The Prose Works of Jonathan Swift, D.D. — Volume 10 / Historical Writings
Date: 2004-07-28T05:00:00+00:00

The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Prose Works of Jonathan Swift, Vol. X. by Jonathan Swift

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Title: The Prose Works of Jonathan Swift, Vol. X.

Author: Jonathan Swift

Release Date: July 28, 2004 [EBook #13040]

Language: English

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BOHN'S STANDARD LIBRARY

THE PROSE WORKS OF JONATHAN SWIFT

VOL. X

[Illustration: _Jonathan Swift on the bust by Rouldiac in Trinity
College Dublin]

THE PROSE WORKS

OF

JONATHAN SWIFT, D.D.

EDITED BY

TEMPLE SCOTT

VOL. X

HISTORICAL WRITINGS

1902

INTRODUCTION

Of late years, that is to say, within the last thirty odd years, there has existed a certain amount of doubt as to whether or no the work known to us as "The History of the Four Last Years of the Queen," was really the product of Swift's pen. That a work of this nature had occupied Swift during his retirement at Windsor in 1713, is undoubted. That the work here reprinted from the edition given to the world in 1758, "by an anonymous editor from a copy surreptitiously taken by an anonymous friend" (to use Mr. Churton Collins's summary), is the actual work upon which Swift was engaged at Windsor, is not so certain. Let us for a moment trace the history of what is known of what Swift did write, and then we shall be in a better position to judge of the authenticity of what we have before us.

All that we know of this work is gathered from Swift's correspondence, as published by Sir Walter Scott in his edition of Swift's Works issued in 1824. The first reference there made is in a note from Dr. William King to Mrs. Whiteway, from which we gather that Swift, towards the end of the year 1736, was meditating the publication of what he had written in 1713. "As to the History," writes King, "the Dean may be assured I will take care to supply the dates that are wanting, and which can easily be done in an hour or two. The tracts, if he pleases, may be printed by way of appendix. This will be indeed less trouble than the interweaving them in the body of the history, and will do the author as much honour, and answer the purpose full as well."

This was written from Paris, under date November 9th, O.S., 1736. It can easily be gathered from this that the tracts referred to are the tracts on the same period which Swift wrote at the time in defence of the Oxford ministry. They are given in the fifth volume of this edition.

On December 7th, 1736, King was in London, and he immediately writes to Swift himself on the matter of the History. "I arrived here yesterday," he says, "and I am now ready to obey your commands. I hope you are come to a positive resolution concerning the History. You need not hesitate about the dates, or the references which are to be made to any public papers; for I can supply them without the least trouble. As well as I remember, there is but one of those public pieces which you determined should be inserted at length; I mean Sir Thomas Hanmer's Representation; this I have now by me. If you incline to publish the two tracts as an Appendix to the History, you will be pleased to see if the character given of the Earl of Oxford in the pamphlet of 1715 agrees with the character given of the same person in the History.[1] Perhaps on a review you may think proper to leave one of them quite out. You have (I think) barely mentioned the attempt of Guiscard, and the quarrel between Rechteren and Mesnager. But as these are facts which are probably now forgot or unknown, it would not be amiss if they were related at large in the notes; which may be done from the gazettes, or any other newspapers of those times. This is all I have to offer to your consideration…."

[Footnote 1: See note on page 95 of this volume.]

There is thus no doubt left as to which were the tracts referred to by
King, and as to the desire of Swift to include Sir Thomas Hanmer's
Representation—two points that are important as evidence for the
authenticity of the edition issued by Lucas in 1758.

Towards the middle of 1737, it must have become common knowledge among Swift's friends in London, that he was preparing for publication his "History of the Four Last Years of Queen Anne's Reign." Possibly King may have dropped a hint of it; possibly Swift may have written to others for information and assistance. Be that as it may, on April 7th, 1737, the Earl of Oxford (son of Swift's old friend) wrote to Swift as follows:

"… One reason of my writing to you now is, (next to my asking your forgiveness) this: I am told that you have given leave and liberty to some one or more of your friends to print a history of the last four years of Queen Anne's reign, wrote by you.

"As I am most truly sensible of your constant regard and sincere friendship for my father, even to partiality, (if I may say so,) I am very sensible of the share and part he must bear in such a history; and as I remember, when I read over that history of yours, I can recollect that there seemed to me a want of some papers to make it more complete, which was not in our power to obtain; besides there were some severe things said, which might have been very currently talked of; but now will want a proper evidence to support; for these reasons it is that I do entreat the favour of you, and make it my earnest request, that you will give your positive directions, that this history be not printed and published, until I have had an opportunity of seeing it; with a liberty of showing it to some family friends, whom I would consult upon this occasion. I beg pardon for this; I hope you will be so good as to grant my request: I do it with great deference to you. If I had the pleasure of seeing you, I would soon say something to you that would convince you I am not wrong: they are not proper for a letter as you will easily guess…."

It is evident that Swift had gone so far as to consult with Faulkner on the matter of the printing of the "History," because he was present when Oxford's letter arrived, and he tells us that Swift answered the letter immediately, and made him read the answer, the purport of which was: "That although he loved his lordship's father more than he ever did any man; yet, as a human creature, he had his faults, and therefore, as an impartial writer, he could not conceal them."

On the 4th of June, 1737, Swift wrote at length to Oxford a letter in which he details the circumstances and the reasons which moved him to write the History. The letter is important, and runs as follows:

"MY LORD,

"I had the honour of a letter from your lordship, dated April the 7th, which I was not prepared to answer until this time. Your lordship must needs have known, that the History you mention, of the Four last Years of the Queen's Reign, was written at Windsor, just upon finishing the peace; at which time, your father and my Lord Bolingbroke had a misunderstanding with each other, that was attended with very bad consequences. When I came to Ireland to take this deanery (after the peace was made) I could not stay here above a fortnight, being recalled by a hundred letters to hasten back, and to use my endeavours in reconciling those ministers. I left them the history you mention, which I finished at Windsor, to the time of the peace. When I returned to England, I found their quarrels and coldness increased. I laboured to reconcile them as much as I was able: I contrived to bring them to my Lord Masham's, at St. James's. My Lord and Lady Masham left us together. I expostulated with them both, but could not find any good consequences. I was to go to Windsor next day with my lord-treasurer; I pretended business that prevented me, expecting they would come to some [agreement?]. But I followed them to Windsor; where my Lord Bolingbroke told me, that my scheme had come to nothing. Things went on at the same rate; they grew more estranged every day. My lord-treasurer found his credit daily declining. In May before the Queen died, I had my last meeting with them at my Lord Masham's. He left us together; and therefore I spoke very freely to them both; and told them, 'I would retire, for I found all was gone'. Lord Bolingbroke whispered me, 'I was in the right'. Your father said, 'All would do well'. I told him, 'That I would go to Oxford on Monday, since I found it was impossible to be of any use'. I took coach to Oxford on Monday, went to a friend in Berkshire, there stayed until the Queen's death, and then to my station here, where I stayed twelve years, and never saw my lord your father afterward. They could not agree about printing the History of the Four last Years and therefore I have kept it to this time, when I determine to publish it in London, to the confusion of all those rascals who have accused the queen and that ministry of making a bad peace, to which that party entirely owes the Protestant succession. I was then in the greatest trust and confidence with your father the lord-treasurer, as well as with my Lord Bolingbroke, and all others who had part in the administration I had all the letters from the secretary's office, during the treaty of peace out of those, and what I learned from the ministry, I formed that History, which I am now going to publish for the information of posterity, and to control the most impudent falsehoods which have been published since. I wanted no kind of materials. I knew your father better than you could at that time, and I do impartially think him the most virtuous minister, and the most able, that ever I remember to have read of. If your lordship has any particular circumstances that may fortify what I have said in the History, such as letters or materials, I am content they should be printed at the end, by way of appendix. I loved my lord your father better than any other man in the world, although I had no obligation to him on the score of preferment, having been driven to this wretched kingdom, to which I was almost a stranger, by his want of power to keep me in what I ought to call my own country, although I happened to be dropped here, and was a year old before I left it, and to my sorrow did not die before I came back to it again. As to the History, it is only of affairs which I know very well and had all the advantages possible to know, when you were in some sort but a lad. One great design of it is, to do justice to the ministry at that time, and to refute all the objections against them, as if they had a design of bringing in Popery and the Pretender: and farther to demonstrate, that the present settlement of the crown was chiefly owing to my lord your father…."

The Earl of Oxford had failed to extract the manuscript from Swift for the purpose he had expressed in his letter. But his friend and Swift's old friend, Erasmus Lewis, who had been Under-Secretary of State during Lord Oxford's administration, came to the Earl's assistance. He had not written to Swift for many years, but on June 30th, 1737, he took occasion to renew the correspondence and referred to the proposal for publishing the History in a manner which leaves no doubt as to who suggested to him to write:

" … Now I name him, I mean Lord Oxford, let me ask you if it be true, that you are going to print a History of the Four Last Years of the Queen? if it is, will not you let me see it before you send it to the press? Is it not possible that I may suggest some things that you may have omitted, and give you reasons for leaving out others? The scene is changed since that period of time: the conditions of the peace of Utrecht have been applauded by most part of mankind, even in the two Houses of Parliament: should not matters rest here, at least for some time? I presume your great end is to do justice to truth; the second point may perhaps be to make a compliment to the Oxford family: permit me to say as to the first, that though you know perhaps more than any one man, I may possibly contribute a mite; and, with the alteration of one word, viz. by inserting parva instead of magna, apply to myself that passage of Virgil, et quorum pars parva fui. As to the second point, I do not conceive your compliment to Lord Oxford to be so perfect as it might be, unless you lay the manuscript before him, that it may be considered here."

On the 4th of July, 1737, Oxford replied to Swift's letter of the 4th of June (referring to it as of the 14th of June), and emphasizes his earnest wish to see the manuscript. He also asks that it may be permitted him to show it to some friends:

"GOOD MR. DEAN,

"Your letter of June 14th, in answer to mine of the 7th of April, is come to my hands; and it is with no small concern that I have read it, and to find that you seem to have formed a resolution to put the History of the Four last Years of the Queen to the press; a resolution taken without giving your friends, and those that are greatly concerned, some notice, or suffering them to have time and opportunity to read the papers over, and to consider them. I hope it is not too late yet, and that you will be so good as to let some friends see them, before they are put to the press; and, as you propose to have the work printed here, it will be easy to give directions to whom you will please to give the liberty of seeing them; I beg I may be one: this request I again repeat to you, and I hope you will grant it. I do not doubt that there are many who will persuade you to publish it; but they are not proper judges: their reasons may be of different kinds, and their motives to press on this work may be quite different, and perhaps concealed from you.

"I am extremely sensible of the firm love and regard you had for my father, and have for his memory; and upon that account it is that I now renew my request, that you would at least defer this printing until you have had the advice of friends. You have forgot that you lent me the History to read when you were in England, since my father died; I do remember it well. I would ask your pardon for giving you this trouble; but upon this affair I am so nearly concerned, that, if I did not my utmost to prevent it, I should never forgive myself."

While this correspondence was in progress, Swift had given the manuscript to Lord Orrery to hand over to Dr. King. On June 24th, 1737, King wrote to Swift stating that he had received a letter from Mrs. Whiteway in which he was told to expect the manuscript from the hands of Lord Orrery. To Mrs. Whiteway he replied, on the same day, that he would wait on Lord Orrery to receive the papers. On July 23rd, 1737, Lord Orrery wrote to Swift informing him that "Dr. King has his cargo."

With the knowledge that the manuscript was on its way to King, Swift wrote the following reply to Lewis's letter:

July 23, 1737.

"DEAR FRIEND,

"While any of those who used to write to me were alive, I always inquired after you. But, since your secretaryship in the queen's time, I believed you were so glutted with the office, that you had not patience to venture on a letter to an absent useless acquaintance; and I find I owe yours to my Lord Oxford. The History you mention was written above a year before the queen's death. I left it with the treasurer and Lord Bolingbroke, when I first came over to take this deanery. I returned in less than a month; but the ministry could not agree about printing it. It was to conclude with the peace. I staid in London above nine months; but not being able to reconcile the quarrels between those two, I went to a friend in Berkshire, and, on the queen's death, came hither for good and all. I am confident you read that History; as this Lord Oxford did, as he owns in his two letters, the last of which reached me not above ten days ago. You know, on the queen's death, how the peace and all proceedings were universally condemned. This I knew would be done; and the chief cause of my writing was, not to let such a queen and ministry lie under such a load of infamy, or posterity be so ill-informed, &c. Lord Oxford is in the wrong to be in pain about his father's character, or his proceedings in his ministry; which is so drawn, that his greatest admirers will rather censure me for partiality; neither can he tell me anything material out of his papers, which I was not then informed of; nor do I know anybody but yourself who could give me more light than what I then received; for I remember I often consulted with you, and took memorials of many important particulars which you told me, as I did of others, for four years together. I can find no way to have the original delivered to Lord Oxford, or to you; for the person who has it will not trust it out of his hands; but, I believe, would be contented to let it be read to either of you, if it could be done without letting it out of his hands, although, perhaps, that may be too late."

Swift is evidently about to accede to the desires of his two friends, and Lewis, in his reply, takes it for granted that the manuscript will soon be in his possession for perusal and examination:

London, Aug. 4, 1737.

"I assure you, my dear Dean, 'twas matter of joy to me to receive a letter from you, and I hope 'tis an earnest of many more I may have hereafter, before you and I leave this world; though I must tell you, that if you and I revive our former Correspondence, you must indulge me the liberty of making use of another hand; for whether it be owing to age, or writing formerly whole nights by candle-light, or to both those causes, my sight is so far impaired, that I am not able, without much pain, to scratch out a letter.

"I do not remember ever to have read your History. I own my memory is much decayed; but still I think I could not have forgotten a matter of so much consequence, and which must have given me so great a pleasure. It is fresh in my mind, that Lord Oxford and the Auditor desired you to confer with me upon the subject matter of it; that we accordingly did so; and that the conclusion was, you would bury everything in oblivion. We reported this to those two, I mean to his lordship and his uncle, and they acquiesced in it. Now I find you have finished that piece. I ask nothing but what you grant in your letter of July 23d, viz. That your friend shall read it to me, and forbear sending it to the press, till you have considered the objections, if any should be made.

"In the meantime, I shall only observe to you in general, that three and twenty years, for so long it is since the death of Queen Anne, having made a great alteration in the world, and that what was sense and reason then, is not so now; besides, I am told you have treated some people's characters with a severity which the present times will not bear, and may possibly bring the author into much trouble, which would be matter of great uneasiness to his friends. I know very well it is your intention to do honour to the then treasurer. Lord Oxford knows it; all his family and friends know it; but it is to be done with great circumspection. It is now too late to publish a pamphlet, and too early to publish a History.

"It was always my opinion, that the best way of doing honour to the treasurer, was to write a History of the Peace of Utrecht, beginning with a short preamble concerning the calamitous state of our debt, and ending with the breaking our army, and restoring the civil power; that these great things were completed under the administration of the Earl of Oxford, and this should be his epitaph. Lord Bolingbroke is undoubtedly writing a History, but I believe will not live to finish it, because he takes it up too high, viz. from the Restoration. In all probability he'll cut and slash Lord Oxford. This is only my guess. I don't know it…."

King must have taken the manuscript to Lord Oxford and Lewis, and been present at its reading. When that reading actually took place is not ascertainable; but there is no doubt that before March 15th, 1738, King was aware of the criticisms made on it. On that day he writes to Mr. Deane Swift, explaining that he has been obliged to defer the publication until he has received Swift's answers to the objections made by the friends who read it. On April 25th, 1738, King wrote again to Mr. Deane Swift, regretting that he could not see him, "because I might have talked over with you all the affair of this History, about which I have been much condemned: and no wonder, since the Dean has continually expressed his dissatisfaction that I have so long delayed the publication of it. However, I have been in no fault: on the contrary, I have consulted the Dean's honour, and the safety of his person. In a word, the publication of this work, as excellent as it is, would involve the printer, publisher, author, and everyone concerned, in the greatest difficulties, if not in a certain ruin; and therefore it will be absolutely necessary to omit some of the characters…."

From which we gather that Lewis and the friends had been able to show King the extreme inadvisability of publishing the work. Swift knew nothing of this at the time, but Lewis did not long keep him in doubt, and the letter Lewis wrote Swift on April 8th, 1738, sets forth at length the objections and criticisms which had so changed King's attitude.

"London, April 8, 1738.

"I can now acquaint you, my dear Dean, that I have at last had the pleasure of reading your History, in the presence of Lord O———d, and two or three more, who think, in all political matters, just as you do, and are as zealous for your fame and safety as any persons in the world. That part of it which relates to the negotiations of peace, whether at London or at Utrecht, they admire exceedingly, and declare they never yet saw that, or any other transaction, drawn up with so much perspicuity, or in a style so entertaining and instructive to the reader, in every respect; but I should be wanting to the sincerity of a friend, if I did not tell you plainly, that it was the unanimous opinion of the company a great deal of the first part should be retrenched, and many things altered.

"1st, They conceive the first establishment of the South Sea Company is not rightly stated, for no part of the debt then unprovided for was paid: however the advantages arising to the public were very considerable; for, instead of paying for all provisions cent. per cent. dearer than the common market-price, as we did in Lord Godolphin's times, the credit of the public was immediately restored, and, by means of this scheme, put upon as good a footing as the best private security.

"2d, They think the transactions with Mr. Buys might have been represented in a more advantageous light, and more to the honour of that administration; and, undoubtedly they would have been so by your pen, had you been master of all the facts.

"3d, The D—— of M——'s courage not to be called in question.

"4th, The projected design of an assassination they believe true, but that a matter of so high a nature ought not to be asserted without exhibiting the proofs.

"5th, The present ministers, who are the rump of those whose characters you have painted, shew too plainly that they have not acted upon republican, or, indeed, any other principles, than those of interest and ambition.

"6th, Now I have mentioned characters, I must tell you they were clearly of opinion, that if those you have drawn should be published as they now stand, nothing could save the author's printer and publishers from some grievous punishment. As we have no traces of liberty now left but the freedom of the press, it is the most earnest desire of your friends that you would strike out all that you have said on that subject.

"Thus, my dear Dean, I have laid before you, in a plain manner the sentiments of those who were present when your History was read; if I have mistaken in anything, I ask pardon of you and them.

"I am not at liberty to name those who were present, excepting only the E—— of O——d, who has charged me to return you his thanks for what you have said of his father.

"What I have to say from myself is, that there were persons in the company to whose judgment I should pay entire deference. I had no opportunity of paying any on this occasion, for I concurred in the same opinion with them, from the bottom of my heart, and therefore conjure you as you value your own fame as an author, and the honour of those who were actors in the important affairs that make the subject of your History, and as you would preserve the liberty of your person, and enjoyment of your fortune, you will not suffer this work to go to the press without making some, or all the amendments proposed. I am, my dear Dean, most sincerely and affectionately yours,

"E.L.

"I thank you for your kind mention of me in your letter to Lord
Oxford.

"I had almost forgot to tell you, you have mistaken the case of the D—— of S——, which, in truth, was this, that his grace appearing at court, in the chamber next to the council-chamber, it was apprehended he would come into the cabinet-council; and therefore the intended meeting was put off: whereas one would judge, by your manner of stating it, that the council had met, and adjourned abruptly upon his taking his place there.

"I must add, that if you would so far yield to the opinions of your friends, as to publish what you have writ concerning the peace, and leave out everything that savours of acrimony and resentment, it would, even now, be of great service to this nation in general, and to them in particular, nothing having been yet published on the peace of Utrecht in such a beautiful and strong manner as you have done it. Once more, my dear Dean, adieu; let me hear from you."

It is to be presumed that Swift was again persuaded to abandon the publication of his History. Nothing further is heard of it, except a slight reference by Pope in a letter he wrote to Swift, under date May 17th, 1739, in which Pope informed him that Bolingbroke (who is writing his History of his own Time) has expressed his intention of differing from Swift's version, as he remembers it when he read the History in 1727. The variation would relate in particular to the conduct of the Earl of Oxford.

Slight as this reference is, there is yet enough in it to suggest another reason why Swift should withhold the publication of his work. It might be that this expressed intention of Bolingbroke's to animadvert on his dear friend's conduct, would just move Swift to a final rejection of his intention, and so, possibly, prevent Bolingbroke from publishing his own statement. However, the manuscript must have been returned, for nothing more was heard of it during Swift's lifetime.

Swift died in 1745, and thirteen years later appeared the anonymously edited "History of the Four Last Years." Is this the work which Swift wrote in 1713, which he permitted Pope and Bolingbroke to read in 1727, and which he prepared for publication in 1737?

In 1758 there was no doubt whatever raised, although there were at least two persons alive then—Lord Orrery and Dr. William King—who could easily have proved any forgery, had there been one.

The first suspicion cast on the work came from Dr. Johnson. Writing, in his life of Swift, of the published version, he remarks, "that it seemed by no means to correspond with the notions that I had formed of it from a conversation that I once heard between the Earl of Orrery and old Mr. Lewis." In what particulars this want of correspondence was made evident Johnson does not say. In any case, his suspicion cannot be received with much consideration, since the conversation he heard must have taken place at least twenty years before he wrote the poet's life, and his recollection of such a conversation must at least have been very hazy. Johnson's opinion is further deprived of weight when we read what he wrote of the History in the "Idler," in 1759, the year after its publication, that "the history had perished had not a straggling transcript fallen into busy hands." If the straggling manuscript were worth anything, it must have had some claims to authenticity; and if it had, then Johnson's recollection of what he heard Orrery and Lewis say, twenty years or more after they had said it, goes for very little.

Sir Walter Scott concludes, from the fact that Swift sent the manuscript to Oxford and Lewis, that it was afterwards altered in accordance with Lewis's suggestions. But a comparison of Lucas's text with Lewis's letter shows that nothing of the kind was done.

Lord Stanhope had "very great reason to doubt" the authenticity of the History, and considered it as "falsely ascribed to Swift." What this "very great reason" was, his lordship nowhere stated.

Macaulay, in a pencilled note in a copy of Orrery's "Remarks" (now in the British Museum) describes the History as "Wretched stuff; and I firmly believe not Swift's." But Macaulay could scarcely have had much ground for his note, since he took a description of Somers from the History, and embodied it in his own work as a specimen of what Somers's enemies said of him. If the History were a forgery, what object was gained in quoting from it, and who were the enemies who wrote it?

When, in 1873, Lord Beaconsfield, then Mr. Disraeli, made a speech at Glasgow, in which he quoted from the History and spoke of the words as by Swift, a correspondent in the "Times" criticised him for his ignorance in so doing. But the discussion which followed in the columns of that periodical left the matter just where it was, and, indeed, justified Beaconsfield. The matter was taken up by Mr. Edward Solly in "Notes and Queries;" but that writer threw no new light whatever on the subject.

But the positive evidence in favour of the authenticity is so strong, that one wonders how there could have been any doubt as to whether Swift did or did not write the History.

In the first place we know that Swift was largely indebted for his facts to Bolingbroke, when that statesman was the War Secretary of Queen Anne. A comparison of those portions of Swift's History which contain the facts with the Bolingbroke Correspondence, in which the same facts are embodied, will amply prove that Swift obtained them from this source, and as Swift was the one man of the time to whom such a favour was given, the argument in favour of Swift's authorship obtains an added emphasis.

In the second place, a careful reading of the correspondence between Swift and his friends on the subject of the publication of the History enables us to identify the references to the History itself. The "characters" are there; Sir Thomas Hanmer's Representation is also there, and all the points raised by Erasmus Lewis may be told off, one by one.

In the third place, Dr. Birch, the careful collector, had, in 1742, access to what he considered to be the genuine manuscript. This was three years before Swift's death. He made an abstract of this manuscript at the time, and this abstract is now preserved in the British Museum. Comparing the abstract with the edition published in 1758, there is no doubt that the learned doctor had copied from a manuscript which, if it were not genuine, was certainly the text of the work published in 1758 as "The History of the Four Last Years." But Dr. Birch's language suggests that he believed the manuscript he examined to be in Swift's own handwriting. If that be so, there is no doubt whatever of the authenticity. Birch was a very careful person, and had he had any doubts he could easily have settled them by applying to the many friends of the Dean, if not to the Dean himself. Moreover, it is absurd to believe that a forged manuscript of Swift's would be shown about during Swift's lifetime without it being known as a forgery. Mrs. Whiteway alone would have put a stop to its circulation had she suspected of the existence of such a manuscript.

Finally, it must be remembered that when the History was published in 1758, Lord Orrery was still living. If the work were a forgery, why did not Lord Orrery expose it? Nothing would have pleased him more. He had read the manuscript referred to in the Correspondence. He had carried it to Oxford and given it to King, at Swift's request. He knew all about it, and he said nothing.

These considerations, both negative and positive, lead us to the final conclusion that the History published in 1758 is practically the History referred to in Swift's Correspondence, and therefore the authentic work of Swift himself. We say practically, because there are some differences between it and the text published here. The differences have been recorded from a comparison between Lucas's version and the transcript of a manuscript discovered in Dublin in 1857, and made by Mr. Percy Fitzgerald. Mr. Fitzgerald found that this manuscript contained many corrections in Swift's own handwriting. At the time he came across it the manuscript was in the possession of two old ladies named Greene, grand-daughters of Mrs. Whiteway, and grand-nieces of Swift himself. On the title-page there was the following note:

"This is the originall manuscript of the History, corrected by me, and given into the custody of Mrs. Martha Whiteway by me Jonathan Swift, June 15, 1737. seven.

"I send a fair copy of this History by the Earl of Orrery to be printed in England.

"JONATH. SWIFT."

Mr. Fitzgerald was permitted to make a collation of this manuscript, and his collation he sent to the late John Forster. It is now in the Victoria and Albert Museum, South Kensington.[2]

[Footnote 2: I regret that I have been unable to trace the existence of this manuscript of Swift's "History." Mr. Fitzgerald himself has no recollection of having made the collation. "Forty-five years ago," he writes, "is a long time to look back to," and he cannot recall the fact.]

If this manuscript be what, on the face of it, it claims to be, then the question of authenticity is for ever settled. As we have no doubt on this point, the corrections and variations between this manuscript, as collated by Mr. Percy Fitzgerald and the Lucas version, have been noted in the present edition.

In 1752 Lord Orrery issued his "Remarks" on the life and character of Swift. The work obtained for him a certain notoriety, and brought down upon him some severe censure from the friends of Swift who were still alive. But, whatever may have been Orrery's private opinion of Swift, that should not invalidate any information as to fact of which he had the knowledge to speak. Writing in that book of the History, he says: "Dr. Swift left behind him few manuscripts. Not one of any consequence, except an account of the peace of Utrecht, which he called 'An History of the four last Years of Queen Anne.' The title of an history is too pompous for such a performance. In the historical style, it wants dignity and candour: but as a pamphlet it will appear the best defence of Lord Oxford's administration, and the clearest account of the Treaty of Utrecht, that has hitherto been written."[3]

[Footnote 3: Second edition, pp. 206-207.]

The most ardent and devoted of Swift's admirers could hardly find a juster criticism of the work. It should satisfy any unprejudiced reader of the printed History as we now have it, and to that extent emphasize the authenticity.

An interesting sidelight on Swift's History is thrown by Chesterfield in a letter he wrote to Dr. Chenevix, Bishop of Waterford, on May 23rd, 1758. We must believe that the noble lord wrote in good faith and certainly in the full belief that the work he was criticising was the work of Swift. Chesterfield's criticism points directly to Swift as the author, since his justification for Bolingbroke's story is to be found in the work as Lucas printed it in 1758. Speaking of the History, Chesterfield calls it "a party pamphlet, founded on the lie of the day, which, as lord Bolingbroke who had read it often assured me, was coined and delivered out to him, to write Examiners, and other political papers upon. That spirit remarkably runs through it. Macarteney, for instance, murdered duke Hamilton;[4] nothing is falser, for though Macarteney was very capable of the vilest actions, he was guiltless of that, as I myself can testify, who was at his trial on the king's bench, when he came over voluntarily to take it, in the late king's time. There did not appear even the least ground for a suspicion of it; nor did Hamilton, who appeared in court, pretend to tax him with it, which would have been in truth accusing himself of the utmost baseness, in letting the murderer of his friend go off from the field of battle, without either resentment, pursuit, or even accusation, till three days afterwards. This lie was invented to inflame the Scotch nation against the Whigs; as the other, that prince Eugene intended to murder lord Oxford, by employing a set of people called Mohocks, which society, by the way, never existed, was calculated to inflame the mob of London. Swift took those hints de la meilleure foi du monde, and thought them materials for history. So far he is blameless."[5]

[Footnote 4: See page 178 of this volume.]

[Footnote 5: "Chesterfield's Works," pp. 498-499.]

Ignoring Chesterfield's indignation, we must believe that the references made by him to Macartney and Eugene, must have been in the manuscript Bolingbroke read; else how could Bolingbroke tell Chesterfield of their meaning? If this be so, we have a still further warrant for a strong presumption in favour of authenticity. There can really be very little doubt on the matter.

What we may doubt, however, is not the authenticity, but the value of the History as an historical document. Without question, Swift wrote in good faith; but he also wrote as a partisan, and a partisan with an affectionate leaning for the principal character in the drama he was describing. Orrery was right when he called it "a pamphlet," and "the best defence of Lord Oxford's administration." As a pamphlet and as a defence it has some claim on our attention. As a contribution to the history of the treaty of Utrecht it is of little account. Swift could not, had he even known everything, write the true story of the negotiations for publication at the time. In the first place, he would never have attempted it—the facts would have been demoralizing; and in the second place, had he accomplished it, its publication would have been a matter for much more serious consideration than was given even to the story he did write. For Swift's purpose, it was much better that he did not know the full extent of the ministry's perfidy. His affection for Oxford and his admiration for Bolingbroke would have received a great shock. He knew their weaknesses of character, though not their infidelity to honour. There can be no defence of the Oxford administration, for the manner in which it separated England from its allies and treated with a monarch who was well known to it as a political chicaner. The result brought a treaty by which Louis XIV. gained and the allies lost, and this in spite of the offers previously made by the bankrupt monarch at Gertruydenberg.

The further contents of this volume deal with what might better be called Swiftiana. They include a collection of very interesting annotations made by Swift in his copies of Macky's "Characters," Clarendon's "History of the Rebellion," Burnet's "History of his Own Time," and Addison's "Freeholder." The notes to Clarendon and Burnet have always found an important place in the many editions of these well-known works which have been issued from time to time. As here reprinted, however, they have in all cases been compared with the originals themselves. It will be found that very many additions have been made, the result of careful comparison and collation with the originals in Swift's handwriting.

My obligations are again due to Mr. W. Spencer Jackson for very valuable assistance in the collation of texts; to Mr. George Ravenscroft Dennis for several important suggestions; to Mr. Percy Fitzgerald for the use I have made of his transcriptions; and to Mr. Strickland of the National Gallery of Ireland for his help in the matter of Swift portraits.

I am greatly indebted to Mr. C. Litton Falkiner of Killiney, co. Wicklow, for his untiring assistance to me during my stay in Dublin; to the Very Rev. the Dean of St. Patrick's Cathedral for permission to consult the Marsh collection; and to the Rev. Newport J.D. White, the courteous librarian of the Marsh Library, for enthusiastic aid in my researches. I also owe very hearty thanks to Mr. Stanley Lane-Poole for introductions to the librarians of Trinity College and the Royal Irish Academy.

The portrait prefixed to this volume is a reproduction of the bust by
Roubiliac in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin.

TEMPLE SCOTT.

DUBLIN,

August 14th, 1902.

CONTENTS

THE HISTORY OF THE FOUR LAST YEARS OF THE QUEEN

AN ABSTRACT OF THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND:
From the invasion of it by Julius Caesar to the Reign of Henry the Second

REMARKS ON THE CHARACTERS OF THE COURT OF QUEEN ANNE

REMARKS ON LORD CLARENDON'S "HISTORY OF THE REBELLION"

REMARKS ON BISHOP BURNET'S "HISTORY OF HIS OWN TIME"

NOTES ON THE "FREEHOLDER"

INDEX

THE HISTORY OF

THE FOUR LAST YEARS

OF THE QUEEN.

By the late

JONATHAN SWIFT,

D.D. D.S.P.D.

Published from the

Last MANUSCRIPT Copy, Corrected and

Enlarged by the Author's OWN HAND.

LONDON:

Printed for A. MILLAR, in the Strand:

MDCCLVIII.

ADVERTISEMENT

PREFIXED TO THE EDITION OF 1758.[1]

[Footnote 1: This advertisement was written by the editor, Dr. Charles Lucas of Dublin. This Lucas was the patriot who created such a stir in Irish politics between the years 1743 and 1750. Lord Townshend, in a letter to the Marquis of Granby, called him "the Wilkes of Ireland." As an author he seems to have been very prolific, though of no polish in his writings. Lucas's disclaimers of sympathy with the opinions contained in the work he edited are somewhat over-stated, and his criticisms are petty. A full account of this hot-headed physician may be found in the Dictionary of National Biography. It was Dr. Johnson, in his life of Swift, who first published the information that Lucas edited this "History." [T.S.]]

Thus, the long wished for History of the Four Last Years of the Queen's Reign is at length brought to light, in spite of all attempts to suppress it!

As this publication is not made under the sanction of the name, or names, which the author and the world had a right to expect; it is fit some account of the works appearing in this manner should be here given.

Long before the Dean's apparent decline, some of his intimate friends, with concern, foresaw the impending fate of his fortune and his works. To this it is owing, that these sheets, which the world now despaired of ever seeing, are rescued from obscurity, perhaps from destruction.

For this, the public is indebted to a gentleman, now in Ireland, of the greatest probity and worth, with whom the Dean long lived in perfect intimacy. To this gentleman's hands the Dean entrusted a copy of his History, desiring him to peruse and give his judgment of it, with the last corrections and amendments the author had given it, in his own hand.

His friend read, admired, and approved. And from a dread of so valuable and so interesting a work's being by any_ _accident lost or effaced, as was probable by its not being intended to be published in the author's lifetime; he resolved to keep this copy, till the author should press him for it; but with a determined purpose, it should never see the light, while there was any hopes of the author's own copy being published, or even preserved.

This resolution he inviolably kept, till he and the world had full assurance, that the Dean's executors, or those into whose hands the original copy fell, were so far from intending to publish it, that it was actually suppressed, perhaps destroyed.

Then, he thought himself not only at liberty, but judged it his duty to his departed friend, and to the public, to let this copy, which he had now kept many years most secretly, see the light.

Thus it has at length fallen into the hands of a person, who publishes it for the satisfaction of the public, abstracted from all private regards; which are never to be permitted to come in competition with the common good.

Every judicious eye will see, that the author of these sheets wrote with strong passions, but with stronger prepossessions and prejudices in favour of a party. These, it may be imagined, the editor, in some measure, may have adopted, and published this work as a kind of support of that party, or some surviving remnant thereof.

It is but just to undeceive the reader, and inform him from what kind of hand he has received this work. A man may regard a good piece of painting, while he despises the subject; if the subject be ever so despicable, the masterly strokes of the painter may demand our admiration, while he, in other respects, is entitled to no portion of our regard.

In poetry, we carry our admiration still farther; and like the poet, while we actually contemn the man. Historians share the like fate; hence some, who have no regard to propriety or truth, are yet admired for diction, style, manner, and the like.

The editor considers this work in another light. He long knew the author, and was no stranger to his politics, connections, tendencies, passions, and the whole economy of his life. He has long been hardily singular in condemning this great man's conduct amid the admiring multitude, nor ever could have thought of making an interest in a man, whose principles and manners he could by no rule of reason or honour approve, however he might have admired his parts and wit.

Such was judged the disposition of the man, whose history of the most interesting period of time in the annals of Britain are now, herein, offered to the reader. He may well ask from what motives? The answer is easily, simply given.

The causes assigned for delaying the publication of this history were principally these:[2] That the manuscript fell into the hands of men, who, whatever they might have been by the generality deemed, were by the Dean believed to be of his party, though they did not, after his death, judge it prudent to avow his principles, more than to deny them in his lifetime. These men, having got their beavers, tobacco-boxes, and other trifling remembrances of former friendship, by the Dean's will, did not choose publicly to avow principles, that had marred their friend's promotion, and might probably put a stop to theirs. Therefore, they gave the inquisitive world to understand, that there was something too strong against many great men, as well as the succeeding system of public affairs in general, in the Dean's History of the Four Last Years of the Queen's Reign, to admit of a publication, in our times; and, with this poor insinuation, excused themselves, and satisfied the weakly well-affected, in suppressing the manifestation of displeasing truths, of however great importance to society.

[Footnote 2: The causes for the delay in the publication of the
"History" are given at length by the present editor in the Introduction.
[T.S.]]

This manuscript has now fallen into the hands of a man, who never could associate with, or even approve, any of the parties or factions, that have differently distracted, it might be said disgraced, these kingdoms; because he has as yet known none, whose motives or rules of action were truth and the public good alone; of one, who judges, that perjured magistrates of all denominations, and their most exalted minions, may be exposed, deprived, or cut off, by the fundamental laws of his country; and who, upon these principles, from his heart approves and glories in the virtues of his predecessors, who revived the true spirit of the British polity, in laying aside a priest-ridden, an hen-pecked, tyrannical tool, who had overturned the political constitution of his country, and in reinstituting the dissolved body politic, by a revolution supported by the laws of nature and the realm, as the only means of preserving the natural and legal, the civil and religious liberties of the members of the commonwealth.

Truth, in this man's estimation, can hurt no good cause. And falsehood and fraud, in religion and politics, are ever to be detected, to be exploded.

Insinuations, that this History contained something injurious to the present establishment, and therefore necessary to be suppressed, serve better the purposes of mistaken or insidious malcontents than the real publication can. And, if any thing were by this, or any other, History to be shown essentially erroneous in our politics, who, that calls himself a Briton, can be deemed such an impious slave, as to conceal the destructive evil? The editor of this work disdains and abhors the servile thought, and wishes to live no longer than he dares to think, speak, write, and, in all things, to act worthy of a Briton.

From this regard to truth and to his country, the editor of this History was glad of an opportunity of rescuing such a writing from those who meant to suppress it. The common cause, in his estimation, required and demanded it should be done; and the sooner it is published, he judged, the better: for, if the conduct of the Queen and her ministers does not deserve the obloquy that has been long industriously cast upon it, what is more just than to vindicate it? What more reasonable than that this should be done, while living witnesses may yet be called, to prove or disprove the several allegations and assertions; since, in a few years more, such witnesses may be as much wanting as to prevent a canonization, which is therefore prudently procrastinated for above an age? Let us then coolly hear what is to be said on this side the question, and judge like Britons.

The editor would not be thought to justify the author of this History, in all points, or even to attempt to acquit him of unbecoming prejudices and partiality. Without being deeply versed in history or politics, he can see his author, in many instances, blinded with passions that disgrace the historian; and blending, with phrases worthy of a Caesar or a Cicero, expressions not to be justified by truth, reason, or common sense, yet think him a most powerful orator, and a great historian.

No unprejudiced person will blame the Dean for doing all that is consistent with truth and decency to vindicate the government of the Queen, and to exculpate the conduct of her ministers and her last general; all good men would rejoice at such a vindication. But, if he meant no more than this, his work would ill deserve the title of an History. That he generally tells truths, and founds his most material assertions upon fact, will, I think be found very evident. But there is room to suspect, that, while he tells no more than the truth, he does not tell the whole truth. However, he makes it very clear, that the Queen's allies, especially our worthy friends the Dutch, were much to blame for the now generally condemned conduct of the Queen, with regard to the prosecution of the war and the bringing about the peace.

The authors drawings of characters are confessedly partial: for he tells us openly, he means not to give characters entire, but such parts of each man's particular passions, acquirements, and habits, as he was most likely to transfer into his political schemes. What writing, what sentence, what character, can stand this torture?—What extreme perversion may not, let me say, does not, this produce? Yet thus does he choose to treat all men, that were not favourers of the latest measures of the Queen, when the best that has been said for her, shows no more than that she was blindfolded and held in leading-strings by her ministers.

He does not spare a man, confessed by all the world to have discharged the duties of his function like a soldier, like an hero. But charges Prince Eugene with raising and keeping up a most horrible mob, with intent to assassinate Harley. For all which odious charges he offers not one individual point of proof.

He is not content with laying open again the many faults already publicly proved upon the late Duke of Marlborough, but insinuates a new crime, by seeming to attempt to acquit him of aspiring at the throne. But this is done in a manner peculiar to this author.

On the other hand, he extols the ministers, and minions of the Queen, in the highest terms; and while he robs their antagonists of every good quality, generally gives those wisdom and every virtue that can adorn human nature.

He is not ashamed to attempt to justify, what all thinking good men must condemn, the Queen's making twelve peers at once, to serve a particular turn.

All these may be ascribed to the strength of his passions, and to the prejudices, early imbibed, in favour of his indulgent royal mistress and her favourites and servants.[3] The judicious will look through the elegant clothing, and dispassionately consider these as mere human errors, to which no well-informed mind can assent. The editor thinks himself bound to protest against them.

[Footnote 3: That Swift should have a strong partiality to Harley and St. John, by whom he was respected and trusted to a most uncommon degree, is natural and obvious; but upon what ground Queen Anne, who disliked his person, and obstructed his preferment, is here termed his indulgent mistress, the author of this preface ought to have condescended to explain. [S.]]

He makes a few lapses on the other side, without being as clear as an impartial historian would choose to appear. He more than hints at the Queen's displeasure at its being moved in Parliament, that the Prince Elector should be invited to reside in England, to whose crown he was by law declared presumptive heir, but is always open upon the Queen's insisting on the Pretender's being sent out of France.—It is easy to see how incompatible these things appear. Nothing could tend more to secure the Hanover succession, and to enlarge its benefits to Britain, than the bringing over the successor, who should, in every country, be well instructed in the language, customs, manners, religion, and laws of his future subjects, before he comes to hold the reins of government. And our author does not take the proper care to inform us how far the French thought fit to comply with banishing the Pretender their dominions, since many still live in doubt, that if he was sent out of France, he was sent into England.

But there is one expression of our author too perverse, too grossly abused, to admit of any apology, of any palliation. It is not to be supposed, that he was ignorant of any word in the English language. And least of all can he be supposed ignorant of the meaning of a word, which, had it been ever so doubtful before, had a certain meaning impressed upon it by the authority of Parliament, of which no sensible subject can be ignorant.

Notwithstanding this, where our author speaks of the late King James, he calls him the abdicated King, and gives the same epithet even to his family. Though this weak, ill-advised, and ill-fated prince, in every sense of the word, with Romans and English, and to all intents and purposes, abdicated, yet can he, in no sense, be called abdicated; unless the people's asserting their rights, and defending themselves against a king, who broke his compact with his subjects, and overturned their government, can be called abdication in them; which no man in his senses can be hardy enough to support upon any principle of reason or the laws of England. Let the reader judge which this is most likely to be, error or design.

