaine.

Eudox: It is a great reason. But tell us now where you wold wish those garrisons to be laied, whether alltogeather, or to be dyspersed in sundry places of the country?

Iren: Mary, in sundry places, to weete, in this forte, or much the like as may be better advised, for cc. in a place I doe thinke to be enough for the safegarde of the countrie, and kepinge under all sudden upstartes, that shall seeke to trouble the peace thereof: therfore I wishe [200.] to be layede at Ballinocros for the kepinge of all bade persons from Glammalour, and all the fastenes thereaboutes, and also to conteynne all that shalbe planted in those lands thenceforthe. Another 200. at Knockloughe in there former place of garrison, to kepe the Briskagh and all those mountaines of the Cavanaghes; 200. more to lye at Fearnes, and upwardes, inwardes upon the Slane; 200. to be placed at the fort of Leix, to restraine the Mores, Ossorie, and Ocarroll; other 200.

at the forte of Ofaley, to carbe the Oconnors, Omolys in [Mac] Coghlane Maccughejan, and all those Irish nations borderinge thereaboute.

Eudox: Thus I see all your thousande men bestowed in Leinster: what saye you then of Meath, which is the firste parte?

Iren: Meath, which conteyneth bothe Estmeath and Westmeath, and of laite the Analy, nowe called the country of Langforde, is accoumpted therunto: But Meath it selfe (accordinge to the ould recordes) 4320. plowelandes, and the county of Langford 947., which in the whole make 5267
plowlandes, of which the composition monye will amounte likewise to 5267
li. to the maintenance of the garrisone. But because all meath, lyinge in the bosome of that kingdome, is alwayes quiet ynough, yt is needelesse to put anye garrison there, soe as all that charge may be spared. But in the countye of Longforde I wishe 200. footmen and 50.

horsemen to be placed in some convenient seate betwene the Annalie and Breine, as aboute Lough Silone or some like place of that ryver, soe as they myght keepe both the Oneales, and alsoe the Ofarralles, and all that outskirte of Meathe in awe; the which use uppon everye lighte occasion to be stirringe, and having contynuall enmitye amongeste themselves, doe therby oftentymes troble all those partes, the charge wherof beinge 4400 and odde poundes is to be cut oute of that compositione money for Meath and Longforde, the overplus, beinge almost 2000 li. by the yeare, will come in clearly to her Majestie.

Eudox: It is worth the harkening unto. But nowe that you have done with Meath, proceed I praye you to Mounster, that wee may see howe it will rise ther for the manteynance of the garrisone.

Iren: Monster conteyneth by recorde at Dublyne 16000 plowlandes, the compositione whereof, as the reste, will make 16000 li. by the yeare, out of the which I would have 1000. soldyers to be mainteyned for the defence of that province, the charge, which with the victualers wages, will amount to 12000 li. by the yeare; thother 4000 li. will defray the charges of the Precydence and the Consell of that province.

Eudox: The reckininge is easye; but in this accompt, by your leave, me thinkes you are deceaved, for in this some of the compositione money you accompt the landes of the undertakers of that province, whoe are, by ther graunte frome the Queene to be free frome all such impositions whatsoever, exceptinge there only rente, which is surely ynoughe.

Iren: Yee saye true, I did soe; but the same 20 s. for everye plolande I ment to have deducted out of the rente due upone them to her Majestie, which is noe hindrance, nor charge at all more to her Majestie then it nowe is, for all that rente which she receves of them, she putteth forth againe to the mayntenaunce of the Presidencie there, the charge whereof yt doth scarselye defraye; whereas in this accompte bothe that charge of the Presidencye, and alsoe of 1000 soldyors more, shalbe maynteyned.

Eudox: It should be well, if it coulde be brought to that. Nowe wher will you [have] your 1000 men garrysoned?

Iren: I would have 100 of them placed at the Bantrie where is a most fytt place, not onlye to defende all that side of the countrye west parte frome forraine invasion, but alsoe to answere all occasions of trobles, to which that countrye, being so remote, is verye subiecte. And surelye here alsoe would be placed a good towne, havinge both verye good haven and plentifull fishinge, and the land beinge already escheated to her Majestie, being forcaible kepte from her by a rough tayle kerne that proclaimes him selfe the bastarde sonne of the Erle of Clancar, beinge called Donnell Mac Chartie, whom it is meet to forsee to cut of; for [as] whensoever the Erle shall dye, all those landes, after hime, are to come to her Majesty, he is like to make a foule stire there, though of hime selfe of noe power, yet through supportance of some others whoe lye in the winde, and looke after the fall of that inheritance. Another 100
woulde I have placed at Castlemaine, wich should kepe all Desmonde and Kerrye, for it answereth them both most covenyentlye: Alsoe aboute Kylmore in the countye of Corke would I have 200 placed, which shoulde breake that neste of theves there, and answere equallye both the countye of Lymbricke, and alsoe the countye of Corke: Another 100 whold I have lye at Corke, aswell to command the towne, as alsoe to be readye for anye forreine occasione: likewise at Waterforde, would I place 200, for the same reasones, and alsoe for other privie causes, that are noe lesse importante. Moreover on the side of Arlo, nere to Maskrye Werke, which is the county of the Bourkes, aboute [Kill-patricke,] would I have 200
to be garrisoned, which shoulde skowre both the White Knightes countrye and Arlo, and Muskre Wherkes, by which places all the passages of theeves doth lye, which convaie there stealthe from Mounster downwardes towards Tipperarie, and that Englishe Payle, and from the English Pale alsoe uppe unto Mounster, whereof they use to make a common trade.

Besides that, ere longe I doubte the countye of Tipperarie yt selfe will neade such a strength in yt, which were good to be there readye before the evill fall, that is daylye of some expected: and thus you see all your garrisones placed.

Eudox: I see it right well, but lett me I praye you, by the way aske the reasone whie in those cyties of Mounster, namely Waterforde and Corke, you rather placed garrysons then in all the others in Irelande? For they maye thinke them selves to have great wrounge to be so charged above all the reste.

Iren: I will tell you: those two cytties, above all the reste, doe offer an ingate to the Spanyarde moste fytlie; and alsoe inhabytants of them are moste ill affected to the Englishe government, and moste frendes to the Spanyardes; but yet, because they shall not take exceptione to this, that they are charged above all the reste, I will alsoe laye a charge upon the others likewise; for in deede it is no reason that the corporatee Townes, enjoyinge great franchises and priviledges from her Majestie, and livinge therby not only safe, but drawinge to them the wealth of all the lande, should live so free as not to be partakers of the burthen of this garrysone for there owne safetye, specially in this time of trouble, and seinge all the reste burdened; and therfore, I will thus charge them all ratably, accordinge to there abilities, towardes there mayntenance, the which her Majestie may yf she please, spare oute of the charge of the reste, and reserve towards her owne costes, or adde to the charge of the Presydence in the Northe.

Waterford100.Clonmell10.Dundal[k]e10.

Corke100.Cashell10.Mollinger10.

Lymricke50.Fedred10.Newry10.

Galwaye50.Kilkiny25.Trime10.

Kinsaile10.Wexford25.Ardrye10.

Dinglecushe10.Treddagh25.Kells10.

Youchall10.Rosse25.Dubline100.

Kilmallocke10.

Suma 490.

[should be 630.]

Eudox: It is easie, Iren: to laye a charge upone any towne, but to forsee howe the same maye be answered and defrayed is the chefe parte of good advisemente.

Iren: Surely this charge which I put upon them I knowe to be soe resonable, as that it will not much [be] felte, for the porte townes which have benefitte of shippinge maye cutte it easelye of there tradinge, and in inlande townes of their corne and cattall: nether doe I see, but since to them the benefitte of peace doth redownde, that they specially should beare the burden of ther safegardes and defence, as wee see all the townes of the lowe countries doe cut upone them selves an excise of all thinges towardes the maintenance of the warre that is made in ther behalfe, to which thoughe the[y] feare not to be compared in riches, yett are to be charged accordinge to their poverty.