These exceptions the editor thought himself bound to make to some parts of this work, to keep clear of the disagreeable imputations of being of a party, of whatsoever denomination, in opposition to truth and the rights and liberties of the subject.

These laid aside, the work will be found to have many beauties, many excellencies. Some have of late affected to depreciate this History, from an insinuation, made only since the author's death, to wit, that he was never admitted into the secrets of the administration, but made to believe he was a confident, only to engage him in the list of the ministerial writers of that reign.

The falsehood of this will readily appear upon perusal of the work. This shows he knew the most secret springs of every movement in the whole complicated machine. That he states facts, too well known to be contested, in elegant simplicity, and reasons upon them with the talents of the greatest historian. And thus makes an History, composed rather of negotiations than actions, most entertaining, affecting, and interesting, instead of being, as might be expected, heavy, dull, and disagreeable.

It is now fit to apologize for some errors, which the judicious must discover upon a perusal of this work. It is for this, among other reasons, much to be lamented, that this History was not published under the author's own inspection. It is next to impossible to copy or print any work without faults, and most so where the author's eye is wanting.

It is not to be imagined, that even our author, however accurate, however great, was yet strictly and perfectly correct in his writings. Yet, where some seeming inaccuracies in style or expression have been discovered, the deference due to the author made any alteration too presumptuous a task for the editor. These are, therefore, left to the amending hand of every sensible and polite reader; while the editor hopes it will suffice, that he should point out some of those errors, which are to be ascribed either to transcribers or the press, and which may be rectified in the manner following, in reading the work.[4]

[Footnote 4: Here follows list of errata. (These errors have been corrected in the present edition.)]

And thus; with these and perhaps some few such like corrections, it is hoped this work will be found completely correct.

THE AUTHOR'S PREFACE.[1]

[Footnote 1: The time when it was written does not appear; but it was probably many years after the Queen's death. [N.] First published in 1765. [W.S.J.]]

Having written the following History at Windsor, in the happy reign of Her Majesty Queen Anne, of ever glorious, blessed, and immortal memory; I resolved to publish it, for the satisfaction of my fellow-subjects, in the year 1713; but, being under a necessity of going to Ireland, to take possession of the deanery of St. Patrick's, Dublin, I left the original with the ministers; and having stayed in that kingdom not above a fortnight, I found, at my return, that my Lord Treasurer Oxford, and the secretary my Lord Bolingbroke, who were then unhappily upon very ill terms with each other, could not agree upon publishing it, without some alterations which I would not submit to. Whereupon I kept it by me until Her Majesty's death, which happened about a year after.

I have ever since preserved the original very safely; too well knowing what a turn the world would take upon the German family's succeeding to the crown; which indeed was their undoubted right, having been established solemnly by the act of an undisputed Parliament, brought into the House of Commons by Mr. Harley, who was then Speaker.

But, as I have said in another discourse,[2] it was very well understood, some years before Her Majesty's death, how the new King would act, immediately upon his entrance, in the choice of those (and those alone) whom he resolved to trust; and consequently what reports would industriously be raised, as well as spread, to expose the proceedings of Her Majesty herself, as well as of her servants; who have been ever since blasted as enemies to the present establishment, by the most ignorant and malicious among mankind.

[Footnote 2: "Memoirs relating to the Change in the Queen's Ministry."
See vol. v. of present edition. [T.S.]]

Therefore, as it was my lot to have been daily conversant with the persons then in power; never absent in times of business or conversation, until a few weeks before Her Majesty's death; and a witness of almost every step they made in the course of their administration; I must have been very unfortunate not to be better informed than those miserable pamphleteers, or their patrons, could pretend to. At the same time, I freely confess, it appeared necessary, as well as natural, upon such a mighty change as the death of a sovereign, that those who were to be in power upon the succession, and resolved to act in every part by a direct contrary system of politics, should load their predecessors with as much infamy as the most inveterate malice and envy could suggest, or the most stupid ignorance and credulity in their underlings could swallow.

Therefore, as I pretend to write with the utmost impartiality, the following History of the Four Last Years of her Majesty's Reign, in order to undeceive prejudiced persons at present, as well as posterity; I am persuaded in my own mind, as likewise by the advice of my oldest and wisest friends, that I am doing my duty to God and man, by endeavouring to set future ages right in their judgment of that happy reign; and, as a faithful historian, I cannot suffer falsehoods to run on any longer, not only against all appearance of truth as well as probability, but even against those happy events, which owe their success to the very measures then fixed in the general peace.

The materials for this History, besides what I have already mentioned, I mean the confidence reposed in me for those four years, by the chief persons in power, were extracted out of many hundred letters written by our ambassadors abroad, and from the answers as well as instructions sent them by our secretaries of state, or by the first minister the Earl of Oxford. The former were all originals, and the latter copies entered into books in the secretaries' office, out of both which I collected all that I thought convenient; not to mention several Memorials given me by the ministers at home. Further, I was a constant witness and observer of all that passed; and entered every particular of any consequence upon paper.

I was so far from having any obligation to the crown, that, on the contrary, Her Majesty issued a proclamation, offering three hundred pounds to any person who would discover the author of a certain short treatise,[3] which the Queen well knew to have been written by me. I never received one shilling from the minister, or any other present, except that of a few books; nor did I want their assistance to support me. I very often dined indeed with the treasurer and secretary; but, in those days, that was not reckoned a bribe, whatever it may have been at any time since. I absolutely refused to be chaplain to the Lord Treasurer; because I thought it would ill become me to be in a state of dependence.

[Footnote 3: "The Public Spirit of the Whigs." [D.S.]]

I say this, to shew that I had no other bias than my own opinion of persons and affairs. I preserved several of the opposite party in their employments, who were persons of wit and learning, particularly Mr. Addison and Mr. Congreve, neither of whom were ever in any danger from the treasurer, who much esteemed them both; and, by his lordship's commands, I brought the latter to dine with him. Mr. Steele might have been safe enough, if his continually repeated indiscretions, and a zeal mingled with scurrilities, had not forfeited all title to lenity.[4]

[Footnote 4: A full account of the severance of the friendly relations between Swift and Steele is given in the fifth volume of the present edition (see pp. 276-282). [T.S.]]

I know very well the numberless prejudices of weak and deceived people, as well as the malice of those, who, to serve their own interest or ambition, have cast off all religion, morality, justice, and common decency. However, although perhaps I may not be believed in the present age, yet I hope to be so in the next, by all who will bear any regard for the honour and liberty of England, if either of these shall then subsist or not.

I have no interest or inclination to palliate the mistakes, or omissions, or want of steadiness, or unhappy misunderstandings, among a few of those who then presided in affairs.

Nothing is more common than the virulence of superficial and ill informed writers, against the conduct of those who are now called prime ministers: And, since factions appear at present to be at a greater height than in any former times, although perhaps not so equally poised; it may probably concern those who are now in their height, if they have any regard for their own memories in future ages, to be less warm against others, who humbly differ from them in some state opinions. Old persons remember, at least by tradition, the horrible prejudices that prevailed against the first Earl of Clarendon, whose character, as it now stands, might be a pattern for all ministers; although even Bishop Burnet of Sarum, whose principles, veracity, and manner of writing, are so little esteemed upon many accounts, hath been at the pains to vindicate him.

Upon that irreparable breach between the treasurer and secretary Bolingbroke, after my utmost endeavours, for above two years, to reconcile them, I retired to a friend in Berkshire, where I stayed until Her Majesty's death;[5] and then immediately returned to my station in Dublin, where I continued about twelve years without once seeing England. I there often reviewed the following Memoirs; neither changing nor adding, further than by correcting the style: And, if I have been guilty of any mistakes, they must be of small moment; for it was hardly possible I could be wrong informed, with all the advantages I have already mentioned.

[Footnote 5: See vol. v. of the present edition—the notes on pp. 390, 393-394, 420, 421, and 426. [T.S.]]

I shall not be very uneasy under the obloquy that may, perhaps, be cast upon me by the violent leaders and followers of the present prevailing party. And yet I cannot find the least inconsistence with conscience or honour, upon the death of so excellent a princess as her late Majesty, for a wise and good man to submit, with a true and loyal heart, to her lawful Protestant successor; whose hereditary title was confirmed by the Queen and both Houses of Parliament, with the greatest unanimity, after it had been made an article in the treaty, that every prince in our alliance should be a guarantee of that succession. Nay, I will venture to go one step farther; that, if the negotiators of that peace had been chosen out of the most professed zealots for the interests of the Hanover family, they could not have bound up the French king, or the Hollanders, more strictly than the Queen's plenipotentiaries did, in confirming the present succession; which was in them so much a greater mark of virtue and loyalty, because they perfectly well knew, that they should never receive the least mark of favour, when the succession had taken place.

THE HISTORY OF THE FOUR LAST YEARS OF THE QUEEN.

BOOK I.

I propose give the public an account of the most important affairs at home, during the last session of Parliament, as well as of our negotiations of peace abroad, not only during that period, but some time before and since. I shall relate the chief matters transacted by both Houses in that session, and discover the designs carried on by the heads of a discontented party,[1] not only against the ministry, but, in some manner, against the crown itself. I likewise shall state the debts of the nation, show by what mismanagement, and to serve what purposes, they were at first contracted, by what negligence or corruption they have so prodigiously grown, and what methods have since been taken to provide not only for their payment, but to prevent the like mischief for the time to come. Although, in an age like ours, I can expect very few impartial readers, yet I shall strictly follow truth, or what reasonably appeared to me to be such, after the most impartial inquiries I could make, and the best opportunities of being informed, by those who were the principal actors or advisers.[2]

[Footnote 1: P. Fitzgerald says "faction." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 2: Swift's informants were, of course, Harley and Bolingbroke, though the latter stated that Swift was given only such information as served the ministry's purpose in the work they had given him for "The Examiner" and the party pamphlets written in their defence. It is, however, quite interesting in this connection, to see how closely Swift's narrative follows the published political correspondence of Bolingbroke. [T.S.]]

Neither shall I mingle panegyric or satire with an history intended to inform posterity, as well as to instruct those of the present age, who may be ignorant or misled; since facts, truly related, are the best applauses, or most lasting reproaches.

Discourses upon subjects relating to the public usually seem to be calculated for London only, and some few miles about it; while the authors suppose their readers to be informed of several particulars, to which those that live remote are, for the generality, utter strangers. Most people, who frequent this town, acquire a sort of smattering (such as it is), which qualifies them for reading a pamphlet, and finding out what is meant by innuendoes, or hints at facts or persons, and initial letters of names, wherein gentlemen at a distance, although perhaps of much better understandings, are wholly in the dark. Wherefore, that these Memoirs may be rendered more generally intelligible and useful, it will be convenient to give the reader a short view of the state and disposition of affairs, when the last session of Parliament began. And because the party-leaders, who had lost their power and places, were, upon that juncture, employing all their engines, in an attempt to re-establish themselves, I shall venture one step further, and represent so much of their characters as may be supposed to have influenced their politics.

On the seventh day of December, one thousand seven hundred and eleven, began the second session of Parliament. It was now above a year since the Queen had thought fit to put the great offices of state, and of her own household, into other hands; however, three of the discontented lords were still in possession of their places, for the Duke of Marlborough continued general, the Duke of Somerset master of the horse, and the Earl of Cholmondeley treasurer of Her Majesty's household;[3] likewise great numbers of the same party[4] still kept employments of value and importance, which had not been usual of late years upon any changes of ministry. The Queen, who judged the temper of her people by this House of Commons, which a landed interest had freely chosen, found them very desirous of a secure and honourable peace, and disposed[5] to leave the management of it to her own wisdom, and that of her own council. She had, therefore, several months before the session began, sent to inform the States General of some overtures which had been made her by the enemy; and, during that summer, Her Majesty took several farther steps in that great affair, until at length, after many difficulties, a congress at Utrecht, for a general peace, was agreed upon, the whole proceedings of which previous negotiations, between our court and that of France, I shall, in its proper place, very particularly relate.

[Footnote 3: See note on p. 385 of vol. v. of present edition. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 4: P. Fitzgerald says "the ejected party." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 5: P. Fitzgerald adds "(as it was their duty)." [W.S.J.]]

The nation was already upon a better foot, with respect to its debts; for the Earl of Oxford, lord treasurer, had, in the preceeding session, proposed and effected ways and means, in the House of Commons (where he was then a member), for providing a parliamentary fund, to clear the heavy arrear of ten millions (whereof the greatest part lay upon the navy), without any new burthen (at least after a very few years) to the kingdom; and, at the same time, he took care to prevent farther incumbrances upon that article, by finding ready money for naval provisions, which has saved the public somewhat more than cent. per cent. in that mighty branch of our expenses.

The clergy were altogether in the interests and the measures of the present ministry, which had appeared so boldly in their defence, during a prosecution against one of their members,[6] where the whole sacred order was understood to be concerned. The zeal shown for that most religious bill, to settle a fund for building fifty new churches in and about the city of London,[7] was a fresh obligation; and they were farther highly gratified, by Her Majesty's choosing one of their body to be a great officer of state.[8]

[Footnote 6: Dr. Sacheverell. [N.]]

[Footnote 7: A suggestion originally made by Swift himself. See vol. iii., p. 45, of present edition. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 8: Dr. Robinson, Lord Bishop of Bristol, to be Lord Privy Seal. [ORIGINAL NOTE.] Dr. Robinson, who was appointed Bishop of London in 1713, died in 1723. [W.S.J.]]

By this time likewise, all disputes about these principles, which used originally to divide Whig and Tory, were wholly dropped; and those fantastical words ought in justice to have been so too, provided we could have found out more convenient names, whereby to distinguish lovers of peace from lovers of war;[9] or those who would leave Her Majesty some degree of freedom in the choice of her ministers, from others, who could not be satisfied with her choosing any, except such as she was most averse from. But, where a nation is once divided, interest and animosity will keep open the breach, without being supported by any other principles; or, at worst, a body of discontented people can change, and take up what principles they please.

[Footnote 9: Swift had already, in his "Some Free Thoughts upon the Present State of Affairs," attempted to re-define the distinctions of Whig and Tory. The latter, he urged, was of that party which pronounced for the principles of loyalty to the Church and the preservation of the Protestant succession in the House of Hanover. Swift felt that the majority of the people at large were strong for these principles, and the party that would openly accept them as its "platform" would, he argued, be the party that would obtain the people's support. Had Bollngbroke not delayed the publication of this tract, it might have had great influence in keeping the Tories in power. See vol. v. of present edition, pp. 380, 393. [T.S.]]

As to the disposition of the opposite party, we all remember, that the removal of the last ministry was brought about by several degrees; through which means it happened, that they and their friends were hardly recovered out of one astonishment, before they fell into another. This scene lasted for some months, and was followed by a period of rage and despair, natural to those who reflect that they have lost a secure game, by their own rashness, folly, and want of common management, when, at the same time, they knew by experience, that a watchful and dexterous adversary lay ready to take the advantage. However, some time before the session, the heads of that party began to recollect themselves, and rally their forces, like an enemy who hath been beaten out of the field, but finds he is not pursued; for although the chiefs of this faction were thought to have but little esteem or friendship for each other, yet they perfectly agreed in one general end, of distressing, by all possible methods, the new administration, wherein if they could succeed so far as to put the Queen under any great necessity, another Parliament must be called, and perhaps the power[10] devolve again into their own hands.

[Footnote 10: P. Fitzgerald says "and the power naturally." [W.S.J.]]

The issue and event of that grand confederacy appearing in both Houses, although under a different form, upon the very first day the Parliament met, I cannot better begin the relation of affairs, commencing from that period, than by a thorough detection of the whole intrigue, carried on with the greatest privacy and application, which must be acknowledged to have for several days disconcerted some of the ministry, as well as dispirited their friends; and the consequences thereof, which have in reality been so very pernicious to the kingdom.

But because the principal leaders in this design are the same persons to whom, since the loss of their power, all the opposition has been owing which the court received, either in treaties abroad, or the administration at home; it may not be improper to describe those qualities in each of them, which few of their admirers will deny, and which appear chiefly to have influenced them in acting their several parts upon the public stage. For I do not intend to draw their characters entire, which would be tedious, and little to the purpose, but shall only single out those passions, acquirements, and habits, which the owners were most likely to transfer into their political schemes, and which were most subservient to the designs they seemed to have in view.

The Lord Somers[11] may very deservedly be reputed the head and oracle of that party; he hath raised himself, by the concurrence of many circumstances, to the greatest employments of the state, without the least support from birth or fortune; he hath constantly, and with great steadiness, cultivated those principles under which he grew. That accident which first produced him into the world, of pleading for the bishops whom King James had sent to the Tower, might have proved a piece of merit, as honourable as it was fortunate, but the old republican spirit, which the Revolution had restored, began to teach other lessons—That since we had accepted a new King, from a Calvinistical commonwealth, we must also admit new maxims in religion and government. But, since the nobility and gentry would probably adhere to the established Church, and to the rights of monarchy, as delivered down from their ancestors, it was the practice of those politicians to introduce such men as were perfectly indifferent to any or no religion, and who were not likely to inherit much loyalty from those to whom they owed their birth. Of this number was the person I am now describing. I have hardly known any man, with talents more proper to acquire and preserve the favour of a prince; never offending in word or gesture; in the highest degree courteous and complaisant; wherein he set an excellent example to his colleagues, which they did not think fit to follow. But this extreme civility is universal and undistinguished, and in private conversation, where he observeth it as inviolably as if he were in the greatest assembly, it is sometimes censured as formal. Two reasons are assigned for this behaviour: first, from the consciousness of his humble original,[12] he keepeth all familiarity at the utmost distance, which otherwise might be apt to intrude; the second, that being sensible how subject he is to violent passions, he avoideth all incitements to them, by teaching those he converses with, from his own example, to keep a great way within the bounds of decency and respect. And it is indeed true, that no man is more apt to take fire, upon the least appearance of provocation; which temper he strives to subdue, with the utmost violence upon himself: so that his breast has been seen to heave, and his eyes to sparkle with rage, in those very moments when his words, and the cadence of his voice, were in the humblest and softest manner: perhaps that force upon his nature may cause that insatiable love of revenge, which his detractors lay to his charge, who consequently reckon dissimulation among his chief perfections. Avarice he hath none; and his ambition is gratified, by being the uncontested head of his party. With an excellent understanding, adorned by all the polite parts of learning, he hath very little taste for conversation, to which he prefers the pleasure of reading and thinking; and in the intervals of his time amuseth himself with an illiterate chaplain, an humble companion, or a favourite servant.

[Footnote 11: See note on p. 29 of vol. i. of present edition. Swift's "Dedication" of "A Tale of a Tub" to Somers strikes a somewhat different note from that of this "character." [T.S.]]

[Footnote 12: His father, John Somers, was an attorney at law in the town of Worcester. [S.]]

These are some few distinguishing marks in the character of that person, who now presideth over the discontented party, although he be not answerable for all their mistakes; and if his precepts had been more strictly followed, perhaps their power would not have been so easily shaken. I have been assured, and heard him profess, that he was against engaging in that foolish prosecution of Dr. Sacheverell, as what he foresaw was likely to end in their ruin; that he blamed the rough demeanour of some persons to the Queen, as a great failure in prudence; and that, when it appeared Her Majesty was firmly resolved upon a treaty of peace, he advised his friends not to oppose it in its progress, but find fault with it after it was made; which would be a copy of the like usage themselves had met with, after the treaty of Ryswick;[13] and the safest, as well as the most probable, way of disgracing the promoters and advisers. I have been the larger in representing to the reader some idea of this extraordinary genius, because, whatever attempt hath hitherto been made, with any appearance of conduct, or probability of success, to restore the dominion of that party,[14] was infallibly contrived by him; and I prophesy the same for the future, as long as his age and infirmities will leave him capable of business.

[Footnote 13: See note in vol. v., p. 67, of present edition, [T.S.]]

[Footnote 14: P. Fitzgerald says "faction." [W.S.J.]]

The Duke of Marlborough's character[15] hath been so variously drawn, and is indeed of so mixed a nature in itself, that it is hard to pronounce on either side, without the suspicion of flattery or detraction. I shall say nothing of his military accomplishments, which the opposite reports, of his friends and enemies among the soldiers, have rendered[26] problematical: but if he be among those who delight in war, it is agreed to be not for the reasons common with other generals. Those maligners who deny him personal valour, seem not to consider that this accusation is charged at a venture; since the person of a wise general is too seldom exposed, to form any judgment in the matter: and that fear, which is said to have sometimes[17] disconcerted him before an action, might probably be more for his army than for himself.[18] He was bred in the height of what is called the Tory principle; and continued with a strong bias that way, till the other party had bid higher for him than his friends could afford to give. His want of literature is in some sort supplied by a good understanding, a degree of natural elocution, and that knowledge of the world which is learned in armies and courts. We are not to take the height of his ambition from his soliciting to be general for life:[19] I am persuaded his chief motive was the pay and perquisites, by continuing the war; and that he had then no intentions of settling the crown in his family, his only son having been dead some years before.[20] He is noted to be master of great temper, able to govern or very well to disguise his passions, which are all melted down, or extinguished, in his love of wealth. That liberality which nature has denied him, with respect of money, he makes up by a great profusion of promises: but this perfection, so necessary in courts, is not very successful in camps among soldiers, who are not refined enough to understand or to relish it.[21]

[Footnote 15: For further remarks on Marlborough, see Swift's "Conduct of the Allies," "The Learned Comment on Dr. Hare's Sermon," and "The Examiner." [T.S.]]

[Footnote 16: P. Fitzgerald adds "altogether." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 17: P. Fitzgerald says "usually." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 18: This reflection on Marlborough's personal courage was one of the points noted by Erasmus Lewis in his letter to Swift of April 8th, 1738. The friends who had met to read and pass opinion on this "History" decided that in any printed form of this work it would be advisable not to call in question the courage of Marlborough. See Sir W. Scott's edition, vol. xix., pp. 133-136. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 19: See "Memoirs Relating to that Change," etc., in vol. v., pp. 372-373 of present edition. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 20: See "The Conduct of the Allies," vol. v., p. 103, and also
"A Learned Comment," etc., p. 179 of same volume of present edition.
[T.S.]]

[Footnote 21: See the Letter to Marcus Crassus in "The Examiner," No. 28 in vol. ix. of present edition. [T.S.]]

His wife, the Duchess, may justly challenge her place in this list. It is to her the Duke is chiefly indebted for his greatness and his fall; for above twenty years she possessed, without a rival, the favours of the most indulgent mistress in the world, nor ever missed one single opportunity that fell in her way of improving it to her own advantage.[22] She hath preserved a tolerable court reputation, with respect to love and gallantry;[23] but three Furies reigned in her breast, the most mortal enemies of all softer passions, which were sordid Avarice, disdainful Pride, and ungovernable Rage; by the last of these often breaking out in sallies of the most unpardonable sort, she had long alienated her sovereign's mind, before it appeared to the world.[24] This lady is not without some degree of wit, and hath in her time affected the character of it, by the usual method of arguing against religion, and proving the doctrines of Christianity to be impossible and absurd. Imagine what such a spirit, irritated by the loss of power, favour, and employment, is capable of acting or attempting; and then I have said enough.

[Footnote 22: See the "Account of the Conduct of the Duchess of Marlborough, in a Letter from Herself, to Lord ——," 8vo, 1742, passim. [N.] See also "Memoirs Relating to that Change," etc., in vol. v. of present edition. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 23: P. Fitzgerald adds "(to which, however, she hath been thought not entirely a stranger)." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 24: See note in vol. v., p. 368, of present edition. [T.S.]]

The next in order to be mentioned is the Earl of Godolphin.[25] It is said, he was originally intended for a trade, before his friends preferred him to be a page at court; which some have very unjustly objected as a reproach. He hath risen gradually in four reigns, and was much more constant to his second master King James than some others, who had received much greater obligations; for he attended the abdicated King to the sea-side, and kept constant correspondence with him till the day of his death. He always professed a sort of passion for the Queen at St. Germain's; and his letters were to her in the style of what the French call double entendre. In a mixture of love and respect, he used frequently to send her from hence little presents of those things which are agreeable to ladies, for which he always asked King William's leave, as if without her privity; because, if she had known that circumstance, it was to be supposed she would not accept them. Physiognomists would hardly discover, by consulting the aspect of this lord, that his predominant passions were love and play; that he could sometimes scratch out a song in praise of his mistress, with a pencil and card; or that he hath tears at command, like a woman, to be used either in an intrigue of gallantry or politics. His alliance with the Marlborough family, and his passion for the Duchess, were the cords which dragged him into a party, whose principles he naturally disliked, and whose leaders he personally hated, as they did him. He became a thorough convert by a perfect trifle; taking fire at a nickname[26] delivered by Dr. Sacheverell, with great indiscretion, from the pulpit, which he applied to himself: and this is one among many instances given by his enemies, that magnanimity is none of his virtues.

[Footnote 25: See note in vol. v., p. 68, of present edition. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 26: Volpone. [ORIGINAL NOTE.]]

The Earl of Sunderland[27] is another of that alliance. It seems to have been this gentleman's fortune, to have learned his divinity from his uncle,[28] and his politics from his tutor.[29] It may be thought a blemish in his character, that he hath much fallen from the height of those republican[30] principles with which he began; for in his father's lifetime, while he was a Member of the House of Commons, he would often, among his familiar friends, refuse the title of Lord (as he hath done to myself), swear he would never be called otherwise than Charles Spencer, and hoped to see the day when there should not be a peer in England. His understanding, at the best, is of the middling size; neither hath he much improved it, either in reality, or, which is very unfortunate, even in the opinion of the world, by an overgrown library.[31] It is hard to decide, whether he learned that rough way of treating his sovereign from the lady he is allied to,[32] or whether it be the result of his own nature. The sense of the injuries he hath done, renders him (as it is very natural) implacable towards those to whom he hath given greatest cause to complain; for which reason he will never forgive either the Queen or the present treasurer.

[Footnote 27: See note in vol. v., pp. 377-378 of present edition.
[T.S.]]

[Footnote 28: John Digby, third earl of Bristol. [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 29: Dr. Trimnel, since Bishop of Winton. [ORIGINAL NOTE.] He was Bishop of Norwich, 1708-1721, and of Winchester from 1721 till his death in 1723. [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 30: P. Fitzgerald says "Whiggish." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 31: The library that made such a sensation in the bibliographical world when it was sold at auction in the latter part of the last century. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 32: His lordship married the Duchess of Marlborough's second daughter. "Account, etc.," p. 286. [N.]]

The Earl of Wharton[33] hath filled the province allotted him by his colleagues, with sufficiency equal to the ablest of them all. He hath imbibed his father's[34] principles in government; but dropped his religion, and took up no other in its stead: excepting that circumstance, he is a firm Presbyterian. He is perfectly skilled in all the arts of managing at elections, as well as in large baits of pleasure for making converts of young men of quality, upon their first appearance; in which public service he contracted such large debts, that his brethren were forced, out of mere justice, to leave Ireland at his mercy, where he had only time to set himself right. Although the graver heads of his party think him too profligate and abandoned, yet they dare not be ashamed of him; for, beside his talents above mentioned, he is very useful in Parliament, being a ready speaker, and content to employ his gift upon such occasions, where those who conceive they have any remainder of reputation or modesty are ashamed to appear. In short, he is an uncontestable instance to discover the true nature of faction; since, being overrun with every quality which produceth contempt and hatred, in all other commerce of the world, he hath, notwithstanding, been able to make so considerable a figure.

[Footnote 33: See also "A Short Character," etc. in vol. v. and "The
Examiner," Nos. 18 and 23, in vol. ix. of present edition. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 34: The Earl, his father, was a rigid Presbyterian. [ORIGINAL
NOTE.]]

The Lord Cowper,[35] although his merits are later than the rest, deserveth a rank in this great council. He was considerable in the station of a practising lawyer; but, as he was raised to be a chancellor, and a peer, without passing through any of the intermediate steps, which in late times hath been the constant practice, and little skilled[36] in the nature of government, or the true interests of princes, further than the municipal or common law of England; his abilities, as to foreign affairs, did not equally appear in the council. Some former passages of his life were thought to disqualify him for that office, by which he was to be the guardian of the Queen's conscience;[37] but these difficulties were easily overruled by the authors of his promotion, who wanted a person that would be subservient to all their designs; wherein they were not disappointed. As to his other accomplishments, he was what we usually call a piece of a scholar, and a good logical reasoner; if this were not too often allayed, by a fallacious way of managing an argument, which made him apt to deceive the unwary, and sometimes to deceive himself.

[Footnote 35: See vol. v., p. 372 of present edition. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 36: P. Fitzgerald says "altogether unskilled." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 37: See "The Examiner," Nos. 18 and 23, in vol. ix. of this edition. [W.S.J.]]

The last to be spoken of in this list is the Earl of Nottingham,[38] a convert and acquisition to that party since their fall, to which he contributed his assistance; I mean his words, and probably his wishes; for he had always lived under the constant visible profession of principles, directly opposite to those of his new friends. His vehement and frequent speeches against admitting the Prince of Orange to the throne are yet to be seen; and although a numerous family gave a specious pretence to his love of power and money, for taking an employment under that monarch, yet he was allowed to have always kept a reserve of allegiance to his exiled master; of which his friends produce several instances, and some while he was secretary of state to King William. His outward regularity of life, his appearance of religion, and seeming zeal for the Church, as they are an effect, so they are the excuse for that stiffness and formality with which his nature[39] is fraught. His adust complexion disposeth him to rigour[40] and severity, which his admirers palliate with the name of zeal. No man had ever a sincerer countenance, or more truly representing his mind and manners. He hath some knowledge in the law, very amply sufficient to defend his property at least.[41] A facility of utterance, descended to him from his father,[42] and improved by a few sprinklings of literature, hath brought himself, and some few admirers, into an opinion of his eloquence. He is every way inferior to his brother Guernsey,[43] but chiefly in those talents which he most values and pretends to; over whom, nevertheless, he preserveth an ascendant.[44] His great ambition was to be the head of those who were called the Church party; and, indeed, his grave solemn deportment and countenance, seconded by abundance of professions for their service, had given many of them an opinion of his veracity,[45] which he interpreted as their sense of his judgment and wisdom;[46] and this mistake lasted till the time of his defection, of which it was partly the cause; but then it plainly appeared, that he had not credit to bring over one single proselyte, to keep himself in countenance.

[Footnote 38: See notes in vol. v., pp. 246-248 of present edition.
[T.S.]]

[Footnote 39: P. Fitzgerald says "that stiffness, pride, and formality with which his intractable nature." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 40: P. Fitzgerald says "to cruelty." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote: 41 P. Fitzgerald says "some smattering in the law, which makes it not very safe or easy to deal with him, where property is concerned." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 42: P. Fitzgerald adds "grafted upon a wrong understanding."
[W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 43: Heneage Finch was created Lord Guernsey in 1703, and Earl of Aylesford in 1714. He died in 1719. [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 44: P. Fitzgerald adds "I suppose by the right of primogeniture." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 45: P. Fitzgerald says "of his honesty." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 46: He acquired, from his solemnity of deportment, the nickname of Diego and from his gravity, that of Dismal. [S.]]

These lineaments, however imperfectly drawn, may help the reader's imagination to conceive what sort of persons those were, who had the boldness to encounter the Queen and ministry, at the head of a great majority of the landed interest; and this upon a point where the quiet of Her Majesty's reign, the security, or at least the freedom, of her person, the lives of her most faithful friends, and the settling of the nation by a peace, were, in the consequences, deeply concerned.[47]

[Footnote 47: It was these "lineaments, imperfectly drawn," that Erasmus Lewis specially emphasized for omission, in his letter to Swift already referred to. "Now I have mentioned characters," wrote Lewis, "I must tell you that they [the friends who had met to read the 'History' in manuscript] were clearly of opinion, that if those you have drawn should be published as they now stand, nothing could save the author's printer and publishers from some grievous punishment. As we have no traces of liberty now left but the freedom of the press, it is the most earnest desire of your friends that you would strike out all that you have said on that subject" (Sir W. Scott's edit., vol. xix., pp. 133-136). [T.S.]]

During the dominion of the late men in power, addresses had been procured from both Houses to the Queen, representing their opinion, that no peace could be secure for Britain, while Spain or the West Indies remained in the possession of the Bourbon family. But Her Majesty having, for reasons which have been often told to the world, and which will not soon be forgotten, called a new Parliament, and chose a new set of servants, began to view things and persons in another light. She considered the necessities of her people, the distant prospect of a peace upon such an improbable condition, which was never mentioned or understood in the grand alliance; the unequal burthen she bore in the war, by the practices of the allies upon the corruption of some whom she most trusted, or perhaps by the practices of these upon the allies; and, lastly, by the changes which death had brought about in the Austrian and Bourbon families. Upon all which motives she was prevailed upon to receive some overtures from France, in behalf of herself and the whole confederacy. The several steps of this negotiation, from its first rise to the time I am now writing, shall be related in another part of this History. Let it suffice for the present to say, that such proposals were received from France as were thought sufficient by our court whereupon to appoint time and place for a general treaty; and soon after the opening of the session, the Bishop[48] of Bristol, lord privy seal, was dispatched to Utrecht, where he and the Earl of Strafford were appointed plenipotentiaries for the Queen of Great Britain.

[Footnote 48: Dr. Robinson, afterwards Bishop of London. [ORIGINAL
NOTE.]]

The managers of the discontented party, who, during the whole summer, had observed the motions of the court running fast towards a peace, began to gather up all their forces, in order to oppose Her Majesty's designs, when the Parliament should meet. Their only strength was in the House of Lords, where the Queen had a very crazy majority, made up by those whose hearts were in the other interest; but whose fears, expectations, or immediate dependence, had hitherto kept them within bounds. There were two lords upon whose abilities and influence, of a very different nature, the managers built their strongest hopes. The first was the Duke of Somerset, master of the horse. This duke, as well as his duchess, was in a good degree of favour with the Queen, upon the score of some civilities and respects Her Majesty had received from them, while she was princess.[49] For some years after the Revolution, he never appeared at court, but was looked upon as a favourer of the abdicated family; and it was the late Earl of Rochester who first presented him to King William. However, since the time he came into employment, which was towards the close of the last reign, he hath been a constant zealous member of the other party; but never failed in either attendance or respect towards the Queen's person, or, at most, only threatened sometimes, that he would serve no longer, while such or such men were employed; which, as things went then, was not reckoned any offence at all against duty or good behaviour. He had been much caressed and flattered by the Lords of the Junto,[50] who sometimes went so far as to give him hopes of the crown, in reversion to his family, upon failure of the house of Hanover. All this worked so far upon his imagination, that he affected to appear the head of their party, to which his talents were no way proportioned; for they soon grew weary of his indigested schemes, and his imperious manner of obtruding them: they began to drop him at their meetings, or contradicted him, with little ceremony, when he happened to be there, which his haughty nature[51] was not able to brook. Thus a mortal quarrel was kindled between him and the whole assembly of party leaders; so that, upon the Queen's first intentions of changing her ministry, soon after the trial of Dr. Sacheverell, he appointed several meetings with Mr. Harley alone, in the most private manner, in places and at times least liable to suspicion. He employed all his credit with the Queen to drive on the removal of my Lord Godolphin, and the rest; and, in the council, treated the small remainder, who continued some time longer in their places, with all possible marks of hatred or disdain. But when the question came for dissolving the Parliament, he stopped short: he had already satiated his resentments, which were not against things, but persons: he furiously opposed that counsel, and promised to undertake for the Parliament himself. When the Queen had declared her pleasure for the dissolution, he flew off in greater rage than ever; opposed the court in all elections, where he had influence or power; and made very humble[52] advances to reconcile himself with the discarded lords, especially the Earl of Godolphin, who is reported to have treated him at Newmarket in a most contemptuous manner. But the sincerity of his repentance, which appeared manifestly in the first session of the new Parliament, and the use he might be of by his own remaining credit, or rather that of his duchess, with the Queen, at length begat a reconcilement. He still kept his employment, and place in the cabinet council; but had never appeared there, from an avowed dislike of all persons and proceedings. It happened about the end of summer, one thousand seven hundred and eleven, at Windsor, when the cabinet council was summoned, this duke, whether by directions from his teachers, or the instability of his nature, took a fancy to resume his place, and a chair was brought accordingly; upon which Mr. Secretary St. John refused to assist, and gave his reasons, that he would never sit in council with a man who had so often betrayed them, and was openly engaged with a faction which endeavoured to obstruct all Her Majesty's measures. Thus the council was put off to next day, and the duke made no farther attempts to be there.[53] But, upon this incident, he declared open war against the ministry; and, from that time to the session, employed himself in spiriting up several depending lords to adhere to their friends, when an occasion should offer. The arguments he made use of, were, that those in power designed to make an ignominious and insecure peace, without consulting the allies; that this could be no otherwise prevented than by an address from the Lords, to signify their opinion, that no peace could be honourable or secure, while Spain or the West Indies remained in any of the Bourbon family:[54] upon which several farther resolutions and inquiries would naturally follow; that the differences between the two Houses, upon this point, must either be made up by the Commons agreeing with the Lords, or must end in a dissolution, which would be followed by a return of the old ministry, who, by the force of money and management, could easily get another Parliament to their wishes. He farther assured them boldly, that the Queen herself was at the bottom of this design, and had empowered him to desire their votes against the peace, as a point that would be for her service; and therefore they need not be in pain upon account of their pensions, or any farther marks of favour they expected. Thus, by reviving the old art of using Her Majesty's authority against her person, he prevailed over some, who were not otherwise in a station of life to oppose the crown; and his proselytes may pretend to some share of pity, since he offered for an argument his own example, who kept his place and favour, after all he had done to deserve the loss of both.

[Footnote 49: In 1692, on a difference which the princess had with King
William and his Queen, occasioned by her warm attachment to the Duchess
of Marlborough, she quitted The Cockpit, and accepted the Duke of
Somerset's offer of Sion House for a temporary residence. [N.]]

[Footnote 50: A cant name given to five lords of that party. [ORIGINAL
NOTE.]]

[Footnote 51: P. Fitzgerald says "the pride of his nature." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 52: P. Fitzgerald says "the meanest." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 53: "I had almost forgot to tell you," writes Lewis to Swift in the same letter, "you have mistaken the case of the D—— of S——, which, in truth, was this, that his grace appearing at court, in the chamber next to the council chamber, it was apprehended he would come into the cabinet council, and therefore the intended meeting was put off; whereas one would judge, by your manner of stating it, that the council had met, and adjourned abruptly upon his taking his place there." Sir W. Scott's edit. vol. xix., pp. 133-136. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 54: It was Nottingham who moved this argument in the form of an amendment to the address on 7th December, 1711. See infra, and also vol. v., p. 444 of present edition. [T.S.]]

The other lord, in whom the discontented managers placed much of their hopes, was the Earl of Nottingham, already mentioned; than whom no man ever appeared to hate them more, or to be more pleased at their fall, partly from his avowed principles, but chiefly from the hopes he had of sharing in their spoils. But it fell out, that he was no way acceptable to the Queen or her new servants: these apprehended no little trouble and impediment to the public business, from his restless, talkative, overweening manner, if once he was suffered to have any part in affairs; and he stood very ill with the court, having made a motion in the House of Lords, and in Her Majesty's presence, that the Electoral Prince of Hanover might be invited to reside in England, although he had before declared to the Queen how much he was against that proposal, when it was first offered by the other party. However, some very considerable employments had been given to his nearest relations, and he had one or two offers for himself, which he thought fit to refuse, as not equal to his merits and character. Upon the Earl of Rochester's decease, he conceived that the crown would hardly overlook him for president of the council, and deeply resented that disappointment. But the Duke of Newcastle, lord privy seal, dying some time after, he found that office was first designed for the Earl of Jersey, and, upon this lord's sudden death, was actually disposed of to the Bishop of Bristol by which he plainly saw, that the Queen was determined against giving him any opportunity of directing in affairs, or displaying his eloquence in the cabinet council. He had now shaken off all remains of patience or temper, and, from the contemplation of his own disappointments, fell, as it is natural, to find fault with the public management, and to assure his neighbours in the country, that the nation was in imminent danger of being ruined. The discontented[55] lords were soon apprised of this great change, and the Duke of Roxburgh,[56] the earl's son-in-law, was dispatched to Burleigh on the Hill, to cultivate his present dispositions, and offer him whatever terms he pleased to insist on. The Earl immediately agreed to fall in with any measures for distressing or destroying the ministry but, in order to preserve his reputation with the Church party, and perhaps bring them over to his interests, he proposed, that a bill should be brought into the House of Lords for preventing occasional conformity, and be unanimously agreed to by all the peers of the low-church[57] principle, which would convince the world of their good intentions to the established religion,[58] and that their oppositions to the court wholly proceeded from their care of the nation, and concern for its honour and safety.[59]

[Footnote 55: P. Fitzgerald says "factious." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 56: John Ker, Earl of Roxburgh, was created Earl of Kelso,
Marquess of Cessford and Beaumont, and Duke of Roxburgh in 1707.
[W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 57: P. Fitzgerald says "Whig." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 58: P. Fitzgerald says "established Church." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 59: Nottingham succeeded in carrying the bill against
Occasional Conformity on December 15th, 1711. See Swift's "Letter to a
Whig Lord," in vol. v. of present edition. [T.S.]]

These preparations were public enough, and the ministers had sufficient time to arm themselves; but they seem to have acted, in this juncture, like men who trusted to the goodness of their cause, and the general inclinations of the kingdom, rather than to those arts which our corruptions have too often made necessary. Calculations were indeed taken, by which it was computed, that there would be a majority of ten upon the side of the court. I remember to have told my Lord Harcourt and Mr. Prior, that a majority of ten was only a majority of five, because if their adversaries could bring off five, the number would be equal: and so it happened to prove; for the mistake lay in counting upon the bare promises of those who were wholly in the interest of the old ministry, and were only kept in awe by the fear of offending the crown, and losing their subsistence, wherein the Duke of Somerset had given them full satisfaction.

With these dispositions of both parties, and fears and hopes of the event, the Parliament met upon the seventh of December, one thousand seven hundred and eleven. The Queen's speech (excepting what related to supplies) was chiefly taken up in telling both Houses what progress she had made towards a general peace, and her hopes of bringing it to a speedy conclusion. As soon as Her Majesty was withdrawn, the House of Lords, in a committee, resolved upon an address of thanks; to which the Earl of Nottingham proposed an addition of the following clause.

"And we do beg leave to represent it to Your Majesty, as the humble opinion and advice of this House, that no peace can be safe or honourable to Great Britain and Europe, if Spain and the West Indies are to be allotted to any branch of the house of Bourbon."

He was seconded by the Earl of Scarborough; and, after a debate of several hours, the question for the clause was carried, as I remember, by not above two voices.[60] The next day the House agreed with the committee. The depending lords, having taken fresh courage from their principals, and some who professed themselves very humble servants to the present ministry, and enemies to the former, went along with the stream, pretending not to see the consequences that must visibly follow. The address was presented on the eleventh, to which Her Majesty's answer was short and dry. She distinguished their thanks from the rest of the piece; and, in return to Lord Nottingham's clause, said, She should be sorry that any body could think she would not do her utmost to recover Spain and the West Indies from the house of Bourbon.