Eudox: But now that yowe have sett upone these forces of soldyers, and provided well as you suppose, for ther paye, yett there remaineth to forcaste howe they may be vitualed, and where purvayance therof may be made; for in Irelande yt selfe I cannot see howe anye thinge almoste is to be had for them, beinge alredye soe pittifullye wasted as it is with this shorte tyme of warre.

Iren: For the firste two yeares indeed it is needefull that they be vitualled out of Englande throughlye, from halfe yeare to halfe yeare, aforehande. Which time the Englishe Paile shall not be burdened at all, but shall have tyme to recover them selves; and Mounster alsoe, beinge reasonablie well stored, will by that tyme, if God send sesonable wether, be throughly well furnished to supplye a greate parte of that charge, for I knowe there is a great plentye of corne sent over sea from thence, the which if they myght have sayle for at home, they would be glad to have money so neare hande, speciallye yf they were straightlye restrayned from transportinge of it. Thereunto alsoe there wilbe a great healpe and furtherance gyven to the puttinge forwarde of hubandrye in all meate places, as hereafter shall in due place appeare. But hereafter, when thinges shall growe to a better strengthe, and the country be replenished with corne, as in shorte space yt will if it be well folowed, for the country people themselves are greate plowers, and smale spenders of corne, then woulde I wishe there should be good store houses and magazines erected in all those great places of garrisons, and in all greate townes, aswell for the victuallinge of soldyers and shipps, as for all occasions of sudden services, as alsoe for preventinge of all tymes of dearth and scarsitye: and this want is much to be complayned of in Englande above all other countryes, whoe, trustinge to much to the usuall blessinge of the earth, doe never forcaste anye such hard sesaons, nor any such sudden occasions as these troblesome tymes maye everye daye bringe forthe, when it wilbe too late to gather provisione from abroad, and to bringe perhapes from farre for the furnishinge of shipes or soldyers, which peradventure maye need to be presently imployed, and whose wante maye (which God forbid) happ to hazarde a kingdome.

Eudox: In deed the wante of those magasynes of victualls, I have harde oftentymes complayned of in England, and wondred at in other countreyes, but that is nothinge nowe to oure purpose; but as for these garrisons which yee have nowe so stronglye planted throughout all Irland, and everye place swarminge with soldyers, shall there be noe end of them?

For nowe thus beinge me semeth, I doe see rather a countrye of warre then of peace and quiet, which ye erste pretended to worke in Irelande; for if you bringe all thinges to the quietnes which yee said, what nead then to maintaine soe great forces as ye have charged upon it?

Iren: I will unto you, Eudox. in privitye discover the drifte of my purpose: I mean (as I toulde you) and doe well hoppe therby bothe to settle an eternall peace in that country, and alsoe to make yt very profitable to her Majestie, the which I see muste be broughte in by a stronge hande, and soe contenued untill it growe into a stedfast course of governmente, the which in this sorte will nether be defyculte nor dangerous; for the soldyers beinge once broughte in for the service into Ulster, and havinge subdued it and Connaught, I will not have hyme to laye downe his armes anye more, tyll he have effected that which i purpose: that is, firste to have this a generall compositione for the mayntenance of these througheout all the realme, in regarde of the trobles tymes, and daylye danger which is threatned to this realme by the King of Spaine: and thereupone to bestowe all my soldyers in [such]

sort as I have done, that noe parte of all Irlande shalbe able to dare soe much as quinch. Then will I bring eftsones in my reformacon, and thereupon establishe such an order of govermente as I may thinke meteste for the good of that realme, which beinge once established, and all thinges put into a righte way, I dowbt not but they will rune one farely. And though they would ever seeke to swarve asyde, yet shall they not be able without forraine violence once to remoove, as you your selfe shall sone, I hope, in your owne reasone readelye conceve; which if it shall ever appere, thene maye her Majestie at pleasure withdrawe some of the garrisone, and torne ther paye into her purse, or if she will never please soe to doe (which I would rather wish), then shall she have a nomber of brave oulde soldyers alwayes readye for anye occasion that she will ymploe vnto, suppliinge there garrisones with fresh ones in there steed; the maintenance of whome shalbe noe more charge to her Majestie then nowe the realme is; for all the revinue thereof, and muche more, she spendeth, even in the most peaceable tymes that are there, (as things nowe stande). And in tyme of warre, which is sure nowe everye vij yeare, she spendeth infynite tresure besides to smale porpose.

Eudox: I perceve your porpose; but nowe if you have thus strongly made waye unto your reformacon, as that I see the people soe humbled and prepared that they will and muste yeald to any ordynance that shalbe geuen them, I doe much desire to understand the same; for in the beginninge you promised to shewe a mean howe to redresse all those inconveniences and abuses, which you shewed to be in that state of governmente, which nowe standeth ther, as in the lawes, customes, and religione: wherin I woulde gladlye knowe firste, whether, in steed of those lawes, you would have newe lawes made? for nowe, for oughte that I see, you maye doe what you please.

Iren: I see, Eudox. that yowe well remember our firste porpose, and doe rightlye contynue the course thereof. Firste therfore to speake of lawes, since we firste begane with them, I doe not thinke yt convenient, though nowe it be in the power of the Prince to change all the lawes and make newe; for that should bread great toble and confusione, aswell in the Englishe now dwellinge and to be planted, as alsoe in the Irishe.

For the Englishe, havinge bene trained upp alwayes in the Englishe governement, will hardely be enduced unto any other, and the Irishe wilbe better drawne to the Englishe, then the Englishe to the Irishe governmente. Therfore since wee cannot nowe applie lawes fitte to the people, as in the firste institutione of comone-welthes it ought to be, wee will applye the people, and fitt them to the lawes, as it most conveniently maye be. The lawes therfore we resolve shall abyde in the sam sorte that they doe, bothe Commone Lawes and Statutes, onlye suche defectes in the Comone Lawe, and inconveniens in the Statutes, as in the begininge wee noted, and as men of deep insighte shall advise, may be changed by some other newe actes and ordynances to be [by] a Parlymente there confirmed: as those of tryalls of Ples of the Crowne, and private righte betwene parties, colorable convaiances, [and] accessaries.

Eudox: But howe will those be redressed by Parlimente, when as the Irishe, which swaye moste in Parlamente, as you said, shall oppose them selves againste them?

Iren: That maybe well avoyded: for nowe that soe manye freeholders of Englishe shalbe established, they togeather with Burgesses of townes, and such other loyall Irishe men as may be preferred to be Knightes of the shire, and such like, wilbe able to beard and counterpose the reste; whoe alsoe, beinge nowe broughte more in awe, will the more easelye submite to anye such ordynances as shalbe for the good of them selves, and that realme generallye.

Eudox: You say well, for the incresse of the Freholders, for ther nombers will hereby be greatlye augmented; but howe shall it passe throughe the higher house, [which] will styll consiste all of Irishe?

Iren: Marie, that alsoe maye be redressed by example of that which I hard was donne in the like case, by Kinge Edwarde the Theerd, as I remember, whoe, beinge greatly barred and crossed by the billes of the Clargie, they beinge then by reasone of the Lord Abbote and others, too many and stronge for them, soe her could not for there forwardnes, order and reforme thinges as he desiered, was advised to dyrecte forth his writtes to certaine Gentlemen, and of the beste abilitye and truste, intitlinge them therin Barrons, to serve and sytt as Barrons in the next Parlyment. By which meanes he had soe manye Barons in his Parlamente, as were able to weighte downe the Clarge and there frendes: the which Barons they saye, were not afterwardes lordes, but onely Barronits, as sundrye of them doe yett retayne the name. And by the like devise her Majestie maye nowe likewise curbe and cut shorte those Irishe unrulye lordes that hinder all good proceedinges.

Eudox: It semeth noe lesse then for reforminge of all those inconveniente statutes which yee noted in the beginninge, and redressinge of all those evell costomes, and lastelye, for settinge sounde religione amongest them: mee thinkes yee should not neade anye more to over-goe those particulers againe, which you menconed, nor anye other which might besides be remembred, but to leave to the reformacon of such a Parlamente, in which, by the good care of the Lord Deputye and Consell, they maye all amende. Therfore nowe that you maye come come to that genarall reformacon which you spake of, and bringinge in of all that establishement, by which you said all men should be conteyned in duetie ever after, without the terror of warlike forces, or violent wrestinge of thinges by sharpe punyshmente.

Iren: I will soe at your pleasure, the which me semes by noe meanes can be better plotted, then by example of suche other Realmes as have ben annoyed with the like evelles, Ireland nowe` is, and useth styll to be.

And firste in this Realme of England, yt is manifeste, by the reporte of the Cronycles and other aunciente writers, that it was greatly infected with robbers and outelawes, which lurked in woodes and faste places, whence they vsed often tymes to breake forth into the highe wayes, and sometymes into smale villages to robbe and spoyle. For redresse whereof it is written that Kinge Allured, or Alfride, whoe then raigned, did devide the relme into shires, and the shires into hundredes, [and the hundredes] into rapes, Rapentackes, and wapentackes into tythinges: So that tenn tythinges made an hundred, and five made a laythe or weapentacke, of which tenn, eache one was bounde for another, and the eldest or best of theme, whom they called the Tythingman or Bourroghsolder, that is, the eldest plege, became suretye for all the reste. Soe that if anye one of theme did starte into anye undutiful actione, the Burroughsolder was bounde to bringe hyme forth, whoe joyninge eftesones with all his tythinge, would folowe the loose persone through all places, till they brought hyme in. And if all the tythinge fayled, then all the lathe was charged for the tythinge, and if that lathe fayled, then all the hundreth was demanded for theme; and if the hundreth, then the shire, whoe joyninge eftsones altogether, would not rest tyll they had founde oute and delyvered in, that unlawfull felowe which was not ameanable to lawe. And herin yt semed, that that good Saxon Kinge folowed the Consell of Jethro to Moyses, who advised hyme to devide the people into hundreds, and to sette Captaines and wise men of trust over them, which shoulde take the charge of them, and ease hyme of that burden. And soe did Romulus, as you may reade, devyde the Romaines into trybbes, and the tribbes into centuryons or hundreds. By this ordynaunce this Kinge brought this realme of Englande, which before was most trooblesome, unto that quiet state, that noe one badd person could stirre that he was [not] streighte taken hould of by those his tythinge, and ther Burrowsolder, whoe beinge his neighboure or next kindesman was pryvie to all his wayes, and loked narrowly to his life. The which institutione yf it were observed in Irland, would worke that effecte which it did in Englande, and kepe all men within the Compasse of duetie and obedyence.

Eudox: This is contrary to that you said before; for, as I remember, you said that ther was a greate disproportione betwene Englande and Irlande, soe as the lawes which were fittinge of the one would not fitt the other. Howe comes it then nowe, that ye would transferre a principall institutione from Englande to Irland?

Iren: This lawe was not made by a Norman conqueror, but by a Saxon Kinge, being at what tyme England was verye like to Irland, as nowe it standes: for it was, I tould you, annoyed greatly with robbers and outlawes, which trobled the whole realme, everye corner havinge in it a Robyn Hoode, that kept all woodes, and spoiled all passingers and inhabitants, as Irland nowe haith; soe as, me semeth, this ordynance would fitt verye well, and bring them all into one.

Eudox: Then, when you have thus tithed the commonaltye, as you say, and set Burrowsolders over them all, what would you doe when yee came to the gentlemen? would you hold the same corse?

Iren: Yee, marye, most specially; for this you must knowe, that all the Irishe almoste boste them selves to be gentlemen, noe lesse then the Welchmen; for if he cane deryve hymselfe from the heade of a sept, as most of them can, they are [so] experte by there Bardes, then soe holdeth hyme selfe a gentleman, and thereupon scorneth eftsones to worke, or vse anye harde laboure, which he saith is the liese of a pessant or churle; but thenceforth either becometh a horseboye, or a stocage to some kerne, inuring hyme selfe to his weapone, and to the generall traide of stealinge, (as they count it). Soe that if a gentleman, or anye worthye yoman of them, have anye childrene, the eldeste of them perhappes shalbe kepte in some order, but all the reste shall shifte for them selves, and fall to this occupacon. And it is a commen use amongest some of there beste gent[lemen] tenantes sonnes, that soe soone as they are able to use there weapons, they streight gether to themselves three or foure strauglers, or kernes, with whome wanderinge a while idellye vpe and downe the countrye, takinge onlye meate, he at laste falleth unto some badde occasione that he shalbe offrede, which beinge once made knowen, he is thencforthe counted a mane of worth, in whom there is corrage; whereupon there drawe to hime manye other like loose younge men, which, stirringe hime up, with encouragement, provoke hyme shortlye to flatte rebellion; and this happens not onlye in the sonnes of gentle[men], but oftentymes by there noblemen, specially there base borne sonnes, as there are fewe without some of them. For they are not onlye not ashamed to acknowledge them, but alsoe to boste of them, and use them in such secrett services as they themselves will not be seen in, as to plauge there enemyes, spoyle there neighbores, to oppresse and crush some of [their] owne to to stubborne freholders, which are not tractlable to their badde willes.

Two such bastardes of the Lord Roches there are nowe out in Mounster, whom he doth not only countenance but alsoe pryvilye mainteyne and relyve mightely amongest his tenantes. Such other is thereof the Erle of Clancarte in Desmond, and manye otheres in many other places.

Eudox: Then it semeth that this ordynance of tythinge them by the pole is not only fitt for the gentlemen, but alsoe for the noblemen, whom I would [have] thought to have bene soe honourable mynded, as that they should not need suche a base kinde of lyvinge, being bounde to there allegance, [who] should rather have held in and stayed all others from undutifulnes, then need to be forced thereunto them selves.

Iren: Yet soe it is, Eudox: but yet because that noblemen cannot be tythed, there beinge not manye tythinges of them, and because a Barrowe holder over them should not only be a great indignitye, but alsoe a danger to adde more power to them then they have, or to make one the comander of tenne, I holde it meet that there were onelye sewerties taken of them, and one bounde for another, wherbye, if anye shall swarve, his sewerties shall for safegarde of ther bandes bringe hyme in, or seeke to serve upon him: and besydes, I would wish them all to be sworne to her Majestie, which they never yet were, but at the first creatyon; and that oath would sure contayne them greatly, or the breach of yt bringe them to shorter vengence, for God useth to punishe perjurye sharply. So I read, in the raigne of Edward the 2, and also of Henry the 7, when the tymes were very broken, that there was a corporate oath taken, of all the lordes and best gentlemen of fealty to the Kinge, which nowe is noe lesse nedfull, because many of them are suspected to have taken an other oath privylie to some badd purpose, and therupon they have receaved the Sacramente, and ben sworne to a preist, which they thinke bindeth them more then theire alleagance to their Prince, or love of their countrye.

Eudox: This tythinge of the common-people, and takinge suretyes of lordes and gentlemen, I like very we, but that it wilbe very troblesome: should yt not be as well to have to have them all booked, and the lordes and gentlemen to take all meaner sorte upon themselves? for they are best able to bringe them in, whensoever any of them started out.

Iren: This inded Eudoxus hath bene hitherto, and yet is a comon order amongst them, to have all the people booked by lords and gentlemen, but yt is the worst order that ever was devised; for by this bokinge of men, all the inferyour sort are brought under the commaundes of theire lords, and forced to followe them into any actyon whatsoever. Now this ye are to understand, that all the rebellyons which ye see from tyme to tyme hapen in Ireland, are not begune by the comon people, but by the lords and captaines of countryes, upon pride or wilfull obstanacye against the government, which whensoever they enter into, they drawe with them all their people and such followers, as thinke themselves bound to goe with them, because they have boked them and undertaken for them. And this is the reasone that you have fewe such badd occasyons here in England by reason that the noble men howeever they should hapen to be evill disposed, have no commande at all over the comynalty, though dwellinge under them, because every man standeth upon himselfe, and buildeth his fortunes upon his own fayth and firme assurance: the which this manner of tythinge the powles will worke also in Ireland. For by this the people are broken into many small parts, like lytle streames, that they canot easely come together into one heade, which is the princypall regard that is to be had in Ireland to kepe them from growinge into such a head, and adheringe unto greate men.