[Footnote 60: The previous question in favour of the Earl of Nottingham's amendment was carried by a single vote, the main question by a majority of no less than eight! [S.] But Bishop Burnet says "by three voices" ("Hist. Own Time," ii. 584), and Coxe says "by a majority of 64 to 52." [W.S.J.]]

Upon the fifteenth of December the Earl of Nottingham likewise brought in the bill to prevent occasional conformity (although under a disguised title), which met with no opposition; but was swallowed by those very lords, who always appeared with the utmost violence against the least advantage to the established Church.

But in the House of Commons there appeared a very different spirit; for when one Mr. Robert Walpole offered a clause of the same nature with that of the Earl of Nottingham, it was rejected with contempt by a very great majority. Their address was in the most dutiful manner, approving of what Her Majesty had done towards a peace, and trusting entirely to her wisdom in the future management of it. This address was presented to the Queen a day before that of the Lords, and received an answer distinguishedly gracious. But the other party[61] was no ways discouraged by either answer, which they looked upon as only matter of course, and the sense of the ministry, contrary to that of the Queen.

[Footnote 61: P. Fitzgerald says "faction." [W.S.J.]]

The Parliament sat as long as the approaching festival would allow; and upon the twenty-second, the land-tax and occasional bills having received the royal assent, the House of Commons adjourned to the fourteenth of January following: but the adjournment of the Lords was only to the second, the prevailing party there being in haste to pursue the consequences of the Earl of Nottingham's clause, which they hoped would end in the ruin of the treasurer, and overthrow the ministry; and therefore took the advantage of this interval, that they might not be disturbed by the Commons.

When this address against any peace without Spain, &c. was carried in the House of Lords, it is not easy to describe the effects it had upon most men's passions. The partisans of the old ministry triumphed loudly, and without any reserve, as if the game were their own. The Earl of Wharton was observed in the House to smile, and put his hands to his neck when any of the ministry was speaking, by which he would have it understood that some heads were in danger. Parker, the chief justice, began already with great zeal and officiousness to prosecute authors and printers of weekly and other papers, writ in defence of the administration: in short, joy and vengeance sat visible in every countenance of that party.[62]

[Footnote 62: See "Journal to Stella," December 13th (vol. ii., p. 299 of present edition). [W.S.J.]]

On the other side, all well-wishers to the Queen, the Church, or the peace, were equally dejected; and the treasurer stood the foremost mark both of his enemies' fury, and the censure of his friends: among the latter, some imputed this fatal miscarriage to his procrastinating nature; others, to his unmeasurable public thrift: both parties agreed, that a first minister, with very moderate skill in affairs, might easily have governed the event: and some began to doubt, whether the great fame of his abilities, acquired in other stations, were what he justly deserved: all this he knew well enough, and heard it with great phlegm; neither did it make any alteration in his countenance or humour. He told Monsieur Buys, the Dutch envoy, two days before the Parliament sat, that he was sorry for what was like to pass, because the States would be the first sufferers, which he desired the envoy to remember: and to his nearest friends, who appeared in pain about the public or themselves, he only said that all would be well, and desired them not to be frighted.[63]

[Footnote 63: See Swift's account of an interview with the lord treasurer in his "Journal to Stella," December 8th (ibid., p. 296). [W.S.J.]]

It was, I conceive, upon these motives, that the treasurer advised Her Majesty to create twelve new lords,[64] and thereby disable the sting of faction for the rest of her lifetime: this promotion was so ordered, that a third part were of those on whom, or their posterity, the peerage would naturally devolve; and the rest were such, whose merit, birth, and fortune, could admit of no exception.

[Footnote 64: See note, vol. ii., p. 308, and note, vol. v., p. 446.
[W.S.J.]]

The adverse party, being thus driven down by open force, had nothing left but to complain, which they loudly did; that it was a pernicious[65] example set for ill princes to follow, who, by the same rule, might make at any time an hundred as well as twelve, and by these means become masters of the House of Lords whenever they pleased, which would be dangerous to our liberties. To this it was answered, that ill princes seldom trouble themselves to look for precedents; that men of great estates will not be less fond of preserving their liberties when they are created peers; that in such a government as this, where the Prince holds the balance between two great powers, the nobility and people, it is the very nature of his office to remove from one scale into the other, or sometimes put his own weight in the lightest, so as to bring both to an equilibrium; and lastly, that the other party had been above twenty years corrupting the nobility with republican principles, which nothing but the royal prerogative could hinder from overspreading us.

[Footnote 65: P. Fitzgerald says "dangerous." [W.S.J.]]

The conformity bill above mentioned was prepared by the Earl of Nottingham before the Parliament met, and brought in at the same time with the clause against peace, according to the bargain made between him and his new friends: this he hoped would not only save his credit with the Church party, but bring them over to his politics, since they must needs be convinced, that instead of changing his own principles, he had prevailed on the greatest enemies to the established religion to be the first movers in a law for the perpetual settlement of it. Here it was worth observing, with what resignation the Junto Lords (as they were then called) were submitted to by their adherents and followers; for it is well known, that the chief among the dissenting teachers in town were consulted upon this affair, and such arguments used, as had power to convince them, that nothing could be of greater advantage to their cause than the passing this bill. I did, indeed, see a letter at that time from one of them to a great[66] man, complaining, that they were betrayed and undone by their pretended friends; but they were in general very well satisfied upon promises that this law should soon be repealed, and others more in their favour enacted, as soon as their friends should be re-established.

[Footnote 66: It was to the Treasurer himself. [ORIGINAL NOTE.] Scott says that it was written by Mr. Shower on December 20th, and that the writer complained that the Dissenters had "been shamefully abandoned, sold, and sacrificed, by their professed friends." [W.S.J.]]

But nothing seemed more extraordinary than the event of this refined management, by which the Earl of Nottingham was so far from bringing over proselytes (wherein his abilities fell very short even of the Duke of Somerset's); or preserving the reputation of a firm churchman, that very few people did so much as imagine he had any such design; only when he brought in the bill, they conceived it was some wonderful deep reach of politics, which they could not comprehend: however, they liked the thing, and without troubling themselves about the persons or motives from whence it rose, it had a very speedy passage through both Houses. It must be confessed, that some attempt of this nature was much more necessary to the leaders of that party, than is generally thought. The desire of power and revenge was common to them all; but several among them were also conscious that they stood in need of protection, whose safety was therefore concerned in the design of ruining the ministry, as well as their ambition. The Duke of Marlborough foresaw those examinations, which were afterwards made into some parts of his management, and was apprehensive of a great deal more; that the Parliament would perhaps enquire into the particulars of the negotiation at The Hague in one thousand seven hundred and nine; for what ends, and by whose advice the propositions of peace from France were rejected: besides, he dreaded lest that mysterious policy might be laid open to the world, of desiring the Queen to constitute him general for life, which was a very tender point, and would admit of much proof. It is true, indeed, that whilst the Duke's affair was under the consideration of the House of Commons, one of his creatures[67] (whether by direction or otherwise) assured the Speaker, with a very serious countenance, that the world was mistaken in censuring his lord upon this article; for it was the Queen who pressed the Duke to accept that commission; and upon his humble refusal conceived her first displeasure against him. How such a defence would have passed, if it had been offered in form, is easier to be conceived, than how any person in his wits could have the confidence to affirm it; which last it would indeed be hard to believe, if there were any room left for doubt.

[Footnote 67: Craggs, father to the secretary. [ORIGINAL NOTE.]]

The Earl of Godolphin wanted protection, notwithstanding the act of general pardon, which had been procured by his credit, and was principally calculated for his own security. He knew that his long neglect of compelling the accomptants to pass their accompts, might be punished as a breach of trust. He had run the kingdom into immense debts, by taking up stores for the navy upon a vast discount, without parliamentary security; for which he could be able to plead neither law nor necessity: and he had given way, at least, to some proceedings, not very justifiable, in relation to remittances of money, whereby the public had suffered considerable losses. The Barrier Treaty sat heavy upon the Lord Townshend's spirits, because if it should be laid before the House of Commons, whoever negotiated that affair, might be subject to the most severe animadversions: and the Earl of Wharton's administration in Ireland was looked upon as a sufficient ground to impeach him, at least, for high crimes and misdemeanours.

The managers in Holland were sufficiently apprised of all this; and Monsieur Buys, their minister here, took care to cultivate that good correspondence between his masters and their English friends, which became two confederates, pursuing the same end.

This man[68] had been formerly employed in England from that republic, and understood a little of our language. His proficiency in learning has been such, as to furnish now and then a Latin quotation, of which he is as liberal as his stock will admit. His knowledge in government reaches no farther than that of his own country, by which he forms and cultivates matters of state for the rest of the world. His reasonings upon politics are with great profusion at all meetings; and he leaves the company with entire satisfaction that he hath fully convinced them. He is well provided with that inferior sort of cunning, which is the growth of his country, of a standard with the genius of the people, and capable of being transferred into every condition of life among them, from the boor to the burgomaster. He came into England with instructions, authorizing him to accommodate all differences between Her Majesty and the States; but having first advised with the confederate lords, he assured the ministry he had powers to hear their proposals, but none to conclude: and having represented to his masters what had been told him by the adverse party, he prevailed with them to revoke his powers. He found the interest of those who withstood the court, would exactly fall in with the designs of the States, which were to carry on the war as they could, at our expense, and to see themselves at the head of a treaty of peace, whenever they were disposed to apply to France, or to receive overtures from thence.[69]

[Footnote 68: P. Fitzgerald says "gentleman." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 69: Erasmus Lewis, in the letter already cited, refers to Buys, and gives the opinion of the gentlemen who had read the "History," on this matter, as follows: "They think the transactions with Mr. Buys might have been represented in a more advantageous light, and more to the honour of that administration; and, undoubtedly they would have been so by your pen, had you been master of all the facts." And yet the facts as related by Swift in this and the last book of this "History" are substantially the facts as disclosed in Bolingbroke's Political Correspondence. [T.S.]]

The Emperor, upon many powerful reasons, was utterly averse from all counsels which aimed at putting an end to the war, without delivering him the whole dominion of Spain; nay, the Elector of Hanover himself, although presumptive heir to the crown of England, and obliged by all sorts of ties to cultivate Her Majesty's friendship, was so far deceived by misrepresentations from hence, that he seemed to suffer Monsieur Bothmar, his envoy here, to print and publish a Memorial in English, directly disapproving all Her Majesty's proceedings; which Memorial, as appeareth by the style and manner of it, was all drawn up, or at least digested, by some party pen on this side of the water.[70]

[Footnote 70: See Swift's "Some Free Thoughts upon the Present State of
Affairs," and the note on p. 410 of vol. v. of present edition. [T.S.]]

Cautious writers, in order to avoid offence or danger, and to preserve the respect even[71] due to foreign princes, do usually charge the wrong steps in a court altogether upon the persons employed; but I should have taken a securer method, and have been wholly silent in this point, if I had not then conceived some hope, that his Electoral Highness might possibly have been a stranger[72] to the Memorial of his resident: for, first, the manner of delivering it to the secretary of state was out of all form, and almost as extraordinary as the thing itself. Monsieur Bothmar having obtained an hour of Mr. Secretary St. John, talked much to him upon the subject of which that Memorial consists; and upon going away, desired he might leave a paper with the secretary, which he said contained the substance of what he had been discoursing. This paper Mr. St. John laid aside, among others of little consequence; and a few days[73] saw a Memorial in print,[74] which he found upon comparing to be the same with what Bothmar had left.

[Footnote 71: Edition of 1775 has "ever due." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 72: P. Fitzgerald says "If I had not very good reason to believe that his Electoral Highness was altogether a stranger." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 73: Edition of 1775 has "a few days after." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 74: This was published as a broadside, with the title: "The
Elector of Hanover's Memorial to the Queen of Great-Britain, relating to
the Peace with France." It was dated 28th of Nov/9th of Dec., 1711.
[W.S.J.]]

During this short recess of Parliament, and upon the fifth day of January, Prince Eugene, of Savoy, landed in England. Before he left his ship he asked a person who came to meet him, whether the new lords were made, and what was their number? He was attended through the streets with a mighty rabble of people to St. James's, where Mr. Secretary St. John introduced him to the Queen, who received him with great civility. His arrival had been long expected, and the project of his journey had as long been formed here by the party leaders, in concert with Monsieur Buys, and Monsieur Bothmar, the Dutch and Hanover envoys. This prince brought over credentials from the Emperor, with offers to continue the war upon a new foot, very advantageous to Britain; part of which, by Her Majesty's commands, Mr. St. John soon after produced to the House of Commons; where they were rejected, not without some indignation, by a great majority. The Emperor's proposals, as far as they related to Spain, were communicated to the House in the words following.

"His Imperial Majesty judges, that forty thousand men will be sufficient for this service, and that the whole expense of the war in Spain, may amount to four millions of crowns, towards which His Imperial Majesty offers to make up the troops, which he has in that country, to thirty thousand men, and to take one million of crowns upon himself".

On the other side the House of Commons voted a third part of those four millions as a sufficient quota for Her Majesty toward that service, for it was supposed the Emperor ought to bear the greatest proportion in a point that so nearly concerned him, or at least, that Britain contributing one third, the other two might be paid by his Imperial Majesty and the States, as they could settle it between them.

The design of Prince Eugene's journey, was to raise a spirit in the Parliament and people for continuing the war, for nothing was thought impossible to a prince of such high reputation in arms, in great favour with the Emperor, and empowered to make such proposals from his master, as the ministry durst not reject. It appeared by an intercepted letter from Count Gallas, (formerly the Emperor's envoy here) that the prince was wholly left to his liberty of making what offers he pleased in the Emperor's name, for if the Parliament could once be brought to raise funds, and the war go on, the ministry here must be under a necessity of applying and expending those funds, and the Emperor could afterwards find twenty reasons and excuses, as he had hitherto done, for not furnishing his quota; therefore Prince Eugene, for some time, kept himself within generals, until being pressed to explain himself upon that particular of the war in Spain, which the house of Austria pretended to have most at heart, he made the offer above mentioned, as a most extraordinary effort, and so it was, considering how little they had ever done before, towards recovering that monarchy to themselves; but shameful as these proposals were, few believed the Emperor would observe them, or, indeed, that he ever intended to spare so many men, as would make up an army of thirty thousand men, to be employed in Spain.

Prince Eugene's visit to his friends in England continued longer than was expected; he was every day entertained magnificently by persons of quality of both parties; he went frequently to the treasurer, and sometimes affected to do it in private; he visited the other ministers and great officers of the court, but on all occasions publicly owned the character and appellation of a Whig; and in secret, held continual meetings with the Duke of Marlborough, and the other discontented lords, where M. Bothmar usually assisted. It is the great ambition of this prince to be perpetually engaged in war, without considering the cause or consequence; and to see himself at the head of an army, where only he can make any considerable figure. He is not without a natural tincture of that cruelty, sometimes charged upon the Italians; and being nursed in arms, hath so far extinguished pity and remorse, that he will at any time sacrifice a thousand men's lives, to a caprice of glory or revenge. He had conceived an incurable hatred for the treasurer, as the person who principally opposed this insatiable passion for war; said he had hopes of others, but that the treasurer was un méchant diable, not to be moved; therefore, since it was impossible for him or his friends to compass their designs, while that minister continued at the head of affairs, he proposed an expedient, often practised by those of his country, that the treasurer (to use his own expression) should be taken off, à la négligence; that this might easily be done, and pass for an effect of chance, if it were preceded by encouraging some proper people to commit small riots in the night: and in several parts of the town, a crew of obscure ruffians were accordingly employed about that time, who probably exceeded their commission; and mixing themselves with those disorderly people that often infest the streets at midnight, acted inhuman outrages on many persons, whom they cut and mangled in the face and arms, and other parts of the body, without any provocation; but an effectual stop was soon put to these enormities, which probably prevented the execution of the main design.[75]

[Footnote 75: Erasmus Lewis, Lord Oxford, and the others who read the MS., advised the elimination of this insinuation against Prince Eugene. They thought there was truth in it, but "a matter of so high a nature," as Lewis expressed it to Swift, "ought not to be asserted without exhibiting the proofs." The paragraph following the one in the text, containing the imputation, seems as if it had been written after Swift had received Lewis's strictures. [T.S.]]

I am very sensible, that such an imputation ought not to be charged upon any person whatsoever, upon slight grounds or doubtful surmises; and that those who think I am able to produce no better, will judge this passage to be fitter for a libel than a history; but as the account was given by more than one person who was at the meeting, so it was confirmed past all contradiction by several intercepted letters and papers: and it is most certain, that the rage of the defeated party, upon their frequent disappointments, was so far inflamed, as to make them capable of some counsels yet more violent and desperate than this, which, however, by the vigilance of those near the person of Her Majesty, were happily prevented.

On the thirtieth day of December, one thousand seven hundred and eleven, the Duke of Marlborough was removed from all his employments: the Duke of Ormonde succeeding him as general, both here and in Flanders. This proceeding of the court (as far as it related to the Duke of Marlborough) was much censured both at home and abroad, and by some who did not wish ill to the present situation of affairs. There were few examples of a commander being disgraced, after an uninterrupted course of success for many years against a formidable enemy, and this before a period was put to the war: those who had least esteem for his valour and conduct, thought it not prudent to remove a general, whose troops were perpetually victorious, while he was at their head; because this had infused into his soldiers an opinion that they should always conquer, and into the enemy that they should always be beaten; than which, nothing is to be held of greater moment, either in the progress of a war, or upon the day of battle; and I have good grounds to affirm, that these reasons had sufficient weight with the Queen and ministry to have kept the Duke of Marlborough in his post, if a way could have been found out to have done it with any assurance of safety to the nation. It is the misfortune of princes, that the effects of their displeasure make usually much more noise than the causes: thus, the sound of the Duke's fall was heard farther than many of the reasons which made it necessary; whereof, though some were visible enough, yet others lay more in the dark. Upon the Duke's last return from Flanders, he had fixed his arrival to town (whether by accident or otherwise) upon the seventeenth of November, called Queen Elizabeth's day, when great numbers of his creatures and admirers had thought fit to revive an old ceremony among the rabble, of burning the Pope in effigy; for the performance of which, with more solemnity, they had made extraordinary preparations.[76] From the several circumstances of the expense of this intended pageantry, and of the persons who promoted it, the court, apprehensive of a design to inflame the common people, thought fit to order, that the several figures should be seized as popish trinkets; and guards were ordered to patrol, for preventing any tumultuous assemblies. Whether this frolic were only intended for an affront to the court, or whether it had a deeper meaning, I must leave undetermined. The Duke, in his own nature, is not much turned to be popular; and in his flourishing times, whenever he came back to England upon the close of a campaign, he rather affected to avoid any concourse of the mobile, if they had been disposed to attend him; therefore, so very contrary a proceeding at this juncture, made it suspected as if he had a design to have placed himself at their head. "France," "Popery," "The Pretender," "Peace without Spain," were the words to be given about at this mock parade; and if what was confidently asserted be true, that a report was to have been spread at the same time of the Queen's death, no man can tell what might have been the event.

[Footnote 76: See Swift's "Journal to Stella," Letter xxxv. (vol. ii., pp. 283-84), and "A True Relation of the Intended Riot," printed in Scott's edition, vol. v., pp. 399-413. [W.S.J.]

"The burning of a Pope in effigy," notes Scott—in his reprint of what Swift called "the Grub Street account of the tumult"—"upon the 17th November, the anniversary of Queen Elizabeth's coronation, was a favourite pastime with the mob of London, and often employed by their superiors as a means of working upon their passions and prejudices." A full account of this ceremony is given in his edition of Dryden's Works, 1808, vol. vi., p. 222. An account of the attempt "to revive an old ceremony," referred to by Swift, was published also in "The Post Boy" for November 20th, 1711. [T.S.]]

But this attempt, to whatever purposes intended, proving wholly abortive by the vigilance of those in power, the Duke's arrival was without any noise or consequence; and upon consulting with his friends, he soon fell in with their new scheme for preventing the peace. It was believed by many persons, that the ministers might, with little difficulty, have brought him over, if they had pleased to make a trial; for as he would probably have accepted any terms to continue in a station of such prodigious[77] profit, so there was sufficient room to work upon his fears, of which he is seldom unprovided[78] (I mean only in his political capacity) and his infirmity very much increased by his unmeasurable possessions, which have rendered him, ipsique[79] onerique timentem; but reason, as well as the event, proved this to be a mistake: for the ministers being determined to bring the war to as speedy an issue as the honour and safety of their country would permit, could not possibly recompense the Duke for the mighty incomes he held by the continuance of it. Then the other party had calculated their numbers; and by the accession of the Earl of Nottingham, whose example they hoped would have many followers, and the successful solicitations of the Duke of Somerset, found they were sure of a majority in the House of Lords: so that in this view of circumstances, the Duke of Marlborough thought he acted with security, as well as advantage: he therefore boldly fell, with his whole weight, into the design of ruining the ministry, at the expense of his duty to his sovereign, and the welfare of his country, after the mighty obligations he had received from both. WHIG and TORY were now no longer the dispute, but THE QUEEN or THE DUKE OF MARLBOROUGH: He was at the head of all the cabals and consults with Bothmar, Buys, and the discontented lords. He forgot that government of his passion, for which his admirers used to celebrate him, fell into all the impotencies of anger and violence upon every party debate: so that the Queen found herself under a necessity, either on the one side to sacrifice those friends, who had ventured their lives in rescuing her out of the power of some, whose former treatment she had little reason to be fond of, to put an end[80] to the progress she had made towards a peace, and dissolve her Parliament; or, on the other side, by removing one person from so great a trust, to get clear of all her difficulties at once: Her Majesty therefore determined upon the latter, as the shorter and safer course; and during the recess at Christmas, sent the Duke a letter, to tell him she had no farther occasion for his service.[81]

[Footnote 77: P. Fitzgerald says "immense." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 78: P. Fitzgerald adds "being in his nature the most timorous person alive." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 79: P. Fitzgerald says "sibique." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 80: P. Fitzgerald says "to complete." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 81: See the Duchess of Marlborough's narrative of this transaction in the "Account of her Conduct," etc., pp. 264-269, where his Grace's letter to the Queen, on his dismission from her service, is printed. [N.]]

There hath not perhaps in the present age been a clearer instance to shew the instability of greatness which is not founded upon virtue; and it may be an instruction to princes, who are well in the hearts of their people, that the overgrown power of any particular person, although supported by exorbitant wealth, can by a little resolution be reduced in a moment, without any dangerous consequences. This lord, who was, beyond all comparison, the greatest subject in Christendom, found his power, credit, and influence, crumble away on a sudden; and, except a few friends or followers, by inclination, the rest dropped off in course. From directing in some manner the affairs of Europe, he descended to be a member of a faction, and with little distinction even there: that virtue of subduing his resentments, for which he was so famed when he had little or no occasion to exert it, having now wholly forsaken him when he stood most in need of its assistance; and upon trial was found unable to bear a reverse of fortune, giving way to rage, impatience, envy, and discontent.

***** ***** ***** ***** *****

THE HISTORY OF THE FOUR LAST

YEARS OF THE QUEEN.

BOOK II.

The House of Lords met upon the second day of January, according to their adjournment; but before they could proceed to business, the twelve new-created peers were, in the usual form, admitted to their seats in that assembly, who, by their numbers, turned the balance on the side of the court, and voted an adjournment to the same day with the Commons. Upon the fourteenth of January the two Houses met; but the Queen, who intended to be there in person, sent a message to inform them, that she was prevented by a sudden return of the gout, and to desire they would adjourn for three days longer, when Her Majesty hoped she should be able to speak to them. However, her indisposition still continuing, Mr. Secretary St. John brought another message to the House of Commons from the Queen, containing the substance of what she intended to have spoken; "That she could now tell them, her plenipotentiaries were arrived at Utrecht; had begun, in pursuance of her instructions, to concert the most proper ways of procuring a just satisfaction to all powers in alliance with her, according to their several treaties, and particularly with relation to Spain and the West Indies; that she promised to communicate to them the conditions of peace, before the same should be concluded; that the world would now see how groundless those reports were, and without the least colour, that a separate peace had been treated; that her ministers were directed to propose, that a day might be fixed for the finishing, as was done for the commencement of this treaty; and that, in the mean time, all preparations were hastening for an early campaign," etc.

Her Majesty's endeavours towards this great work having been in such a forwardness at the time that her message was sent, I shall here, as in the most proper place, relate the several steps by which the intercourse between the courts of France and Britain was begun and carried on.

The Marquis de Torcy,[1] sent by the Most Christian King to The Hague, had there, in the year one thousand seven hundred and nine, made very advantageous offers to the allies, in his master's name; which our ministers, as well as those of the States, thought fit to refuse, and advanced other proposals in their stead, but of such a nature as no prince could digest, who did not lie at the immediate mercy of his enemies. It was demanded, among other things, "That the French King should employ his own troops, in conjunction with those of the allies, to drive his grandson out of Spain." The proposers knew very well, that the enemy would never consent to this; and if it were possible they could at first have any such hopes, Mons. de Torcy assured them to the contrary, in a manner which might well be believed; for then the British and Dutch plenipotentiaries were drawing up their demands. They desired that minister to assist them in the style and expression; which he very readily did, and made use of the strongest words he could find to please them. He then insisted to know their last resolution, whether these were the lowest terms the allies would accept; and having received a determinate answer in the affirmative, he spoke to this effect:

[Footnote 1: Jean Baptiste Colbert (1665-1746), Marquis de Torcy, was nephew of the celebrated Colbert. [W.S.J.]]

"That he thanked them heartily for giving him the happiest day he had ever seen in his life: that, in perfect obedience to his master, he had made concessions, in his own opinion, highly derogatory to the King's honour and interest: that he had not concealed the difficulties of his court, or the discontents of his country, by a long and unsuccessful war, which could only justify the large offers he had been empowered to make: that the conditions of peace, now delivered into his hands by the allies, would raise a new spirit in the nation, and remove the greatest difficulty the court lay under, putting it in his master's power to convince all his subjects how earnestly His Majesty desired to ease them from the burthen of the war; but that his enemies would not accept of any terms, which could consist either with their safety or his honour." Mons. Torcy assured the pensionary, in the strongest manner, and bid him count upon it, that the King his master would never sign those articles.

It soon appeared, that the Marquis de Torcy's predictions were true; for upon delivering to his master the last resolutions of the allies, that Prince took care to publish them all over his kingdom, as an appeal to his subjects against the unreasonableness and injustice of his enemies: which proceeding effectually answered the utmost he intended by it; for the French nation, extremely jealous of their monarch's glory, made universal offers of their lives and fortunes, rather than submit to such ignominious terms; and the clergy, in particular, promised to give the King their consecrated plate, towards continuing the war. Thus that mighty kingdom, generally thought to be wholly exhausted of its wealth, yet, when driven to a necessity by the imprudence of the allies, or by the corruption of particular men, who influenced their councils, recovered strength enough to support itself for three following campaigns: and in the last, by the fatal blindness or obstinacy of the Dutch (venturing to act without the assistance of Britain, which they had shamefully abandoned), was an overmatch for the whole confederate army.[2]

[Footnote 2: Alluding to the defeat at Denain (July 24th, 1712). [S.]]

Those who, in order to defend the proceedings of the allies, have given an account of this negotiation, do wholly omit the circumstance I have now related, and express the zeal of the British and Dutch ministers for a peace, by informing us how frequently they sent after Mons. de Torcy, and Mons. Rouille, for a farther conference. But in the mean time, Mr. Horatio Walpole, secretary to the Queen's plenipotentiaries, was dispatched over hither, to have those abortive articles signed and ratified by Her Majesty at a venture, which was accordingly done. A piece of management altogether absurd, and without example; contrived only to deceive our people into a belief that a peace was intended, and to shew what great things the ministry designed to do.

But this hope expiring, upon the news that France had refused to sign those articles, all was solved by recourse to the old topic of the French perfidiousness. We loaded them plentifully with ignominious appellations; "they were a nation never to be trusted." The Parliament cheerfully continued their supplies, and the war went on. The winter following began the second and last session of the preceding Parliament, noted for the trial of Dr. Sacheverell, and the occasions thereby given to the people to discover and exert their dispositions, very opposite to the designs of those who were then in power. In the summer of one thousand seven hundred and ten, ensued a gradual change of the ministry; and in the beginning of that winter the present Parliament was called.

The King of France, whose real interests made him sincerely desirous of any tolerable peace, found it impossible to treat upon equal conditions with either of the two maritime powers engaged against him, because of the prevalency of factions in both, who acted in concert to their mutual private advantage, although directly against the general dispositions of the people in either, as well as against their several maxims of government. But upon the great turn of affairs and councils here in England, the new Parliament and ministers acting from other motives, and upon other principles, that Prince hoped an opportunity might arise of resuming his endeavours towards a peace.

There was at this time in England a French ecclesiastic, called the Abbé Gaultier,[3] who had resided several years in London, under the protection of some foreign ministers, in whose families he used, upon occasion, to exercise his function of a priest. After the battle of Blenheim, this gentleman went down to Nottingham, where several French prisoners of quality were kept, to whom he rendered those offices of civility suitable to persons in their condition, which, upon their return to France, they reported to his advantage. Among the rest, the Chevalier de Croissy told his brother, the Marquis de Torcy, that whenever the French court would have a mind to make overtures of peace with England, Mons. Gaultier might be very usefully employed in handing them to the ministers here. This was no farther thought on at present. In the mean time the war went on, and the conferences at The Hague and Gertruydenberg miscarried, by the allies insisting upon such demands as they neither expected, nor perhaps desired, should be granted.

[Footnote 3: See note prefixed to "A New Journey to Paris" in vol. v. of present edition. Gaultier, although a priest, was nothing more than a superior spy in the pay of the French Court. He had been chaplain to Tallard and the disgraced Count Gallas, and was a sort of protégé of the Earl of Jersey; but his character does not bear very close scrutiny. The Duke of Berwick could not have had any high opinion either of the man or his abilities, since in the "Mémoires de Berwick" (vol. ii., p. 122, edit. 1780) he is thus referred to: "Sa naissance étoit toute des plus ordinaires, et ses facultés à l'avenant, c'est à dire, très pauvre." St. John called Gaultier his "Mercury," and De Torcy styled him "the Angel of Peace" (Torcy's "Memoires," vol. ii., p. 148, edition of 1828). [T.S.]]

Some time in July, one thousand seven hundred and ten, Mons. Gaultier received a letter from the Marquis de Torcy, signifying, that a report being spread of Her Majesty's intentions to change her ministry, to take Mr. Harley into her councils, and to dissolve her Parliament, the Most Christian King thought it might be now a favourable conjuncture to offer new proposals of a treaty: Mons. Gaultier was therefore directed to apply himself, in the Marquis's name, either to the Duke of Shrewsbury, the Earl of Jersey, or Mr. Harley, and inform the French court how such a proposition would be relished. Gaultier chose to deliver his message to the second of those, who had been ambassador from the late king to France; but the Earl excused himself from entering into particulars with a stranger, and a private person, who had no authority for what he said, more than a letter from Mons. de Torcy. Gaultier offered to procure another from that minister to the Earl himself; and did so, in a month after: but obtained no answer till December following, when the Queen had made all necessary changes, and summoned a free Parliament to her wishes. About the beginning of January, the abbé (after having procured his dismission from Count Gallas, the emperor's envoy, at that time his protector) was sent to Paris, to inform Mons. Torcy, that Her Majesty would be willing his master should resume the treaty with Holland, provided the demands of England might be previously granted. Gaultier came back, after a short stay, with a return to his message, that the Dutch had used the Most Christian King and his ministers in such a manner, both at The Hague and Gertruydenberg, as made that Prince resolve not to expose himself any more to the like treatment; that he therefore chose to address himself to England, and was ready to make whatever offers Her Majesty could reasonably expect, for the advantage of her own kingdoms, and the satisfaction of her allies.

After this message had been duly considered by the Queen and her ministers, Mons. Gaultier was dispatched a second time to France, about the beginning of March, one thousand seven hundred and ten-eleven, with an answer to the following purpose: "That since France had their particular reasons for not beginning again to treat with Holland, England was willing to remove that difficulty, and proposed it should be done in this manner: That France should send over hither the propositions for a treaty, which should be transmitted by England to Holland, to be jointly treated on that side of the water; but it was to be understood, that the same proposition formerly offered to Holland, was to be made to England, or one not less advantageous to the allies; for although England would enter most sincerely into such a treaty, and shew, in the course of it, the clearness of their intentions; yet they could not, with honour, entertain a less beneficial proposal than what was offered to the States."

That Prince, as well as his minister, Mons. de Torcy, either felt, or affected, so much resentment of the usage the latter had met at The Hague and Gertruydenberg, that they appeared fully determined against making any application to the States, where the same persons continued still in power, of whose treatment they so heavily complained.[4]

[Footnote 4: There can be little doubt that De Torcy's resentment against the Dutch, as expressed in the first of the propositions above cited, was an affected one, since it is well known that the Dutch were, at the very time these propositions were sent to England, and even for some time previously, engaged in separate overtures with the French Court. Indeed, according to Prior ("History of his Own Time"), they had been so engaged ever since the breaking up of the Gertruydenberg Conference; and when Prior arrived in France in August, 1711, he was shown three letters written as from the Pensionary, but probably by Petecum, promising Louis every advantage if the Conference so unhappily broken off at Gertruydenberg were renewed. "The negotiations must be secret and separate," reported Prior, "His Most Christian Majesty need only name his own terms." Swift knew of the existence of at least one of these letters, because he was very anxious to obtain it "to get some particulars for my History," as he notes in his "Journal," "one letter of Petecum's showing the roguery of the Dutch." See also "Portland Manuscripts," vol. v., p. 34 et seq. [T.S.]]

They seemed altogether to distrust the inclination of that republic towards a peace; but at the same time shewed a mighty complaisance to the English nation, and a desire to have Her Majesty at the head of a treaty. This appears by the first overture in form sent from that kingdom, and signed by Mons. de Torcy, on the twenty-second of April, N.S. one thousand seven hundred and eleven, to the following effect:

"That as it could not be doubted but the King was in a condition of continuing the war with honour, so it could not be looked on as a mark of weakness in His Majesty to break the silence he had kept since the conferences at Gertruydenberg; and that, before the opening of the campaign, he now gives farther proof of the desire he always had to procure the repose of Europe. But after what he hath found, by experience, of the sentiments of those persons who now govern the republic of Holland, and of their industry in rendering all negotiations without effect, His Majesty will, for the public good, offer to the English nation those propositions, which he thinks fit to make for terminating the war, and for settling the tranquillity of Europe upon a solid foundation. It is with this view that he offers to enter into a treaty of peace, founded on the following conditions.

"First, The English nation shall have real securities for carrying on their trade in Spain, the Indies, and ports of the Mediterranean.

"Secondly, The King will consent to form a sufficient barrier in the Low Countries, for the security of the republic of Holland; and this barrier shall be such as England shall agree upon and approve; His Majesty promising, at the same time, an entire liberty and security to the trade of the Dutch.

"Thirdly, All reasonable methods shall be thought on, with sincerity and truth, for giving satisfaction to the allies of England and Holland.

"Fourthly, Whereas the affairs of the King of Spain are in so good a condition as to furnish new expedients for putting an end to the disputes about that monarchy, and for settling it to the satisfaction of the several parties concerned, all sincere endeavours shall be used for surmounting the difficulties arisen upon this occasion; and the trade and interest of all parties engaged in the present war shall be secured.

"Fifthly, The conferences, in order to treat of a peace upon these conditions, shall be immediately opened; and the plenipotentiaries, whom the King shall name to assist thereat, shall treat with those of England and Holland, either alone, or in conjunction with those of their allies, as England shall choose.

"Sixthly, His Majesty proposes the towns of Aix la Chapelle or Liège, for the place where the plenipotentiaries shall assemble, leaving the choice likewise to England of either of the said towns, wherein to treat a general peace."

These overtures, although expressing much confidence in the ministry here, great deference to the Queen, and displeasure against the Dutch, were immediately transmitted by Her Majesty's command to her ambassador in Holland, with orders, that they should be communicated to the pensionary. The Abbé Gaultier was desired to signify this proceeding to the Marquis de Torcy; at the same time to let that minister understand, that some of the above articles ought to be explained. The Lord Raby, now Earl of Stafford, was directed to tell the Pensionary, that Her Majesty being resolved, in making peace as in making war, to act in perfect concert with the States, would not lose a moment in transmitting to him a paper of this importance: that the Queen earnestly desired, that the secret might be kept among as few as possible; and that she hoped the Pensionary would advise upon this occasion with no person whatsoever, except such, as by the constitution of that government, are unavoidably necessary: that the terms of the several propositions were indeed too general; but, however, they contained an offer to treat: and that, although there appeared an air of complaisance to England through the whole paper, and the contrary to Holland, yet this could have no ill consequences, as long as the Queen and the States took care to understand each other, and to act with as little reserve as became two powers, so nearly allied in interest; which rule, on the part of Britain, should be inviolably observed. It was signified likewise to the Pensionary, that the Duke of Marlborough had no communication of this affair from England, and that it was supposed he would have none from The Hague.

After these proposals had been considered in Holland, the ambassador was directed to send back the opinion of the Dutch ministers upon them. The court here was, indeed, apprehensive, that the Pensionary would be alarmed at the whole frame of Monsieur de Torcy's paper, and particularly at these expressions, "That the English shall have real securities for their trade, &c." and "that the barrier for the States-General shall be such as England shall agree upon and approve." It was natural to think, that the fear which the Dutch would conceive of our obtaining advantageous terms for Britain, might put them upon trying underhand for themselves, and endeavouring to overreach us in the management of the peace, as they had hitherto done in that of the war: the ambassador was therefore cautioned to be very watchful in discovering any workings, which might tend that way.

When the Lord Raby was first sent to The Hague, the Duke of Marlborough, and Lord Townshend, had, for very obvious reasons, used their utmost endeavours to involve him in as many difficulties as they could; upon which, and other accounts, needless to mention, it was thought proper, that his Grace, then in Flanders, should not be let into the secret of this affair.

The proposal of Aix or Liège for a place of treaty, was only a farther mark of their old discontent against Holland, to shew they would not name any town which belonged to the States.

The Pensionary having consulted those who had been formerly employed in the negotiations of peace, and enjoined them the utmost secrecy, to avoid the jealousy of the foreign ministers there, desired the ambassador to return Her Majesty thanks, for the obliging manner of communicating the French overtures, for the confidence she placed in the States, and for her promise of making no step towards a peace, but in concert with them, assuring her of the like on their part: that although the States endeavoured to hide it from the enemy, they were as weary of the war as we, and very heartily desirous of a good and lasting peace, as well as ready to join in any method, by which Her Majesty should think proper to obtain it: that the States looked upon these propositions as very dark and general; and they observed how the enemy would create jealousies between the Queen, their republic, and the other allies; but they were satisfied it would have no effect, and relied entirely on the justness and prudence of Her Majesty, who they doubted not, would make the French explain themselves more particularly in the several points of their proposals, and send a plan of the particular conditions whereupon they would make a peace: after which, the States would be ready, either to join with Her Majesty, or to make their objections, and were prepared to bring with them all the facility imaginable, towards promoting so good a work.

This is the sum of the verbal answer made by the Pensionary, upon communicating to him the French proposals; and I have chosen to set it down, rather than transcribe the other given to the ambassador some days after, which was more in form, and to the same purpose, but shorter, and in my opinion not so well discovering the true disposition of the Dutch ministers.

For after the Queen had transmitted the French overtures to Holland, and the States found Her Majesty was bent in earnest upon the thoughts of a peace, they began to cast about how to get the negotiation into their own hands. They knew that whatever power received the first proposals, would be wise enough to stipulate something for themselves, as they had done in their own case, both at The Hague and Gertruydenberg, where they carved as they pleased, without any regard to the interests of their nearest allies. For this reason, while they endeavoured to amuse the British court with expostulations upon the several preliminaries sent from France, Monsieur Petecum, a forward meddling agent of Holstein, who had resided some years in Holland, negotiated with Heinsius, the Grand Pensionary, as well as with Vanderdussen and Buys, about restoring the conferences between France and that republic, broke off in Gertruydenberg. Pursuant to which, about the end of May, N.S. one thousand seven hundred and eleven, Petecum wrote to the Marquis de Torcy, with the privity of the Pensionary, and probably of the other two. The substance of his letter was to inform the Marquis, that things might easily be disposed, so as to settle a correspondence between that crown and the republic, in order to renew the treaty of peace. That this could be done with the greater secrecy, because Monsieur Heinsius, by virtue of his oath as Pensionary, might keep any affair private as long as he thought necessary, and was not obliged to communicate it, until he believed things were ripe; and as long as he concealed it from his masters, he was not bound to discover it, either to the ministers of the Emperor, or those of her British Majesty. That since England thought it proper for King Charles to continue the whole campaign in Catalonia, (though he should be chosen emperor) in order to support the war in Spain, it was necessary for France to treat in the most secret manner with the States, who were not now so violently, as formerly, against having Philip on the Spanish throne, upon certain conditions for securing their trade, but were jealous of England's design to fortify some trading towns in Spain for themselves. That Heinsius, extremely desired to get out of the war for some reasons, which he (Petecum) was not permitted to tell; and that Vanderdussen and Buys were impatient to have the negotiations with France once more set on foot, which, if Monsieur Torcy thought fit to consent to, Petecum engaged that the States would determine to settle the preliminaries, in the midway between Paris and The Hague, with whatever ministers the Most Christian King should please to employ. But Monsieur Torcy refused this overture, and in his answer to Monsieur Petecum, assigned for the reason the treatment his master's former proposals had met with at The Hague and Gertruydenberg, from the ministers of Holland. Britain and Holland seemed pretty well agreed, that those proposals were too loose and imperfect to be a foundation for entering upon a general treaty; and Monsieur Gaultier was desired to signify to the French court, that it was expected they should explain themselves more particularly on the several articles.

But in the mean time the Queen was firmly resolved, that the interests of her own kingdoms should not be neglected at this juncture, as they had formerly twice been, while the Dutch were principal managers of a negotiation with France. Her Majesty had given frequent and early notice to the States, of the general disposition of her people towards a peace, of her own inability to continue the war upon the old foot, under the disadvantage of unequal quotas, and the universal backwardness of her allies. She had likewise informed them of several advances made to her on the side of France, which she had refused to hearken to, till she had consulted with those, her good friends and confederates, and heard their opinion on that subject: but the Dutch, who apprehended nothing more than to see Britain at the head of a treaty, were backward and sullen, disliked all proposals by the Queen's intervention, and said it was a piece of artifice of France to divide the allies; besides, they knew the ministry was young, and the opposite faction had given them assurances, that the people of England would never endure a peace without Spain, nor the men in power dare to attempt it, after the resolutions of one House of Parliament to the contrary. But, in the midst of this unwillingness to receive any overtures from France by the Queen's hands, the Dutch ministers were actually engaged in a correspondence with that court, where they urged our inability to begin a treaty, by reason of those factions which themselves had inflamed, and were ready to commence a negotiation upon much easier terms than what they supposed we demanded. For not to mention the Duke of Lorraine's interposition in behalf of Holland, which France absolutely refused to accept; the letters sent from the Dutch to that court, were shewn some months after to a British minister there,[5] which gave much weight to Monsieur de Torcy's insinuations; that he knew where to meet with more compliance, if the necessity of affairs should force him to it, by our refusal. And the violence of the States against our entertaining of that correspondence, was only because they knew theirs would never be accepted, at least till ours were thrown off.

[Footnote 5: Matthew Prior. See note, ante, p. 55. [T.S.]] The Queen, sensible of all this, resolved to provide for her own kingdoms; and having therefore prepared such demands for her principal allies, as might be a ground for proceeding to a general treaty, without pretending to adjust their several interests, she resolved to stipulate in a particular manner the advantage of Britain: the following preliminary demands were accordingly drawn up, in order to be transmitted to France.

"Great Britain will not enter into any negotiation of peace, otherwise than upon these conditions, obtained beforehand.

"That the union of the two crowns of France and Spain shall be prevented: that satisfaction shall be given to all the allies, and trade settled and maintained.

"If France be disposed to treat upon this view, it is not to be doubted that the following propositions will be found reasonable.

"A barrier shall be formed in the Low Countries for the States-General; and their trade shall be secured.

"A barrier likewise shall be formed for the Empire.

"The pretensions of all the allies, founded upon former treaties, shall be regulated and determined to their general satisfaction.

"In order to make a more equal balance of power in Italy, the dominions and territories, which in the beginning of the present war belonged to the Duke of Savoy, and are now in the possession of France, shall be restored to his Royal Highness; and such other places in Italy shall be yielded to him, as will be found necessary and agreeable to the sense of former treaties made with this prince.

"As to Great Britain in particular, the succession to the crown of the kingdoms, according to the present establishment, shall be acknowledged.

"A new treaty of commerce between Great Britain and France shall be made, after the most just and reasonable manner.

"Dunkirk shall be demolished.

"Gibraltar and Port-Mahon shall remain in the hands of the present possessors.

"The English shall have the Assiento in the same manner the French now enjoy it; and such places in the Spanish West Indies shall be assigned to those concerned in this traffic, for the refreshment and sale of their negroes, as shall be found necessary and convenient.

"All advantages, rights, and privileges already granted, and which may hereafter be granted by Spain to the subjects of France, or to any other nation whatsoever, shall be equally granted to the subjects of Great Britain.

"And for better securing the British trade in the Spanish West Indies, certain places to be named in the treaty of peace, shall be put into possession of the English.

"Newfoundland, with the Bay and Straits of Hudson, shall be entirely restored to the English; and Great Britain and France shall severally keep and possess all those countries and territories in North America, which each of the said nations shall be in possession of at the time when the ratification of this treaty shall be published in those parts of the world.

"These demands, and all other proceedings between Great Britain and France, shall be kept inviolably secret, until they are published by the mutual consent of both parties."

The last article was not only intended for avoiding, if possible, the jealousy of the Dutch, but to prevent the clamours of the abettors here at home, who, under the pretended fears of our doing injustice to the Dutch, by acting without the privity of that republic, in order to make a separate peace, would be ready to drive on the worst designs against the Queen and ministry, in order to recover the power they had lost.

In June, one thousand seven hundred and eleven, Mr. Prior, a person of great distinction, not only on account of his wit, but for his abilities in the management of affairs, and who had been formerly employed at the French court, was dispatched thither by Her Majesty with the foregoing demands. This gentleman was received at Versailles with great civility. The King declared, that no proceeding, in order to a general treaty, would be so agreeable to him as by the intervention of England; and that His Majesty, being desirous to contribute with all his power towards the repose of Europe, did answer to the demands which had been made,

"That he would consent freely and sincerely to all just and reasonable methods, for hindering the crowns of France and Spain from being ever united under the same prince; His Majesty being persuaded, that such an excess of power would be as contrary to the general good and repose of Europe, as it was opposite to the will of the late Catholic King Charles the Second. He said his intention was, that all parties in the present war should find their reasonable satisfaction in the intended treaty of peace; and that trade should be settled and maintained for the future, to the advantage of those nations which formerly possessed it.

"That as the King will exactly observe the conditions of peace, whenever it shall be concluded, and as the object he proposeth to himself, is to secure the frontiers of his own kingdom, without giving any sort of disturbance to his neighbours, he promiseth to agree, that by the future treaty of peace, the Dutch shall be put into possession of all such fortified places as shall be specified in the said treaty to serve for a barrier to that republic, against all attempts on the side of France. He engages likewise to give all necessary securities, for removing the jealousies raised among the German princes of His Majesty's designs.

"That when the conferences, in order to a general treaty, shall be formed, all the pretensions of the several princes and states engaged in the present war, shall be fairly and amicably discussed; nor shall any thing be omitted, which may regulate and determine them to the satisfaction of all parties.

"That, pursuant to the demands made by England, His Majesty promiseth to restore to the Duke of Savoy these demesnes and territories, which belonged to that prince at the beginning of this war, and which His Majesty is now in possession of; and the King consents further, that such other places in Italy shall be yielded to the Duke of Savoy, as shall be found necessary, according to the sense of those treaties made between the said Duke and his allies.

"That the King's sentiments of the present government of Great Britain, the open declaration he had made in Holland of his resolution to treat of peace, by applications to the English; the assurances he had given of engaging the King of Spain to leave Gibraltar in their hands (all which are convincing proofs of his perfect esteem for a nation still in war with him); leave no room to doubt of His Majesty's inclination to give England all securities and advantages for their trade, which they can reasonably demand. But as His Majesty cannot persuade himself, that a government, so clear-sighted as ours, will insist upon conditions which must absolutely destroy the trade of France and Spain, as well as that of all other nations of Europe, he thinks the demands made by Great Britain may require a more particular discussion.

"That, upon this foundation, the King thought the best way of advancing and perfecting a negotiation, the beginning of which he had seen with so much satisfaction, would be to send into England a person instructed in his intention, and authorized by him to agree upon securities for settling the trade of the subjects of England; and those particular advantages to be stipulated in their favour, without destroying the trade of the French and Spaniards, or of other nations in Christendom.

"That therefore His Majesty had charged the person chosen for this commission, to answer the other articles of the memorial given him by Mr. Prior, the secret of which should be exactly observed."

Mons. de Torcy had, for some years past, used all his endeavours to incline his master towards a peace, pursuant to the maxim of his uncle Colbert, "That a long war was not for the interest of France." It was for this reason the King made choice of him in the conferences at The Hague; the bad success whereof, although it filled him with resentments against the Dutch, did not alter his opinion: but he was violently opposed by a party both in the court and kingdom, who pretended to fear he would sacrifice the glory of the prince and country by too large concessions; or perhaps would rather wish that the first offers should have been still made to the Dutch, as a people more likely to be less solicitous about the interest of Britain, than Her Majesty would certainly be for theirs: and the particular design of Mr. Prior was to find out, whether that minister had credit enough with his prince, and a support from others in power, sufficient to overrule the faction against peace.

Mr. Prior's journey[6] could not be kept a secret, as the court here at first seemed to intend it. He was discovered at his return by an officer of the port at Dover, where he landed, after six weeks absence; upon which the Dutch Gazettes and English newspapers were full of speculations.

[Footnote 6: See Swift's "A New Journey to Paris" (vol. v. of this edition, pp. 187-205). [W.S.J.]]

At the same time with Mr. Prior there arrived from France Mons. Mesnager, knight of the order of St. Michael, and one of the council of trade to the Most Christian King. His commission was, in general, empowering him to treat with the minister of any prince engaged in the war against his master. In his first conferences with the Queen's ministers, he pretended orders to insist, that Her Majesty should enter upon particular engagements in several articles, which did not depend upon her, but concerned only the interest of the allies reciprocally with those of the Most Christian King; whereas the negotiation had begun upon this principle, that France should consent to adjust the interests of Great Britain in the first place, whereby Her Majesty would be afterwards enabled, by her good offices on all sides, to facilitate the general peace. The Queen resolved never to depart from this principle; but was absolutely determined to remit the particular interests of the allies to general conferences, where she would do the utmost in her power to procure the repose of Europe, and the satisfaction of all parties. It was plain, France could run no hazard by this proceeding, because the preliminary articles would have no force before a general peace was signed: therefore it was not doubted but Mons. Mesnager would have orders to waive this new pretension, and go on in treating upon that foot which was at first proposed. In short, the ministers required a positive and speedy answer to the articles in question, since they contained only such advantages and securities as Her Majesty thought she had a right to require from any prince whatsoever, to whom the dominions of Spain should happen to fall.

The particular demands of Britain were formed into eight articles; to which Mons. Mesnager, having transmitted them to his court and received new powers from thence, had orders to give his master's consent, by way of answers to the several points, to be obligatory only after a general peace. These demands, together with the answers of the French King, were drawn up and signed by Mons. Mesnager, and Her Majesty's two principal secretaries of state; whereof I shall here present an extract to the reader.

In the preamble the Most Christian King sets forth, "That being particularly informed by the last memorial which the British ministers delivered to Mons. Mesnager, of the dispositions of this crown to facilitate a general peace, to the satisfaction of the several parties concerned; and His Majesty finding, in effect, as the said memorial declares, that he runs no hazard by engaging himself in the manner there expressed, since the preliminary articles will be of no force, until the signing of the general peace; and being sincerely desirous to advance, to the utmost of his power, the repose of Europe, especially by a way so agreeable as the interposition of a Princess, whom so many ties of blood ought to unite to him, and whose sentiments for the public tranquillity cannot be doubted; His Majesty, moved by these considerations, hath ordered Mons. Mesnager, knight, &c. to give the following answers, in writing, to the articles contained in the memorial transmitted to him, intituled, 'Preliminary Demands for Great Britain in particular.'"

The articles were these that follow.

"First, The succession to the crown to be acknowledged, according to the present establishment.

"Secondly, A new treaty of commerce between Great Britain and France to be made, after the most just and reasonable manner.

"Thirdly, Dunkirk to be demolished.

"Fourthly, Gibraltar and Port-Mahon to continue in the hands of those who now possess them.

"Fifthly, The Assiento (or liberty of selling negroes to the Spanish West Indies) to be granted to the English, in as full a manner as the French possess it at present; and such places in the said West Indies to be assigned to the persons concerned in this trade, for the refreshment and sale of their negroes, as shall be found necessary and convenient.

"Sixthly, Whatever advantages, privileges, and rights are already, or may hereafter be, granted by Spain to the subjects of France, or any other nation, shall be equally granted to the subjects of Great Britain.

"Seventhly, For better protecting their trade in the Spanish West Indies, the English shall be put into possession of such places as shall be named in the treaty of peace.

"Or, as an equivalent for this article, that the Assiento be granted to
Britain for the term of thirty years.

"That the isle of St. Christopher's be likewise secured to the English.

"That the advantages and exemption from duties, promised by Monsieur Mesnager, which he affirms will amount to fifteen per cent. upon all goods of the growth and manufacture of Great Britain, be effectually allowed.

"That whereas, on the side of the river of Plate, the English are not in possession of any colony, a certain extent of territory be allowed them on the said river, for refreshing and keeping their negroes, till they are sold to the Spaniards; subject, nevertheless, to the inspection of an officer appointed by Spain.

"Eighthly, Newfoundland and the Bay and Straits of Hudson, shall be entirely restored to the English; and Great Britain and France shall respectively keep whatever dominions in North America each of them shall be in possession of, when the ratification of this treaty shall be published in those parts of the world."

The six first articles were allowed without any difficulty, except that about Dunkirk, where France was to have an equivalent, to be settled in a general treaty.

Difficulty arising upon the seventh article, the proposed equivalent was allowed instead thereof.

The last article was referred to the general treaty of peace, only the French insisted to have the power of fishing for cod, and drying them on the island of Newfoundland.

These articles were to be looked upon as conditions, which the Most Christian King consented to allow; and whenever a general peace should be signed, they were to be digested into the usual form of a treaty, to the satisfaction of both crowns.

The Queen having thus provided for the security and advantage of her kingdoms, whenever a peace should be made, and upon terms no way interfering with the interest of her allies; the next thing in order, was to procure from France such preliminary articles, as might be a ground upon which to commence a general treaty. These were adjusted, and signed the same day with the former; and having been delivered to the several ministers residing here from the powers in alliance with England, were quickly made public. But the various constructions and censures which passed upon them, have made it necessary to give the reader the following transcript:

"The King being willing to contribute all that is in his power, to the re-establishing of the general peace. His Majesty declares,

"I. That he will acknowledge the Queen of Great Britain in that quality, as also the succession of that crown, according to the settlement,

"II. That he will freely, and bonâ fide, consent to the taking all just and reasonable measures, for hindering that the crowns of France and Spain may ever be united on the head of the same prince; His Majesty being persuaded, that this excess of power would be contrary to the good and quiet of Europe.

"III. The King's intention is, that all the parties engaged in the present war, without excepting any of them, may find their reasonable satisfaction in the treaty of peace, which shall be made: That commerce may be re-established and maintained for the future, to the advantage of Great Britain, of Holland, and of the other nations, who have been accustomed to exercise commerce.

"IV. As the King will likewise maintain exactly the observance of the peace, when it shall be concluded, and the object, the King proposes to himself, being to secure the frontiers of his kingdom, without disturbing in any manner whatever the neighbouring states, he promises to agree, by the treaty which shall be made, that the Dutch shall be put in possession of the fortified places, which shall be mentioned, in the Netherlands, to serve hereafter for a barrier; which may secure the quiet of the republic of Holland against any enterprise from the part of France.

"V. The King consents likewise, that a secure and convenient barrier should be formed for the empire, and for the house of Austria.

"VI. Notwithstanding Dunkirk cost the King very great sums, as well to purchase it, as to fortify it; and that it is further necessary to be at very considerable expense for razing the works. His Majesty is willing however to engage to cause them to be demolished, immediately after the conclusion of the peace, on condition, that, for the fortifications of that place, a proper equivalent, that may content him, be given him: And, as England cannot furnish that equivalent, the discussion of it shall be referred to the conferences to be held for the negotiation of the peace.

"VII. When the conferences for the negotiation of the peace shall be formed, all the pretensions of the princes and states, engaged in the present war, shall be therein discussed bonâ fide, and amicably: And nothing shall be omitted to regulate and terminate them, to the satisfaction of all the parties.

"MESNAGER."

These overtures are founded upon the eighth article of the Grand Alliance, made in one thousand seven hundred and one; wherein are contained the conditions, without which a peace is not to be made; and whoever compares both, will find the preliminaries to reach every point proposed in that article, which those who censured them at home, if they spoke their thoughts, did not understand: for nothing can be plainer, than what the public hath often been told, that the recovery of Spain from the house of Bourbon was a thing never imagined, when the war began, but a just and reasonable satisfaction to the Emperor. Much less ought such a condition to be held necessary at present, not only because it is allowed on all hands to be impracticable, but likewise because, by the changes in the Austrian and Bourbon families, it would not be safe: neither did those, who were loudest in blaming the French preliminaries, know any thing of the advantages privately stipulated for Britain, whose interests, they assured us, were all made a sacrifice to the corruption or folly of the managers; and therefore, because the opposers of peace have been better informed by what they have since heard and seen, they have changed their battery, and accused the ministers for betraying the Dutch.

The Lord Raby, Her Majesty's ambassador at The Hague, having made a short journey to England, where he was created Earl of Strafford, went back to Holland about the beginning of October, one thousand seven hundred and eleven, with the above preliminaries, in order to communicate them to the Pensionary, and other ministers of the States. The Earl was instructed to let them know, "That the Queen had, according to their desire, returned an answer to the first propositions signed by Mons. Torcy, signifying, that the French offers were thought, both by Her Majesty and the States, neither so particular nor so full as they ought to be; and insisting to have a distinct project formed, of such a peace as the Most Christian King would be willing to conclude: that this affair having been for some time transacted by papers, and thereby subject to delays, Mons. Mesnager was at length sent over by France, and had signed those preliminaries now communicated to them: that the several articles did not, indeed, contain such particular concessions as France must and will make in the course of a treaty; but that, however, Her Majesty thought them a sufficient foundation whereon to open the general conferences.

"That Her Majesty was unwilling to be charged with determining the several interests of her allies, and therefore contented herself with such general offers as might include all the particular demands, proper to be made during the treaty; where the confederates must resolve to adhere firmly together, in order to obtain from the enemy the utmost that could be hoped for, in the present circumstances of affairs; which rule, Her Majesty assured the States, she would, on her part, firmly observe."

If the ministers of Holland should express any uneasiness, that Her Majesty may have settled the interests of her own kingdoms, in a future peace, by any private agreement, the ambassador was ordered to say, "That the Queen had hitherto refused to have the treaty carried on in her own kingdom, and would continue to do so, unless they (the Dutch) constrained her to take another measure: That by these means the States, and the rest of the allies, would have the opportunity of treating and adjusting their different pretensions; which Her Majesty would promote with all the zeal she had shewn for the common good, and the particular advantage of that republic (as they must do her the justice to confess), in the whole course of her reign: That the Queen had made no stipulation for herself, which might clash with the interests of Holland; and that the articles to be inserted in a future treaty, for the benefit of Britain, were, for the most part, such as contained advantages, which must either be continued to the enemy, or be obtained by Her Majesty; but, however, that no concession should tempt her to hearken to a peace, unless her good friends and allies the States General had all reasonable satisfaction, as to their trade and barrier, as well as in all other respects."

After these assurances given in the Queen's name, the Earl was to insinuate, "That Her Majesty should have just reason to be offended, and to think the proceeding between her and the States very unequal, if they should pretend to have any further uneasiness upon this head: That being determined to accept no advantages to herself, repugnant to their interests, nor any peace, without their reasonable satisfaction, the figure she had made during the whole course of the war, and the part she had acted, superior to any of the allies, who were more concerned in danger and interest, might justly entitle her to settle the concerns of Great Britain, before she would consent to a general negotiation."

If the States should object the engagements the Queen was under, by treaties, of making no peace but in concert with them, or the particular obligations of the Barrier Treaty, the ambassador was to answer, "That, as to the former, Her Majesty had not in any sort acted contrary thereto; That she was so far from making a peace without their consent, as to declare her firm resolution not to make it without their satisfaction; and that what had passed between France and her, amounted to no more than an introduction to a general treaty." As to the latter, the Earl had orders to represent very earnestly, "How much it was even for the interest of Holland itself, rather to compound the advantage of the Barrier Treaty, than to insist upon the whole, which the house of Austria, and several other allies, would never consent to: That nothing could be more odious to the people of England than many parts of this treaty; which would have raised universal indignation, if the utmost care had not been taken to quiet the minds of those who were acquainted with the terms of that guaranty, and to conceal them from those who were not: That it was absolutely necessary to maintain a good harmony between both nations, without which it would be impossible at any time to form a strength for reducing an exorbitant power, or preserving the balance of Europe: from whence it followed, that it could not be the true interest of either country to insist upon any conditions, which might give just apprehension to the other.

"That France had proposed Utrecht, Nimeguen, Aix, or Liège, wherein to hold the general treaty; and Her Majesty was ready to send her plenipotentiaries, to whichever of those towns the States should approve."

If the imperial ministers, or those of the other allies, should object against the preliminaries as no sufficient ground for opening the conferences, and insist that France should consent to such articles as were signed on the part of the allies in the year one thousand seven hundred and nine, the Earl of Strafford was in answer directed to insinuate, "That the French might have probably been brought to explain themselves more particularly, had they not perceived the uneasiness, impatience, and jealousy among the allies, during our transactions with that court." However, he should declare to them, in the Queen's name, "That if they were determined to accept of peace upon no terms inferior to what was formerly demanded, Her Majesty was ready to concur with them; but would no longer bear those disproportions of expense, yearly increased upon her, nor the deficiency of the confederates in every part of the war: That it was therefore incumbent upon them to furnish, for the future, such quotas of ships and forces as they were now wanting in, and to increase their expense, while Her Majesty reduced hers to a reasonable and just proportion."

That if the ministers of Vienna and Holland should urge their inability upon this head, the Queen insisted, "They ought to comply with her in war or in peace; Her Majesty desiring nothing, as to the first, but what they ought to perform, and what is absolutely necessary: and as to the latter, that she had done, and would continue to do, the utmost in her power towards obtaining such a peace as might be to the satisfaction of all her allies."

Some days after the Earl of Stafford's departure to Holland, Mons. Buys, pensionary of Amsterdam, arrived here from thence with instructions from his masters, to treat upon the subject of the French preliminaries, and the methods for carrying on the war. In his first conference with a committee of council, he objected against all the articles, as too general and uncertain; and against some of them, as prejudicial. He said, "The French promising that trade should be re-established and maintained for the future, was meant in order to deprive the Dutch of their tariff of one thousand six hundred and sixty-four; for the plenipotentiaries of that crown would certainly expound the word rétablir, to signify no more than restoring the trade of the States to the condition it was in immediately before the commencement of the present war." He said, "That in the article of Dunkirk, the destruction of the harbour was not mentioned; and that the fortifications were only to be razed upon condition of an equivalent, which might occasion a difference between Her Majesty and the States, since Holland would think it hard to have a town less in their barrier for the demolition of Dunkirk; and England would complain to have this thorn continue in their side, for the sake of giving one town more to the Dutch."

Lastly, he objected, "That where the French promised effectual methods should be taken to prevent the union of France and Spain under the same king, they offered nothing at all for the cession of Spain, which was the most important point of the war.

"For these reasons, Mons. Buys hoped Her Majesty would alter her measures, and demand specific articles, upon which the allies might debate whether they would consent to a negotiation or no."

The Queen, who looked upon all these difficulties, raised about the method of treating, as endeavours to wrest the negotiation out of her hands, commanded the lords of the committee to let Mons. Buys know, "That the experience she formerly had of proceeding by particular preliminaries towards a general treaty, gave her no encouragement to repeat the same method any more: That such a preliminary treaty must be negotiated either by some particular allies, or by all. The first, Her Majesty could never suffer, since she would neither take upon her to settle the interests of others, nor submit that others should settle those of her own kingdoms. As to the second, it was liable to Mons. Buys's objection, because the ministers of France would have as fair an opportunity of sowing division among the allies, when they were all assembled upon a preliminary treaty, as when the conferences were open for a negotiation of peace: That this method could therefore have no other effect than to delay the treaty, without any advantage: That Her Majesty was heartily disposed, both then and during the negotiation, to insist on every thing necessary for securing the barrier and commerce of the States; and therefore hoped the conferences might be opened, without farther difficulties.

"That Her Majesty did not only consent, but desire to have a plan settled for carrying on the war, as soon as the negotiation of peace should begin; but expected to have the burthen more equally laid, and more agreeable to treaties; and would join with the States in pressing the allies to perform their parts, as she had endeavoured to animate them by her example."

Mons. Buys seemed to know little of his masters' mind, and pretended he had no power to conclude upon any thing.[1] Her Majesty's minister proposed to him an alliance between the two nations, to subsist after a peace. To this he hearkened very readily, and offered to take the matter ad referendum, having authority to do no more. His intention was, that he might appear to negotiate, in order to gain time to pick out, if possible, the whole secret of the transactions between Britain and France; to disclose nothing himself, nor bind his masters to any conditions; to seek delays till the Parliament met, and then observe what turn it took, and what would be the issue of those frequent cabals between himself and some other foreign ministers, in conjunction with the chief leaders of the discontented faction.

[Footnote 1: Buys's mission seemed to have been to act on behalf of the States General for the purpose of preventing England obtaining any commercial advantage which the States did not share, and for causing delays. He certainly had no powers to treat definitely, and Swift's remark is emphasized by the statement in the Bolingbroke Correspondence (vol. ii. p. 25) about him, he could "only speak as Monsieur Buys." [T.S.]]

The Dutch hoped, that the clamours raised against the proceedings of the Queen's ministers towards a peace, would make the Parliament disapprove what had been done; whereby the States would be at the head of the negotiation, which the Queen did not think fit to have any more in their hands, where it had miscarried twice already; although Prince Eugene himself owned, "that France was then disposed to conclude a peace upon such conditions, as it was not worth the life of a grenadier to refuse them." As to insisting upon specific preliminaries, Her Majesty thought her own method much better, for each ally, in the course of the negotiation, to advance and manage his own pretensions, wherein she would support and assist them, rather than for two ministers of one ally to treat solely with the enemy, and report what they pleased to the rest, as was practised by the Dutch at Gertruydenberg.

One part of Mons. Buys's instructions was to desire the Queen not to be so far amused by a treaty of peace, as to neglect her preparation for war against the next campaign. Her Majesty, who was firmly resolved against submitting any longer to that unequal burthen of expense she had hitherto lain under, commanded Mr. Secretary St. John to debate the matter with that minister, who said he had no power to treat; only insisted, that his masters had fully done their part, and that nothing but exhortations could be used to prevail on the other allies to act with greater vigour.

On the other side, the Queen refused to concert any plan for the prosecution of the war, till the States would join with her in agreeing to open the conferences of peace; which therefore, by Mons. Buys's application to them, was accordingly done, by a resolution taken in Holland upon the twenty first of November, one thousand seven hundred and eleven, NS.

About this time the Count de Gallas[7] was forbid the court, by order from the Queen, who sent him word, that she looked upon him no longer as a public minister.

[Footnote 7: The Austrian ambassador [T.S.]]

This gentleman thought fit to act a very dishonourable part here in England, altogether inconsistent with the character he bore of envoy from the late and present emperors, two princes under the strictest ties of gratitude to the Queen, especially the latter, who had then the title of King of Spain. Count Gallas, about the end of August, one thousand seven hundred and eleven, with the utmost privacy, dispatched an Italian, one of his clerks, to Frankfort, where the Earl of Peterborough was then expected. This man was instructed to pass for a Spaniard, and insinuate himself into the Earl's service, which he accordingly did, and gave constant information to the last emperor's secretary at Frankfort of all he could gather up in his lordship's family, as well as copies of several letters he had transcribed. It was likewise discovered that Gallas had, in his dispatches to the present emperor, then in Spain, represented the Queen and her ministers as not to be confided in, that when Her Majesty had dismissed the Earl of Sunderland, she promised to proceed no farther in the change of her servants, yet soon after turned them all out, and thereby ruined the public credit, as well as abandoned Spain, that the present ministers wanted the abilities and good dispositions of the former, were persons of ill designs, and enemies to the common cause, and he (Gallas) could not trust them. In his letters to Count Zinzendorf[8] he said, "That Mr. Secretary St John complained of the house of Austria's backwardness, only to make the King of Spain odious to England, and the people here desirous of a peace, although it were ever so bad one," to prevent which, Count Gallas drew up a memorial which he intended to give the Queen, and transmitted a draught of it to Zinzendorf for his advice and approbation. This memorial, among other great promises to encourage the continuance of the war, proposed the detaching a good body of troops from Hungary to serve in Italy or Spain, as the Queen should think fit.

[Footnote 8: The Austrian envoy at The Hague, characterized by Mr Walter
Sichel as "a martyr to etiquette, and devoured by zeal for the Holy
Roman Empire" ("Bolingbroke and his Times," p 392) [T.S.]]

Zinzendorf thought this too bold a step, without consulting the Emperor: to which Gallas replied, that his design was only to engage the Queen to go on with the war; that Zinzendorf knew how earnestly the English and Dutch had pressed to have these troops from Hungary, and therefore they ought to be promised, in order to quiet those two nations, after which several ways might be found to elude that promise; and, in the mean time, the great point would be gained of bringing the English to declare for continuing the war: that the Emperor might afterwards excuse himself, by the apprehension of a war in Hungary, or of that between the Turks and Muscovites: that if these excuses should be at an end, a detachment of one or two regiments might be sent, and the rest deferred, by pretending want of money; by which the Queen would probably be brought to maintain some part of those troops, and perhaps the whole body. He added, that this way of management was very common among the allies; and gave for an example, the forces which the Dutch had promised for the service of Spain, but were never sent; with several other instances of the same kind, which he said might be produced.

Her Majesty, who had long suspected that Count Gallas was engaged in these and the like practices, having at last received authentic proofs of this whole intrigue, from original letters, and the voluntary confession of those who were principally concerned in carrying it on, thought it necessary to show her resentment, by refusing the count any more access to her person or her court.

Although the Queen, as it hath been already observed, was resolved to open the conferences upon the general preliminaries, yet she thought it would very much forward the peace to know what were the utmost concessions which France would make to the several allies, but especially to the States General and the Duke of Savoy: therefore, while Her Majesty was pressing the former to agree to a general treaty, the Abbé Gaultier was sent to France with a memorial, to desire that the Most Christian King would explain himself upon those preliminaries, particularly with relation to Savoy and Holland, whose satisfaction the Queen had most at heart, as well from her friendship to both these powers, as because, if she might engage to them that their just pretensions would be allowed, few difficulties would remain, of any moment, to retard the general peace.

The French answer to this memorial contained several schemes and proposals for the satisfaction of each ally, coming up very near to what Her Majesty and her ministers thought reasonable. The greatest difficulties seemed to be about the Elector of Bavaria, for whose interests France appeared to be as much concerned, as the Queen was for those of the Duke of Savoy: however, those were judged not very hard to be surmounted.

The States having at length agreed to a general treaty, the following particulars were concerted between Her Majesty and that republic:

"That the congress should be held at Utrecht.

"That the opening of the congress should be upon the twelfth of January,
N.S. one thousand seven hundred and eleven-twelve.

"That, for avoiding all inconveniences of ceremony, the ministers of the Queen and States, during the treaty, should only have the characters of plenipotentiaries, and not take that of ambassadors, till the day on which the peace should be signed.

"Lastly, The Queen and States insisted, that the ministers of the Duke of Anjou, and the late Electors of Bavaria and Cologne, should not appear at the congress, until the points relating to their masters were adjusted; and were firmly resolved not to send their passports for the ministers of France, till the Most Christian King declared, that the absence of the forementioned ministers should not delay the progress of the negotiation."

Pursuant to the three former articles, Her Majesty wrote circular letters to all the allies engaged with her in the present war: and France had notice, that as soon as the King declared his compliance with the last article, the blank passports should be filled up with the names of the Maréchal d'Uxelles,[9] the Abbé de Polignac, and Mons. Mesnager, who were appointed plenipotentiaries for that crown.

[Footnote 9: In his "Letter to Sir William Windham," Bolingbroke thus refers to M. d'Uxelles: "The minister who had the principal direction of foreign affairs I lived in friendship with, and I must own to his honour, that he never encouraged a design which he knew that his court had no intention of supporting" (p. 141). This was written of the time when Bolingbroke was in Paris, an adherent of the Pretender. [T.S.]]

From what I have hitherto deduced, the reader sees the plan which the Queen thought the most effectual for advancing a peace. As the conferences were to begin upon the general preliminaries, the Queen was to be empowered by France to offer separately to the allies what might be reasonable for each to accept; and her own interests being previously settled, she was to act as a general mediator: a figure that became her best, from the part she had in the war, and more useful to the great end at which she aimed, of giving a safe and honourable peace to Europe.

Besides, it was absolutely necessary, for the interests of Britain, that the Queen should be at the head of the negotiation, without which Her Majesty could find no expedient to redress the injuries her kingdoms were sure to suffer by the Barrier Treaty. In order to settle this point with the States, the ministers here had a conference with Mons. Buys, a few days before the Parliament met. He was told, how necessary it was, by previous concert between the Emperor, the Queen, and the States, to prevent any difference which might arise in the course of the treaty at Utrecht: That, under pretence of a barrier for the States General, as their security against France, infinite prejudice might arise to the trade of Britain in the Spanish Netherlands; for, by the fifteenth article of the Barrier Treaty, in consequence of what was stipulated by that of Minister, the Queen was brought to engage that commerce shall not be rendered more easy, in point of duties, by the sea-ports of Flanders, than it is by the river Scheldt, and by the canals on the side of the Seven Provinces, which, as things now stood, was very unjust; for, while the towns in Flanders were in the hands of France or Spain, the Dutch and we traded to them upon equal foot; but now, since by the Barrier Treaty those towns were to be possessed by the States, that republic might lay what duties they pleased upon British goods, after passing by Ostend, and make their own custom-free, which would utterly ruin our whole trade with Flanders.

Upon this, the lords told Mons. Buys very frankly, "That if the States expected the Queen should support their barrier, as well as their demands from France and the house of Austria upon that head, they ought to agree, that the subjects of Britain should trade as freely to all the countries and places, which, by virtue of any former or future treaty, were to become the barrier of the States, as they did in the time of the late King Charles the Second of Spain; or as the subjects of the States General themselves shall do: and that it was hoped, their High Mightinesses would never scruple to rectify a mistake so injurious to that nation, without whose blood and treasure they would have had no barrier at all." Mons. Buys had nothing to answer against these objections, but said, he had already wrote to his masters for further instructions.

Greater difficulties occurred about settling what should be the barrier to the States after a peace: the envoy insisting to have all the towns that were named in the Treaty of Barrier and Succession; and the Queen's ministers excepting those towns, which, if they continued in the hands of the Dutch, would render the trade of Britain to Flanders precarious. At length it was agreed in general, that the States ought to have what is really essential to the security of their barrier against France; and that some amicable expedient should be found, for removing the fears both of Britain and Holland upon this point.

But at the same time Mons. Buys was told, "That although the Queen would certainly insist to obtain all those points from France, in behalf of her allies the States, yet she hoped his masters were too reasonable to break off the treaty, rather than not obtain the very utmost of their demands, which could not be settled here, unless he were fully instructed to speak and conclude upon that subject: That Her Majesty thought the best way of securing the common interest, and preventing the division of the allies, by the artifices of France, in the course of a long negotiation, would be to concert between the Queen's ministers and those of the States, with a due regard to the other confederates, such a plan as might amount to a safe and honourable peace." After which the Abbé Polignac, who of the French plenipotentiaries was most in the secret of his court, might be told, "That it was in vain to amuse each other any longer; that on such terms the peace would be immediately concluded; and that the conferences must cease, if those conditions were not, without delay, and with expedition, granted."

A treaty between Her Majesty and the States, to subsist after a peace, was now signed, Mons. Buys having received full powers to that purpose. His masters were desirous to have a private article added, sub spe rati, concerning those terms of peace; without the granting of which, we should stipulate not to agree with the enemy. But neither the character of Buys, nor the manner in which he was empowered to treat, would allow the Queen to enter into such an engagement. The congress likewise approaching, there was not time to settle a point of so great importance. Neither, lastly, would Her Majesty be tied down by Holland, without previous satisfaction upon several articles in the Barrier Treaty, so inconsistent with her engagements to other powers in the alliance, and so injurious to her own kingdoms.

The lord privy seal, and the Earl of Stafford, having, about the time the Parliament met, been appointed Her Majesty's plenipotentiaries for treating a general peace, I shall here break off the account of any further progress made in that great affair, until I resume it in the last book of this History.

***** ***** ***** ***** *****

THE HISTORY OF THE FOUR LAST

YEARS OF THE QUEEN.

BOOK III.

The House of Commons seemed resolved, from the beginning of the session, to inquire strictly not only into all abuses relating to the accounts of the army, but likewise into the several treaties between us and our allies, upon what articles and conditions they were first agreed to, and how these had been since observed. In the first week of their sitting, they sent an address to the Queen, to desire that the treaty, whereby Her Majesty was obliged to furnish forty thousand men, to act in conjunction with the forces of her allies in the Low Countries, might be laid before the House. To which the secretary of state brought an answer, "That search had been made, but no footsteps could be found of any treaty or convention for that purpose." It was this unaccountable neglect in the former ministry, which first gave a pretence to the allies for lessening their quotas, so much to the disadvantage of Her Majesty, her kingdoms, and the common cause, in the course of the war. It had been stipulated by the Grand Alliance, between the Emperor, Britain, and the States, that those three powers should assist each other with their whole force, and that the several proportions should be specified in a particular convention. But if any such convention were made, it was never ratified; only the parties agreed, by common consent, to take each a certain share of the burthen upon themselves, which the late King William communicated to the House of Commons by his secretary of state; and which afterwards the other two powers, observing the mighty zeal in our ministry for prolonging the war, eluded as they pleased.

The commissioners for stating the public accounts of the kingdom, had, in executing their office the preceding summer, discovered several practices relating to the affairs of the army, which they drew up in a report, and delivered to the House.

The Commons began their examination of the report with a member of their own, Mr. Robert Walpole, already mentioned; who, during his being secretary at war, had received five hundred guineas, and taken a note for five hundred pounds more, on account of two contracts for forage of the queen's troops quartered in Scotland. He endeavoured to excuse the first contract; but had nothing to say about the second. The first appeared so plain and so scandalous to the Commons, that they voted the author of it guilty of a high breach of trust, and notorious corruption, committed him prisoner to the Tower, where he continued to the end of the session, and expelled him the House.[1] He was a person much caressed by the opposers of the Queen and ministry, having been first drawn into their party by his indifference to any principles, and afterwards kept steady by the loss of his place. His bold, forward countenance, altogether a stranger to that infirmity which makes men bashful, joined to a readiness of speaking in public, hath justly entitled him, among those of his faction, to be a sort of leader of the second form. The reader must excuse me for being so particular about one, who is otherwise altogether obscure.[2]

[Footnote 1: See "Part Hist," vi. 1071. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 2: Walpole was not too obscure, however, to be then the object of Bolingbroke's attack; and in 1726, when Bolingbroke had again attacked Walpole, this time in a letter, the latter replied: "Whatever contradictions these gentlemen may have observed in my character; there is one which I'll venture to assure you, you will never discover, which is my ever being alarmed at an opposition from one in the impotence of disgrace, who could never terrify me in the zenith of his prosperity." "An Answer to the Occasional Writer." [T.S.]]

Another part of the report concerned the Duke of Marlborough, who had received large sums of money, by way of gratuity, from those who were the undertakers for providing the army with bread.[3] This the Duke excused, in a letter to the commissioners, from the like practice of other generals: but that excuse appeared to be of little weight, and the mischievous consequences of such a corruption were visible enough; since the money given by these undertakers were but bribes for connivance at their indirect dealings with the army. And as frauds, that begin at the top, are apt to spread through all the subordinate ranks of those who have any share in the management, and to increase as they circulate: so, in this case, for every thousand pounds given to the general, the soldiers at least suffered fourfold.

[Footnote 3: See "The Examiner," Nos. 17 and 28, in vol. ix. of this edition. [W.S.J.]]

Another article of this report, relating to the Duke, was yet of more importance. The greatest part of Her Majesty's forces in Flanders were mercenary troops, hired from several princes of Europe. It was found that the Queen's general subtracted two and a half per cent, out of the pay of those troops, for his own use, which amounted to a great annual sum. The Duke of Marlborough, in his letter already mentioned, endeavouring to extenuate the matter, told the commissioners, "That this deduction was a free gift from the foreign troops, which he had negotiated with them by the late King's orders, and had obtained the Queen's warrant for reserving and receiving it: That it was intended for secret service, the ten thousand pounds a year given by Parliament not proving sufficient, and had all been laid out that way." The commissioners observed, in answer, "That the warrant was kept dormant for nine years, as indeed no entry of it appeared in the secretary of state's books, and the deduction of it concealed all that time from the knowledge of Parliament: That, if it had been a free gift from the foreign troops, it would not have been stipulated by agreement, as the Duke's letter confessed, and as his warrant declared, which latter affirmed this stoppage to be intended for defraying extraordinary contingent expenses of the troops, and therefore should not have been applied to secret services." They submitted to the House, whether the warrant itself were legal, or duly countersigned. The commissioners added, "That no receipt was ever given for this deducted money, nor was it mentioned in any receipts from the foreign troops, which were always taken in full. And lastly, That the whole sum, on computation, amounted to near three hundred thousand pounds."

The House, after a long debate, resolved, "That the taking several sums from the contractors for bread by the Duke of Marlborough, was unwarrantable and illegal; and that the two and a half per cent, deducted from the foreign troops, was public money, and ought to be accounted for:" which resolutions were laid before the Queen by the whole House, and Her Majesty promised to do her part in redressing what was complained of. The Duke and his friends had, about the beginning of the war, by their credit with the Queen, procured a warrant from Her Majesty for this perquisite of two and a half per cent. The warrant was directed to the Duke of Marlborough, and countersigned by Sir Charles Hedges, then secretary of state; by virtue of which the paymaster-general of the army was to pay the said deducted money to the general, and take a receipt in full from the foreign troops.

It was observed, as very commendable and becoming the dignity of such an assembly, that this debate was managed with great temper, and with few personal reflections upon the Duke of Marlborough. They seemed only desirous to come at the truth, without which they could not answer the trust reposed in them by those whom they represented, and left the rest to Her Majesty's prudence. The attorney-general was ordered to commence an action against the Duke for the subtracted money, which would have amounted to a great sum, enough to ruin any private person, except himself. This process is still depending, although very moderately pursued, either by the Queen's indulgence to one whom she had formerly so much trusted, or perhaps to be revived or slackened, according to the future demeanour of the defendant.[4]

[Footnote 4: Marlborough's defence of himself may be found in the "Parliamentary History," vol. vi., 1079. Writing to the Earl of Strafford, under date January 27, 1711, Bolingbroke speaking of this debate on Marlborough says: "What passed on Thursday in the House of Commons, will, I hope, show people abroad, as well as at home, that no merit, no grandeur, no riches can excuse, or save any one, who sets himself up in opposition to the Queen;" and, he might have added, to Mrs. Masham. It is to be questioned if Marlborough would have had to undergo the ordeal of this debate had it not been for the animosity against him on the part of this lady and her royal mistress, so deftly aroused by Harley. [T.S.]]

Some time after, Mr. Cardonnell,[5] a Member of Parliament, and secretary to the general in Flanders, was expelled the House, for the offence of receiving yearly bribes from those who had contracted to furnish bread for the army; and met with no further punishment for a practice, voted to be unwarrantable and corrupt.

These were all the censures of any moment which the Commons, under so great a weight of business, thought fit to make, upon the reports of their commissioners for inspecting the public accounts. But having promised, in the beginning of this History, to examine the state of the nation, with respect to its debts; by what negligence or corruption they first began, and in process of time made such a prodigious increase; and, lastly, what courses have been taken, under the present administration, to find out funds for answering so many unprovided incumbrances, as well as put a stop to new ones; I shall endeavour to satisfy the reader upon this important article.