Eudox: But yet I canot see how this can be brought about, without doinge greate wrong unto the noble men there; for at the conquest of the realme, those greate signoryes and lordships were given them by the King, that they should bee the stronger againste the Irish, by the multitude of followers and tennauntes under them: all which hould their tenementes of them by fealtye, and such services, wherby they are by the first graunte of the King, made bound unto them, and tyed to rise out with them upon all occasyons of service. And this I have often heard, that when the Lord Deputies have raysed any generall ostinges, the noble men have claymed the leadinge of them, by graunt from the Kings of England inder the Greate Seale exhibyted; so as the Deputye[s] would not refuse them to have the leadinge of them, or yf they did, they would so worke, as none of they[r] followers should rise forth to the ostinge.

Iren: Yee say very true; but will ye see fruite of those grauntes? I have knowne when those lords have had the leadinge of theire owne followers under them to the generall ostinges, that they have for the same cut upon every plowland within their country forty shillinges or more, wherby some of them have gathered above vij. or viij. c. li., and others much more into there purse, in lieue wherof they have gathered unto themselves a nomber of lose kernes out of all parts, which they have caryed forth with them, to whome they never gave penny of entertaynment, allowed by the contry or forced by them, but let them feed upon the contryes, [and] extorte upon all men where they cam; for thatpeople will never aske better entertaynment then to have a collour of service or imployment geven them, by which they will powle and spoile so outragiously, that the very enemy cannot do much worse: and besides turne them to the enemy.

Eudox: It semes the first intents of these grauntes was against the Irish, which now some of them use against the Queene her selfe: But now what remedye is there for this? or how can these grauntes of the Kinges be avoyded, without wronge of those lords which had those landes and lordships geven them?

Iren: Surely they may be well enough; for most of those lords, since the first grantes from the Kings by whome these landes were geven them, have sence bestowed the most parte of them amongst theire kinsfolke, as everye lord perhaps in his tyme hath geven one or another of his principall castells to his yonger sonnes and other to others, as largly and as amply as they were given to him; and others they have sold, and others bought, which were not in theire first grauntes, which nowe neverthelesse they bringe within the compas therof, and take and exacte upon them, as theire first demeanes of all thiose kindes of services, yea and the very wilde Irishe exactyons as Coynie and Lyverye for him, and such like, by which they pole and utterly undoe the pore tennantes and frehoulders under them, which ether through ignorance knew not theire tennors, or through greatnes of theire newe lords dare not chalenge them; yea, and some lords of countryes also, as greate ones as themselves, are nowe by stronge hand brought under them, and made theire vassalls. As for example Arundell of the Strande in the County of Corke, who was auncyently a greate lord, and able to spend 3500 li. by the yeare, as apeareth by good recordes, is nowe become the Lord Barryes man, and doth to him all those services, which are due unto her Majestie. For reformacon of which, I wish that theire were a commissyon graunted forth under the Great Seale, as I have seene one recorded in the ould councell Boke in Mounster: that was sent forth in the tyme of Sir William Drurye unto persons of specyall trust and judgment to enquire thoroughout all Ireland, beginninge in one countye first and so restinge a while untill the same were setled, by the verdicte of a sounde and substantyall jurye, howe every man houldeth his landes, of whome and by what tennor, so that everye one should be admitted to shewe and exhibite what right he hath, and by what services he houldeth his lande, whether in cheife or in soccage, or in knight service, or els soever. Thereupon would apeare, first howe all those greate English lords do claime those greate services, what signoryes they usurpe, what wardships they take from the Queene, what landes of hers they concealde: and then, howe those Irish captaines have encroched upon the Queenes frehoulders and tennantes, how they have translated the tennors of them from English houldinge into Irish Tanistre, and defeated her Majestie of all her right and duetyes whcih are to acrew to her therabout, as wardshipps, liveryes, marriages and fines of allyenacons, with many other comodyties; which nowe are kepte and conceald from her Majesty to the vallowe of 60000 li. yearely, I dare undertake, in all Ireland, by that which I knowe in one countye.

Eudox: This, Iren. would seme a dangerous commission, and redy to stirre uppe all the Irish in rebellion, who knowinge that they have nothinge to shewe for all those lands which they hould, but theire swordes, would rather drawe them then suffer theire landes to be thus drawne away from them.

Iren: Neyther should theire landes be taken away from them, nor the uttermost advantages enforced against them: But this by descretyon of the commissioners should be made knowne unto them, that it is not her Majesties meaninge to use any such extremetye, but onely to reduce thinges into order of English lawe and make them hould their landes of her Majestye and to restore to her her due services, which they detayne out of those landes which were auncyently helde by her Majestye. And that they should not onely [not] be thrust out, but also have estates and grauntes of theire landes newe made to them from her Majestye, so as they should thenceforth hould them rightfullye, which they nowe usurpe most wrongfully; and yet withall I would wish that in all those Irish countryes there were some land reserved to her Majestyes free disposytyon for the better contayninge of the rest, and enterninglinge them with English inhabytantes and customes, that knowledg might styll be had by them of theire doinges, so as no manner of practise or conspiracye should be in hand amongst them, but notice should be given therof by one meanes or another, and theire practises prevented.

Eudox: Truly neither can the Irish, nor English lords, thinke themselves wronged, or hardly delt withall herin, to have that indeed which is none of their owne at all, but her Majestyes absolutely, geven unto them with such equall condicons, as that both they may be assured therof, better then they are, and also her Majestye not defrauded of her right utterly; for yt is a greate grace with a prince, [to] take that with condicons which is absolutely her owne. Thus shall the Irish be well satisfied, and as for the greate men which had such grauntes made them at first by the Kings of England, [it] was in regard they should kepe out the Irish, and defend the Kings right, and his subjectes: but now seinge that, in sted of defendinge them, they robb and spoyle them and, in stead of kepinge out the Irish, they doe not onely make the Irish theire tennantes in those lands, and thrust out the English, but also they themselves become mere Irish, with marrying them, fosteringe with them, and combinynge with them against the Queene; what reason is there but those grauntes and precedentes should be eyther revoked, or at least reduced to theire first intencon for which they were graunted? for surely in my opinyon they were more sharpely to be chastised and reformed then the wilde Irish, which, beinge very rude at the first, are nowe become somewhat more civill, when as English, from Englyshe are growene to be wilde and mere Irishe.

Iren: Indede as you saye, Eudox: these do need a sharper reformacon than the very Irish, for they are much more stuborne, and disobediente to lawe and governement, than the Irish be; and more mallytious than the English that are dayle sent over.

Eudox: Is that possible? I pray you, howe comes yt to passe? what might be the reason herof?

Iren: Mary, they saye that the land is theires, onely by right, beinge first conquered by theire auncestors, and that they are wronged by the newe Englishe men’s entringe theire unto, whom they call la sa Bona, that is in English with a greate reproch as they would rate a dogge.

[And for] that some of youre auncestors were in tymes past (when they were Civill and uncorupted) deputyes and Justices of the land, they thinke that the like authoritye should be comytted unto you and the charge of the Realme lefte in theire hands; which, for that they se now otherwise disposed and that trust not given them (which theire auncestors had) they thinke them selves greately indignyfyed and disgraced therby, and so growe both discontented and undutyfull.

Eudox: In truth, Irenyus, this is more than ever I hard, that the English-Irish there should bee worse then the wild Irishe: O Lord, howe quickly doth that country alter mens natures! It is not for nothinge I perceave that I have heard, that the Councell of England thinke yt not good polycye to have that realme reformed, or planted with English, lest they should growe so undutyfull as the Irish, and become much more dangerous: as apeareth by the example of the Lacyes in the tyme of Edward the Second, which you spake of, that shoke of theire religion to theire naturall Prince, and turned to Edward le Bruce, devisinge to make him Kinge of Irelande.

Iren: No tymes have bene without bad men: But as for that purpose of the Councell of England, which ye speake [of,] that they should kepe that Realme from reformacon, I thinke, they are most lewdlye abused, for theire greate carfulnes and earnest endeavors do witnesse the contrarye.

Neyther is yt [the] nature of the countrye to alter a mans manners, but the badd mindes of them, whom havinge bene brought uppe at home under a straight rule of dutye and obedyence, beinge alwayes restrayned by sharpe penaltyes from lewde behavior, so soone as they come thither, where they see lawes so slackely tended, and the hard [restraint] which they were used unto nowe slacked, they growe more lose and carelesse of theire dutye. As yt is the nature of all men to love libertye, so they become flatt libertynes, and fall to flatt licentyousnes, more bouldly daringe to disobay the lawe, through presumptyon of favor, and freindshippe, then any Irish dare.

Eudox: Then yf it be so, me thinkes your late advisement was very evell, whereby you wished the Irish to be sowed and sprinckled with the English, [and] in all the Irishe countryes to have English planted amongst them for to bringe them to Eng[lish] fashons, since the English be soner drawne to the Irish, then the Irish to the English: for as I said before, [if] they much rune with the streame, the greater number will carry awaye the lesse: Therefore me semes by this reason yt should be better to parte the Irishe and English, then to mingle them together.

Iren: Not so, Eudox: but where there is no good staye of government, and stronge ordinances to hold them, there inded the fewer will followe the more, but where there is due order of discipline and good rule, there the better shall goe foremost, and the worst shall followe. And therefore since Ireland is full of her owne nacon, that may not be rooted [out], and somewhat stored with English alredy, and more to be, I thinke yt best by an unyon of maners, and conformytye of mindes, to bringe them to be one people, and to put awaye the dislikefull conceipt both of the one, and of thother, which wilbe by no meanes better then by this interminglinge of them: that neyther all the Irish may dwell together, nor all the Englishe, but by translatynge of them and scatteringe them in small numbers amongst the English, not onely to bringe them by dayly conversatyon unto better likinge of each other, but also to make both of them lesse able to hurte. And therfore when I come to the tythes, I will tythe them one with another, and for the most parte will make the Irish man the tything-man, wherby he shall take the lesse exceptyon to partiallitye and yet be the more tyed therby. But when I come to the Head Borough, which is the head of the lath, him will I make an Englishman, or Irish man of no small assurance: as also when I come to apointe the Elderman, that is the head of the hundreth, him will I surely chuse [to be] an English man of specyall regarde, that may be a stay and piller of all the Boroughs under him.

Eudox: What do you meane by your hundred? and what by your Borough? By that, which I have red in auncyent recordes of England, one hundred did contayne a hundred villages, or as some saye a c. plowlandes, beinge the same which the Saxons called Cantred; the which cantred, as I finde it recorded in the blacke boke of Irelande, did contayne 30, Villattas terr@aelig;, which some call, quarters of land, and every Villatta can maintayne 400 cowes in pasture, and the 400. cowes to be devided in 4
heardes, so as none of them shall come nere another: every Villata contayneth 17 plowlandes, as is there set downe. And by that which I have red of a Borough, it signyfieth a free towne, which had a principall officer, called a head borough, to become ruler, and undertake for all the dwellers under him, havinge for the same franchises and priviledges graunted them by the King, wherof yt was called a free boroughe, [and] of the lawyer Franciplegium.

Iren: Both that which ye sayde, Eudox: is true, and yet that which I sayd not untrue; for that which ye speake of devidinge the contrey into hundreds, was a devise of the lands of the Realme, but this which I tell, was of the people, who were thus devided by the poll: so that an c. in this sence signyfyeth a c. pledges, which were under the command and asurance of theire alderman, the which, as I suppose, was also called a waapentacke, so named of touchinge the weapon or sparke of theire alderman, and swearinge to folowe him faythfully, and serve theire Prince trulye. But others thinke that a weapontacke was ten humdreds or Boroughs: likewise a boroughe, as I here use yt, and as the ould lawes still use yt, is not a borough towne, as they nowe call yt, that is a franchist towne, but a mayne pledge of c. free persons, therfore called a fre borough or as ye say Franciplegium: For Borh in ould Saxon say signyfieth pledges or suretyes, and yet yt is so used in some speeches, as Chaucer sayth St. John to barrowe, that is for assurance and warrantye.

Eudox: I conceave the difference. But now that ye have thus devided the people into these tythinges, and hundreds, howe will you have them so preserved and continued? for people do often chaunge theyr dwellinges, and some must dye, whilst othersome doe growe up into strength of yeares, and become men.

Iren: These hundred I would [wish] to assemble themselves once every yeare with theire pledges, and to present themselves before the justices of peace, which shalbe thereunto apointed, to be survayed and nombred, to se what change hath happened since the yeare before; and, the defectes to suply of those yonge plantes late growne uppe, which are diligently to be overloked and vewed of what condicon and demeanor they be, so as pledges may be taken for them, and they put into order of some tythinge: of all which alteracons note is to be taken, and bookes made thereof accordingly.

Eudox: Now mee thinkes Irenius, ye are to be warned to take good hede, leaste unawares ye fall into the inconveniencyes which you formerly founde faulte with in others; namely, that by this bokinge of them, you do not gather them into another head, and havinge broken theire former strength, do not againe unite them more stronglye: for every Alderman, havinge all his fre pledges of his hundred under his command, may me thinkes, yf he be yll disposed, drawe all his companye into any evill actyon. And likewise, by this assemblinge of them once a yeare unto theire Alderman by theire weapontackes, take heede least ye also give them occasyon and meanes to practise any harme in any conspiracye.

Iren: Neyther of both is to be doubted; for the aldermen and headborrowes will not be such men of power and countenance of themselves, being to be chosen thereunto, as neede to be feared: Neither, yf he were, is his hundred at his commaund further then his Princes service; and also every tything man may controll him in such a case. And as for the assemblinge of the hundred, much lesse is any danger therof to be doubted, seinge yt is before a justice of peace, or some high constable to be therunto apointed: so as of these tythinges there can no peryll ensue, but a certayne assurance of peace and greate good; for they are thereby withdrawne from theire lords, and subjected to theire Prince. Moreover for the [better] breakinge of these heades and sectes, which I tould you was one of the greatest strengthes of the Irishe, me thinkes, yt should do very well to renewe that ould statute that was made in reigne of Edward the Fourth in England, by which it was comaunded, that wheras all men that used to be called by the name of theire sectes, accordinge to theire severall nacons, and had no surnames at all, that from thenceforth each one should take unto himselfe a severall surname, eyther of his trade or facultye, or of some quallety of his body or mynde, or of the place where he dwelte, so as everye one should be distinguished from other, or from the most parte, wherby they shall not onely not depend upon the head of their secte, as nowe they doe, but also shall in shorte tyme learne quyte to forgett this Irish natyon. And herewithall would I also wish all the Oes and the Mackes wich the head of the sectes have taken to theire names, to be utterly forbiden and extinguyshed; for that the same beinge an ould manner (as some sayth) first made by O Brin, for the strengthninge of the Irish, the abrogatinge therof will asmuch infable them.

Eudox: I like this ordinaunce very well; but now that you have thus devided and distinguished them, what other order will you take for theire maner of lyfe? for all that, thoughe perhaps yt may kepe them from disobedyence and disloyaltye, yet will yt not bringe them from theire barbarisme and savadge lyfe.

Iren: The next [thing] that I will doe shalbe to apointe to every one, that is not able to live of his frehoulde, a certayne trade of lyfe, to which he shall find himselfe fitteste, and shalbe thought ablest, the which trade he shalbe bounde to followe, and live onely therupon. All trades therfore [it] is to be understode [are to be] of iij kindes, manuell, intellectuall, and mixed, th’one containinge all such as nede the exercyse of bodely labor to the performance of theire professyon; th’other consistinge onely of the exercyse of the witte and reason; the third parte of bodely labor, and parte of the witte, but dependinge [most] of industrye and carefulnes. Of the first sorte be all handycrafts and husbandrye labor. Of the seconde be all scyences, and those which are called the liberall Arts. Of the thirde is marchandize and chafferye, that is, buyinge and sellinge; and without all these iij there is no commonwealth can almost consyst, or at the leaste be perfecte. But the wretched realme of Ireland wanteth the most princypall of them, that is, the intellectuall; therfore in sekinge to restore her state yt is specyall to be loked unto. But because of husbandrye, which supplyeth unto us all thinges necessarye for foode, whereby we cheifly live, therfore yt is first to be provided for. The first thinge then that we are to drawe these newe tythed men unto, ought to be husbandrye.