By all I have yet read of the history of our own country, it appears to me, that the national debts, secured upon parliamentary funds of interest, were things unknown in England before the last Revolution under the Prince of Orange. It is true, that in the grand rebellion the king's enemies borrowed money of particular persons, upon what they called the public faith; but this was only for short periods, and the sums no more than what they could pay at once, as they constantly did. Some of our kings have been very profuse in peace and war, and are blamed in history for their oppressions of the people by severe taxes, and for borrowing money which they never paid:[6] but national debts was a style, which, I doubt, would hardly then be understood. When the Prince of Orange was raised to the throne, and a general war began in these parts of Europe, the King and his counsellors thought it would be ill policy to commence his reign with heavy taxes upon the people, who had lived long in ease and plenty, and might be apt to think their deliverance too dearly bought: wherefore one of the first actions of the new government was to take off the tax upon chimneys, as a burthen very ungrateful to the commonalty. But money being wanted to support the war (which even the convention-parliament, that put the crown upon his head, were very unwilling he should engage in), the present Bishop of Salisbury[7] is said to have found out that expedient (which he had learned in Holland) of raising money upon the security of taxes, that were only sufficient to pay a large interest. The motives which prevailed on people to fall in with this project were many, and plausible; for supposing, as the ministers industriously gave out, that the war could not last above one or two campaigns at most, it might be carried on with very moderate taxes; and the debts accruing would, in process of time, be easily cleared after a peace. Then the bait of large interest would draw in a great number of those whose money, by the dangers and difficulties of trade, lay dead upon their hands; and whoever were lenders to the government, would, by surest principle, be obliged to support it. Besides, the men of estates could not be persuaded, without time and difficulty, to have those taxes laid on their lands, which custom hath since made so familiar; and it was the business of such as were then in power to cultivate a moneyed interest; because the gentry of the kingdom did not very much relish those new notions in government, to which the King, who had imbibed his politics in his own country, was thought to give too much way. Neither perhaps did that Prince think national incumbrances to be any evil at all, since the flourishing republic, where he was born, is thought to owe more than ever it will be able or willing to pay. And I remember, when I mentioned to Mons. Buys the many millions we owed, he would advance it as a maxim, that it was for the interest of the public to be in debt: which perhaps may be true in a commonwealth so crazily instituted, where the governors cannot have too many pledges of their subjects' fidelity, and where a great majority must inevitably be undone by any revolution, however brought about: but to prescribe the same rules to a monarchy, whose wealth ariseth from the rents and improvements of lands, as well as trade and manufactures, is the mark of a confined and cramped understanding.

[Footnote 5: Adam Cardonnell, Esq., secretary to the Duke of
Marlborough, shared in his disgrace. See "The Examiner," No. 28.
[W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 6: P. Fitzgerald says "which they have not been able or willing to pay." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 7: Dr. Gilbert Burnet. [ORIGINAL NOTE.]]

I was moved to speak thus, because I am very well satisfied, that the pernicious counsels of borrowing money upon public funds of interest, as well as some other state lessons, were taken indigested from the like practices among the Dutch, without allowing in the least for any difference in government, religion, law, custom, extent of country, or manners and dispositions of the people.

But when this expedient of anticipations and mortgages was first put in practice, artful men, in office and credit, began to consider what uses it might be applied to; and soon found it was likely to prove the most fruitful seminary, not only to establish a faction they intended to set up for their own support, but likewise to raise vast wealth for themselves in particular, who were to be the managers and directors in it. It was manifest, that nothing could promote these two designs so much, as burthening the nation with debts, and giving encouragement to lenders: for, as to the first, it was not to be doubted, that moneyed men would be always firm to the party of those who advised the borrowing upon such good security, and with such exorbitant premiums and interest; and every new sum that was lent, took away as much power from the landed men, as it added to theirs: so that the deeper the kingdom was engaged, it was still the better for them. Thus a new estate and property sprung up in the hands of mortgagees, to whom every house and foot of land in England paid a rent-charge, free of all taxes and defalcations, and purchased at less than half value. So that the gentlemen of estates were, in effect, but tenants to these new landlords; many of whom were able, in time, to force the election of boroughs out of the hands of those who had been the old proprietors and inhabitants. This was arrived at such a height, that a very few years more of war and funds would have clearly cast the balance on the moneyed side.

As to the second, this project of borrowing upon funds, was of mighty advantage to those who were in the management of it, as well as to their friends and dependants; for, funds proving often deficient, the government was obliged to strike tallies for making up the rest, which tallies were sometimes (to speak in the merchants' phrase) at above forty per cent, discount. At this price those who were in the secret bought them up, and then took care to have that deficiency supplied in the next session of Parliament, by which they doubled their principal in a few months; and, for the encouragement of lenders, every new project of lotteries or annuities proposed some farther advantage, either as to interest or premium.

In the year one thousand six hundred and ninety-seven, a general mortgage was made of certain revenues and taxes already settled, which amounted to near a million a year. This mortgage was to continue till one thousand seven hundred and six, to be a fund for the payment of about five millions one hundred thousand pounds. In the first Parliament of the Queen, the said mortgage was continued till one thousand seven hundred and ten, to supply a deficiency of two millions three hundred thousand pounds, and interest of above a million; and in the intermediate years a great part of that fund was branched out into annuities for ninety-nine years; so that the late ministry raised all their money to one thousand seven hundred and ten, only by continuing funds which were already granted to their hands. This deceived the people in general, who were satisfied to continue the payments they had been accustomed to, and made the administration seem easy, since the war went on without any new taxes raised, except the very last year they were in power; not considering what a mighty fund was exhausted, and must be perpetuated, although extremely injurious to trade, and to the true interest of the nation.

This great fund of the general mortgage was not only loaded, year after year, by mighty sums borrowed upon it, but with the interests due upon those sums; for which the treasury was forced to strike tallies, payable out of that fund, after all the money already borrowed upon it, there being no other provision of interest for three or four years: till at last the fund was so overloaded, that it could neither pay principal nor interest, and tallies were struck for both, which occasioned their great discount.

But to avoid mistakes upon a subject, where I am not very well versed either in the style or matter, I will transcribe an account sent me by a person[8] who is thoroughly instructed in these affairs.

[Footnote 8: Sir John Blunt. [ORIGINAL NOTE.] He was one of the first projectors of the South Sea Company, and died in January, 1733. [W.S.J.]]

"In the year one thousand seven hundred and seven, the sum of eight hundred twenty-two thousand three hundred and eighty one pounds, fifteen shillings and sixpence, was raised, by continuing part of the general mortgage from one thousand seven hundred and ten to one thousand seven hundred and twelve; but with no provision of interest till August the first, one thousand seven hundred and ten, otherwise than by striking tallies for it on that fund, payable after all the other money borrowed.

"In one thousand seven hundred and eight, the same funds were continued from one thousand seven hundred and twelve to one thousand seven hundred and fourteen, to raise seven hundred twenty-nine thousand sixty-seven pounds fifteen shillings and sixpence; but no provision for interest till August the first, one thousand seven hundred and twelve, otherwise than as before, by striking tallies for it on the same fund, payable after all the rest of the money borrowed. And the discount of tallies then beginning to rise, great part of that money remains still unraised; and there is nothing to pay interest for the money lent, till August the first, one thousand seven hundred and twelve. But the late lord treasurer struck tallies for the full sum directed by the act to be borrowed, great part of which have been delivered in payment to the navy and victualling offices, and some are still in the hands of the government.

"In one thousand seven hundred and nine, part of the same fund was continued from August the first, one thousand seven hundred and fourteen, to August the first, one thousand seven hundred and sixteen, to raise six hundred and forty-five thousand pounds; and no provision for interest till August the first, one thousand seven hundred and fourteen (which was about five years), but by borrowing money on the same fund, payable after the sums before lent; so that little of that money was lent But the tallies were struck for what was unlent, some of which were given out for the payment of the navy and victualling, and some still remain in the hands of the government.

"In one thousand seven hundred and ten, the sums which were before given from one thousand seven hundred and fourteen, to one thousand seven hundred and sixteen, were continued from thence to one thousand seven hundred and twenty, to raise one million two hundred and ninety-six thousand five hundred and fifty-two pounds nine shillings and elevenpence three farthings; and no immediate provision for interest till August the first, one thousand seven hundred and sixteen; only, after the duty of one shilling per bushel on salt should be cleared from the money it was then charged with, and which was not so cleared till Midsummer one thousand seven hundred and twelve last, then that fund was to be applied to pay the interest till August the first, one thousand seven hundred and sixteen, which interest amounted to about seventy-seven thousand seven hundred and ninety-three pounds per annum: and the said salt fund produceth but about fifty-five thousand pounds per annum; so that no money was borrowed upon the general mortgage in one thousand seven hundred and ten, except one hundred and fifty thousand pounds lent by the Swiss cantons; but tallies were struck for the whole sum. These all remained in the late treasurer's hands at the time of his removal, yet the money was expended, which occasioned those great demands upon the commissioners of the treasury who succeeded him, and were forced to pawn those tallies to the bank, or to remitters, rather than sell them at twenty or twenty-five per cent. discount, as the price then was. About two hundred thousand pounds of them they paid to clothiers of the army, and others; and all the rest, being above ninety thousand pounds, have been subscribed into the South Sea Company for the use of the public."

When the Earl of Godolphin was removed from his employment, he left a debt upon the navy of —— millions,[9] all contracted under his administration,[10] which had no Parliament-security, and was daily increased. Neither could I ever learn, whether that lord had the smallest prospect of clearing this incumbrance, or whether there were policy, negligence, or despair at the bottom of this unaccountable management. But the consequences were visible and ruinous; for by this means navy-bills grew to be forty per cent. discount, and upwards; and almost every kind of stores, bought by the navy and victualling offices, cost the government double rates, and sometimes more: so that the public hath directly lost several millions upon this one article, without any sort of necessity, that I could ever hear assigned by the ablest vindicators of that party.

[Footnote 9: "Of millions" in original. "Of —— millions" in 1775.
[W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 10: See "The Examiner," No. 45, and note in vol. ix. of this edition, p. 295. [W.S.J.]]

In this oppressed and entangled state was the kingdom, with relation to its debts, when the Queen removed the Earl of Godolphin from his office, and put it into commission, of which the present treasurer was one. This person had been chosen speaker successively to three Parliaments, was afterwards secretary of state, and always in great esteem with the Queen for his wisdom and fidelity. The late ministry, about two years before their fall, had prevailed with Her Majesty, much against her inclination, to dismiss him from her service; for which they cannot be justly blamed, since he had endeavoured the same thing against them, and very narrowly failed; which makes it the more extraordinary that he should succeed in a second attempt against those very adversaries, who had such fair warning by the first. He is firm and steady in his resolutions, not easily diverted from them after he hath once possessed himself of an opinion that they are right, nor very communicative where he can act by himself, being taught by experience, that a secret is seldom safe in more than one breast. That which occurs to other men after mature deliberation, offers to him as his first thoughts; so that he decides immediately what is best to be done, and therefore is seldom at a loss upon sudden exigencies. He thinks it a more easy and safe rule in politics to watch incidents as they come, and then turn them to the advantage of what he pursues, than pretend to foresee them at a great distance. Fear, cruelty, avarice, and pride, are wholly strangers to his nature; but he is not without ambition. There is one thing peculiar in his temper, which I altogether disapprove, and do not remember to have heard or met with in any other man's character: I mean, an easiness and indifference under any imputation, although he be never so innocent, and although the strongest probabilities and appearance are against him; so that I have known him often suspected by his nearest friends, for some months, in points of the highest importance, to a degree, that they were ready to break with him, and only undeceived by time and accident. His detractors, who charge him with cunning, are but ill acquainted with his character; for, in the sense they take the word, and as it is usually understood, I know no man to whom that mean talent could be with less justice applied, as the conduct of affairs, while he hath been at the helm, doth clearly demonstrate, very contrary to the nature and principles of cunning, which is always employed in serving little turns, proposing little ends, and supplying daily exigencies by little shifts and expedients. But to rescue a prince out of the hands of insolent subjects, bent upon such designs as must probably end in the ruin of the government; to find out means for paying such exorbitant debts as this nation hath been involved in, and reduce it to a better management; to make a potent enemy offer advantageous terms of peace, and deliver up the most important fortress of his kingdom, as a security;[11] and this against all the opposition, mutually raised and inflamed by parties and allies; such performances can only be called cunning by those whose want of understanding, or of candour, puts them upon finding ill names for great qualities of the mind, which themselves do neither possess, nor can form any just conception of. However, it must be allowed, that an obstinate love of secrecy in this minister seems, at distance, to have some resemblance of cunning; for he is not only very retentive of secrets, but appears to be so too, which I number amongst his defects. He hath been blamed by his friends for refusing to discover his intentions, even in those points where the wisest man may have need of advice and assistance, and some have censured him, upon that account, as if he were jealous of power but he hath been heard to answer, "That he seldom did otherwise, without cause to repent"

[Footnote 11: This is surely a piece of Swift's partiality for Oxford; since it practically deprives Bolingbroke of whatever credit was his for the Peace of Utrecht, and that was not a little; certainly more than may be given to Oxford. [T.S.]]

However, so undistinguished a caution cannot, in my opinion, be justified, by which the owner loseth many advantages, and whereof all men, who deserved to be confided in, may with some reason complain. His love of procrastination (wherein doubtless nature hath her share) may probably be increased by the same means, but this is an imputation laid upon many other great ministers, who, like men under too heavy a load, let fall that which is of the least consequence, and go back to fetch it when their shoulders are free, for time is often gained, as well as lost, by delay, which at worst is a fault on the securer side.[12] Neither probably is this minister answerable for half the clamour raised against him upon that article: his endeavours are wholly turned upon the general welfare of his country, but perhaps with too little regard to that of particular persons, which renders him less amiable, than he would otherwise have been from the goodness of his humour, and agreeable conversation in a private capacity, and with few dependers. Yet some allowance may perhaps be given to this failing, which is one of the greatest he hath, since he cannot be more careless of other men's fortunes than he is of his own. He is master of a very great and faithful memory, which is of mighty use in the management of public affairs; and I believe there are few examples to be produced in any age, of a person who hath passed through so many employments in the state, endowed with a great share, both of divine and human learning.

[Footnote 12: Unfortunately, procrastination too often ended for Harley in very unpleasant results, and it is not too much to say, this failing was the indirect cause of his downfall. Swift's character of Oxford, as given in this "History," should be compared with that given of him in "An Enquiry into the Behaviour of the Queen's Last Ministry" (vol v, pp 431-434, of present edition). Dr William King, to whom Swift had written in 1736, for certain dates and official extracts to be included in this "History," wrote to Swift (December 7th, 1736), referring to this very matter of Oxford's character. As the letter applies to some other portions of this "History," it will be better if it be given here.

"London, December 7th, 1736

SIR,

I arrived here yesterday [King had been on a visit to Paris], and I am now ready to obey your commands. I hope you are come to a positive resolution concerning the History. You need not hesitate about the dates, or the references which are to be made to any public papers, for I can supply them without the least trouble. As well as I remember, there is but one of those public pieces which you determined should be inserted at length; I mean Sir Thomas Hanmer's Representation; this I have now by me. If you incline to publish the two tracts as an Appendix to the History, you will be pleased to see if the character given of the Earl of Oxford in the pamphlet of 1715 agrees with the character given of the same person in the History. Perhaps on a review, you may think proper to leave one of them quite out. You have (I think) barely mentioned the attempt of Guiscard, and the quarrel between Rechteren and Mesnager. But as these are facts which are probably now forgot or unknown, it would not be amiss if they were related at large in the notes, which may be done from the Gazettes, or any other newspapers of those times," etc. See Sir W. Scott's edit, vol xix, pp 20-21 [T.S.]]

I am persuaded that foreigners, as well as those at home, who live too remote from the scene of business to be rightly informed, will not be displeased with this account of a person, who in the space of two years, hath been so highly instrumental in changing the face of affairs in Europe, and hath deserved so well of his own Prince and country.[13]

[Footnote 13: See also Swift's "Enquiry" (vol. v., pp. 425-476).
[W.S.J.]]

In that perplexed condition of the public debts, which I have already described, this minister was brought into the treasury and exchequer, and had the chief direction of affairs. His first regulation was that of exchequer bills, which, to the great discouragement of public credit, and scandal to the crown, were three per cent. less in value than the sums specified in them. The present treasurer, being then chancellor of the exchequer, procured an Act of Parliament, by which the Bank of England should be obliged, in consideration of forty-five thousand pounds, to accept and circulate those bills without any discount. He then proceeded to stop the depredations of those who dealt in remittances of money to the army, who, by unheard of exactions in that kind of traffic, had amassed prodigious wealth at the public cost, to which the Earl of Godolphin had given too much way,[14] possibly by neglect; for I think he cannot be accused of corruption.

[Footnote 14: Added in the author's own handwriting. [ORIGINAL NOTE.] P. Fitzgerald gives the addition as "either through ignorance, connivance, or neglect." [W.S.J.]]

But the new treasurer's chief concern was to restore the credit of the nation, by finding some settlement for unprovided debts, amounting in the whole to ten millions, which hung on the public as a load equally heavy and disgraceful, without any prospect of being removed, and which former ministers never had the care or courage to inspect. He resolved to go at once to the bottom of this evil; and having computed and summed up the debt of the navy, and victualling, ordnance, and transport of the army, and transport debentures made out for the service of the last war, of the general mortgage tallies for the year one thousand seven hundred and ten, and some other deficiencies, he then found out a fund of interest sufficient to answer all this, which, being applied to other uses, could not raise present money for the war, but in a very few years would clear the debt it was engaged for. The intermediate accruing interest was to be paid by the treasurer of the navy; and, as a farther advantage to the creditors, they should be erected into a company for trading to the South Seas, and for encouragement of fishery. When all this was fully prepared and digested, he made a motion in the House of Commons (who deferred extremely to his judgment and abilities) for paying the debts of the navy, and other unprovided deficiencies, without entering into particulars, which was immediately voted. But a sudden stop was put to this affair by an unforeseen accident. The chancellor of the exchequer (which was then his title) being stabbed with a penknife, the following day, at the Cockpit, in the midst of a dozen lords of the council, by the Sieur de Guiscard, a French papist; the circumstances of which fact being not within the compass of this History, I shall only observe, that after two months' confinement, and frequent danger of his life, he returned to his seat in Parliament.[15]

[Footnote 15: See the particular account in "The Examiner." [ORIGINAL NOTE.] The reference is to Nos. 33, 41, and 42 of that paper (see vol. ix, of this edition). [W.S.J.]]

The overtures made by this minister, of paying so vast a debt, under the pressures of a long war, and the difficulty of finding supplies for continuing it, was, during the time of his illness, ridiculed by his enemies as an impracticable and visionary project: and when, upon his return to the House, he had explained his proposal, the very proprietors of the debt were, many of them, prevailed on to oppose it; although the obtaining this trade, either through Old Spain, or directly to the Spanish West Indies, had been one principal end we aimed at by this war. However, the bill passed; and, as an immediate consequence, the naval bills rose to about twenty per cent., nor ever fell within ten of their discount. Another good effect of this work appeared by the parliamentary lotteries, which have been since erected. The last of that kind, under the former ministry, was eleven weeks in filling; whereas the first, under the present, was filled in a very few hours, although it cost the government less; and the others, which followed, were full before the Acts concerning them could pass. And to prevent incumbrances of this kind from growing for the future, he took care, by the utmost parsimony, or by suspending payments, where they seemed less to press, that all stores for the navy should be bought with ready money; by which cent. per cent. hath been saved in that mighty article of our expense, as will appear from an account taken at the victualling office on the 9th of August, one thousand seven hundred and twelve. And the payment of the interest was less a burthen upon the navy, by the stores being bought at so cheap a rate.

It might look invidious to enter into farther particulars upon this head, but of smaller moment. What I have above related, may serve to shew in how ill a condition the kingdom stood, with relation to its debts, by the corruption as well as negligence of former management; and what prudent, effectual measures have since been taken to provide for old incumbrances, and hinder the running into new. This may be sufficient for the information of the reader, perhaps already tired with a subject so little entertaining as that of accounts: I shall therefore now return to relate some of the principal matters that passed in Parliament, during this session.

Upon the eighteenth of January the House of Lords sent down a bill to the Commons, for fixing the precedence of the Hanover family, which probably had been forgot in the Acts for settling the succession of the crown. That of Henry VIII. which gives the rank to princes of the blood, carries it no farther than to nephews, nieces, and grandchildren of the crown, by virtue of which the Princess Sophia is a princess of the blood, as niece to King Charles I of England, and precedes accordingly, but this privilege doth not descend to her son the Elector, or the electoral prince. To supply which defect, and pay a compliment to the presumptive heirs of the crown, this bill, as appeareth by the preamble, was recommended by Her Majesty to the House of Lords, which the Commons, to shew their zeal for every thing that might be thought to concern the interest or honour of that illustrious family, ordered to be read thrice, passed nemine contradicente and returned to the Lords, without any amendment, on the very day it was sent down.

But the House seemed to have nothing more at heart than a strict inquiry into the state of the nation, with respect to foreign alliances. Some discourses had been published in print, about the beginning of the session, boldly complaining of certain articles in the Barrier Treaty, concluded about three years since by the Lord Viscount Townshend, between Great Britain and the States General, and shewing, in many particulars, the unequal conduct of these powers in our alliance, in furnishing their quotas and supplies. It was asserted by the same writers, "That these hardships, put upon England, had been countenanced and encouraged by a party here at home, in order to preserve their power, which could be no otherwise maintained than by continuing the war, as well as by Her Majesty's general abroad, upon account of his own peculiar interest and grandeur." These loud accusations spreading themselves throughout the kingdom, delivered in facts directly charged, and thought, whether true or not, to be but weakly confuted, had sufficiently prepared the minds of the people, and, by putting arguments into every body's mouth, had filled the town and country with controversies, both in writing and discourse. The point appeared to be of great consequence, whether the war continued or not for, in the former case, it was necessary that the allies should be brought to a more equal regulation, and that the States in particular, for whom Her Majesty had done such great things, should explain and correct those articles in the Barrier Treaty which were prejudicial to Britain, and, in either case, it was fit the people should have at least the satisfaction of knowing by whose counsels, and for what designs, they had been so hardly treated.

In order to this great inquiry, the Barrier Treaty, with all other treaties and agreements entered into between Her Majesty and her allies, during the present war, for the raising and augmenting the proportions for the service thereof, were, by the Queen's directions, laid before the House.

Several resolutions were drawn up, and reported at different times, upon the deficiencies of the allies in furnishing their quotas, upon certain articles in the Barrier Treaty, and upon the state of the war; by all which it appeared, that whatever had been charged by public discourses in print against the late ministry, and the conduct of the allies, was much less than the truth. Upon these resolutions (by one of which the Lord Viscount Townshend, who negotiated and signed the Barrier Treaty, was declared an enemy to the Queen and kingdom), and upon some farther directions to the committee, a Representation was formed; and soon after the Commons in a body presented it to the Queen, the endeavours of the adverse party not prevailing to have it re-committed.

This Representation (supposed to be the work of Sir Thomas Hanmer's[16] pen) is written with much energy and spirit, and will be a very useful authentic record, for the assistance of those who at any time shall undertake to write the history of the present times.

[Footnote 16: But to which the Dean himself contributed a large share. [S.] Swift writes in his "Journal," under date February 21st: "I left them at 7, being engaged to go to Sir Tho. Hanmer, who desired I would see him at that hour. His business was, that I would help him to draw up the representation, which I consented to do" (vol. ii., p. 340). [W.S.J.]]

I did intend, for brevity sake, to have given the reader only an abstract of it; but, upon trial, found myself unequal to such a task, without injuring so excellent a piece. And although I think historical relations are but ill patched up with long transcripts already printed, which, upon that account, I have hitherto avoided; yet this being the sum of all debates and resolutions of the House of Commons in that great affair of the war, I conceived it could not well be omitted.[1]

[Footnote 17: This "Representation" was printed by S. Keble by order of the Speaker, and is also to be found in the "Journals of the House of Commons," vol. xvii., pp. 119-123. [W.S.J.]]

"MOST GRACIOUS SOVEREIGN,

"We your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Commons of Great Britain in Parliament assembled, having nothing so much at heart, as to enable your Majesty to bring this long and expensive war to an honourable and happy conclusion, have taken it into our most serious consideration, how the necessary supplies to be provided by us may be best applied, and the common cause may in the most effectual manner be carried on, by the united force of the whole confederacy; we have thought ourselves obliged, in duty to your Majesty, and in discharge of the trust reposed in us, to inquire into the true state of the war, in all its parts; we have examined what stipulations have been entered into between your Majesty and your allies; and how far such engagements have on each side been made good. We have considered the different interests which the confederates have in the success of this war, and the different shares they have contributed to its support: we have with our utmost care and diligence endeavoured to discover the nature, extent, and charge of it, to the end, that by comparing the weight thereof with our own strength, we might adapt the one to the other in such measure, as neither to continue your Majesty's subjects under a heavier burden, than in reason and justice they ought to bear; nor deceive your Majesty, your allies, and ourselves, by undertaking more than the nation in its present circumstances is able to perform.

"Your Majesty has been graciously pleased, upon our humble applications, to order such materials to be laid before us, as have furnished us with the necessary information upon the particulars we have inquired into; and when we shall have laid before your Majesty our observations, and humble advice upon this subject, we promise to ourselves this happy fruit from it, that if your Majesty's generous and good purposes, for the procuring a safe and lasting peace, should, through the obstinacy of the enemy, or by any other means, be unhappily defeated, a true knowledge and understanding of the past conduct of the war will be the best foundation for a more frugal and equal management of it for the time to come.

"In order to take the more perfect view of what we proposed, and that we might be able to set the whole before your Majesty in a true light, we have thought it necessary to go back to the beginning of the war, and beg leave to observe the motives and reasons, upon which his late Majesty King William engaged first in it. The treaty of the Grand Alliance, explains those reasons to be for the supporting the pretensions of his Imperial Majesty, then actually engaged in a war with the French King, who had usurped the entire Spanish monarchy for his grandson the Duke of Anjou; and for the assisting the States General, who, by the loss of their barrier against France, were then in the same, or a more dangerous condition, than if they were actually invaded. As these were the just and necessary motives for undertaking this war, so the ends proposed to be obtained by it, were equally wise and honourable; for as they are set forth in the eighth article of the same treaty, they appear to have been the procuring an equitable and reasonable satisfaction to his Imperial Majesty, and sufficient securities for the dominions, provinces, navigation, and commerce of the King of Great Britain, and the States General, and the making effectual provision, that the two kingdoms of France and Spain should never be united under the same government; and particularly, that the French should never get into the possession of the Spanish West Indies, or be permitted to sail thither, upon the account of traffic, under any pretence whatsoever; and lastly, the securing to the subjects of the King of Great Britain, and the States General, all the same privileges, and rights of commerce, throughout the whole dominions of Spain, as they enjoyed before the death of Charles the Second King of Spain, by virtue of any treaty, agreement, or custom, or any other way whatsoever. For the obtaining these ends, the three confederated powers engaged to assist one another with their whole force, according to such proportions as should be specified in a particular convention, afterwards to be made for that purpose: we do not find that any such convention was ever ratified; but it appears, that there was an agreement concluded, which, by common consent, was understood to be binding upon each party respectively, and according to which the proportions of Great Britain were from the beginning regulated and founded. The terms of that agreement were, That for the service at land, his Imperial Majesty should furnish ninety thousand men, the King of Great Britain forty thousand, and the States General one hundred and two thousand, of which there were forty-two thousand intended to supply their garrisons, and sixty thousand to act against the common enemy in the field; and with regard to the operations of the war at sea, they were agreed to be performed jointly by Great Britain and the States General, the quota of ships to be furnished for that service being five-eighths on the part of Great Britain, and three-eighths on the part of the States General.

"Upon this foot, the war began in the year one thousand seven hundred and two, at which time the whole yearly expense of it to England amounted to three millions, seven hundred and six thousand four hundred ninety-four pounds; a very great charge, as it was then thought by your Majesty's subjects, after the short interval of ease they had enjoyed from the burden of the former war, but yet a very moderate proportion, in comparison with the load which hath since been laid upon them: for it appears, by estimates given in to your Commons, that the sums necessary to carry on the service for this present year, in the same manner as it was performed the last year, amount to more than six millions nine hundred and sixty thousand pounds, besides interest for the public debts, and the deficiencies accruing the last year, which two articles require one million one hundred and forty-three thousand pounds more: so that the whole demands upon your Commons are arisen to more than eight millions for the present annual supply. We know your Majesty's tender regard for the welfare of your people, will make it uneasy to you to hear of so great a pressure as this upon them; and as we are assured, it will fully convince your Majesty of the necessity of our present inquiry; so we beg leave to represent to you, from what causes, and by what steps, this immense charge appears to have grown upon us.

"The service at sea, as it has been very large and extensive in itself, so it has been carried on, through the whole course of the war, in a manner highly disadvantageous to your Majesty and your kingdom: for the necessity of affairs requiring that great fleets should be fitted out every year, as well for the maintaining a superiority in the Mediterranean, as for opposing any force which the enemy might prepare, either at Dunkirk, or in the ports of West France, your Majesty's example and readiness in fitting out your proportion of ships, for all parts of that service, have been so far from prevailing with the States General to keep pace with you, that they have been deficient every year to a great degree, in proportion to what your Majesty hath furnished; sometimes no less than two-thirds, and generally more than half of their quota: from hence your Majesty has been obliged, for the preventing disappointments in the most pressing services, to supply those deficiencies by additional reinforcements of your own ships; nor hath the single increase of such a charge been the only ill consequence that attended it; for by this means the debt of the navy hath been enhanced, so that the discounts arising upon the credit of it have affected all other parts of the service. From the same cause, your Majesty's ships of war have been forced in greater numbers to continue in remote seas, and at unseasonable times of the year, to the great damage and decay of the British navy. This also hath been the occasion that your Majesty hath been straitened in your convoys for trade; your coasts have been exposed, for want of a sufficient number of cruisers to guard them; and you have been disabled from annoying the enemy, in their most beneficial commerce with the West Indies, from whence they received those vast supplies of treasure, without which they could not have supported the expenses of this war.

"That part of the war which hath been carried on in Flanders, was at first immediately necessary to the security of the States General, and hath since brought them great acquisitions, both of revenue and dominion; yet even there the original proportions have been departed from, and, during the course of the war, have been sinking by degrees on the part of Holland; so that in this last year, we find the number in which they fell short of their three-fifths, to your Majesty's two-fifths, have been twenty thousand eight hundred and thirty-seven men: we are not unmindful, that in the year one thousand seven hundred and three, a treaty was made between the two nations, for a joint augmentation of twenty thousand men, wherein the proportions were varied, and England consented to take half upon itself. But it having been annexed as an express condition to the grant of the said augmentation in Parliament, that the States General should prohibit all trade and commerce with France, and that condition having not been performed by them, the Commons think it reasonable, that the first rule of three to two ought to have taken place again, as well in that as in other subsequent augmentations, more especially when they consider, that the revenues of those rich provinces which have been conquered, would, if they were duly applied, maintain a great number of new additional forces against the common enemy; notwithstanding which, the States General have raised none upon that account, but make use of those fresh supplies of money, only to ease themselves in the charge of their first established quota.

"As in the progress of the war in Flanders, a disproportion was soon created to the prejudice of England; so the very beginning of the war in Portugal, brought an unequal share of burden upon us; for although the Emperor and the States General were equally parties with your Majesty in the treaty with the King of Portugal, yet the Emperor neither furnishing his third part of the troops and subsidies stipulated for, nor the Dutch consenting to take an equal share of his Imperial Majesty's defect upon themselves, your Majesty hath been obliged to furnish two-thirds of the entire expense created by that service. Nor has the inequality stopped there; for ever since the year one thousand seven hundred and six, when the English and Dutch forces marched out of Portugal into Castile, the States General have entirely abandoned the war in Portugal, and left your Majesty to prosecute it singly at your own charge, which you have accordingly done, by replacing a greater number of troops there, than even at first you took upon you to provide. At the same time your Majesty's generous endeavours for the support and defence of the King of Portugal, have been but ill seconded by that Prince himself; for notwithstanding that by his treaty he had obliged himself to furnish twelve thousand foot, and three thousand horse, upon his own account, besides eleven thousand foot, and two thousand horse more, in consideration of a subsidy paid him; yet, according to the best information your Commons can procure, it appears, that he hath scarce at any time furnished thirteen thousand men in the whole.

"In Spain the war hath been yet more unequal, and burdensome to your Majesty, than in any other branch of it; for being commenced without any treaty whatsoever, the allies have almost wholly declined taking any part of it upon themselves. A small body of English and Dutch troops were sent thither in the year one thousand seven hundred and five, not as being thought sufficient to support a regular war, or to make the conquest of so large a country; but with a view only of assisting the Spaniards to set King Charles upon the throne; occasioned by the great assurances which were given of their inclinations to the House of Austria: but this expectation failing, England was insensibly drawn into an established war, under all the disadvantages of the distance of the place, and the feeble efforts of the other allies. The account we have to lay before your Majesty, upon this head, is, that although the undertaking was entered upon at the particular and earnest request of the imperial court, and for a cause of no less importance and concern to them, than the reducing the Spanish monarchy to the House of Austria; yet neither the late emperors, nor his present Imperial Majesty, have ever had any forces there on their own account, till the last year; and then, only one regiment of foot, consisting of two thousand men. Though the States General have contributed something more to this service, yet their share also hath been inconsiderable; for in the space of four years, from one thousand seven hundred and five, to one thousand seven hundred and eight, both inclusive, all the forces they have sent into that country have not exceeded twelve thousand two hundred men; and from the year one thousand seven hundred and eight to this time, they have not sent any forces or recruits whatsoever. To your Majesty's care and charge the recovery of that kingdom hath been in a manner wholly left, as if none else were interested or concerned in it. And the forces which your Majesty hath sent into Spain, in the space of seven years, from one thousand seven hundred and five to one thousand seven hundred and eleven, both inclusive, have amounted to no less than fifty-seven thousand nine hundred seventy-three men; besides thirteen battalions and eighteen squadrons, for which your Majesty hath paid a subsidy to the Emperor.

"How great the established expense of such a number of men hath been, your Majesty very well knows, and your Commons very sensibly feel; but the weight will be found much greater, when it is considered how many heavy articles of unusual and extraordinary charge have attended this remote and difficult service, all which have been entirely defrayed by your Majesty, except that one of transporting the few forces, which were sent by the States General, and the victualling of them during their transportation only. The accounts delivered to your Commons shew, that the charge of your Majesty's ships and vessels, employed in the service of the war in Spain and Portugal, reckoned after the rate of four pounds a man per month, from the time they sailed from hence, till they returned, were lost, or put upon other services, hath amounted to six millions five hundred and forty thousand nine hundred and sixty-six pounds fourteen shillings: the charge of transports on the part of Great Britain, for carrying on the war in Spain and Portugal, from the beginning of it till this time, hath amounted to one million three hundred thirty-six thousand seven hundred and nineteen pounds, nineteen shillings, and elevenpence; that of victualling land forces for the same service, to five hundred eighty-three thousand seven hundred and seventy pounds, eight shillings, and sixpence; and that of contingencies, and other extraordinaries for the same service, to one million eight hundred and forty thousand three hundred and fifty-three pounds.

"We should take notice to your Majesty of several sums paid upon account of contingencies, and extraordinaries in Flanders, making together the sum of one million one hundred and seven thousand and ninety-six pounds: but we are not able to make any comparison of them, with what the States General have expended upon the same head, having no such state of their extraordinary charge before us. There remains therefore but one particular more for your Majesty's observation, which arises from the subsidies paid to foreign princes. These, at the beginning of the war, were borne in equal proportion by your Majesty, and the States General; but in this instance also, the balance hath been cast in prejudice of your Majesty: for it appears, that your Majesty hath since advanced more than your equal proportion, three millions one hundred and fifty-five thousand crowns[18], besides extraordinaries paid in Italy, and not included in any of the foregoing articles, which arise to five hundred thirty-nine thousand five hundred and fifty-three pounds.

[Footnote 18: In the "Journals of the House of Commons," vol. xvii., p. 48, is an exact state of all the subsidies and extra expenses, from 1702 to 1711. [N.]]

"We have laid these several particulars before your Majesty in the shortest manner we have been able; and by an estimate grounded on the preceding facts, it does appear, that over and above the quotas on the part of Great Britain, answering to those contributed by your allies, more than nineteen millions have been expended by your Majesty, during the course of this war, by way of surplusage, or exceeding in balance, of which none of the confederates have furnished any thing whatsoever.

"It is with very great concern, that we find so much occasion given us, to represent how ill an use hath been made of your Majesty's and your subjects' zeal for the common cause; that the interest of that cause hath not been proportionably promoted by it, but others only have been eased at your Majesty's and your subjects' costs, and have been connived at, in laying their part of the burden upon this kingdom, although they have upon all accounts been equally, and in most respects, much more nearly concerned than Britain in the issue of the war. We are persuaded your Majesty will think it pardonable in us, with some resentment to complain of the little regard, which some of those, whom your Majesty of late years intrusted, have shewn to the interests of their country, in giving way, at least, to such unreasonable impositions upon it, if not in some measure contriving them. The course of which impositions hath been so singular and extraordinary, that the more the wealth of this nation hath been exhausted, and the more your Majesty's arms have been attended with success, the heavier hath been the burden laid upon us; whilst on the other hand, the more vigorous your Majesty's efforts have been, and the greater the advantages which have redounded thence to your allies, the more those allies have abated in their share of the expense.

"At the first entrance into this war, the Commons were induced to exert themselves in the extraordinary manner they did, and to grant such large supplies, as had been unknown to former ages, in hopes thereby to prevent the mischiefs of a lingering war, and to bring that, in which they were necessarily engaged, to a speedy conclusion; but they have been very unhappy in the event, whilst they have so much reason to suspect, that what was intended to shorten the war, hath proved the very cause of its long continuance; for those, to whom the profits of it have accrued, have been disposed not easily to forgo them. And your Majesty will from thence discern the true reason, why so many have delighted in a war, which brought in so rich an harvest yearly from Great Britain.

"We are as far from desiring, as we know your Majesty will be from concluding any peace, but upon safe and honourable terms; and we are far from intending to excuse ourselves from raising all necessary and possible supplies, for an effectual prosecution of the war, till such a peace can be obtained: all that your faithful Commons aim at, all that they wish, is an equal concurrence from the other powers, engaged in alliance with your Majesty; and a just application of what hath been already gained from the enemy, towards promoting the common cause. Several large countries and territories have been restored to the house of Austria, such as the kingdom of Naples, the duchy of Milan, and other places in Italy; others have been conquered, and added to their dominions, as the two electorates of Bavaria and Cologne, the duchy of Mantua, and the bishopric of Liège; these having been reduced in great measure by our blood and treasure, may, we humbly conceive, with great reason, be claimed to come in aid towards carrying on the war in Spain. And therefore we make it our earnest request to your Majesty, that you will give instructions to your ministers, to insist with the Emperor, that the revenues of those several places, excepting only such a portion thereof as is necessary for their defence, be actually so applied: and as to the other parts of the war, to which your Majesty hath obliged yourself by particular treaties to contribute, we humbly beseech your Majesty, that you will be pleased to take effectual care, that your allies do perform their parts stipulated by those treaties; and that your Majesty will, for the future, no otherwise furnish troops, or pay subsidies, than in proportion to what your allies shall actually furnish and pay. When this justice is done to your Majesty, and to your people, there is nothing which your Commons will not cheerfully grant, towards supporting your Majesty in the cause in which you are engaged. And whatever farther shall appear to be necessary for carrying on the war, either at sea or land, we will effectually enable your Majesty to bear your reasonable share of any such expense, and will spare no supplies which your subjects are able, with their utmost efforts to afford.

"After having enquired into, and considered the state of the war, in which the part your Majesty has borne, appears to have been, not only superior to that of any one ally, but even equal to that of the whole confederacy; your Commons naturally inclined to hope, that they should find care had been taken of securing some particular advantages to Britain, in the terms of a future peace; such as might afford a prospect of making the nation amends, in time, for that immense treasure which has been expended, and those heavy debts which have been contracted, in the course of so long and burdensome a war. This reasonable expectation could no way have been better answered, than by some provision made for the further security, and the greater improvement of the commerce of Great Britain; but we find ourselves so very far disappointed in these hopes, that in a treaty not long since concluded between your Majesty and the States General, under colour of a mutual guarantee, given for two points of the greatest importance to both nations, the Succession, and the Barrier; it appears, the interest of Great Britain hath been not only neglected, but sacrificed; and that several articles in the said treaty, are destructive to the trade and welfare of this kingdom, and therefore highly dishonourable to your Majesty.

"Your Commons observe, in the first place, that several towns and places are, by virtue of this treaty, to be put into the hands of the States General, particularly Nieuport, Dendermonde, and the castle of Ghent, which can in no sense be looked upon as part of a barrier against France, but being the keys of the Netherlands towards Britain, must make the trade of your Majesty's subjects in those parts precarious, and whenever the States think fit, totally exclude them from it. The pretended necessity of putting these places into the hands of the States General, in order to secure to them a communication with their barrier, must appear vain and groundless; for the sovereignty of the Low Countries being not to remain to an enemy, but to a friend and an ally, that communication must be always secure and uninterrupted; besides that, in case of a rupture, or any attack, the States have full liberty allowed them to take possession of all the Spanish Netherlands, and therefore needed no particular stipulation for the towns above mentioned.

"Having taken notice of this concession made to the States General, for seizing upon the whole ten provinces; we cannot but observe to your Majesty, that in the manner this article is framed, it is another dangerous circumstance which attends this treaty; for had such a provision been confined to the case of an apparent attack from France only, the avowed design of this treaty had been fulfilled, and your Majesty's instructions to your ambassador had been pursued: but this necessary restriction hath been omitted, and the same liberty is granted to the States, to take possession of all the Netherlands, whenever they shall think themselves attacked by any other neighbouring nation, as when they shall be in danger from France; so that if it should at any time happen (which your Commons are very unwilling to suppose) that they should quarrel, even with your Majesty, the riches, strength, and advantageous situation of these countries, may be made use of against yourself, without whose generous and powerful assistance they had never been conquered.

"To return to those ill consequences which relate to the trade of your kingdoms, we beg leave to observe to your Majesty, that though this treaty revives, and renders your Majesty a party to the fourteenth and fifteenth articles of the Treaty of Munster,[19] by virtue of which, the impositions upon all goods and merchandises brought into the Spanish Low Countries by the sea, are to equal those laid on goods and merchandises imported by the Scheldt, and the canals of Sass and Swyn, and other mouths of the sea adjoining; yet no care is taken to preserve that equality upon the exportation of those goods out of the Spanish provinces, into those countries and places, which, by virtue of this treaty, are to be in the possession of the States; the consequence of which must in time be, and your Commons are informed, that in some instances it has already proved to be the case, that the impositions upon goods carried into those countries and places, by the subjects of the States General, will be taken off, while those upon the goods imported by your Majesty's subjects remain: by which means, Great Britain will entirely lose this most beneficial branch of trade, which it has in all ages been possessed of, even from the time when those countries were governed by the house of Burgundy, one of the most ancient, as well as the most useful allies to the crown of England.