First, because yt is most naturall and most needefull; then, becuase it is most naturall; and lastly, because yt is most enemy to warre, and most hateth inquietnesse, as the Poet sayth, –- ‘bella execrata collonis:’

But husbandrye beinge the nurse of thrifte, and the daughter of industrye and labor, detesteth all that may worke her scathe, and destroy the travell of her hands, whose hope is all her lives comforte unto the plough: therfore are all those Kearne, Stochaus, and Horsboyes, to bee drawen and mad to imploye that ablenesse of bodye, which they [were] wonte to use to thefte and villainye, hencforth to labor and husbandrye. In the which, by that tyme they have spente but a lytle payne, they will find such swetenes and happy contentment, that they will hardly afterwardes be hayled away from yt, or drawne to their wonted leude lyfe in theivery and rogerye. And beinge thus once entered therunto, they are not onely to be countenanced and encoradged by all good meanes, but also provided that theire children after them may be brought up in the same, and succed in the rome of their fathers. To which end there is a Statute in Ireland alredy well provided, which comaundeth that all the sonnes of hubandmen shalbe trayned uppe in theire fathers trade, but it is, God wot, very slenderly loked unto.

Eudox: But do you not counte, in this trade of husbandrye, pasturinge of cattell, and kepinge of theire cowes? for that is reckoned as parte of husbandrye.

Iren: I knowe yt is, and nedfull to be used, but I doe not meane to allowe any of these able bodyes, which are able to use bodely labor, to followe a fewe cowes grasinge, but such impotente persons, as beinge unable for stronge travell, are yet able to drive cattell to and froe the pasture; for this kepinge of cowes is of yt self a very idle lyfe, and a fit nursery for a theife. For which cause, ye remember, I dislyked the Irishman for kepinge of Bollyes in Sommer upon the mountayne, and lyvinge after that savadg sorte. But yf they will alwayes fede any cattle, or kepe them on the mountaynes, let them make some townes nere to the mountaynes syde, where they may dwell together with neighbors, and be conversante in the vewe of the world. And to say truth, though Ireland be by nature counted a greate soyle of pasture, yet I had rather have fewer cowes kept, and men better mannred, then to have such huge increase of cattell, and no increase of condicons. I would therfore wish that there were some ordinaunce made amongst them, that whatsoever kepeth twentye kine shold kepe a plough goinge, for otherwise all men would fall to pasturinge, and none to husbandrye, which is a greate cause of this dearth nowe in England, and a cause of the usuall stealthes now in Ireland: For loke in all countryes that live in such sorte by kepinge of cattell, and you shall find that they are both very barbarous and uncivill, and greatly given to warre. The Tartaryans, the Muscovites, the Norwayes, the Gothes, the Armenyans, and many other do witnes the same. And therfore since nowe we purpose to drawe the Irish from desire of warre and tumults, to the love of peace and civylitye, yt is expediente to abridge theire custome of heardinge, and augment their trade more of tyllinge and hubandrye. As for other occupacons and trades, they ned not to be enforced ot, but every man bound onely to followe that he thinks himselfe aptest for. For other trades of artificers wilbe occupied for very necessityes, and constrayned use of them; and so likewise will marchandize for the gaine therof; but learninge and bringing up in liberall scyences, will not come of yt selfe, but must be drawne on with straight lawes and ordinaunces: And therfore yt were mete that such an acte were ordayned, that all the sonnes of lords and gentlemen, and such others as are able to bring them up in learninge, should be trayned uppe herin from theire childhodes.

And for that end everye parish shalbe forced to kepe one pettye scholemater, adjoininge unto the parish charge, to be the more in veiwe, which should bringe up theire children in the first rudiments of letteres: and that, in every country of baroney, they should kepe another able scholemasiter, which should instructe them in grammer, and in the princyples of scyences, to whom they shold be compelled to send theire youth to be discyplyned, wherby they will in shorte tyme growe uppe to that civyll conversasyon, that both the children will loath the former rudnes in which they were bred, and also theire parentes will, even by the ensample of theire yonge children, perceave the foulnes of theire owne brutishe behavior compared to theires: for learninge hath that wonderfull power of yt selfe, that yt can soften and temper the most sterne and savadge nature.

Eudox: Surely I am of your minde, that nothing will bring them from theire uncivill life soner then learninge and discypline, next after the knowledge and feare of God. And therfore I doe still expecte, that ye should come thereunto, and set some order for reformacon of religion, which is first to be respected; accordinge to the sayinge of CHRIST, ‘First seke the kingdome of heaven, and the righteousnes therof’.

Iren: I have in mynde so to doe; but let me, I pray you, first finish that which I had in hand, wherby all the ordinances which shall after be set downe for religion may abid the more firmely, and be observed more diligently. Now that this people is thus tythed and ordred, and every one bound to some trade of lyfe, which shalbe particulerly entred and set downe in tythinge bookes, yet perhaps there wilbe some straglers and runagates which will not of themselves come and yeld themselves to this order, and yet after the well finishinge of the present warre, and establishinge of the garisons in every stronge place of the countrye, where theire wonted refuge was most, I suppose there will fewe stand out, or yf they doe, they will sone be brought in by the eares: But yet afterwardes, least any one of these should swarve, or any that is tyed to a trade should afterwardes not followe the same, according to this institutyon, but should straggle upp and downe the countrye or mich in corners amongest theire friends idllye, as Carrowe, Bardes, Jesters, and such like, I would wish that there were a Provost Marshall apointed in everye sheire, which shoud continually walke thorough the countrey, with half a dozen, or halfe a score horsemen, to take up such lose persons as they should finde thus wandringe, whom he should punish by his owne authoretye, with such paynes as the persons should seme to deserve: for yf he be but once so taken idelye roginge, he may punishe him more lightlye, as with stockes, or such like: but yf he be found agayne so loytringe, he may scorge him with whips, or roddes, after which yf he be taken agayne, let him have the bitternes of the Marshall lawe. Likewise yf any relickes of the rebellion be found by him, that eyther have not come in and submitted him selfe to the law, or that havinge once come in, breake forth againe, and walke disorderlye, let them tast of the same cuppe in Gods name; for yt was due to them for theire first guilte, and nowe beinge revived by theire later lose nes, let them have theire first deserte, as nowe beinge found unfitt to live in a commonwealthe.

Eudox: This were a good maner; but me thinkes yt is an unnecessarye charge, and also unfitte to continue the name or forme of any marshall lawe, when as there is a proper oficer apointed alredy for these turnes, to witt the sherife of the sheire, whose particuler ofice yt is to walke contynually up and downe his Bayliwicke, as ye would have a marshall, to snatch up all those runagates and unprofitable members, and to bringe them to his gaole to be punyshed for the same. Therfore this may well be spared.

Iren: Not so, me semes; for though the sherife have this authorytye upon himselfe to take upe all such traytors, and imprison them, yet shall he not doe so much good, nor worke that terror in the hartes of them, that a marshall will, whom they shall knowe to have power of life and death in such cases, and specially to be apointed for them: Neyther doth yt hinder but that though yt perteyne to the sherife, the sheriffe may do therin what he can, and yet the marshall may walke his course besydes; for both of them may doe the more good, and may terrifye the idle rogue, knowinge that though he have a watche upon thone, yet he may light upon th’other. But this proviso is nedfull to be had in this case, that the sherif may not have the like power of life as the marshall hath, and as heretofore they have bene accustomed; for yt is dangerous to give power of lyfe into the hands of him which may have benefyte by the partyes death, as, yf the sayd lose liver have any goodes of his owne, the Sherife is to seize therupon, wherby yt hath commen often to passe, that some who have not perhaps deserved judgemente of death, though otherwise perhaps offendinge, have bene for theire goods sake caught up, and caryed straight to the boughe; a thinge inded pittyfull and very horryble. Therfore by no meanes would I wishe the Sherife to have such authoretye, nor yet to imprison that loosel tyll the Sessions, for soe all gaoles might sone be filled, but [to] sned him to the Marshall, who, eftsones findinge him faultye, shall give him mete correctyon, and rid him away forthwith.