[Footnote 19: Concluded June 30th, 1643. See note in vol. v., p. 150, of present edition. [T.S.]]

"With regard to the other dominions and territories of Spain, your Majesty's subjects have always been distinguished in their commerce with them, and both by ancient treaties, and an uninterrupted custom, have enjoyed greater privileges and immunities of trade, than either the Hollanders, or any other nation whatsoever. And that wise and excellent treaty of the Grand Alliance, provides effectually for the security and continuance of these valuable privileges to Britain, in such a manner, as that each nation might be left, at the end of war, upon the same foot as it stood at the commencement of it: but this treaty we now complain of, instead of confirming your subjects' rights, surrenders and destroys them; for although by the sixteenth and seventeenth articles of the Treaty of Munster, made between his Catholic Majesty and the States General, all advantages of trade are stipulated for, and granted to the Hollanders, equal to what the English enjoyed; yet the crown of England not being a party to that treaty, the subjects of England have never submitted to those articles of it, nor even the Spaniards themselves ever observed them; but this treaty revives those articles in prejudice of Great Britain, and makes your Majesty a party to them, and even a guarantee to the States General, for privileges against your own people.

"In how deliberate and extraordinary a manner your Majesty's ambassador consented to deprive your subjects of their ancient rights, and your Majesty of the power of procuring to them any new advantage, most evidently appears from his own letters, which, by your Majesty's directions, have been laid before your Commons:[20] for when matters of advantage to your Majesty, and to your kingdom, had been offered, as proper to be made parts of this treaty, they were refused to be admitted by the States General, upon this reason and principle, that nothing foreign to the guaranties of the Succession, and of the Barrier, should be mingled with them; notwithstanding which, the States General had no sooner received notice of a treaty of commerce concluded between your Majesty and the present Emperor, but they departed from the rule proposed before, and insisted upon the article, of which your Commons now complain; which article your Majesty's ambassador allowed of, although equally foreign to the Succession, or the Barrier; and although he had for that reason departed from other articles, which would have been for the service of his own country.

[Footnote 20: Printed in the "Journals," vol. xvii., pp. 87-89. [N.]]

"We have forborne to trouble your Majesty with general observations upon this treaty, as it relates to and affects the empire, and other parts of Europe. The mischiefs which arise from it to Great Britain, are what only we have presumed humbly to represent to you, as they are very evident, and very great: and as it appears, that the Lord Viscount Townshend had not any orders, or authority, for concluding several of those articles, which are most prejudicial to your Majesty's subjects; we have thought we could do no less than declare your said ambassador, who negotiated and signed, and all others who advised the ratifying of this treaty, enemies to your Majesty and to your kingdom.

"Upon these faithful informations, and advices from your Commons, we assure ourselves your Majesty, in your great goodness to your people, will rescue them from those evils, which the private counsels of ill-designing men have exposed them to; and that in your great wisdom you will find some means for the explaining, and amending, the several articles of this treaty, so as that they may consist with the interest of Great Britain, and with real and lasting friendship between your Majesty and the States General."[21]

[Footnote 21: This Representation was presented to Her Majesty March 4th, 171-1/2 and answered March 5th. [N.]]

Between the Representation and the first debates upon the subject of it, several weeks had passed; during which time the Parliament had other matters likewise before them, that deserve to be mentioned. For on the ninth of February was repealed the Act for Naturalizing Foreign Protestants, which had been passed under the last ministry, and, as many people thought, to very ill purposes. By this Act any foreigner, who would take the oaths to the government, and profess himself a Protestant, of whatever denomination, was immediately naturalized, and had all the privileges of an English born subject, at the expense of a shilling.[22] Most Protestants abroad differ from us in the points of church government; so that all the acquisitions by this Act would increase the number of Dissenters; and therefore the proposal, that such foreigners should be obliged to conform to the established worship, was rejected. But because several persons were fond of this project, as a thing that would be of mighty advantage to the kingdom, I shall say a few words upon it.

[Footnote 22: See "The Examiner," Nos. 26 and 45, in vol. ix. of this edition. [W.S.J.]]

The maxim, "That people are the riches of a nation," hath been crudely understood by many writers and reasoners upon that subject. There are several ways by which people are brought into a country. Sometimes a nation is invaded and subdued; and the conquerors seize the lands, and make the natives their under-tenants or servants. Colonies have been always planted where the natives were driven out or destroyed, or the land uncultivated and waste. In those countries where the lord of the soil is master of the labour and liberty of his tenants, or of slaves bought by his money, men's riches are reckoned by the number of their vassals. And sometimes, in governments newly instituted, where there are not people to till the ground, many laws have been made to encourage and allure numbers from the neighbouring countries. And, in all these cases, the new comers have either lands allotted them, or are slaves to the proprietors. But to invite helpless families, by thousands, into a kingdom inhabited like ours, without lands to give them, and where the laws will not allow that they should be part of the property as servants, is a wrong application of the maxim, and the same thing, in great, as infants dropped at the doors, which are only a burthen and charge to the parish. The true way of multiplying mankind to public advantage, in such a country as England, is to invite from abroad only able handicraftsmen and artificers, or such who bring over a sufficient share of property to secure them from want; to enact and enforce sumptuary laws against luxury, and all excesses in clothing, furniture, and the like; to encourage matrimony, and reward, as the Romans did, those who have a certain number of children. Whether bringing over the Palatines were a mere consequence of this law for a general naturalization; or whether, as many surmised, it had some other meaning, it appeared manifestly, by the issue, that the public was a loser by every individual among them; and that a kingdom can no more be the richer by such an importation, than a man can be fatter by a wen, which is unsightly and troublesome, at best, and intercepts that nourishment, which would otherwise diffuse itself through the whole body.

About a fortnight after, the Commons sent up a bill for securing the freedom of Parliaments, by limiting the number of Members in that House who should be allowed to possess employments under the crown.[23] Bills to the same effect, promoted by both parties, had, after making the like progress, been rejected in former Parliaments; the court and ministry, who will ever be against such a law, having usually a greater influence in the House of Lords, and so it happened now. Although that influence were less, I am apt to think that such a law would be too thorough a reformation in one point, while we have so many corruptions in the rest; and perhaps the regulations, already made on that article, are sufficient, by which several employments incapacitate a man from being chosen a Member, and all of them bring it to a new election.[24]

[Footnote 23: This self-denying ordinance easily passed through the House of Commons, where probably men were ashamed of opposing it; and in such a temper were the Peers, in whose House the ministry proposed to make the stand, that it was very likely to have passed there also. But an amendment was ingeniously thrown in, to suspend the operation of the proposed Act until after the Queen's death; so that it was evaded for the present, and never again revived. [S.] The Bill was rejected February 29th, 171-1/2. [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 24: P. Fitzgerald adds, "Neither do I believe any man who truly understands and loves our constitution will imagine that the prerogative hath not been sufficiently humbled within twenty years past." [W.S.J.]]

For my own part, when I consider the temper of particular persons, and by what maxims they have acted (almost without exception) in their private capacities, I cannot conceive how such a bill should obtain a majority, unless every man expected to be one of the fifty, which, I think, was the limitation intended.

About the same time, likewise, the House of Commons advanced one considerable step towards securing us against farther impositions from our allies, resolving that the additional forces should be continued; but with a condition, that the Dutch should make good their proportion of three-fifths to two-fifths, which those confederates had so long, and in so great degree, neglected. The Duke of Marlborough's deduction of two and a half per cent., from the pay of the foreign troops, was also applied for carrying on the war.[25]

[Footnote 25: In the "Journals of the House of Commons," vol. xvii., pp. 15-18, the Report of the Commissioners is printed, in which is included the Duke's justification of his conduct. See above, p. 85. [N.]]

Lastly, within this period is to be included the Act passed to prevent the disturbing those of the Episcopal Communion in Scotland[26] in the exercise of their religious worship, and in the use of the liturgy of the Church of England.[27] It is known enough, that the most considerable of the nobility and gentry there, as well as great numbers of the people, dread the tyrannical discipline of those synods and presbyteries; and at the same time have the utmost contempt for the abilities and tenets of their teachers. It was besides thought an inequality, beyond all appearance of reason or justice, that Dissenters of every denomination here, who are the meanest and most illiterate part amongst us, should possess a toleration by law, under colour of which they might, upon occasion, be bold enough to insult the religion established, while those of the Episcopal Church in Scotland[28] groaned under a real persecution. The only specious objection against this bill was, that it set the religion by law, in both parts of the island, upon a different foot, directly contrary to the Union; because, by an Act passed this very session against occasional conformity, our Dissenters were shut out from all employments. A petition from Carstares, and other Scotch professors, against this bill, was offered to the House, but not accepted; and a motion made by the other party, to receive a clause that should restrain all persons, who have any office in Scotland,[28] from going to episcopal meetings, passed in the negative. It is manifest, that the promoters of this clause were not moved by any regard for Scotland,[28] which is by no means their favourite at present; only they hoped, that, if it were made part of a law, it might occasion such a choice of representatives in both Houses, from Scotland,[28] as would be a considerable strength to their faction here. But the proposition was in itself extremely absurd, that so many lords, and other persons of distinction, who have great employments, pensions, posts in the army, and other places of profit, many of whom are in frequent or constant attendance at the court, and utterly dislike their national way of worship, should be deprived of their liberty of conscience at home; not to mention those who are sent thither from hence to take care of the revenue, and other affairs, who would ill digest the changing of their religion for that of Scotland.[28]

With a farther view of favour towards the episcopal clergy of Scotland,[28] three Members of that country were directed to bring in a bill for restoring the patrons to their ancient rights of presenting ministers to the vacant churches there, which the kirk, during the height of their power, had obtained for themselves[29] And, to conclude this subject at once, the Queen, at the close of the session, commanded Mr Secretary St John to acquaint the House, "That, pursuant to their address, the profits arising from the bishops' estates in Scotland, which remained in the crown, should be applied to the support of such of the episcopal clergy there, as would take the oaths to Her Majesty."[30]

[Footnote 26: P. Fitzgerald says "North Britain." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 27: The "Act to prevent," etc. (10 Ann. c. 10) was ordered
January 21st, and received the Royal Assent March 3rd, 171-1/2,
[W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 28: P. Fitzgerald says "North Britain." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 29: The Scotch Patronage Bill was ordered March 13th, [1711], passed April 7th, and received the Royal Assent May 22nd, 1712 (10 Ann c 21). It did not refer to the Episcopal Church. [W.S.J.]

The Church of Scotland viewed the bills for restoring to the gentry the right of patronage, and for tolerating the exercise of the Episcopal persuasion, with great jealousy. The Reverend Mr William Carstares, who had been secretary to King William, and was Principal of the College of Edinburgh, was deputed to go to London at the head of a commission of the church, to oppose the bills while in dependence. His biographer has justly remarked, that these enactments considered at the time as fatal to the interests of Presbytery in Scotland, have, upon experience, proved her best security.

"Upon the one hand, the Act of Toleration, by taking the weapon of offence out of the hands of the Presbyterians, removed the chief grounds of those resentments which the friends of prelacy entertained against them, and in a few years almost annihilated Episcopacy in Scotland Upon the other hand, the Act restoring Patronages, by restoring the nobility and gentlemen of property to then wonted influence in the settlement of the clergy, reconciled numbers of them to the established church, who had conceived the most violent prejudices against that mode of election, and against the Presbyterian clergy, who were settled upon it. It is likewise an incontestable fact, that, from the date of these two Acts, the Church of Scotland has enjoyed a state of tranquillity to which she was an utter stranger before." (Life of Carstares, prefixed to Carstares's "State Papers," 1774, p 85) [S]]

[Footnote 30: This message was reported to the House of Commons June 19th, 1712. [W.S.J]]

Nothing could more amply justify the proceedings of the Queen and her ministers, for two years past, than that famous Representation above at large recited, the unbiassed wisdom of the nation, after the strictest inquiry, confirming those facts upon which Her Majesty's counsels were grounded and many persons, who were before inclined to believe that the allies and the late ministry had been too much loaded by the malice, misrepresentations, or ignorance of writers, were now fully convinced of their mistake by so great an authority. Upon this occasion I cannot forbear doing justice to Mr. St. John,[31] who had been secretary of war, for several years, under the former administration, where he had the advantage of observing how affairs were managed both at home and abroad. He was one of those who shared in the present treasurer's fortune, resigning his employment at the same time; and upon that minister's being again taken into favour, this gentleman was some time after made secretary of state. There he began afresh, by the opportunities of his station, to look into past miscarriages; and, by the force of an extraordinary genius, and application to public affairs, joined with an invincible eloquence, laid open the scene of miscarriages and corruptions through the whole course of the war, in so evident a manner, that the House of Commons seemed principally directed in their resolutions, upon this inquiry, by his information and advice. In a short time after the Representation was published, there appeared a memorial in the Dutch "Gazette," as by order of the States, reflecting very much upon the said Representation, as well as the resolutions on which it was founded, pretending to deny some of the facts, and to extenuate others. This memorial, translated into English, a common writer of news had the boldness to insert in one of his papers. A complaint being made thereof to the House of Commons, they voted the pretended memorial to be a false, scandalous, malicious libel, and ordered the printer to be taken into custody.[32]

[Footnote 31: See his character in Swift's "Enquiry," vol. v., pp. 430-431, of this edition. [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 32: The memorial appeared in the "Daily Courant" of 7th and 8th April, for which Samuel Buckley, the writer and printer, was ordered by the House of Commons to be taken into custody on April 11th. [W.S.J.]]

It was the misfortune of the ministers, that while they were baited by their professed adversaries of the discontented faction, acting in confederacy with emissaries of foreign powers, to break the measures Her Majesty had taken towards a peace, they met at the same time with frequent difficulties from those who agreed and engaged with them to pursue the same general end; but sometimes disapproved the methods as too slack and remiss, or, in appearance, now and then perhaps a little dubious. In the first session of this Parliament, a considerable number of gentlemen, all members of the House of Commons, began to meet by themselves, and consult what course they ought to steer in this new world. They intended to revive a new country party in Parliament, which might, as in former times, oppose the court in any proceedings they disliked. The whole body was of such who profess what is commonly called high-church principles, upon which account they were irreconcilable enemies to the late ministry and all its adherents. On the other side, considering the temper of the new men in power, that they were persons who had formerly moved between the two extremes, those gentlemen, who were impatient for an entire change, and to see all their adversaries laid at once as low as the dust, began to be apprehensive that the work would be done by halves. But the juncture of affairs at that time, both at home and abroad, would by no means admit of the least precipitation, although the Queen and her first minister had been disposed to it, which certainly they were not. Neither did the court seem at all uneasy at this league, formed in appearance against it, but composed of honest gentlemen who wished well to their country, in which both were entirely agreed, although they might differ about the means; or if such a society should begin to grow resty, nothing was easier than to divide them, and render all their endeavours ineffectual.[33]

[Footnote 33: See Swift's "Advice to Members of the October Club," vol. v., pp. 207-225. [W.S.J.]]

But in the course of that first session, many of this society became gradually reconciled to the new ministry, whom they found to be greater objects of the common enemy's hatred than themselves; and the attempt of Guiscard, as it gained farther time for deferring the disposal of employments, so it much endeared that person to the kingdom, who was so near falling a sacrifice to the safety of his country. Upon the last session of which I am now writing, this October Club (as it was called) renewed their usual meetings, but were now very much altered from their original institution, and seemed to have wholly dropped the design, as of no further use. They saw a point carried in the House of Lords against the court, that would end in the ruin of the kingdom; and they observed the enemy's whole artillery directly levelled at the treasurer's head. In short, the majority of the club had so good an understanding with the great men at court, that two of the latter,[34] to shew to the world how fair a correspondence there was between the court and country party, consented to be at one of their dinners; but this intercourse had an event very different from what was expected: for immediately the more zealous members of that society broke off from the rest, and composed a new one, made up of gentlemen, who seemed to expect little of the court; and perhaps, with a mixture of others who thought themselves disappointed, or too long delayed.[35] Many of these were observed to retain an incurable jealousy of the treasurer, and to interpret all delays, which they could not comprehend, as a reserve of favour in this minister to the persons and principles of the abandoned party.

[Footnote 34: Mr. St. John and Mr. Bromley. [N.]]

[Footnote 35: This was called the March Club, but did not long subsist. It seems probable that it included those Tories whose principles went the length of Jacobitism. [S.]]

Upon an occasion offered about this time, some persons, out of distrust to the treasurer, endeavoured to obtain a point, which could not have been carried without putting all into confusion. A Bill was brought into the House of Commons, appointing commissioners to examine into the value of all lands, and other interests granted by the crown since the thirteenth day of February, one thousand six hundred and eighty-eight, and upon what considerations such grants had been made. The united country interest in the House was extremely set upon passing this Bill. They had conceived an opinion from former precedents, that the court would certainly oppose all steps towards a resumption of grants; and those who were apprehensive that the treasurer inclined the same way, proposed the Bill should be tacked to another, for raising a fund by duties upon soap and paper, which hath been always imputed, whether justly or no, as a favourite expedient of those called the Tory party. At the same time it was very well known, that the House of Lords had made a fixed and unanimous resolution against giving their concurrence to the passing such united bills: so that the consequences of this project must have been to bring the ministry under difficulties, to stop the necessary supplies, and endanger the good correspondence between both Houses; notwithstanding all which the majority carried it for a tack; and the committee was instructed accordingly to make the two Bills into one, whereby the worst that could happen would have followed, if the treasurer had not convinced the warm leaders in this affair, by undeniable reasons, that the means they were using would certainly disappoint the end; that neither himself, nor any other of the Queen's servants, were at all against this enquiry; and he promised his utmost credit to help forward the bill in the House of Lords. He prevailed at last to have it sent up single; but their lordships gave it another kind of reception. Those who were of the side opposite to the court, withstood it to a man, as in a party case: among the rest, some very personally concerned, and others by friends and relations, which they supposed a sufficient excuse to be absent, or dissent. Even those, whose grants were antecedent to this intended inspection, began to be alarmed as men, whose neighbours' houses are on fire. A shew of zeal for the late king's honour, occasioned many reflections upon the date of this enquiry, which was to commence with his reign: and the Earl of Nottingham, who had now flung away the mask which he had lately pulled off, like one who had no other view but that of vengeance against the Queen and her friends, acted consistently enough with his design, by voting as a lord against the Bill, after he had directed his son in the House of Commons to vote for the tack.

Thus miscarried this popular Bill for appointing commissioners to examine into royal grants; but whether those chiefly concerned did rightly consult their own interest, hath been made a question, which perhaps time will resolve. It was agreed that the Queen, by her own authority, might have issued out a commission for such an enquiry, and every body believed, that the intention of the Parliament was only to tax the grants with about three years' purchase, and at the same time establish the proprietors in possession of the remainder for ever; so that, upon the whole, the grantees would have been great gainers by such an Act, since the titles of those lands, as they stood then, were hardly of half value with others either for sale or settlement. Besides, the examples of the Irish forfeitures might have taught these precarious owners, that when the House of Commons hath once engaged in a pursuit, which they think is right, although it be stopped or suspended for a while, they will be sure to renew it upon every opportunity that offers, and seldom fail of success: for instance, if the resumption should happen to be made part of a supply, which can be easily done without the objection of a tack, the grantees might possibly then have much harder conditions given them; and I do not see how they could prevent it. Whether the resuming of royal grants be consistent with good policy or justice, would be too long a disquisition: besides, the profusion of kings is not like to be a grievance for the future, because there have been laws since made to provide against that evil, or, indeed, rather because the crown has nothing left to give away. But the objection made against the date of the intended enquiry was invidious and trifling; for King James II. made very few grants: he was a better manager, and squandering was none of his faults; whereas the late king, who came over here a perfect stranger to our laws, and to our people, regardless of posterity, wherein he was not likely to survive, thought he could no way better strengthen a new title, than by purchasing friends at the expense of every thing which was in his power to part with.

The reasonableness of uniting to a money bill one of a different nature, which is usually called tacking hath been likewise much debated, and will admit of argument enough. In ancient times, when a Parliament was held, the Commons first proposed their grievances to be redressed, and then gave their aids; so that it was a perfect bargain between the king and the subject. This fully answered the ends of tacking. Aids were then demanded upon occasions which would hardly pass at present; such, for instance, as those for making the king's son a knight, marrying his eldest daughter, and some others of the like sort. Most of the money went into the king's coffers for his private use; neither was he accountable for any part of it. Hence arose the form of the king's thanking his subjects for their benevolence, when any subsidies, tenths, or fifteenths were given him: but the supplies now granted are of another nature, and cannot be properly called a particular benefit to the crown, because they are all appropriated to their several uses: so that when the House of Commons tack to a money bill what is foreign and hard to be digested, if it be not passed, they put themselves and their country in as great difficulties as the prince. On the other side, there have been several regulations made, through the course of time, in parliamentary proceedings; among which it is grown a rule, that a Bill once rejected shall not be brought up again the same session; whereby the Commons seem to have lost the advantage of purchasing a redress of their grievances, by granting supplies, which, upon some emergencies, hath put them upon this expedient of tacking: so that there is more to be said on each side of the case, than is convenient for me to trouble the reader or myself in deducing.

Among the matters of importance during this session, we may justly number the proceedings of the House of Commons with relation to the press, since Her Majesty's message to the House, of January the seventeenth, concludes with a paragraph, representing the great licences taken in publishing false and scandalous libels, such as are a reproach to any government; and recommending to them to find a remedy equal to the mischief. The meaning of these words in the message, seems to be confined to these weekly and daily papers and pamphlets, reflecting upon the persons and the management of the ministry. But the House of Commons, in their address, which answers this message, makes an addition of the blasphemies against God and religion; and it is certain, that nothing would be more for the honour of the legislature, than some effectual law for putting a stop to this universal mischief: but as the person,[36] who advised the Queen in that part of her message, had only then in his thoughts the redressing of the political and factious libels, I think he ought to have taken care, by his great credit in the House, to have proposed some ways by which that evil might be removed; the law for taxing single papers having produced a quite contrary effect, as was then foreseen by many persons, and hath since been found true by experience, For the adverse party, full of rage and leisure since their fall, and unanimous in defence of their cause, employ a set of writers by subscription, who are well versed in all the topics of defamation, and have a style and genius levelled to the generality of readers; while those who would draw their pens on the side of their prince and country, are discouraged by this tax, which exceeds the intrinsic value both of the materials and the work; a thing, if I be not mistaken, without example.

[Footnote 36: Mr. Secretary St. John, now Lord Viscount Bolingbroke.
[ORIGINAL NOTE.]]

It must be acknowledged, that the bad practices of printers have been such, as to deserve the severest animadversions of the public; and it is to be wished, the party quarrels of the pen were always managed with decency and truth: but in the mean time, to open the mouths of our enemies and shut our own, is a turn of politics that wants a little to be explained. Perhaps the ministry now in possession, because they are in possession, may despise such trifles as this; and it is not to be denied, that acting as they do upon a national interest, they may seem to stand in less need of such supports, or may safely fling them down as no longer necessary. But if the leaders of the other party had proceeded by this maxim, their power would have been none at all, or of very short duration: and had not some active pens fallen in to improve the good dispositions of the people, upon the late change, and continued since to overthrow the falsehood, plentifully, and sometimes not unplausibly, scattered by the adversaries, I am very much in doubt, whether those at the helm would now have reason to be pleased with their success. A particular person may, with more safety, despise the opinion of the vulgar, because it does a wise man no real harm or good, but the administration a great deal; and whatever side has the sole management of the pen, will soon find hands enough to write down their enemies as low as they please. If the people had no other idea of those whom Her Majesty trusts in her greatest affairs, than what is conveyed by the passions of such as would compass sea and land for their destruction, what could they expect, but to be torn in pieces by the rage of the multitude? How necessary therefore was it, that the world should, from time to time, be undeceived by true representations of persons and facts, which have kept the kingdom steady to its interest, against all the attacks of a cunning and virulent faction.

However, the mischiefs of the press were too exorbitant to be cured, by such a remedy as a tax upon the smaller papers; and a Bill for a much more effectual regulation of it was brought into the House of Commons, but so late in the session, that there was no time to pass it: for there hath hitherto always appeared, an unwillingness to cramp overmuch the liberty of the press, whether from the inconveniencies apprehended from doing too much, or too little; or whether the benefit proposed by each party to themselves, from the service of their writers, towards recovering or preserving of power, be thought to outweigh the disadvantages. However it came about, this affair was put off from one week to another, and the Bill not brought into the House till the eighth of June. It was committed three days, and then heard of no more. In this Bill there was a clause inserted, (whether industriously with design to overthrow it) that the author's name, and place of abode, should be set to every printed book, pamphlet, or paper; which I believe no man, who hath the least regard to learning, would give his consent to: for, besides the objection to this clause from the practice of pious men, who, in publishing excellent writings for the service of religion, have chosen, out of an humble Christian spirit, to conceal their names; it is certain, that all persons of true genius or knowledge have an invincible modesty and suspicion of themselves, upon their first sending their thoughts into the world; and that those who are dull or superficial, void of all-taste and judgment, have dispositions directly contrary: so that if this clause had made part of a law, there would have been an end, in all likelihood, of any valuable production for the future, either in wit or learning: and that insufferable race of stupid people, who are now every day loading the press, would then reign alone, in time destroy our very first principles of reason, and introduce barbarity amongst us, which is already kept out with so much difficulty by so few hands.

Having given an account of the several steps made towards a peace, from the first overtures begun by France, to the commencement of the second session, I shall in the Fourth Book relate the particulars of this great negotiation, from the period last mentioned to the present time; and because there happened some passages in both Houses, occasioned by the treaty, I shall take notice of them under that head. There only remains to be mentioned one affair of another nature, which the Lords and Commons took into their cognizance, after a very different manner, wherewith I shall close this part of my subject.

The sect of Quakers amongst us, whose system of religion, first founded upon enthusiasm, hath been many years growing into a craft, held it an unlawful action to take an oath to a magistrate. This doctrine was taught them by the author of their sect, from a literal application of the text, "Swear not at all;" but being a body of people, wholly turned to trade and commerce of all kinds, they found themselves on many occasions deprived of the benefit of the law, as well as of voting at elections, by a foolish scruple, which their obstinacy would not suffer them to get over. To prevent this inconvenience, these people had credit enough in the late reign to have an Act passed, that their solemn affirmation and declaration should be accepted, instead of an oath in the usual form. The great concern in those times, was to lay all religion upon a level; in order to which, this maxim was advanced, "That no man ought to be denied the liberty of serving his country upon account of a different belief in speculative opinions," under which term some people were apt to include every doctrine of Christianity: however, this Act, in favour of the Quakers, was only temporary, in order to keep them in constant dependence, and expired of course after a certain term, if it were not continued. Those people had, therefore, very early in the session, offered a petition to the House of Commons for a continuance of the Act, which was not suffered to be brought up; upon this they applied themselves to the Lords, who passed a Bill accordingly, and sent it down to the Commons, where it was not so much as allowed a first reading.

And indeed it is not easy to conceive upon what motives the legislature of so great a kingdom could descend so low, as to be ministerial and subservient to the caprices of the most absurd heresy that ever appeared in the world; and this in a point, where those deluding or deluded people stand singular from all the rest of mankind who live under civil government: but the designs of an aspiring party, at that time were not otherwise to be compassed, than by undertaking any thing that would humble and mortify the Church; and I am fully convinced, that if a sect of sceptic philosophers (who profess to doubt of every thing) had been then among us, and mingled their tenets with some corruptions of Christianity, they might have obtained the same privilege; and that a law would have been enacted, whereby the solemn doubt of the people called sceptics, should have been accepted instead of an oath in the usual form; so absurd are all maxims formed upon the inconsistent principles of faction, when once they are brought to be examined by the standard of truth and reason.

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THE HISTORY OF THE FOUR LAST

YEARS OF THE QUEEN.

BOOK IV.

We left the plenipotentiaries of the allies, and those of the enemy, preparing to assemble at Utrecht on the first of January, N.S., in order to form a congress for negotiating a general peace; wherein although the Dutch had made a mighty merit of their compliance with the Queen, yet they set all their instruments at work to inflame both Houses against Her Majesty's measures. Mons. Bothmar, the Hanover envoy, took care to print and disperse his Memorial, of which I have formerly spoken: Hoffman, the Emperor's resident, was soliciting for a yacht and convoys to bring over Prince Eugene at this juncture, fortified, as it was given out, with great proposals from the Imperial court: the Earl of Nottingham became a convert, for reasons already mentioned: money was distributed where occasion required; and the Dukes of Somerset and Marlborough, together with the Earl of Godolphin, had put themselves at the head of the junto, and their adherents, in order to attack the court.

Some days after the vote passed the House of Lords for admitting into the address the Earl of Nottingham's clause, against any peace without Spain; Mons. Buys, the Dutch envoy, who had been deep in all the consultations with the discontented party for carrying that point, was desired to meet with the lord privy seal, the Earl of Dartmouth, and Mr. Secretary St. John, in order to sign a treaty between the Queen and the States, to subsist after a peace. There the envoy took occasion to expostulate upon the advantages stipulated for Britain with France; said "It was his opinion, that those ministers ought, in respect of the friendship between both nations, to acquaint him what these advantages were; and that he looked upon his country to be entitled, by treaty, to share them equally with us: That there was now another reason why we should be more disposed to comply with him upon this head; for since the late resolution of the House of Lords, he took it for granted, it would be a dangerous step in us to give Spain to a prince of the house of Bourbon; and therefore, that we should do well to induce the States, by such a concession, to help us out of this difficulty."

Mr. St. John made answer, "That there was not a man in the Queen's council capable of so base a thought: That if Buys had any thing to complain of, which was injurious to Holland, or justly tending to hurt the good correspondence between us and the States, he was confident Her Majesty would at all times be ready to give it up; but that the ministers scorned to screen themselves at the expense of their country: That the resolution Buys mentioned, was chiefly owing to foreign ministers intermeddling in our affairs, and would perhaps have an effect the projectors did not foresee: That, if the peace became impracticable, the House of Commons would certainly put the war upon another foot, and reduce the public expense within such a compass as our treaties required in the strictest sense, and as our present condition would admit, leaving the partisans for war to supply the rest."

Although the secretary believed this answer would put an end to such infamous proposals, it fell out otherwise; for shortly after, Mons. Buys applied himself to the treasurer, promising to undertake, "That his masters should give up the article of Spain, provided they might share with us in the Assiento for negroes." To which the treasurer's answer was short, "That he would rather lose his head than consent to such an offer."

It is manifest, by this proceeding, that whatever schemes were forming here at home, in this juncture, by the enemies to the peace, the Dutch only designed to fall in with it as far as it would answer their own account; and, by a strain of the lower politics, wherein they must be allowed to excel every country in Christendom, lay upon the watch for a good bargain, by taking advantage of the distress they themselves had brought upon their nearest neighbour and ally.

But the Queen highly resented this indignity from a republic, upon whom she had conferred so many obligations. She could not endure that the Dutch should employ their instruments to act in confederacy with a cabal of factious people, who were prepared to sacrifice the safety of their prince and country to the recovery of that power they had so long possessed and abused. Her Majesty knew very well, that whatever were the mistaken or affected opinion of some people at home, upon the article of Spain, it was a point the States had long given up, who had very openly told our ministry, "That the war in that country was only our concern, and what their republic had nothing to do with." It is true, the party-leaders were equally convinced, that the recovery of Spain was impracticable; but many things may be excused in a professed adversary, fallen under disgrace, which are highly criminal in an ally, upon whom we are that very instant conferring new favours. Her Majesty therefore thought it high time to exert herself, and at length put a stop to foreign influence upon British counsels; so that, after the Earl of Nottingham's clause against any peace, without Spain, was carried in the House of Lords, directions were immediately sent to the Earl of Strafford at The Hague, to inform the Dutch, "That it was obtained by a trick, and would consequently turn to the disappointment and confusion of the contrivers and the actors." He was likewise instructed to be very dry and reserved to the pensionary and Dutch ministers; to let them know, "The Queen thought herself ill treated; and that they would soon hear what effects those measures would have upon a mild and good temper, wrought up to resentment by repeated provocations: That the States might have the war continued, if they pleased; but that the Queen would not be forced to carry it on after their manner, nor would suffer them to make her peace, or to settle the interests of her kingdoms."

To others in Holland, who appeared to be more moderate, the Earl was directed to say, "That the States were upon a wrong scent: That their minister here mistook every thing that we had promised: That we would perform all they could reasonably ask from us, in relation to their barrier and their trade; and that Mons. Buys dealt very unfairly, if he had not told them as much. But that Britain proceeded, in some respects, upon a new scheme of politics; would no longer struggle for impossibilities, nor be amused by words: That our people came more and more to their senses; and that the single dispute now was, whether the Dutch would join with a faction, against the Queen, or with the nation, for her?"

The court likewise resolved to discourage Prince Eugene from his journey to England, which he was about this time undertaking, and of which I have spoken before. He was told, "That the Queen wanted no exhortations to carry on the war; but the project of it should be agreed abroad, upon which Her Majesty's resolutions might soon be signified: but until she saw what the Emperor and allies were ready to do, she would neither promise nor engage for any thing." At the same time Mr. St. John told Hoffman, the Emperor's resident here, "That if the Prince had a mind to divert himself in London, the ministers would do their part to entertain him, and be sure to trouble him with no manner of business."

This coldness retarded the Prince's journey for some days; but did not prevent it, although he had a second message by the Queen's order, with this farther addition, "That his name had lately been made use of, on many occasions, to create a ferment, and stir up sedition; and that Her Majesty judged it would be neither safe for him, nor convenient for her, that he should come over at this time." But all would not do: it was enough that the Queen did not absolutely forbid him, and the party-confederates, both foreign and domestic, thought his presence would be highly necessary for their service.

Towards the end of December, the lord privy seal[1] set out for Holland. He was ordered to stop at The Hague, and, in conjunction with the Earl of Stafford, to declare to the States, in Her Majesty's name, "Her resolutions to conclude no peace, wherein the allies in general, and each confederate in particular, might not find their ample security, and their reasonable satisfaction: That she was ready to insist upon their barrier, and advantages in their trade, in the manner the States themselves should desire; and to concert with them such a plan of treaty, as both powers might be under mutual engagements never to recede from: That nothing could be of greater importance, than for the ministers of Great Britain and Holland to enter the congress under the strictest ties of confidence, and entirely to concur throughout the course of these negotiations: To which purpose, it was Her Majesty's pleasure, that their lordships should adjust with the Dutch ministers, the best manner and method for opening and carrying on the conferences, and declare themselves instructed to communicate freely their thoughts and measures to the plenipotentiaries of the States, who, they hoped, had received the same instructions."

[Footnote 1: Dr. Robinson had already had diplomatic experience as political agent at the Court of Stockholm, when Marlborough had found him of great service. [T.S.]]

Lastly, the two lords were to signify to the pensionary, and the other ministers, "That Her Majesty's preparations for the next campaign were carried on with all the dispatch and vigour, which the present circumstances would allow; and to insist, that the same might be done by the States; and that both powers should join in pressing the Emperor, and other allies, to make greater efforts than they had hitherto done; without which the war must languish, and the terms of peace become every day more disadvantageous."

The two British plenipotentiaries went to Utrecht with very large instructions, and, after the usual manner, were to make much higher demands from France (at least in behalf of the allies) than they could have any hope to obtain. The sum of what they had in charge, besides matter of form, was, to concert with the ministers of the several powers engaged against France, "That all differences arising among them should be accommodated between themselves, without suffering the French to interfere: That whatever were proposed to France by a minister of the alliance, should be backed by the whole confederacy: That a time might be fixed for the conclusion, as there had been for the commencement, of the treaty." Spain was to be demanded out of the hands of the Bourbon family, as the most effectual means for preventing the union of that kingdom with France; and whatever conditions the allies could agree upon for hindering that union, their lordships were peremptorily to insist on.

As to the interests of each ally in particular, the plenipotentiaries of Britain were to demand "Strasbourg, the fort of Kehl, with its dependencies, and the town of Brisach, with its territory, for the Emperor: That France should possess Alsatia, according to the Treaty of Westphalia, with the right of the prefecture only over the ten imperial cities in that country: That the fortifications of the said ten cities be put into the condition they were in at the time of the said treaty, except Landau, which was to be demanded for the Emperor and empire, with liberty of demolishing the fortifications: That the French King should at a certain time, and at his own expense, demolish the fortresses of Huningen, New Brisach, and Fort Lewis, never to be rebuilt.

"That the town and fortress of Rhinfels should be demanded for the landgrave of Hesse-Cassel, until that matter be otherwise settled.

"That the clause relating to religion, in the fourth article of the Treaty of Ryswyck, and contrary to that of Westphalia, should be annulled, and the state of religion in Germany restored to the tenor of the Treaty of Westphalia.

"That France should acknowledge the King of Prussia, and give him no disturbance in Neufchatel and Vallengin.

"That the principality of Orange, and other estates belonging to the late King William, should be restored, as law should direct.

"That the Duke of Hanover should be acknowledged elector.

"That the King of Portugal should enjoy all the advantages stipulated between him and the allies.

"That the States should have for their barrier Furnes, Fort Knokke, Menin, Ypres, Lille, Tournay, Condé, Valenciennes, Maubeuge, Douay, Bethune, Aire,[2] St. Venant, and Bouchain, with their cannon, &c. That the French King should restore all the places belonging to Spain, now or during this war in his possession, in the Netherlands: That such part of them as should be thought fit, might be allowed likewise for a barrier to the States: That France should grant the tariff of one thousand six hundred and sixty-four to the States, and exemption of fifty pence per tun upon Dutch goods trading to that kingdom. But that these articles in favour of the States should not be concluded, till the Barrier Treaty were explained to the Queen's satisfaction.

[Footnote: 2 "Bethune Avie" in original: a manifest misprint. "Aire" is the name of a place near Bethune, which has since been connected with it by a canal. [W.S.J.]]

"That the Duke of Savoy should be put in possession of all taken from him in this war, and enjoy the places yielded to him by the Emperor, and other allies: That France should likewise yield to him Exilles, Fenestrelle, Chaumont, the valley of Pragelas, and the land lying between Piedmont and Mount Genu.

"That the article about demolishing of Dunkirk should be explained."

As to Britain, the plenipotentiaries were to insist, "That Nieuport, Dendermonde, Ghent, and all places which appear to be a barrier rather against England than France, should either not be given to the Dutch, or at least in such a manner, as not to hinder the Queen's subjects free passage to and from the Low Countries.

"That the seventh article of the Barrier Treaty, which empowers the States, in case of an attack, to put troops at discretion in all the places of the Low Countries, should be so explained as to be understood only of an attack from France.

"That Britain should trade to the Low Countries with the same privileges as the States themselves.

"That the Most Christian King should acknowledge the succession of Hanover, and immediately oblige the Pretender to leave France; and that the said King should promise, for himself and his heirs, never to acknowledge any person for King or Queen of England, otherwise than according to the settlements now in force.

"That a treaty of commerce should be commenced, as soon as possible, between France and Britain; and in the mean time, the necessary points relating to it be settled.

"That the Isle of St. Christopher's should be surrendered to the Queen, Hudson's Bay restored, Placentia and the whole island of Newfoundland yielded to Britain by the Most Christian King; who was likewise to quit all claim to Nova Scotia and Annapolis Royal.

"That Gibraltar and Minorca should be annexed to the British crown.

"That the Assiento should be granted to Britain for thirty years, with the same advantage as to France; with an extent of ground on the river of Plata, for keeping and refreshing the negroes.

"That Spain should grant to the subjects of Britain as large privileges as to any other nation whatsoever; as likewise an exemption of duties, amounting to an advantage of at least fifteen per cent.

"That satisfaction should be demanded for what should appear to be justly due to Her Majesty, from the Emperor and the States.

"Lastly, That the plenipotentiaries should consult with those of the
Protestant allies, the most effectual methods for restoring the
Protestants of France to their religious and civil liberties, and for
the immediate release of those who are now in the galleys."

What part of these demands were to be insisted on, and what were to be given up, will appear by the sequel of this negotiation. But there was no difficulty of moment enough to retard the peace, except a method for preventing the union of France and Spain under one prince, and the settling the barrier for Holland; which last, as claimed by the States, could, in prudence and safety, be no more allowed by us than by France.

The States General having appointed Mons. Buys to be one of their plenipotentiaries at Utrecht, that minister left England a few days after the lord privy seal. In his last conference with the lords of the council, he absolutely declared, "That his masters had done their utmost, both by sea and land: That it was unreasonable to expect more: That they had exceeded their proportion, even beyond Britain; and that as to the Emperor, and other allies, he knew no expedient left for making them act with more vigour, than to pursue them with pathetical exhortations."

This minister was sent over hither, instructed and empowered by halves. The ferment raised by the united endeavours of our party leaders, among whom he was a constant fellow-labourer to the utmost of his skill, had wholly confounded him; and thinking to take the advantage of negotiating well for Holland at the expense of Britain, he acted but ill for his own country, and worse for the common cause. However, the Queen's ministers and he parted with the greatest civility; and Her Majesty's present was double the value of what is usual to the character he bore.[3]

[Footnote 3: Compare this passage with one in Bolingbroke's "Correspondence" (vol. ii., pp. 108-109): "He [Buys] came over instructed and empowered by halves. The ferment which had been created by the joint efforts of the faction here, and of that in Holland, confounded him; and thinking to take this advantage of negotiating well for Holland at the expense of Britain, he has negotiated ill for both and ill for the common cause. We parted in terms of the greatest civility, and Her Majesty's present to him was a thousand pounds, which is double the value of what is ever given here to an envoy-extraordinary." [T.S.]]

As the Queen was determined to alter her measures in making war, so she thought nothing would so much convince the States of the necessity of a peace, as to have them frequently put in mind of this resolution, which her ambassador Strafford, then at The Hague, was accordingly directed to do: and if they should object, of what ill consequence it would be for the enemy to know Her Majesty designed to lessen her expenses, he might answer, "That the ministers here were sorry for it; but the Dutch could only blame themselves, for forcing into such a necessity a princess, to whose friendship they owed the preservation and grandeur of their republic, and choosing to lean on a broken faction, rather than place their confidence in the Queen."

It was Her Majesty's earnest desire, that there should be a perfect agreement at this treaty between the ministers of all the allies, than which nothing could be more effectual to make France comply with their just demands: above all, she directed her plenipotentiaries to enter into the strictest confidence with those of Holland; and that, after the States had consented to explain the Barrier Treaty to her reasonable satisfaction, both powers should form between them a plan of general peace, from which they would not recede, and such as might secure the quiet of Europe, as well as the particular interests of each confederate.

The Dutch were accordingly pressed, before the congress opened, to come to some temperament upon that famous treaty; because the ministers here expected it would be soon laid before the House of Commons, by which the resentment of the nation would probably appear against those who had been actors and advisers in it: but Mons. Buys, who usually spoke for his colleagues, was full of opposition, began to expostulate upon the advantages Britain had stipulated with France; and to insist, that his masters ought to share equally in them all, but especially the Assiento contract: so that no progress was made in fixing a previous good correspondence between Britain and the States, which Her Majesty had so earnestly recommended.

Certain regulations having been agreed upon, for avoiding of ceremony and other inconveniencies, the conferences began at Utrecht, upon the twenty-ninth of January, N.S. one thousand seven hundred and eleven-twelve, at ten in the morning. The ministers of the allies going into the town-house at one door, and those of France, at the same instant, at another, they all took their seats without distinction; and the Bishop of Bristol, lord privy seal, first plenipotentiary of Britain, opened the assembly with a short speech, directed to the ministers of France, in words to the following effect:

"MESSIEURS,

"We are here to meet to-day, in the name of God, to enter upon a treaty of general peace, between the high allies and the King your master. We bring sincere intentions, and express orders from our superiors, to concur, on their part, with whatever may advance and perfect so salutary and Christian a work. On the other side, we hope you have the same disposition; and that your orders will be so full, as to be able, without loss of time, to answer the expectation of the high allies, by explaining yourselves clearly and roundly upon the points we shall have to settle in these conferences; and that you will perform this in so plain and specific a manner, as every prince and state in the confederacy may find a just and reasonable satisfaction."

The French began, by promising to explain the overtures which Mons. Mesnager had delivered to the Queen some months before, and to give in a specific project of what their master would yield, provided the allies would each give a specific answer, by making their several demands; which method, after many difficulties, and affected delays in the Dutch, was at length agreed to.

But the States, who had, with the utmost discontent, seen Her Majesty at the head of this negotiation, where they intended to have placed themselves, began to discover their ill-humour upon every occasion; they raised endless difficulties about settling the Barrier Treaty, as the Queen desired; and in one of the first general conferences, they would not suffer the British secretary to take the minutes, but nominated some Dutch professor for that office, which the Queen refused, and resented their behaviour as an useless cavil, intended only to shew their want of respect. The British plenipotentiaries had great reason to suspect, that the Dutch were, at this time, privately endeavouring to engage in some separate measures with France, by the intervention of one Molo, a busy factious agent at Amsterdam, who had been often employed in such intrigues: that this was the cause which made them so litigious and slow in all their steps, in hopes to break the congress, and find better terms for their trade and barrier, from the French, than we ever could think fit to allow them. The Dutch ministers did also apply themselves with industry, to cultivate the imperial plenipotentiary's favour, in order to secure all advantages of commerce with Spain and the West Indies, in case those dominions could be procured for the Emperor: for this reason they avoided settling any general plan of peace, in concert with the plenipotentiaries of Britain, which Her Majesty desired; and Mons. Buys plainly told their lordships, that it was a point, which neither he nor his colleagues could consent to, before the States were admitted equal sharers with Britain in the trade of Spain.

The court having notice of this untractable temper in the Dutch, gave direct orders to the plenipotentiaries of Britain, for pressing those of the States to adjust the gross in equalities of the Barrier Treaty, since nothing was more usual or agreeable to reason than for princes, who find themselves aggrieved by prejudicial contracts, to expect they should be modified and explained. And since it now appeared by votes in the House of Commons, that the sense of the nation agreed with what Her Majesty desired, if the Dutch ministers would not be brought to any moderate terms upon this demand, their lordships were directed to improve and amend the particular concessions made to Britain by France, and form them into a treaty, for the Queen was determined never to allow the States any share in the Assiento, Gibraltar, and Port Mahon, nor could think it reasonable, that they should be upon an equal foot with her in the trade of Spain, to the conquest whereof they had contributed so little.

Nor was the conduct of the imperial minister at this time less perplexing than that of the States, both those powers appearing fully bent, either upon breaking off the negotiation, or, upon forcing from the Queen those advantages she expected by it for her own kingdoms. Her Majesty therefore thought fit, about the beginning of March, to send Mr. Thomas Harley, a near relation of the treasurer's, to Utrecht, fully informed of her mind, which he was directed to communicate to the plenipotentiaries of Britain.

Mr. Harley stopped in his way to Utrecht at The Hague, and there told the pensionary, "That nothing had happened lately in England but what was long ago foretold him, as well as the other ministers of the allies. That the proceedings of the House of Commons, particularly about the Barrier Treaty, must chiefly be ascribed to the manner in which the Queen and the nation had been treated by Mons. Bothmar, Count Gallas, Buys, and other foreign ministers. That if the States would yet enter into a strict union with the Queen, give her satisfaction in the said treaty, and join in concert with her plenipotentiaries at Utrecht, a safe and advantageous peace might be obtained for the whole alliance; otherwise Her Majesty must save her own country, and join with such of her allies as would join with her.

"As to the war, that the conduct of the allies, and their opposition to the Queen, by private intrigues carried on among her own subjects, as well as by open remonstrances, had made the House of Commons take that matter out of the hands of the ministers.

"Lastly, that in case the present treaty were broken off by the Dutch refusing to comply, Her Majesty thought it reasonable to insist, that some cautionary places be put into her hands as pledges, that no other negotiation should be entered into by the States General, without her participation."

Mr. Harley's instructions to the Queen's plenipotentiaries were, "That they should press those of France, to open themselves as far as possible, in concerting such a plan of a general peace, as might give reasonable satisfaction to all the confederates, and such as her Parliament would approve: That the people of England believed France would consent to such a plan; wherein if they found themselves deceived, they would be as eager for prosecuting the war as ever."

Their lordships were to declare openly to the Dutch, "That no extremity should make Her Majesty depart from insisting to have the Assiento for her own subjects, and to keep Gibraltar and Port Mahon; but if the States would agree with her upon these three heads, she would be content to reduce the trade of Spain and the West Indies, to the condition it was in under the late Catholic King Charles II."

The French were farther to be pressed, "That the Pretender should be immediately sent out of that kingdom; and that the most effectual method should be taken, for preventing the union of France and Spain under one prince."

About this time Her Majesty's ministers, and those of the allies at Utrecht, delivered in the several postulata or demands of their masters to the French plenipotentiaries, which having been since made public, and all of them, except those of Britain, very much varying in the course of the negotiation, the reader would be but ill entertained with a transcript of them here.

Upon intelligence of the last dauphin's death, the father, son, and grandson, all of that title,[4] dying within the compass of a year, Mons. Gaultier went to France with letters to the Marquis de Torcy, to propose Her Majesty's expedient for preventing the union of that kingdom with Spain; which, as it was the most important article to be settled, in order to secure peace for Europe, so it was a point that required to be speedily adjusted under the present circumstances and situation of the Bourbon family, there being only left a child of two years old to stand between the Duke of Anjou and his succeeding to the crown of France.

[Footnote 4: These princes were the grandfather, the father, and the brother, of Louis XV., who was then Duke of Anjou, and supposed to be at the point of death. [N.]]

Her Majesty likewise pressed France by the same dispatches, to send full instructions to their plenipotentiaries, empowering them to offer to the allies such a plan of peace, as might give reasonable satisfaction to all her allies.

The Queen's proposal for preventing an union between France and Spain was, "that Philip should formally renounce the kingdom of France for himself and his posterity; and that this renunciation should be confirmed by the Cortes or states of Spain, who, without question, would heartily concur against such an union, by which their country must become a province to France." In like manner, the French princes of the blood were severally to renounce all title to Spain.

The French raised many difficulties upon several particulars of this expedient; but the Queen persisted to refuse any plan of peace before this weighty point were settled in the manner she proposed, which was afterwards submitted to, as in proper place we shall observe. In the mean time, the negotiation at Utrecht proceeded with a very slow pace; the Dutch interposing all obstructions they could contrive, refusing to come to any reasonable temper upon the Barrier Treaty, or to offer a plan, in concert with the Queen, for a general peace. Nothing less would satisfy them, than the partaking in those advantages we had stipulated for ourselves, and which did no ways interfere with their trade or security. They still expected some turn in England; their friends on this side had ventured to assure them, that the Queen could not live many months, which, indeed, from the bad state of Her Majesty's health, was reasonable to expect. The British plenipotentiaries daily discovered new endeavours of Holland to treat privately with France; and, lastly, those among the States, who desired the war should continue, strove to gain time, until the campaign should open; and by resolving to enter into action with the first opportunity, render all things desperate, and break up the congress.

This scheme did exactly fall in with Prince Eugene's dispositions, whom the States had chosen for their general, and of whose conduct, in this conjuncture, the Queen had too much reason to be jealous; but Her Majesty, who was resolved to do her utmost towards putting a good and speedy end to this war, having placed the Duke of Ormonde at the head of her forces in Flanders, whither he was now arrived, directed him to keep all the troops in British pay, whether subjects or foreigners, immediately under his own command; and to be cautious, for a while, in engaging in any action of importance, unless upon a very apparent advantage. At the same time the Queen determined to make one thorough trial of the disposition of the States, by allowing them the utmost concessions that could any way suit either with her safety or honour. She therefore directed her ministers at Utrecht, to tell the Dutch, "That, in order to shew how desirous she was to live in perfect amity with that republic, she would resign up the fifteen per cent., advantage upon English goods sent to the Spanish dominions, which the French King had offered her by a power from his grandson,[5] and be content to reduce that trade to the state in which it was under the late King of Spain. She would accept of any tolerable softening of these words in the seventh article of the Barrier Treaty, where it is said, 'The States shall have power, in case of an apparent attack, to put as many troops as they please into all the places of the Netherlands,' without specifying an attack from the side of France, as ought to have been done; otherwise, the Queen might justly think they were preparing themselves for a rupture with Britain. Her Majesty likewise consented, that the States should keep Nieuport, Dendermonde, and the Castle of Ghent, as an addition to their barrier, although she were sensible how injurious those concessions would be to the trade of her subjects; and would waive the demand of Ostend being delivered into her hands, which she might with justice insist on. In return for all this, that the Queen only desired the ministers of the States would enter into a close correspondence with hers, and settle between them some plan of a general peace, which might give reasonable content to all her allies, and which Her Majesty would endeavour to bring France to consent to. She desired the trade of her kingdoms to the Netherlands, and to the towns of their barrier, might be upon as good a foot as it was before the war began: That the Dutch would not insist to have share in the Assiento, to which they had not the least pretensions, and that they would no longer encourage the intrigues of a faction against her government. Her Majesty assured them in plain terms, that her own future measures, and the conduct of her plenipotentiaries, should be wholly governed by their behaviour in these points; and that her offers were only conditional, in case of their compliance with what she desired."

[Footnote 5: Philip V., King of Spain. [W. S, J.]]

But all these proofs of the Queen's kindness and sincerity could not avail. The Dutch ministers pleaded, they had no power to concert the plan of general peace with those of Britain: however, they assured the latter, that the Assiento was the only difficulty which stuck with their masters. Whereupon, at their desire, a contract for that traffic was twice read to them; after which they appeared very well satisfied, and said they would go to The Hague for further instructions. Thither they went, and, after a week's absence, returned the same answer, "That they had no power to settle a scheme of peace; but could only discourse of it, when the difficulties of the Barrier Treaty were over." And Mons. Buys took a journey to Amsterdam, on purpose to stir up that city, where he was pensionary, against yielding the Assiento to Britain; but was unsuccessful in his negotiation; the point being yielded up there, and in most other towns in Holland.

It will have an odd sound in history, and appear hardly credible, that in several petty republics of single towns, which make up the States General, it should be formally debated, whether the Queen of Great Britain, who preserved the commonwealth at the charge of so many millions, should be suffered to enjoy, after a peace, the liberty granted her by Spain of selling African slaves in the Spanish dominions of America! But there was a prevailing faction at The Hague, violently bent against any peace, where the Queen must act that part which they had intended for themselves. These politicians, who held constant correspondence with their old dejected friends in England, were daily fed with the vain hopes of the Queen's death, or the party's restoration. They likewise endeavoured to spin out the time, till Prince Eugene's activity had pushed on some great event, which might govern or perplex the conditions of peace. Therefore the Dutch plenipotentiaries, who proceeded by the instructions of those mistaken patriots, acted in every point with a spirit of litigiousness, than which nothing could give greater advantage to the enemy; a strict union between the allies, but especially Britain and Holland, being doubtless the only means for procuring safe and honourable terms from France.

But neither was this the worst; for the Queen received undoubted intelligence from Utrecht, that the Dutch were again attempting a separate correspondence with France. And by letters, intercepted here, from Vienna, it was found, that the imperial court, whose ministers were in the utmost confidence with those of Holland, expressed the most furious rage against Her Majesty, for the steps she had taken to advance a peace.

This unjustifiable treatment, the Queen could not digest from an ally, upon whom she had conferred so many signal obligations, whom she had used with so much indulgence and sincerity during the whole course of the negotiation, and had so often invited to go along with her in every motion towards a peace. She apprehended likewise, that the negotiation might be taken out of her hands, if France could be secure of easier conditions in Holland, or might think that Britain wanted power to influence the whole confederacy. She resolved therefore, on this occasion, to exert herself with vigour, steadiness, and dispatch; and, in the beginning of May, sent her commands to the Earl of Strafford to repair immediately to England, in order to consult with her ministers what was proper to be done.

The proposal above mentioned, for preventing the union of France and Spain, met with many difficulties; Mons. de Torcy raising objections against several parts of it. But the Queen refused to proceed any farther with France, until this weighty point were fully settled to her satisfaction; after which, she promised to grant a suspension of arms, provided the town and citadel of Dunkirk might be delivered as a pledge into her hands: and proposed that Ypres might be surrendered to the Dutch, if they would consent to come into the suspension. France absolutely refused the latter; and the States General having acted in perpetual contradiction to Her Majesty, she pressed that matter no farther; because she doubted they would not agree to a cessation of arms. However, she resolved to put a speedy end, or at least intermission, to her own share in the war: and the French having declared themselves ready to agree to her expedients, for preventing the union of the two crowns, and consented to the delivery of Dunkirk; positive orders were sent to the Duke of Ormonde to avoid engaging in any battle or siege, until he had further instructions; but he was directed to conceal his orders, and to find the best excuses he could, if any pressing occasion should offer.

The reasons for this unusual proceeding, which made a mighty noise, were of sufficient weight to justify it; for, pursuant to the agreement made between us and France, a courier was then dispatched from Fontainebleau to Madrid, with the offer of an alternative to Philip, either of resigning Spain immediately to the Duke of Savoy, upon the hopes of succeeding to France, and some present advantage, which, not having been accepted, is needless to dilate on; or of adhering to Spain, and renouncing all future claim to France for himself and his posterity.

Until it could be known which part Philip would accept, the Queen would not take possession of Dunkirk, nor suffer an armistice to be declared. But, however, since the Most Christian King had agreed that his grandson should be forced, in case of a refusal, to make his choice immediately, Her Majesty could not endure to think, that perhaps some thousands of lives of her own subjects and allies might be sacrificed, without necessity, if an occasion should be found or sought for fighting a battle; which, she very well knew, Prince Eugene would eagerly attempt, and put all into confusion, to gratify his own ambition, the enmity of his new masters the Dutch, and the rage of his court.

But the Duke of Ormonde, who, with every other quality that can accomplish or adorn a great man, inherits all the valour and loyalty of his ancestors, found it very difficult to acquit himself of his commission;[6] for Prince Eugene, and all the field deputies of the States, had begun already to talk either of attacking the enemy, or besieging Quesnoy, the confederate army being now all joined by the troops they expected; and accordingly, about three days after the Duke had received those orders from court, it was proposed to his grace, at a meeting with the prince and deputies, that the French army should be attacked, their camp having been viewed, and a great opportunity offering to do it with success; for the Marechal de Villars, who had notice sent him by Mons. de Torcy of what was passing, and had signified the same by a trumpet to the Duke, shewed less vigilance than was usual to that general, taking no precautions to secure his camp, or observe the motions of the allies, probably on purpose to provoke them, the Duke said, "That the Earl of Strafford's sudden departure for England, made him believe there was something of consequence now transacting, which would be known in four or five days; and therefore desired they would defer this or any other undertaking, until he could receive fresh letters from England." Whereupon the prince and deputies immediately told the Duke, "That they looked for such an answer as he had given them: That they had suspected our measures for some time, and their suspicions were confirmed by the express his grace had so lately received, as well as by the negligence of Mons. Villars". They appeared extremely dissatisfied; and the deputies told the Duke, that they would immediately send an account of his answer to their masters, which they accordingly did; and soon after, by order from the States, wrote him an expostulating letter, in a style less respectful than became them; desiring him, among other things, to explain himself, whether he had positive orders not to fight the French; and afterwards told him, "They were sure he had such orders, otherwise he could not answer what he had done." But the Duke still waived the question, saying, "he would be glad to have letters from England, before he entered upon action, and that he expected them daily."

[Footnote 6: For an estimate of Ormonde's character see Swift's "Enquiry into the Behaviour of the Queen's Last Ministry," vol. v. of present edition (pp. 428-430). Ormonde had done very little to deserve succeeding such a soldier as Marlborough. Indeed, his name was associated with the disgraceful expedition to Cadiz, in which he was in command of the English troops. [T.S.]]

Upon this incident, the ministers and generals of the allies immediately took the alarm, venting their fury in violent expressions against the Queen, and those she employed in her councils: said, they were betrayed by Britain, and assumed the countenance of those who think they have received an injury, and are disposed to return it.

The Duke of Ormonde's army consisted of eighteen thousand of Her Majesty's subjects, and about thirty thousand hired from other princes, either wholly by the Queen, or jointly by her and the States. The Duke immediately informed the court of the dispositions he found among the foreign generals upon this occasion; and that, upon an exigency, he could only depend on the British troops adhering to him; those of Hanover having already determined to desert to the Dutch, and tempted the Danes to do the like, and that he had reason to suppose the same of the rest.

Upon the news arriving at Utrecht, that the Duke of Ormonde had refused to engage in any action against the enemy, the Dutch ministers there went immediately to make their complaints to the lord privy seal; aggravating the strangeness of this proceeding, together with the consequence of it, in the loss of a most favourable opportunity for ruining the French army, and the discontent it must needs create in the whole body of the confederates. Adding, how hard it was that they should be kept in the dark, and have no communication of what was done in a point which so nearly concerned them. They concluded, that the Duke must needs have acted by orders; and desired his lordship to write both to court, and to his grace, what they had now said.

The bishop answered, "That he knew nothing of this fact, but what they had told him; and therefore was not prepared with a reply to their representations: only, in general, he could venture to say, that this case appeared very like the conduct of their field-deputies upon former occasions: That if such orders were given, they were certainly built upon very justifiable foundations, and would soon be so explained as to convince the States, and all the world, that the common interest would be better provided for another way, than by a battle or siege: That the want of communication which they complained of, could not make the States so uneasy as their declining to receive it had made the Queen, who had used her utmost endeavours to persuade them to concur with her in concerting every step towards a general peace, and settling such a plan as both sides might approve and adhere to; but, to this day, the States had not thought fit to accept those offers, or to authorize any of their ministers to treat with Her Majesty's plenipotentiaries upon that affair, although they had been pressed to it ever since the negotiation began: That his lordship, to shew that he did not speak his private sense alone, took this opportunity to execute the orders he had received the evening before, by declaring to them, that all Her Majesty's offers for adjusting the differences between her and the States were founded upon this express condition, That they should come immediately into the Queen's measures, and act openly and sincerely with her; and that, from their conduct, so directly contrary, she now looked upon herself to be under no obligation to them."

Mons. Buys and his colleagues were stunned with this declaration, made to them at a time when they pretended to think the right of complaining to be on their side, and had come to the bishop upon that errand. But after their surprise was abated, and Buys's long reasonings at an end, they began to think how matters might be retrieved; and were of opinion, that the States should immediately dispatch a minister to England, unless his lordship were empowered to treat with them; which, without new commands, he said he was not. They afterwards desired to know of the bishop, what the meaning was of the last words in his declaration, "That Her Majesty looked upon herself to be under no obligation to them." He told them his opinion, "That as the Queen was bound by treaty to concert with the States the conditions of a peace, so, upon their declining the concert so frequently offered, she was acquitted of that obligation: but that he verily believed, whatever measures Her Majesty should take, she would always have a friendly regard to the interest of their commonwealth; and that as their unkindness had been very unexpected and disagreeable to Her Majesty, so their compliance would be equally pleasing."

I have been the more circumstantial in relating this affair, because it furnished abundance of discourse, and gave rise to many wild conjectures and misrepresentations, as well here as in Holland, especially that part which concerned the Duke of Ormonde;[7] for the angry faction in the House of Commons, upon the first intelligence, that the Duke had declined to act offensively against France, in concurrence with the allies, moved for an address, wherein the Queen should be informed of "the deep concern of her Commons for the dangerous consequences to the common cause, which must arise from this proceeding of her general; and to beseech her, that speedy instructions might be given to the Duke to prosecute the war with vigour, in order to quiet the minds of her people, &c." But a great majority was against this motion, and a resolution drawn up and presented to the Queen by the whole House of a quite contrary tenor, "That they had an entire confidence in Her Majesty's most gracious promise, to communicate to her Parliament the terms of the peace, before the same should be concluded; and that they would support Her Majesty, in obtaining an honourable and safe peace, against all such persons, either at home or abroad, who have endeavoured, or shall endeavour, to obstruct the same."

[Footnote 7: This determination on the part of England to cease hostilities at this juncture has been most severely criticized. The matter formed, afterwards, the chief article in the impeachment of Bolingbroke, and an important article in the impeachment of Oxford. According to the "Report of the Committee of Secrecy," and the Earl of Oxford's answer to this charge in his impeachment, it seems as if St. John had instructed Ormonde so to act, without in any way consulting the council, and apparently purposely concealing the fact from his colleagues. Mr. Walter Sichel, however, in a note on p. 380 of his "Bolingbroke and his Times," clearly traces the order to the desire of the Queen herself, and in his text lays on the Queen the blame that was visited on the heads of her ministers. See also note on p. 156. [T.S.]]

The courier sent with the alternative to Spain was now returned, with an account that Philip had chosen to renounce France for himself and his posterity, whereof the Queen having received notice, Her Majesty, upon the sixth of June, in a long speech to both Houses of Parliament, laid before them the terms of a general peace, stipulated between her and France. This speech, being the plan whereby both France and the allies have been obliged to proceed in the subsequent course of the treaty, I shall desire the reader's leave to insert it at length, although I believe it hath been already in most hands.[7]

[Footnote 7: This speech was printed by John Baskett, 1712. [W.S.J.]]

"MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,

"The making peace and war is the undoubted prerogative of the crown; yet such is the just confidence I place in you, that at the opening of this session, I acquainted you that a negotiation for a general peace was begun; and afterwards, by messages, I promised to communicate to you the terms of peace, before the same should be concluded.

"In pursuance of that promise, I now come to let you know upon what terms a general peace may be made.

"I need not mention the difficulties which arise from the very nature of this affair; and it is but too apparent, that these difficulties have been increased by other obstructions, artfully contrived to hinder this great and good work.

"Nothing, however, has moved me from steadily pursuing, in the first place, the true interests of my own kingdoms, and I have not omitted any thing, which might procure to all our allies what is due to them by treaties, and what is necessary for their security.

"The assuring of the Protestant succession, as by law established in the House of Hanover, to these kingdoms; being what I have nearest at heart, particular care is taken not only to have that acknowledged in the strongest terms, but to have an additional security, by the removal of that person out of the dominions of France, who has pretended to disturb this settlement.

"The apprehension that Spain and the West Indies might be united to France, was the chief inducement to begin this war; and the effectual preventing of such an union, was the principle I laid down at the commencement of this treaty. Former examples, and the late negotiations, sufficiently shew how difficult it is to find means to accomplish this work. I would not content myself with such as are speculative, or depend on treaties only: I insisted on what was solid, and to have at hand the power of executing what should be agreed.

"I can therefore now tell you, that France at last is brought to offer, that the Duke of Anjou shall, for himself and his descendants, renounce for ever all claim to the crown of France; and that this important article may be exposed to no hazard, the performance is to accompany the promise.

"At the same time the succession to the crown of France is to be declared, after the death of the present dauphin and his sons, to be in the Duke of Berry and his sons, in the Duke of Orleans and his sons, and so on to the rest of the House of Bourbon.

"As to Spain and the Indies, the succession to those dominions, after the Duke of Anjou and his children, is to descend to such prince as shall be agreed upon at the treaty, for ever excluding the rest of the House of Bourbon.

"For confirming the renunciations and settlements before mentioned, it is further offered, that they should be ratified in the most strong and solemn manner, both in France and Spain; and that those kingdoms, as well as all the other powers engaged in the present war, shall be guarantees to the same.

"The nature of this proposal is such, that it executes itself: the interest of Spain is to support it; and in France, the persons to whom that succession is to belong, will be ready and powerful enough to vindicate their own right.

"France and Spain are now more effectually divided than ever. And thus, by the blessing of God, will a real balance of power be fixed in Europe, and remain liable to as few accidents as human affairs can be exempted from.

"A treaty of commerce between these kingdoms and France has been entered upon; but the excessive duties laid on some goods, and the prohibitions of others, make it impossible to finish this work so soon as were to be desired. Care is however taken to establish a method of settling this matter; and in the mean time provision is made, that the same privileges and advantages, as shall be granted to any other nation by France, shall be granted in like manner to us.

"The division of the Island of St. Christopher, between us and the French, having been the cause of great inconveniency and damage to my subjects, I have demanded to have an absolute cession made to me of that whole island, and France agrees to this demand.

"Our interest is so deeply concerned in the trade of North America, that I have used my utmost endeavours to adjust that article in the most beneficial manner. France consents to restore to us the whole Bay and Straits of Hudson, to deliver up the Island of Newfoundland, with Placentia; and to make an absolute cession of Annapolis, with the rest of Nova Scotia, or Acadie.

"The safety of our home trade will be better provided for, by the demolition of Dunkirk.

"Our Mediterranean trade, and the British interest and influence in those parts, will be secured by the possession of Gibraltar and Port Mahon, with the whole island of Minorca, which are offered to remain in my hands.

"The trade to Spain and to the West Indies may in general be settled, as it was in the time of the late King of Spain, Charles the Second; and a particular provision be made, that all advantages, rights, or privileges, which have been granted, or which may hereafter be granted, by Spain to any other nation, shall be in like manner granted to the subjects of Great Britain.

"But the part which we have borne in the prosecution of this war, entitling us to some distinction in the terms of peace, I have insisted, and obtained, that the Assiento, or contract for furnishing the Spanish West Indies with negroes, shall be made with us for the term of thirty years, in the same manner as it has been enjoyed by the French for ten years past.

"I have not taken upon me to determine the interests of our confederates; these must be adjusted in the congress at Utrecht, where my best endeavours shall be employed, as they have hitherto constantly been, to procure to every one of them all just and reasonable satisfaction. In the mean time, I think it proper to acquaint you, that France offers to make the Rhine the barrier of the empire; to yield Brissac, the fort of Kehl, and Landau, and to raze all the fortresses, both on the other side of the Rhine, and in that river.

"As to the Protestant interest in Germany, there will be on the part of France no objection to the resettling thereof, on the foot of the treaty of Westphalia.

"The Spanish Low Countries may go to his Imperial Majesty: the kingdoms of Naples and Sardinia, the duchy of Milan, and the places belonging to Spain on the coast of Tuscany, may likewise be yielded by the treaty of peace to the Emperor.

"As to the kingdom of Sicily, though there remains no dispute concerning the cession of it by the Duke of Anjou, yet the disposition thereof is not yet determined.

"The interests of the States General, with respect to commerce, are agreed to, as they have been demanded by their own ministers, with the exception only of some very few species of merchandise; and the entire barrier, as demanded by the States in one thousand seven hundred and nine from France, except two or three places at most.

"As to these exceptions, several expedients are proposed; and I make no doubt but this barrier may be so settled, as to render that republic perfectly secure against any enterprise on the part of France; which is the foundation of all my engagements upon this head with the States.

"The demands of Portugal depending on the disposition of Spain, and that article having been long in dispute, it has not been yet possible to make any considerable progress therein; but my plenipotentiaries will now have an opportunity to assist that king in his pretensions.

"Those of the King of Prussia are such as, I hope, will admit of little difficulty on the part of France; and my utmost endeavours shall not be wanting to procure all I am able to so good an ally.

"The difference between the barrier demanded for the Duke of Savoy in one thousand seven hundred and nine, and the offers now made by France, is very inconsiderable: but that prince having so signally distinguished himself in the service of the common cause, I am endeavouring to procure for him still farther advantages.

"France has consented, that the Elector Palatine shall continue his present rank among the electors, and remain in possession of the Upper Palatinate.

"The electoral dignity is likewise acknowledged in the House of Hanover, according to the article inserted at that prince's desire in my demands.

"And as to the rest of the allies, I make no doubt of being able to secure their several interests.

* * * * *

"MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,

"I have now communicated to you, not only the terms of peace, which may, by the future treaty, be obtained for my own subjects; but likewise the proposals of France, for satisfying our allies.

"The former are such as I have reason to expect, to make my people some amends for that great and unequal burden which they have lain under, through the whole course of this war; and I am willing to hope, that none of our confederates, and especially those to whom so great accessions of dominion and power are to accrue by this peace, will envy Britain her share in the glory and advantage of it.

"The latter are not yet so perfectly adjusted, as a little more time might have rendered them; but the season of the year making it necessary to put an end to this session, I resolved no longer to defer communicating these matters to you.

"I can make no doubt but you are all fully persuaded, that nothing will be neglected on my part, in the progress of this negotiation, to bring the peace to an happy and speedy issue; and I depend on your entire confidence in me, and your cheerful concurrence with me."

The discontented party in the House of Commons, finding the torrent against them not to be stemmed, suspended their opposition; by which means an address was voted, nemine contradicente, to acknowledge Her Majesty's condescension, to express their satisfaction in what she had already done, and to desire she would please to proceed with the present negotiations for obtaining a speedy peace.

During these transactions at home, the Duke of Ormonde[8] was in a very uneasy situation at the army, employed in practising those arts which perhaps are fitter for a subtle negotiator than a great commander.[9] But as he had always proved his obedience, where courage or conduct could be of use; so the duty he professed to his prince, made him submit to continue in a state of inactivity at the head of his troops, however contrary to his nature, if it were for Her Majesty's service. He had sent early notice to the ministers, that he could not depend upon the foreign forces in the Queen's pay, and he now found some attempts were already begun to seduce them.

[Footnote 8: James Butler, Duke of Ormonde, succeeded his grandfather in that title in July, 1688, was Lord Lieutenant of Ireland in 1703, and again in 1710. He succeeded the Duke of Marlborough as captain general, and had the first regiment of Guards. Bishop Burnet says, "he had the same allowances that had been lately voted criminal in the Duke of Marlborough." ("History," vol. ii., p. 602). [N.]]

[Footnote 9: Bolingbroke had written a letter to Ormonde (dated May 10th, 1712) in which he informed the commander-in-chief that it was the "Queen's positive command to your Grace, that you avoid engaging in any siege or hazarding a battle till you have farther orders from Her Majesty." How to do this with dignity was not an easy matter. The continuation of this letter from Bolingbroke suggested the spirit, though it left to Ormonde the details of his procedure in so delicate a situation: "I am, at the same time, directed to let your Grace know that the Queen would have you disguise the receipt of this order; and her Majesty thinks that you cannot want pretences for conducting yourself so as to answer her ends, without owning that which might at present have an ill effect if it was publicly known." (Bolingbroke, "Correspondence," ii. 320). This is what Swift means by being: "employed in practicing those arts which perhaps are fitter for a subtle negotiator than a great commander." [T.S.]]

While the courier was expected from Madrid, the Duke had orders to inform the Maréchal de Villars of the true state of this affair; and that his grace would have decisive orders in three or four days. In the mean time, he desired the marechal would not oblige him to come to any action, either to defend himself, or to join with Prince Eugene's army; which he must necessarily do, if the prince were attacked.

When the courier was arrived with the account, that Philip had chosen to accept of Spain, Her Majesty had proposed to France a suspension of arms for two months (to be prolonged to three or four), between the armies now in Flanders, upon the following conditions:

"That, during the suspension, endeavours should be used for concluding a general peace; or, at least, the article for preventing the union of France and Spain, should be punctually executed by Philip's renouncing France, for himself and his posterity; and the princes of Bourbon, in like manner, renouncing Spain: and that the town, citadel, and forts of Dunkirk, should be immediately delivered into the Queen's hands." Her Majesty at the same time endeavoured to get Cambray for the Dutch, provided they would come into the suspension. But this was absolutely rejected by France; which that court would never have ventured to do, if those allies could have been prevailed on to have acted with sincerity and openness in concert with Her Majesty, as her plenipotentiaries had always desired. However, the Queen promised, that, if the States would yield to a suspension of arms, they should have some valuable pledge put into their possession.

But now fresh intelligence daily arrived, both from Utrecht and the army, of attempts to make the troops in Her Majesty's pay desert her service; and a design even of seizing the British forces, was whispered about, and with reason suspected.

When the Queen's speech was published in Holland, the lord privy seal told the Dutch ministers at Utrecht, "That what Her Majesty had laid before her Parliament could not, according to the rules of treaty, be looked on as the utmost of what France would yield in the course of a negotiation; but only the utmost of what that crown would propose, in order to form the plan of a peace: That these conditions would certainly have been better, if the States had thought fit to have gone hand in hand with Her Majesty, as she had so frequently exhorted them to do: That nothing but the want of harmony among the allies had spirited the French to stand out so long: That the Queen would do them all the good offices in her power, if they thought fit to comply; and did not doubt of getting them reasonable satisfaction, both in relation to their barrier and their trade." But this reasoning made no impression: the Dutch ministers said, the Queen's speech had deprived them of the fruits of the war. They were in pain, lest Lille and Tournay might be two of the towns to be excepted out of their barrier. The rest of the allies grew angry, by the example of the Dutch. The populace in Holland began to be inflamed: they publicly talked, that Britain had betrayed them. Sermons were preached in several towns of their provinces, whether by direction or connivance, filled with the highest instances of disrespect to Her Britannic Majesty, whom they charged as a papist, and an enemy to their country. The lord privy seal himself believed something extraordinary was in agitation, and that his own person was in danger from the fury of the people.

It is certain, that the States appeared but a few days before very much disposed to comply with the measures the Queen had taken, and would have consented to a general armistice, if Count Zinzendorf, one of the plenipotentiaries for the Emperor, had not, by direct orders from his court, employed himself in sowing jealousies between Britain and the States; and at the same time made prodigious offers to the latter, as well as to the ministers of Prussia, the Palatinate, and Hanover, for continuing the war. That those three electors, who contributed nothing, except bodies of men in return of pay and subsidies, should readily accept the proposals of the Emperor, is easy to be accounted for. What appears hardly credible is, that a grave republic, usually cautious enough in making their bargains, should venture to reject the thoughts of a peace upon the promises of the House of Austria, the little validity whereof they had so long experienced; and especially when they counted upon losing the support of Britain, their most powerful ally; but the false hopes given them by their friends in England of some new change in their favour, or an imagination of bringing France to better terms by the appearance of resolution, added to the weakness or corruption of some, who administered their affairs, were the true causes which first created, and afterwards inflamed, this untractable temper among them.

The Dutch ministers were wholly disconcerted and surprised, when the lord privy seal told them, "That a suspension of arms in the Netherlands would be necessary; and that the Duke of Ormonde intended very soon to declare it after he had taken possession of Dunkirk." But his lordship endeavoured to convince them, that this incident ought rather to be a motive for hastening the States into a compliance with Her Majesty. He likewise communicated to the ministers of the allies the offers made by France, as delivered in the speech from the throne, which Her Majesty thought to be satisfactory, and hoped their masters would concur with her in bringing the peace to a speedy conclusion, wherein each, in particular, might be assured of her best offices for advancing their just pretensions.

In the mean time the Duke of Ormonde was directed to send a body of troops to take possession of Dunkirk, as soon as he should have notice from the Maréchal de Villars, that the commandant of the town had received orders from his court to deliver it; but the Duke foresaw many difficulties in the executing of this commission. He could trust such an enterprise to no forces, except those of Her Majesty's own subjects. He considered the temper of the States in this conjuncture, and was loth to divide a small body of men, upon whose faithfulness alone he could depend. He thought it not prudent to expose them to march through the enemy's country, with whom there was yet neither peace nor truce; and he had sufficient reasons to apprehend, that the Dutch would either not permit such a detachment to pass through their towns (as themselves had more than hinted to him) or would seize them as they passed: besides, the Duke had very fairly signified to Maréchal de Villars, that he expected to be deserted by all the foreign troops in Her Majesty's pay, as soon as the armistice should be declared; at which the maréchal appearing extremely disappointed, said, "The King his master reckoned, that all the troops under his grace's command should yield to the cessation; and wondered how it should come to pass, that those who might be paid for lying still, would rather choose, after a ten years' war, to enter into the service of new masters, under whom they must fight on for nothing." In short, the opinion of Mons. Villars was, that this difficulty cancelled the promise of surrendering Dunkirk; which therefore he opposed as much as possible, in the letters he writ to his court.

Upon the Duke of Ormonde's representing those difficulties, the Queen altered her measures, and ordered forces to be sent from England to take possession of Dunkirk. The Duke was likewise commanded to tell the foreign generals in Her Majesty's service, how highly she would resent their desertion; after which, their masters must give up all thoughts of any arrears, either of pay or subsidy. The lord privy seal spoke the same language at Utrecht, to the several ministers of the allies; as Mr. Secretary St. John did to those who resided here; adding, "That the proceeding of the foreign troops would be looked upon as a declaration for or against Her Majesty: and that, in case they desert her service, she would look on herself as justified, before God and man, to continue her negotiation at Utrecht, or any other place, whether the allies concur or not." And particularly the Dutch were assured, "That if their masters seduced the forces hired by the Queen, they must take the whole pay, arrears, and subsidies on themselves."[10]

[Footnote 10: Compare this language of Bishop Robinson with the letter Bolingbroke had previously written to Thomas Harley (letter of May 17, 1712): "On the report which my Lord Strafford, who arrived here the day before yesterday, has made by word of mouth, as well as upon the contents of the latter dispatches from Utrecht, her Majesty is fully determined to let all negotiations sleep in Holland; since they have neither sense, nor gratitude, nor spirit enough to make a suitable return to the offers lately sent by the Queen, and communicated by the plenipotentiaries, her Majesty will look on herself as under no obligation towards them, but proceed to make the peace either with or without them."

When the States-General addressed a complaint to the Queen of the manner in which England was deserting them, Bolingbroke had their letter formally condemned by a resolution of the House of Commons. He was determined to bring this peace about, and the Dutch might "kick and flounce like wild beasts caught in a toil; yet the cords are too strong for them to break." (Report from the Committee of Secrecy.) [T.S.]]

The Earl of Strafford, preparing about this time to return to Utrecht, with instructions proper to the present situation of affairs, went first to the army, and there informed the Duke of Ormonde of Her Majesty's intentions. He also acquainted the States deputies with the Queen's uneasiness, lest, by the measures they were taking, they should drive her to extremities, which she desired so much to avoid. He farther represented to them, in the plainest terms, the provocations Her Majesty had received, and the grounds and reasons for her present conduct. He likewise declared to the commanders in chief of the foreign troops, in the Queen's pay, and in the joint pay of Britain and the States, with how much surprise Her Majesty had heard, "That there was the least doubt of their obeying the orders of the Duke of Ormonde; which if they refused, Her Majesty would esteem it not only as an indignity and affront, but as a declaration against her; and, in such a case, they must look on themselves as no farther entitled either to any arrear, or future pay or subsidies."

Six regiments, under the command of Mr. Hill,[11] were now preparing to embark, in order to take possession of Dunkirk; and the Duke of Ormonde, upon the first intelligence sent him, that the French were ready to deliver the town, was to declare he could act no longer against France. The Queen gave notice immediately of her proceedings to the States. She let them plainly know, "That their perpetual caballing with her factious subjects, against her authority, had forced her into such measures, as otherwise she would not have engaged in. However, Her Majesty was willing yet to forget all that had passed, and to unite with them in the strictest ties of amity, which she hoped they would now do; since they could not but be convinced, by the late dutiful addresses of both Houses, how far their High Mightinesses had been deluded, and drawn in as instruments to serve the turn, and gratify the passions, of a disaffected party: That their opposition, and want of concert with Her Majesty's ministers, which she had so often invited them to, had encouraged France to except towns out of their barrier, which otherwise might have been yielded: That, however, she had not precluded them, or any other ally, from demanding more; and even her own terms were but conditional, upon supposition of a general peace to ensue: That Her Majesty resolved to act upon the plan laid down in her speech;" and she repeated the promise of her best offices to promote the interest of the States, if they would deal sincerely with her.

[Footnote 11: John Hill, brother to Mrs. Masham. It is not difficult to guess at the reason for this appointment. Here was a chance for Jack Hill to achieve some glory and wipe away the disgrace of the ill-starred Quebec expedition. As there was also no danger attached to the enterprise, all the more likely that he would succeed. Hill sailed with Admiral Sir John Leake and took peaceable possession of the town and forts. For this he was appointed Governor of Dunkirk, and while there he sent Swift a gold snuff-box as a present, "the finest that ever you saw," as Swift wrote to Stella: See also vol. v., p. 80, of this edition. [T.S.]]

Some days before the Duke of Ormonde had notice, that orders were given for the surrender of Dunkirk, Prince Eugene of Savoy sent for the generals of the allies, and asked them severally, whether, in case the armies separated, they would march with him, or stay with the Duke? All of them, except two, who commanded but small bodies, agreed to join with the prince; who thereupon, about three days after, sent the Duke word, that he intended to march the following day (as it was supposed) to besiege Landrecies. The Duke returned an answer, "That he was surprised at the prince's message, there having been not the least previous concert with him, nor any mention in the message, which way, or upon what design, the march was intended: therefore, that the Duke could not resolve to march with him; much less could the prince expect assistance from the Queen's army, in any design undertaken after this manner." The Duke told this beforehand, that he (the prince) might take his measures accordingly, and not attribute to Her Majesty's general any misfortune that might happen.

On the sixteenth of July, N.S. the several generals of the allies joined Prince Eugene's army, and began their march, after taking leave of the Duke and the Earl of Strafford, whose expostulations could not prevail on them to stay; although the latter assured them, that the Queen had made neither peace nor truce with France, and that her forces would now be left exposed to the enemy.