Eudox: I do nowe perceave your reason well. But come we nowe to that wherofe we earst spake, I meane, to religion and religious men; what order will you sett amongst them?

Iren: For religion lytle have I to say, my self beinge as I sayde not professed therin, and yt selfe beinge but one, so as there is but one waye therin; for that which is true onely is, and the rest are not at all, yet in plantinge of religion this much is nedfull to be observed, that being not sought forceablie to be impressed into them with terror and sharpe penaltyes, as nowe is the manner, but rather delivered and intymated with myldnes and gentlenes, so as yt may not be hated before yt be understod, and theire Professors dispised and rejected. For this I knowe that most of the Irish are so farre from understandinge the popish religion as they are of the protestantes professyon; and yet do they hate that though unknowne, even for the very hatred which they have of the Eng[lish], and of theire government. Therefore yt is expedient that some discreete ministers of theire owne contrymen be first sent amongst them, which by theire mild perswasyons and instructyons, as also by theire sober lyfe and conversacon, may drawe them first to understand, and afterwardes to imbrace, the doctrine of theire salvacon; for yf that the auncyent godly fathers, which first converted them, beinge infidells, to the faith, were able to drawe them from infidelyte and pagansye to the true beliefe in CHRIST, as S. Pattricke, and S. Columb, how much more the godly teachers bringe them to the true understandinge of that which they alredy professe? wherin yt is greate wonder to see the odds which is betweene the zeale of Popish Preists, and ministers of ye Gospell; for they spare not to come out of Spaine, from Rome, from Rhemes, by longe toyle and dangerous travell hither, where they knowe perill of death awayteth them, and no rewarde nor ritches is to be found, onely to drawe the people to the Church of Rome; whereas some of our idle ministers, having a way for credit and estymacon therby opned unto them, and having the livinges of the country offred them, without paines, without perill, will neither for the same, nor for any love of God, nor zeale of religion, nor for all the good which they might doe by winninge of so many soules to God, be drawne forth from theire warme neastes and theire swete loves sydes to loke out into Gods harvest, which is even redy for the sickle, and all the feildes yellowe longe agoe: doubtlesse these good ould fathers will, I feare me, rise uppe in the day of judgment to condemne them.

Eudox: Surely, yt is greate pittye, Irin[i]us, that there are none chosen out of the mynisters of Eng[land], good sober, and discreete men, which might be sent over thither to teach and instructe them, and that there ys not asmuch care had of theire soules as of theire bodyes; for the care of both lyeth upon the Prince.

Iren: Were there never so many sent over thither they should do small good tyll one enormity be taken from them, that is, that both they be restrayned from sendinge their yonge men abroade to other Universytyes beyond seas, as Rhemes, Doway, Lovaine, and the like, and that others from abroade be restrayned from cominge to them; for their lurkinge secretly in theire houses and in corners of the countrye do more hurte and hindrance to religion with theire private perswasyons, then all the others can doe with theire publicke instructyons; and though for these latter there be a good statute theire ordeyned, yet the same is not executed, and as for the former theire is noe lawe nor order for theire restrainte at all.

Eudox: I mervell that yt is no better loked unto and not onely this, but also that which, I remember, you mencyoned in your abuses concerninge the profittes and reveneues of the lands of fugitives in Ireland, which by pretence of certaine collorable conveyances are sent continuallye over unto them, to the comfortinge of them and others against her Majestye, for which here in Eng[land] there is good order taken: and why not then aswell in Ireland? For though there be no statute there yet enacted therefore, yet might her Majestye, by her onely prorgative, seize the fruictes and profites of those fugitives lands into her handes, tyll they came over to testefye theire true allegeance.

Iren: Indeed she might so doe; but the combrous tymes do perhaps hinder the regarde therof, and of many other good intencons.

Eudox: But why then did they not minde yt in peaceable tymes?

Iren: Leave we that to theire grave consideracons, but procede we forwarde. Next care in religion is to builde up and repaire all the ruine[d] churches: ther, the most parte ly even with the grounde, and some [that] have bene lately repayred, and thatched are so unhandsomely patched, and thatched, that men doe even shun the places for the uncomlynes thereof: therfore I would wish that there were order taken to have them builte in some better forme, according to the churches of England; for the outward shewe, assure your selfe, doth greatly drawe the the rude people to the reverencinge and frequye[n]tinge therof, what ever some of our to nice foles saye, there is nothinge in the semely forme and comly order of the church. And, for so kepinge and continuynge them, there should likewise Church-wardens of the gravest men in the parishe be apointed, as there be here in England, which should take the yearely charge both hereof, and also of the schole-houses, which I wished to be builded nere to the sayd churches; for maintenance of both which, yt were mete that som severall porcon of land were alotted, seinge no more mortmaines are to be loked for.

Eudox: Inded me semes it would be so convenyente; but when all is done, how will you have this churche served, or your mynisters mayntayned?

since the livinges (as you sayd) are not sufficent scarce to make them a newe gowne, much less to yeelde meete maintenaunce accordinge to the dignitye of theire degree.

Iren: There is noe waye to helpe that, but to laye two or three of them together, untill such tyme as the contrye growe more ritche and better inhabited, at which times the tythes and other obvencons will also be more agmented and better vallued: But now that we have thus gone throough all theire sorts of trades, and set a course for their good establishment, let us yf you please, goe next to some other nedfull pointes of other publicke matters, no lesse concerninge the good of the commonwealth, though but accydently dependinge on the former. And first I wish that order were taken for the cuttynge downe and openinge of all paces thorough woodes, so that a wide waye of the space of c. yardes might be layde open in every of them for the safety of travellers, which use often in such perillous places to be robbed, and sometymes murthered. Next, that bridges were builte upon all rivers, and all the fordes marred and spilte, so as none might passe anye other waye, but by those bridges, and every bridge to have a gate and a small gatehouse sett thereon; wherof this good will come that no night stealthes, which are comonly driven in bywayes and by blinde fordes unused of any but such like, must be conveyed out of one contrye into another, as they use, but that they must passe by those bridges, where they may be hapely encountred, or easely tracked, or not suffred to passe at all, by meanes of those gatehouses therin: Also that in all streights and narrowe passages, as betwene twoe bogges, or through any deepe forde or under any mountayne syde, there should be some litle fortillage, or wodden castell sett, which should kepe and comand that streight, wherby any rebells that should com in the contrye might be stopped the way, or passe with great perill. Moreover, that all high wayes should be fenced on both sydes, leavinge onely fortye foote bredthe for passage, so as none should be able to passe but thorough the high waye, wherby theeves and night robbers might be the more easely pursued and encoutred, when there shalbe no other waye to drive theire stollen cattell but therein [as] I formerly declared. Further, that there should in sondrye covenyent places, by the highe waye [be] townes apointed to be builte, the which should [be] townes apointed to be builte, the which should be fre borrowes, and incorporate under Baylifes, to be by theire inhabitants well and stronglie trenched, or otherwise fenced with gates at eache syde therof, to be shutte nightlye, like as there is [in] many places in the English Pale, and all the wayes about yt to be strongly shut uppe, so that none should passe but thoorough those townes: To some of which yt were good that the priviledge of a markett were given, the rather to strengthen and enable them to theire defence, for nothinge doth sooner cause civillitye in any countrye then many market townes, by reason that the people repayringe often thither for theire neds, will daylye se and learne civyll manners of the better sorte. Besydes, there is nothinge doth more staye and strengthen the contrye then such corporate townes, as by profe in many rebellyons have bene proved, in all which when the countryes have swarved, the townes have stood stil and faste, and yelded good releife to the souldiors in all occasyons of service. And lastly there doth nothinge more enrich any contry or realme then many townes; for to them will people drawe and bring the fruicte of theire trades, aswell to make money of them, as to suply theire nedful uses; and the contrymen will also be the more industrious in tyllage, and rearinge all husbandrye comodityes, knowing they shall have redy sale for them at those townes: and in all those townes should there convenyent inns be erected for the lodginge and harboringe of all travellers, whoe are nowe oftentimes spoyled by lodginge abroade in weake thatch houses, for wante of such places to shrowde themselves in.

Eudox: But what profitt shall your markett townes reape of their markett, whereas each one may sell theire corne and cattell abroade in the countrye, and make theire secrett bargaynes amongst themselves, as nowe I understand they use?

Iren: Inded, Eudox: they doe so, and thereby no small incovenyence doth rise to the comonwealth; for nowe when any one hath stolne a cowe or a garon, he may secrettly sell yt in the countrye without privytie of any, wheras yf he brought yt into a market towne yt would perhaps be knowne, and the theife discovered. Therfore yt were good that a straight ordinance were made, that none should buy or sell any cattell but in some open markett (there beinge nowe markett townes everye where at hand) upon a greate penaltye neyther should they likewise by any corne to sell the same againe unlesse yt were to make malte therof; for by such engrossinge and regratinge we see the dearth that nowe comonly raigneth here in England to have bene caused. Hereunto also is to be added that good ordinance, which I remember was once proclaymed throughout all Ireland. That all men should marke theire cattell with an open severall marke upon theire flanckes or buttocks so as yf they hapned to be stollen, they might apeare whose they were, and they which should buy them might therby supecte the owner, and be warned to abstayne from byinge of them of a suspected person with such an unknowne marke.

Eudox: Surely these ordinances seme very expedient, but specyally that of fre townes, of which I wonder that there is such small store in Ireland, and that in the first peoplinge and plantinge therof they were neglected and omytted.

Iren: They were not omitted; for there were, thoroughe all places of the country convenyente, many good townes seated, which thorough that inundacon of the Irish, which I first tould of, were utterly wasted and defaced, of which the ruines are yet in many places to be sene, and of some no signe at all remayninge, save onely theire bare names, but theire seates are not to be founde.

Eudox: But how then cometh yt to passe, that they have never since recovered, nor their habitacon bene reedified, as of the rest which have bene noe lesse spoyled and wasted?

Iren: The cause therof was for that, after theire desolacon, they were begged by gentlemen of the Kings under collours to repaire them and gather the poore relickes of the people againe together, of whome havinge obtayned them, there so farre from reedyfying of them, as that by all meanes they have endeavored to kepe them waste, least that, beinge repayred, theire charters may be renewed and the bugesses restored to theire landes, which they had nowe in theire possessyon; much like as in those oulde monuments of abbyes, and religious houses, we see them likewise use to doe: for which cause yt is judged that King Henry the Eighth bestowed them upon them, knowinge that thereby they should never be able to rise againe. And even so do those Lords, in these ould pore coporate townes, of which I could name diverse but for kindling of displeasure. Therefore as I wished many corporate townes to be erected, so would I againe wish them to be free, not dependinge upon the service, nor under the comandment of any but the Governor. And beinge so, they will bothe strengthen all the countrye round about them, which by theire meanes wilbe the better replenished and enriched, and also be as contynuall houldes for her Majesty, yf the people should revolt and breake out againe; for without such yt is easye to forrey and over-ronne the whole lande. Let be, for example, all those freboroughes in the Lowe-countryes, which are nowe all the strength therof. These and other like ordinances might be delivered for the good establishment of this realme, afteryt is once subdued and reformed, in which yt might afterwardes [be] very easely kepte and maintayned with small care of the Governor and Councell there apointed, so as that yt should in short space yeld a plentyfull revenewe to the crowne of England; which now doth but sucke and consume the treasurye therof, through those unsound plattes and chagfull orders which are daylye devised for her good, yet never effectually prosecuted or performed.

Eudox: But in all this your discorse I have not marked any thinge by you spoken touchinge the appointment of the principall officer, to whome you wish the charge and performance of all this to be comitted: onely I observed some foule abuses by you noted in some of the late Governors, the reformacon wherof you lefte for this presente tyme.

Iren: I delight not to lay open the blames of greate magistrates to the rebuke of the worlde, and therefore theire reformacon I will not medle with, but leave unto the wisdome of greater heades to be considered; onlely this much I will speake generally herof, to satisfye your desyre, that the Government and cheife majestracye I wish to continue as yt doth, to weete, that yt be ruled by a Lord Deputye or Justices, for that it is a very safe kinde of rule: But therewithall I wish that over him there wereplaced a Lord Leiftenante, of some of the greatest personages in England (such an one I could name) upon whom the eye of all England is fixed, (and our last hopes nowe rest) who beinge intituled with that dignitye, and being alwayes here residente, may backe and defend the good cause of the government against all malignors, which ells will, through theire cunning workinge under hand, deprave and pull backe whatsoever things shalbe well begunne or intended there, as we comonly see by experyence at this daye, to the utter ruyne and desolacon of the pore Realme, and this Leiftenancye should be no discoutenauncing of the Lord Deputye, but rather a strengtheninge and maintayninge of all his doinges; for now the cheife evill in that government is, that no Governor is suffred to goe one with any one course, but upon the least informacon here of this or that, he is eyther stoped or crossed, and other courses apointed him from hence which he shall runne, which how [in]convenient yt is, is at this hower to well felte. And therfore this should be one principle in the apointment of the Lord Deputies authoritye, that yt should be more ample and absolute then it is, and that he should have an uncontrouled power to doe any thinge that he, with the advisement of the Councell, shall thinke mete to be don: for yt is not possible for the Councell here, to directe a Governor there, who shalbe forced oftentymes to followe the nessitye of present occaysons, and to take the soddayne advantage of tyme, which beinge once loste will not bee recovered; whilst, thorough expectinge directyon from hence, the delayes wherof are oftentymes through greater affaires most irksome, the oportunityes there in the meane tyme passe awaye, and greate danger often groweth, which by such timely prevencon might easely be stopped.

And this I remember is worthely observed by Matchavell in his discorses upon Lyvye, where he comendeth the manner of the Romans government, in giving absolute power to all theire Consuls and Governors, which yf they abused, they should afterwards derly answere: And the contrary thereof he reprehendeth [in] the State of Venice, of Florence, and many other pricipalytyes of Ittlaye, who use to lymytt theire chiefe officers so straightlye, as that therby they have oftentymes lost such happy occasyons as they could never come unto againe. The like wherof, who so hath bene conversante in that government of Ireland, hath to often sene theire great hinderance and hurt. Therfore this could I wish to be redressed, and yet not so, but that in particuler thinges he should be restrayned, though not in generall government; as namely in this, that no ofices should be sould by the Lord Deputy for money, nor no pardons, nor no protectyons bought for rewarde, nor noe beves taken [for]

captencyes of contryes, nor no shares of bishopricks for nominatinge theire bishops, nor no forfaytures, nor dispensacons with penall statuts geven to theire servants or freindes, nor no sellyng of lycences for exportacon of prohibited warres, and specyally of corne and fleshe, with many the like; which nede some manner of restrainte, or els very greate trust in the honorable disposytion of the Lord Deputye.

Thus I have, Eudox: as briefly as I could, and as my remembrance would serve, rund through the state of that whole contrye, both to let you see what it nowe is, and also, what yt may be by good care and amendment: not that I take upon me to change the pollicye of so greate a kingdome, or prescribe rules to such wise men as have the handlinge therof, but onely to shewe you the evills, which in my small experience I have observed to be the chiefe hindrance of the reformacon therof; and by the way of conference to declare my simple opinyon for redresse therof, and establishinge a good course for that government; which I do not deliver for a perfecte plotte of myne owne invensyon to be onely followed, but as I have learned and understood the same by the consultacons and actyons of very wise Governors and Counsellors whome I have sometymes heard treate therof. So have I thought good to sett downe a remembraunce of them for myne owne good, and your satisfactyon, that who list to overloke them, although perhaps much wiser then they which have thus advised of that state, yet at leaste, by comparison hereof, may perhaps better his owne judgment, and by the light of others foregoinge, he may followe after with more ease, and hapely finde a fayrer waye thereunto then they which have gone before.

Eudox: I thanke you, Irenyus, for thys your gentle paynes; withall not forgettynge nowe in the shuttyng uppe to put you in mynd of that which you have formerly halfe promysed—herafter when we shall meete agayne upon the like good occasyon, ye will declare unto us those your observacons which ye have gathered of the [Antiquities] of Ireland.

Finis 1596 E. S.

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