The next day after this famous desertion, the Duke of Ormonde received a letter from Mons. de Villars, with an account, that the town and citadel of Dunkirk should be delivered to Mr. Hill. Whereupon a cessation of arms was declared, by sound of trumpet, at the head of the British army; which now consisted only of about eighteen thousand men, all of Her Majesty's subjects, except the Holsteiners, and Count Wallis's dragoons.[12] With this small body of men the general began his march; and, pursuant to orders from court, retired towards the sea, in the manner he thought most convenient for the Queen's service. When he came as far as Flines, he was told by some of his officers, that the commandants of Bouchain, Douay, Lille, and Tournay, had refused them passage through those towns, or even liberty of entrance, and said it was by order of their masters.[13] The Duke immediately recollected, that when the deputies first heard of his resolution to withdraw his troops, they told him, they hoped he did not intend to march through any of their towns. This made him conclude, that the orders must be general, and that his army would certainly meet with the same treatment which his officers had done. He had likewise, before the armies separated, received information of some designs that concerned the safety, or at least the freedom of his own person, and (which he much more valued) that of those few British troops entrusted to his care. No general was ever more truly or deservedly beloved by his soldiers, who, to a man, were prepared to sacrifice their lives in his service; and whose resentments were raised to the utmost, by the ingratitude, as they termed it, of their deserters.

[Footnote 12: Barner, who commanded the troops of Holstein, being two battalions and eight squadrons, and Walef or Waless, who commanded the dragoons of Liège, both followed Ormonde. [S.]]

[Footnote 13: At Bouchain, the British officers were told at the gates, that the commandant had positive orders to let no Englishman into the town; and at Douay, where the English had large stores and magazines, the same thing happened with considerable aggravation. Indeed, it was with difficulty and precaution that the commandant of the latter town would permit the body of an English colonel to be interred there. The same difficulties occurred at Tournay, Oudenarde, and Lille; and the Duke of Ormonde having sent an officer express to England on the 17th, he was stopped and interrupted at Haspre, misguided at Courtray, and refused admission at Bruges. (See "The Conduct of his Grace the Duke of Ormonde, in the Campagne of 1712," 1715, pp. 46-50.) [S.]]

Upon these provocations, he laid aside all thoughts of returning to Dunkirk, and began to consider how he might perform, in so difficult a conjuncture, something important to the Queen, and at the same time find a secure retreat for his forces. He formed his plan without communicating it to any person whatsoever; and the disposition of the army being to march towards Warneton, in the way to Dunkirk, he gave sudden orders to Lieutenant-General Cadogan to change his route, according to the military phrase, and move towards Orchies, a town leading directly to Ghent.

When Prince Eugene and the States deputies received news of the Duke's motions, they were alarmed to the utmost degree, and sent Count Nassau, of Woudenbourg, to the general's camp near Orchies, to excuse what had been done, and to assure his grace, that those commandants, who had refused passage to his officers, had acted wholly without orders. Count Hompesch, one of the Dutch generals, came likewise to the Duke with the same story; but all this made little impression on the general, who held on his march, and on the twenty-third of July, N.S., entered Ghent, where he was received with great submission by the inhabitants, and took possession of the town, as he likewise did of Bruges, a few days after.

The Duke of Ormonde thought, that considering the present disposition of the States towards Britain, it might be necessary for the Queen to have some pledge from that republic in her hands, as well as from France, by which means Her Majesty would be empowered to act the part that best became her, of being mediator at least; and that while Ghent was in the Queen's hands, no provisions could pass the Scheldt or the Lys without her permission, by which he had it in his power to starve their army. The possession of these towns might likewise teach the Dutch and Imperialists, to preserve a degree of decency and civility to Her Majesty, which both of them were upon some occasions too apt to forget: and besides, there was already in the town of Ghent, a battalion of British troops and a detachment of five hundred men in the citadel, together with a great quantity of ammunition stores for the service of the war, which would certainly have been seized or embezzled; so that no service could be more seasonable or useful in the present juncture than this, which the Queen highly approved, and left the Duke a discretionary power to act as he thought fit on any future emergency.

I have a little interrupted the order of time, in relating the Duke of Ormonde's proceedings, who, after having placed a garrison at Bruges, and sent a supply of men and ammunition to Dunkirk, retired to Ghent, where he continued some months, till he had leave to return to England.

Upon the arrival of Colonel Disney[14] at court, with an account that Mr. Hill had taken possession of Dunkirk, an universal joy spread over the kingdom, this event being looked on as the certain forerunner of a peace: besides, the French faith was in so ill a reputation among us, that many persons, otherwise sanguine enough, could never bring themselves to believe, that the town would be delivered, till certain intelligence came that it was actually in our hands. Neither were the ministers themselves altogether at ease, or free from suspicion, whatever countenance they made; for they knew very well, that the French King had many plausible reasons to elude his promise, if he found cause to repent it. One condition of surrendering Dunkirk, being a general armistice of all the troops in the British pay, which Her Majesty was not able to perform; and upon this failure, the Maréchal de Villars (as we have before related) endeavoured to dissuade his court from accepting the conditions: and in the very interval, while those difficulties were adjusting, the Maréchal d'Uxelles, one of the French plenipotentiaries at Utrecht (whose inclinations, as well as those of his colleague Mons. Mesnager, led him to favour the States more than Britain) assured the lord privy seal, that the Dutch were then pressing to enter into separate measures with his master: and his lordship, in a visit to the Abbé de Polignac, observing a person to withdraw as he entered the abbé's chamber, was told by this minister, that the person he saw was one Molo, of Amsterdam, mentioned before, a famous agent for the States with France, who had been entertaining him (the abbé) upon the same subject, but that he had refused to treat with Molo, without the privity of England.

[Footnote 14: Colonel Disney or Desnée, called "Duke" Disney, was one of the members of the Brothers Club, a boon companion of Bolingbroke, and, as Swift says, "not an old man, but an old rake." From various sources we gather that he was a high liver, and not very nice in his ways of high living. In spite, however, of his undoubted profligacy, he must have been a man of good nature and a kindly heart, since he received affectionate record from Gay, Pope, and Swift. Mr. Walter Sichel quotes from "an unfinished sketch of a larger poem," by Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, in which Disney's worst characteristics are held up to ridicule. ("Bolingbroke and his Times," pp. 288-290). Swift often refers to him in his "Journal." [T.S.]]

Mr. Harley, whom we mentioned above to have been sent early in the spring to Utrecht, continued longer in Holland than was at first expected; but having received Her Majesty's farther instructions, was about this time arrived at Hanover. It was the misfortune of his Electoral Highness, to be very ill served by Mons. Bothmar, his envoy here, who assisted at all the factious meetings of the discontented party, and deceived his master by a false representation of the kingdom, drawn from the opinion of those to whom he confined his conversation. There was likewise at the Elector's court a little Frenchman, without any merit or consequence, called Robethon,[15] who, by the assistance and encouragement of the last ministry, had insinuated himself into some degree of that prince's favour, which he used in giving his master the worst impressions he was able, of those whom the Queen employed in her service; insinuating, that the present ministers were not in the interest of his Highness's family; that their views were towards the Pretender; that they were making an unsecure and dishonourable peace; that the weight of the nation was against them; and that it was impossible for them to preserve much longer their credit or power.

[Footnote 15: One of the Elector's privy councillors. See note, vol. v., p. 468. "As little a fellow as Robethon is," wrote Bolingbroke to Thomas Harley, "I have reason to believe that most of the ill impressions which have been given at that court have chiefly come from him; and as I know him to be mercenary, I doubt not but he has found his account in this his management." (Bol., "Correspondence," vol. ii., p. 385). [T.S.]]

The Earl Rivers had, in the foregoing year, been sent to Hanover, in order to undeceive the Elector, and remove whatever prejudices might be infused into his Highness against Her Majesty's proceedings; but it should seem that he had no very great success in his negotiation: for soon after his return to England, Mons. Bothmar's "Memorial" appeared in the manner I have already related, which discovered the sentiments of his electoral Highness (if they were truly represented in that "Memorial") to differ not a little from those of the Queen. Mr. Harley was therefore directed to take the first opportunity of speaking to the Elector in private, to assure him, "That although Her Majesty had thought herself justly provoked by the conduct of his minister, yet such was her affection for his Highness, and concern for the interests of his family, that instead of showing the least mark of resentment, she had chosen to send him (Mr. Harley) fully instructed to open her designs, and shew his Highness the real interest of Britain in the present conjuncture." Mr. Harley was to give the Elector a true account of what had passed in England, during the first part of this session of Parliament; to expose to his Highness the weakness of those with whom his minister had consulted, and under whose directions he had acted; to convince him how much lower that faction must become, when a peace should be concluded, and when the natural strength of the kingdom, disencumbered from the burthen of the war, should be at liberty to exert itself; to shew him how his interest in the succession was sacrificed to that of a party: that his Highness had been hitherto a friend to both sides, but that the measures taken by his ministers, had tended only to set him at the head of one in opposition to the other: to explain to the Elector, how fully the safety of Europe was provided for by the plan of peace in Her Majesty's speech; and how little reason those would appear to have, who complained the loudest of this plan, if it were compared either with our engagements to them when we began the war, or with their performances in the course of it.

Upon this occasion Mr, Harley was to observe to the Elector, "That it should rather be wondered at, how the Queen had brought France to offer so much, than yet to offer no more; because, as soon as ever it appeared, that Her Majesty would be at the head of this treaty, and that the interests of Britain were to be provided for, such endeavours were used to break off the negotiation, as are hardly to be paralleled; and the disunion thereby created among the allies, had given more opportunities to the enemy, of being slow in their concessions, than any other measures might possibly have done: That this want of concert among the allies, could not in any sort be imputed to the Queen, who had all along invited them to it with the greatest earnestness, as the surest means to bring France to reason: That she had always, in a particular manner, pressed the States General to come into the strictest union with her, and opened to them her intentions with the greatest freedom; but finding, that instead of concurring with Her Majesty, they were daily carrying on intrigues to break off the negotiation, and thereby deprive her of the advantages she might justly expect from the ensuing peace, having no other way left, she was forced to act with France as she did, by herself: That, however, the Queen had not taken upon herself to determine the interests of the allies, who were at liberty of insisting on farther pretensions, wherein Her Majesty would not be wanting to support them as far as she was able, and improve the concessions already made by France; in which case, a good understanding and harmony among the confederates, would yet be of the greatest use for making the enemy more tractable and easy."

I have been more particular in reciting the substance of Mr. Harley's instructions, because it will serve as a recapitulation of what I have already said upon this subject, and seems to set Her Majesty's intentions, and proceedings at this time, in the clearest light.

After the cessation of arms declared by the Duke of Ormonde, upon the delivery of Dunkirk, the British plenipotentiaries very earnestly pressed those of Holland to come into a general armistice; for if the whole confederacy acted in conjunction, this would certainly be the best means for bringing the common enemy to reasonable terms of peace: but the States, deluded by the boundless promises of Count Zinzendorf, and the undertaking talent of Prince Eugene, who dreaded the conclusion of the war, as the period of his glory, would not hear of a cessation. The loss of eighteen thousand Britons was not a diminution of weight in the balance of such an ally as the Emperor, and such a general as the Prince. Besides, they looked upon themselves to be still superior to France in the field; and although their computation was certainly right in point of number, yet, in my opinion, the conclusion drawn from it, was grounded upon a great mistake. I have been assured by several persons of our own country, and some foreigners of the first rank, both for skill and station in arms, that in most victories obtained in the present war, the British troops were ever employed in the post of danger and honour, and usually began the attack (being allowed to be naturally more fearless than the people of any other country), by which they were not only an example of courage to the rest, but must be acknowledged, without partiality, to have governed the fortune of the day; since it is known enough, how small a part of an army is generally engaged in any battle. It may likewise be added, that nothing is of greater moment in war than opinion. The French, by their frequent losses, which they chiefly attributed to the courage of our men, believed that a British general, at the head of British troops, was not to be overcome; and the Maréchal de Villars was quickly sensible of the advantage he had got; for, in a very few days after the desertion of the allies, happened the Earl of Albemarle's disgrace at Denain, by a feint of the Maréchal's, and a manifest failure somewhere or other, both of courage and conduct on the side of the confederates. The blame of which was equally shared between Prince Eugene and the Earl; although it is certain, the Duke of Ormonde gave the latter timely warning of his danger, observing he was neither intrenched as he ought, nor provided with bridges sufficient for the situation he was in, and at such a distance from the main army.[16]

[Footnote 16: It is alleged by the continuator of Rapin, that the surprise and defeat of the confederated troops under the Earl of Albemarle, at Denain, was, in a great measure, owing to the Duke of Ormonde having, in spite of all remonstrance, reclaimed and carried off certain pontoons which had been lent to the allies. For Prince Eugene having received intelligence of the design against Albemarle, marched to his succour; but the bridge having broken under the quantity of the baggage which had been transported across the Scheldt, he could only remain the spectator of their misfortune. [S.]]

The Marquis de Torcy had likewise the same sentiments, of what mighty consequence those few British battalions were to the confederate army; since he advised his master to deliver up Dunkirk, although the Queen could not perform the condition understood, which was a cessation of arms of all the foreign forces in her pay.

It must be owned, that Mons. de Torcy made great merit of this confidence that his master placed in the Queen; and observing Her Majesty's displeasure against the Dutch, on account of their late proceedings, endeavoured to inflame it with aggravations enough; insinuating, "That, since the States had acted so ungratefully, the Queen should let her forces join with those of France, in order to compel the confederates to a peace." But although this overture were very tenderly hinted from the French court, Her Majesty heard it with the utmost abhorrence; and ordered her secretary, Mr. St. John (created about this time Viscount Bolingbroke),[17] to tell Mons. de Torcy, "That no provocations whatever should tempt her to distress her allies; but she would endeavour to bring them to reason by fair means, or leave them to their own conduct: That if the former should be found impracticable, she would then make her own peace, and content herself with doing the office of a mediator between both parties: but if the States should at any time come to a better mind, and suffer their ministers to act in conjunction with hers, she would assert their just interests to the utmost, and make no farther progress in any treaty with France, until those allies received all reasonable satisfaction, both as to their barrier and their trade." The British plenipotentiaries were directed to give the same assurances to the Dutch ministers at Utrecht, and withal to let them know, "That the Queen was determined, by their late conduct, to make peace either with or without them; but would much rather choose the former."

[Footnote 17: Bolingbroke had understood that he would not lose rank on his promotion, from which he concluded that the earldom of Bolingbroke, extinct in his family, would be revived in his favour. His indignation, however, was very keen when he was created only a Viscount. He wrote to Strafford at Utrecht, that his promotion had been a mortification to him. "In the House of Commons," he said, "I may say that I was at the head of business. … There was, therefore, nothing to flatter my ambition in removing me from thence, but giving me the title which had been many years in my family, and which reverted to the Crown about a year ago, by the death of the last of the elder house. … I own to you that I felt more indignation than ever in my life I had done." (Letter to the Earl of Strafford, July 23, 1712). [T.S.]]

There was, however, one advantage which Her Majesty resolved to make by this defection of her foreigners. She had been led, by the mistaken politics of some years past, to involve herself in several guaranties with the princes of the north, which were, in some sort, contradictory to one another; but this conduct of theirs wholly annulled all such engagements, and left her at liberty to interpose in the affairs of those parts of Europe, in such a manner as would best serve the interests of her own kingdoms, as well as that of the Protestant religion, and settle a due balance of power in the north.

The grand article for preventing the union of France and Spain, was to be executed during a cessation of arms. But many difficulties arising about that, and some other points of great importance to the common cause, which could not easily be adjusted either between the French and British plenipotentiaries at Utrecht, or by correspondence between Mons. de Torcy and the ministry here; the Queen took the resolution of sending the Lord Viscount Bolingbroke immediately to France, fully instructed in all her intentions, and authorized to negotiate every thing necessary for settling the treaty of peace in such a course, as might bring it to a happy and speedy conclusion. He was empowered to agree to a general suspension of arms, by sea and land, between Great Britain, France and Spain, to continue for four months, or until the conclusion of the peace; provided France and Spain would previously give positive assurances to make good the terms demanded by Her Majesty for the Duke of Savoy, and would likewise adjust and determine the forms of the several renunciations to be made by both those crowns, in order to prevent their being ever united. The Lord Bolingbroke was likewise authorized to settle some differences relating to the Elector of Bavaria, for whose interests France was as much concerned as Her Majesty was for those of the Duke of Savoy; to explain all doubtful articles which particularly related to the advantages of Britain; to know the real ultimatum, as it is termed, of France upon the general plan of peace; and lastly, to cut off all hopes from that court of ever bringing the Queen to force her allies to a disadvantageous peace; Her Majesty resolving to impose no scheme at all upon them, or to debar them from the liberty of endeavouring to obtain the best conditions they could.

The Lord Bolingbroke went to France in the beginning of August,[18] was received at court with particular marks of distinction and respect; and in a very few days, by his usual address and ability, performed every part of his commission, extremely to the Queen's content and his own honour. He returned to England before the end of the month; but Mr. Prior, who went along with him, was left behind, to adjust whatever differences might remain or arise between the two crowns.[19]

[Footnote 18: "Lord Bolingbroke and Prior set out for France last Saturday. My lord's business is to hasten the peace before the Dutch are too much mauled, and hinder France from carrying the jest of beating them too far." ("Journal to Stella," August 7th, 1712. See vol. ii., p. 381 of present edition). The result of Bolingbroke's visit was the signing, on August 19th, of an agreement for the suspension of arms for four months. Torcy's reception of Bolingbroke was so managed that the bon vivant peer had as pleasant a time as he could well have wished. How much influence that had on Bolingbroke we can only speculate; but it is certain that he would have made a separate peace with France, after his return, had Oxford been willing. See Torcy's "Mémoires" (vol. ii., p. 202). "Bolingbroke avoit conseillé à la Reine sa maîtresse de préférer une paix particulière à la suspension d'armes, et d'assurer au plus tôt à ses sujets la jouissance de toutes les conditions dont le Roi étoit convenu en faveur de l'Angleterre." [T.S.]]

[Footnote 19: There is a long letter from Lord Bolingbroke to Mr. Prior, on the subject of this negotiation, printed in Scott's edition of Swift, vol. xv., pp. 524-529. [W.S.J.]]

In the mean time the general conferences at Utrecht, which for several weeks had been let fall, since the delivery of Dunkirk, were now resumed. But the Dutch still declaring against a suspension of arms, and refusing to accept the Queen's speech as a plan to negotiate upon, there was no progress made for some time in the great work of the peace. Whereupon the British plenipotentiaries told those of the States, "That if the Queen's endeavours could not procure more than the contents of her speech, or if the French should ever fall short of what was there offered, the Dutch could blame none but themselves, who, by their conduct, had rendered things difficult, that would otherwise have been easy." However, Her Majesty thought it prudent to keep the States still in hopes of her good offices, to prevent them from taking the desperate course of leaving themselves wholly at the mercy of France; which was an expedient they formerly practised, and which a party among them was now inclined to advise.

Whilst the congress at Utrecht remained in this inactive state, the Queen proceeded to perfect that important article for preventing the union of France and Spain. It was proposed and accepted, that Philip should renounce France, for himself and his posterity; and that the Most Christian King, and all the princes of his blood, should, in the like manner, renounce Spain.

It must be confessed, that this project of renunciation lay under a great disrepute, by the former practices of this very King, Lewis XIV. pursuant to an absurd notion among many in that kingdom, of a divine right, annexed to proximity of blood, not to be controlled by any human law.

But it is plain, the French themselves had recourse to this method, after all their infractions of it, since the Pyrenean treaty; for the first dauphin, in whom the original claim was vested, renounced, for himself and his eldest son, which opened the way to Philip Duke of Anjou; who would however hardly have succeeded, if it had not been for the will made in his favour by the last King, Charles II.

It is indeed hard to reflect, with any patience, upon the unaccountable stupidity of the princes of Europe for some centuries past, who left a probability to France of succeeding in a few ages to all their dominions; whilst, at the same time, no alliance with that kingdom could be of advantage to any prince, by reason of the salique law. Should not common prudence have taught every sovereign in Christendom to enact a salique law, with respect to France; for want of which, it is almost a miracle, that the Bourbon family hath not possessed the universal monarchy by right of inheritance? When the French assert a proximity of blood gives a divine right, as some of their ministers, who ought to be more wise or honest, have lately advanced in this very case, to the title of Spain; do they not, by allowing a French succession, make their own kings usurpers? Or, if the salique law be divine, is it not of universal obligation, and consequently of force, to exclude France from inheriting by daughters? Or, lastly, if that law be of human institution, may it not be enacted in any state, with whatever extent or limitation the legislature shall think fit? For the notion of an unchangeable human law is an absurdity in government, to be believed only by ignorance, and supported by power. From hence it follows, that the children of the late Queen of France, although she had renounced, were as legally excluded from succeeding to Spain, as if the salique law had been fundamental in that kingdom; since that exclusion was established by every power in Spain, which could possibly give a sanction to any law there; and therefore the Duke of Anjou's title is wholly founded upon the bequest of his predecessor (which hath great authority in that monarchy, as it formerly had in ours), upon the confirmation of the Cortes, and the general consent of the people.

It is certain, the faith of princes is so frequently subservient to their ambition, that renunciations have little validity, otherwise than from the powers and parties whose interest it is to support them. But this renunciation, which the Queen hath exacted from the French King and his grandson, I take to be armed with all the essential circumstances that can fortify such an act. For as it is necessary, for the security of every prince in Europe, that those two great kingdoms should never be united; so the chief among them will readily consent to be guarantees for preventing such a misfortune.

Besides, this proposal (according to Her Majesty's expression in her speech) is of such a nature, that it executes itself; because the Spaniards, who dread such an union, for every reason that can have weight among men, took care that their king should not only renounce, in the most solemn manner; but likewise, that the act should be framed in the strongest terms themselves could invent, or we could furnish them with. As to France, upon supposal of the young dauphin's dying in a few years, that kingdom will not be in a condition to engage in a long war against a powerful alliance, fortified with the addition of the Spaniards, and the party of the Duke of Berry, or whoever else shall be next claimer: and the longer the present dauphin lives, the weaker must Philip's interest be in France; because the princes, who are to succeed by this renunciation, will have most power and credit in the kingdom.

The mischiefs occasioned by the want of a good understanding between the allies, especially Britain and Holland, were raised every day; the French taking the advantage, and raising difficulties, not only upon the general plan of peace, but likewise upon the explanation of several articles in the projected treaty between them and Her Majesty: They insisted to have Lille, as the equivalent for Dunkirk; and demanded Tournay, Maubeuge, and Condé, for the two or three towns mentioned in the Queen's speech; which the British plenipotentiaries were so far from allowing, that they refused to confer with those of France upon that foot; although, at the same time, the former had fresh apprehensions that the Dutch, in a fit of despair, would accept whatever terms the enemy pleased to offer, and, by precipitating their own peace, prevent Her Majesty from obtaining any advantages, both for her allies and herself.

It is most certain, that the repeated losses suffered by the States, in little more than two months after they had withdrawn themselves from the Queen's assistance, did wholly disconcert their counsels;[20] and their prudence (as it is usual) began to forsake them with their good fortune. They were so weak as to be still deluded by their friends in England, who continued to give them hopes of some mighty and immediate resource from hence; for when the Duke of Ormonde had been about a month in Ghent, he received a letter from the Maréchal de Villars, to inform him, that the Dutch generals, taken at Denain, had told the maréchal publicly, of a sudden revolution expected in Britain; that particularly the Earl of Albemarle and Mons. Hompesch discoursed very freely of it, and that nothing was more commonly talked of in Holland. It was then likewise confidently reported in Ghent, that the Queen was dead; and we all remember what rumour flew about here at the very same time, as if Her Majesty's health were in a bad condition.

[Footnote 20: The Dutch had been defeated at Douay, and the Allies had suffered reverses by the reduction of Quesnoy and Bouchain. [T.S.]]

Whether such vain hopes as these gave spirit to the Dutch; whether their frequent misfortunes made them angry and sullen; whether they still expected to overreach us by some private stipulations with France, through the mediation of the Elector of Bavaria, as that prince afterwards gave out; or whatever else was the cause, they utterly refused a cessation of arms; and made not the least return to all the advances and invitations made by Her Majesty, until the close of the campaign.

It was then the States first began to view their affairs in another light; to consider how little the vast promises of Count Zinzendorf were to be relied on; to be convinced that France was not disposed to break with Her Majesty, only to gratify their ill humour, or unreasonable demands; to discover that their factious correspondents on this side the water had shamefully misled them; that some of their own principal towns grew heartily weary of the war, and backward in their loans; and, lastly, that Prince Eugene, their new general, whether his genius or fortune had left him, was not for their turn. They, therefore, directed their ministers at Utrecht to signify to the lord privy seal and the Earl of Strafford, "That the States were disposed to comply with Her Majesty, and to desire her good offices with France; particularly, that Tournay and Condé might be left to them as part of their barrier, without which they could not be safe: That the Elector of Bavaria might not be suffered to retain any town in the Netherlands, which would be as bad for Holland as if those places were in the hands of France: Therefore the States proposed, that Luxembourg, Namur, Charleroy, and Nieuport, might be delivered to the Emperor. Lastly, That the French might not insist on excepting the four species of goods out of the tariff of one thousand six hundred and sixty-four: That if Her Majesty could prevail with France to satisfy their masters on these articles, they would be ready to submit in all the rest."

When the Queen received an account of this good disposition in the States General, immediately orders were sent to Mr. Prior, to inform the ministers of the French court, "That Her Majesty had now some hopes of the Dutch complying with her measures; and therefore she resolved, as she had always declared, whenever those allies came to themselves, not to make the peace without their reasonable satisfaction." The difficulty that most pressed, was about the disposal of Tournay and Condé. The Dutch insisted strongly to have both, and the French were extremely unwilling to part with either.

The Queen judged the former would suffice, for completing the barrier of the States. Mr. Prior was therefore directed to press the Marquis de Torcy effectually on this head, and to terminate all that minister's objections, by assuring him of Her Majesty's resolutions to appear openly on the side of the Dutch, if this demand were refused. It was thought convenient to act in this resolute manner with France, whose late success, against Holland, had taught the ministers of the Most Christian King to resume their old imperious manner of treating with that republic; to which they were farther encouraged by the ill understanding between Her Majesty and the allies.

This appeared from the result of an idle quarrel that happened, about the end of August,[21] at Utrecht, between a French and a Dutch plenipotentiary, Mons. Mesnager and Count Rechteren;[22] wherein the court of France demanded such abject submissions, and with so much haughtiness, as plainly shewed they were pleased with any occasion of mortifying the Dutch.

[Footnote 21: July. [S]]

[Footnote 22: See note on p. 95. [T.S.]]

Besides, the politics of the French ran at this time very opposite to those of Britain: They thought the ministers here durst not meet the Parliament without a peace; and that, therefore, Her Majesty would either force the States to comply with France, by delivering up Tournay, which was the principal point in dispute, or would finish her own peace with France and Spain, leaving a fixed time for Holland to refuse or accept the terms imposed on them. But the Queen, who thought the demand of Tournay by the States to be very necessary and just, was determined to insist upon it, and to declare openly against France, rather than suffer her ally to want a place so useful for their barrier. And Mr. Prior was ordered to signify this resolution of Her Majesty to Mons. de Torcy, in case that minister could not be otherwise prevailed on.

The British plenipotentiaries did likewise, at the same time, express to those of Holland Her Majesty's great satisfaction, that the States were at last disposed to act in confidence with her: "That she wished this resolution had been sooner taken, since nobody had gained by the delay, but the French King; that, however, Her Majesty did not question the procuring a safe and honourable peace, by united counsels, reasonable demands, and prudent measures; that she would assist them in getting whatever was necessary to their barrier, and in settling, to their satisfaction, the exceptions made by France out of the tariff of one thousand six hundred and sixty-four; that no other difficulties remained of moment to retard the peace, since the Queen had obtained Sicily for the Duke of Savoy; and, in the settlement of the Low Countries, would adhere to what she delivered from the throne: That as to the empire, Her Majesty heartily wished their barrier as good as could be desired; but that we were not now in circumstances to expect every thing exactly according to the scheme of Holland: France had already offered a great part, and the Queen did not think the remainder worth the continuance of the war."

Her Majesty conceived the peace in so much forwardness, that she thought fit, about this time, to nominate the Duke of Hamilton and the Lord Lexington for ambassadors in France and Spain, to receive the renunciations in both courts, and adjust matters of commerce.

The duke[23] was preparing for his journey, when he was challenged to a duel[24] by the Lord Mohun,[25] a person of infamous character. He killed his adversary upon the spot, though he himself received a wound; and, weakened by the loss of blood, as he was leaning in the arms of his second, was most barbarously stabbed in the breast by Lieutenant-General Macartney,[26] who was second to Lord Mohun. He died a few minutes after in the field, and the murderer made his escape. I thought so surprising an event might deserve barely to be related, although it be something foreign to my subject.

[Footnote 23: James, Duke of Hamilton, was a gentleman of the
bed-chamber to King Charles II. He succeeded his father in the title,
April 18th, 1694, and was sent the same year envoy extraordinary to
France; … he was killed, November 15th, 1712. [S.]]

[Footnote 24: Swift's account of the duel is exactly agreeable to the depositions of Colonel Hamilton before a committee of the council. [S.]]

[Footnote 25: Charles Lord Mohun was the last offspring of a very noble and ancient family, of which William de Mohun, who accompanied the Norman conqueror, was the first founder in England. [S.]]

[Footnote 26: General Macartney was tried, at the King's Bench bar, for the murder, June 13th, 1716; and the jury found him guilty of man-slaughter. [S.]]

The Earl of Strafford, who had come to England in May last,[27] in order to give Her Majesty an account of the disposition of affairs in Holland, was now returning with her last instructions, to let the Dutch minister know, "That some points would probably meet with difficulties not to be overcome, which once might have been easily obtained: To shew what evil consequences had already flowed from their delay and irresolution, and to entreat them to fix on some proposition, reasonable in itself, as well as possible to be effected: That the Queen would insist upon the cession of Tournay by France, provided the States would concur in finishing the peace, without starting new objections, or insisting upon farther points: That the French demands, in favour of the Elector of Bavaria, appeared to be such as, the Queen was of opinion, the States ought to agree to; which were, to leave the Elector in possession of Luxembourg, Namur, and Charleroy, subject to the terms of their barrier, until he should be restored to his electorate; and to give him the kingdom of Sardinia, to efface the stain of his degradation in the electoral college: That the earl had brought over a project of a new Treaty of Succession and Barrier, which Her Majesty insisted the States should sign, before the conclusion of the peace; the former treaty having been disadvantageous to her subjects, containing in it the seeds of future dissensions, and condemned by the sense of the nation. Lastly, That Her Majesty, notwithstanding all provocations, had, for the sake of the Dutch, and in hopes of their recovery from those false notions which had so long misled them, hitherto kept the negotiations open: That the offers now made them were her last, and this the last time she would apply to them: That they must either agree, or expect the Queen would proceed immediately to conclude her treaty with France and Spain, in conjunction with such of her allies as would think fit to adhere to her.

[Footnote 27: "Come to England in … last" in original edition. The word "May" was supplied in the edition of 1775. [W.S.J.]]

"As to Savoy, that the Queen expected the States would concur with her in making good the advantages stipulated for that duke, and in prevailing with the Emperor to consent to an absolute neutrality in Italy, until the peace should be concluded."

The governing party in Holland, however in appearance disposed to finish, affected new delays, and raised many difficulties about the four species of goods, which the French had excepted out of the tariff. Count Zinzendorf, the Emperor's plenipotentiary, did all that was possible to keep up this humour in the Dutch, in hopes to put them under a necessity of preparing for the next campaign; and some time after went so far in this pursuit, that he summoned the several ministers of the empire, and told them he had letters from his master, with orders to signify to them, "That his Imperial Majesty resolved to begin the campaign early, with all his forces united against France; of which he desired they would send notice to all their courts, that the several princes might be ready to furnish their contingents and recruits." At the same time Zinzendorf endeavoured to borrow two millions of florins upon the security of some imperial cities; but could not succeed either amongst the Jews or at Amsterdam.

When the Earl of Strafford arrived at Utrecht, the lord privy seal and he communicated to the Dutch ministers the new Treaty for a Succession and Barrier, as the Queen had ordered it to be prepared here in England, differing from the former in several points of the greatest moment, obvious to any who will be at the pains to compare them. This was strenuously opposed for several weeks by the plenipotentiaries of the States; but the province of Utrecht, where the congress was held, immediately sent orders to their representatives at The Hague, to declare their province thankful to the Queen; that they agreed the peace should be made on the terms proposed by France, and consented to the new projected Treaty of Barrier and Succession: and about the close of the year, one thousand seven hundred and twelve, four of the seven provinces, had delivered their opinions for putting an end to the war.

This unusual precipitation in the States, so different from the whole tenor of their former conduct, was very much suspected by the British plenipotentiaries. Their Lordships had received intelligence, that the Dutch ministers held frequent conferences with those of France, and had offered to settle their interests with that crown, without the concurrence of Britain. Count Zinzendorf, and his colleagues, appeared likewise, all on the sudden, to have the same dispositions, and to be in great haste to settle their several differences with the States. The reasons for this proceeding were visible enough; many difficulties were yet undetermined in the treaty of commerce between Her Majesty and France, for the adjusting of which, and some other points, the Queen had lately dispatched the Duke of Shrewsbury to that court. Some of these were of hard digestion, with which the Most Christian King would not be under a necessity of complying, when he had no farther occasion for us, and might, upon that account, afford better terms to the other two powers. Besides, the Emperor and the States could very well spare Her Majesty the honour of being arbitrator of a general peace; and the latter hoped by this means, to avoid the new Treaty of Barrier and Succession, which we were now forcing on them.

To prevent the consequences of this evil, there fortunately fell out an incident, which the two lords at Utrecht knew well how to make use of: the quarrel between Mons. Mesnager and Count Rechteren (formerly mentioned) had not yet been made up. The French and Dutch differing in some circumstances, about the satisfaction to be given by the count for the affront he had offered, the British plenipotentiaries kept this dispute on foot for several days; and, in the mean time, pressed the Dutch to finish the new Treaty of Barrier and Succession between Her Majesty and them, which, about the middle of January, was concluded fully to the Queen's satisfaction.

But while these debates and differences continued at the congress, the Queen resolved to put a speedy end to her part in the war; she therefore sent orders to the lord privy seal, and the Earl of Stafford, to prepare every thing necessary for signing her own treaty with France. This she hoped might be done against the meeting of her Parliament, now prorogued to the third of February; in which time, those among the allies, who were really inclined towards a peace, might settle their several interests by the assistance and support of Her Majesty's plenipotentiaries; and as for the rest, who would either refuse to comply, or endeavour to protract the negotiation, the heads of their respective demands, which France had yielded by Her Majesty's intervention, and agreeable to the plan laid down in her speech, should be mentioned in the treaty, and a time limited for the several powers concerned to receive or reject them.

The Pretender was not yet gone out of France, upon some difficulties alleged by the French, about procuring him a safe conduct to Bar-le-duc, in the Duke of Lorraine's dominions, where it was then proposed he should reside. The Queen, altogether bent upon quieting the minds of her subjects, declared, she would not sign the peace till that person were removed; although several wise men believed he could be no where less dangerous to Britain, than in the place where he was.

The argument which most prevailed on the States to sign the new Treaty of Barrier and Succession with Britain, was Her Majesty's promise to procure Tournay for them from France; after which, no more differences remained between us and that republic, and consequently they had no farther temptations to any separate transactions with the French, who thereupon began to renew their litigious and haughty manner of treating with the Dutch. The satisfaction they extorted for the affront given by Count Rechteren to Mons. Mesnager, although somewhat softened by the British ministers at Utrecht, was yet so rigorous, that Her Majesty could not forbear signifying her resentment of it to the Most Christian King. Mons. Mesnager, who seemed to have more the genius of a merchant than a minister, began, in his conferences with the plenipotentiaries of the States, to raise new disputes upon points which both we and they had reckoned upon as wholly settled. The Abbé de Polignac, a most accomplished person, of great generosity and universal understanding, was gone to France to receive the cardinal's cap; and the Maréchal d'Uxelles was wholly guided by his colleague, Mons. Mesnager, who kept up those brangles, that for a time obstructed the peace; some of which were against all justice, and others of small importance, both of very little advantage to his country, and less to the reputation of his master or himself. This low talent in business, which the Cardinal de Polignac used, in contempt, to call a "spirit of negotiating," made it impossible for the two lords plenipotentiaries, with all their abilities and experience, to bring Mesnager to reason, in several points both with us and the States: his concessions were few and constrained, serving only to render him more tenacious of what he refused. In several of the towns, which the States were to keep, he insisted that France should retain the chatellanies, or extent of country depending on them, particularly that of Tournay; a demand the more unjustifiable, because he knew his master had not only proceeded directly contrary, but had erected a court in his kingdom, where his own judges extended the territories about those towns he had taken, as far as he pleased to direct them. Mons. Mesnager showed equal obstinacy in what his master expected for the Elector of Bavaria, and in refusing the tariff of one thousand six hundred and sixty-four: so that the Queen's plenipotentiaries represented these difficulties as what might be of dangerous consequence, both to the peace in general, and to the States in particular, if they were not speedily prevented.

Upon these considerations Her Majesty thought it her shortest and safest course to apply directly to France, where she had then so able a minister as the Duke of Shrewsbury.[28]

[Footnote 28: Shrewsbury had been appointed the Duke of Hamilton's successor. [T.S.]]

The Marquis de Torcy, secretary to the Most Christian King, was the minister with whom the Duke was to treat, as having been the first who moved his master to apply to the Queen for a peace, in opposition to a violent faction in that kingdom, who were as eagerly bent to continue the war, as any other could be either here or in Holland.

It would be very unlike a historian, to refuse this great minister the praise he so justly deserveth, of having treated, through the whole course of so great a negotiation, with the utmost candour and integrity; never once failing in any promise he made, and tempering a firm zeal to his master's interest, with a ready compliance to what was reasonable and just. Mr. Prior, whom I have formerly mentioned, resided likewise now at Paris, with the character of minister plenipotentiary, and was very acceptable to that court, upon the score of his wit and humour.[29]

[Footnote 29: P. Fitzgerald adds, "as well as useful to Her Majesty by his knowledge and dexterity in the management of affairs." [W.S.J.]]

The Duke of Shrewsbury was directed to press the French court upon the points yet unsettled in the treaty of commerce between both crowns; to make them drop their unreasonable demands for the Elector of Bavaria; to let them know, that the Queen was resolved not to forsake her allies who were now ready to come in; that she thought the best way of hastening the general peace, was to determine her own particular one with France, until which time she could not conveniently suffer her Parliament to meet.

The States were, by this time, so fully convinced of the Queen's sincerity and affection to their republic, and how much they had been deceived by the insinuations of the factious party in England, that they wrote a very humble letter to Her Majesty, to desire her assistance towards settling those points they had in dispute with France, and professing themselves ready to acquiesce in whatever explanation Her Majesty would please to make of the plan proposed in her speech to the Parliament.

But the Queen had already prevented their desires; and in the beginning of February, one thousand seven hundred and twelve-thirteen, directed the Duke of Shrewsbury to inform the French court, "That since she had prevailed on her allies, the Dutch, to drop the demand of Condé, and the other of the four species of goods, which the French had excepted out of the tariff of one thousand six hundred and sixty-four, she would not sign without them: That she approved of the Dutch insisting to have the chatellanies restored, with the towns, and was resolved to stand or fall with them, until they were satisfied in this point."

Her Majesty had some apprehensions, that the French created these difficulties on purpose to spin out the treaty, until the campaign should begin. They thought it absolutely necessary, that our Parliament should meet in a few weeks, which could not well be ventured, until the Queen were able to tell both Houses, that her own peace was signed: That this would not only facilitate what remained in difference between Britain and France, but leave the Dutch entirely at the mercy of the latter.

The Queen, weary of these refined mistakes in the French politics, and fully resolved to be trifled with no longer, sent her determinate orders to the Duke of Shrewsbury, to let France know, "That Her Majesty had hitherto prorogued her Parliament, in hopes of accommodating the difficulties in her own treaties of peace and commerce with that crown, as well as settling the interests of her several allies; or, at least, that the differences in the former being removed, the Most Christian King would have made such offers for the latter, as might justify Her Majesty in signing her own peace, whether the confederates intended to sign theirs or no. But several points being yet unfinished between both crowns, and others between France and the rest of the allies, especially the States, to which the plenipotentiaries of that court at Utrecht had not thought fit to give satisfaction; the Queen was now come to a final determination, both with relation to her own kingdoms, and to the whole alliance: That the campaign approaching, she would not willingly be surprised in case the war was to go on: That she had transmitted to the Duke of Shrewsbury her last resolutions, and never would be prevailed on to reduce her own demands, or those of her allies, any lower than the scheme now sent over, as an explanation of the plan laid down in her speech: That Her Majesty had sent orders to her plenipotentiaries at Utrecht, to assume the character of ambassadors, and sign the peace immediately with the ministers of the Most Christian King, as soon as the Duke of Shrewsbury should have sent them notice that the French had complied: That the Queen had therefore farther prorogued her Parliament to the third of March, in hopes to assure them, by that time, of her peace being agreed on; for if the two Houses should meet, while any uncertainty remained, supplies must be asked as for a war."

The Duke of Shrewsbury[30] executed this important commission with that speed and success, which could only be expected from an able minister. The French King immediately yielded to the whole scheme Her Majesty proposed; whereupon directions were sent to the lord privy seal, and the Earl of Strafford, to sign a peace between Great Britain and France, without delay.

[Footnote 30: Swift writes to Abp. King, October 20th, 1713, that the Duke of Shrewsbury "is the finest gentleman we have, and of an excellent understanding and capacity for business" (Scott's edition, xvi. 71). See also Swift's remarks in "The Examiner," No. 27 (vol. ix, of this edition, p. 171), and note in vol. v., p. 377. [W.S.J.]]

Upon the second day of March, the two British plenipotentiaries met those of the allies in the town-house at Utrecht; where the lord privy seal addressed himself to them in a short speech, "That the negotiation had now continued fourteen months with great slowness, which had proved very injurious to the interests of the allies: That the Queen had stayed thus long, and stopped the finishing of her own peace, rather than leave her allies in any uncertainty: That she hoped they would now be all prepared to put an end to this great work; and therefore had commanded her plenipotentiaries to tell those of the allies, That she found it necessary to conclude her own treaty immediately; and it was her opinion, that the confederates ought to finish theirs at the same time, to which they were now accordingly invited by Her Majesty's orders." And lastly, his lordship declared, in the Queen's name, "That whoever could not be ready on the day prefixed, should have a convenient time allowed them to come in."

Although the orders sent by the Queen to her plenipotentiaries were very precise, yet their lordships did not precipitate the performance of them. They were directed to appoint as short a day for the signing as they conveniently could; but, however, the particular day was left to their discretion. They hoped to bring over the Dutch, and most of the other allies, to conclude at the same time with the Queen; which, as it would certainly be more popular to their country, so they conceived it would be more safe for themselves: besides, upon looking over their commission, a scruple sprang in their minds, that they could not sign a particular peace with France; their powers, as they apprehended, authorizing them only to sign a general one. Their lordships therefore sent to England to desire new powers,[31] and, in the mean time, employed themselves with great industry, between the ministers of France and those of the several allies, to find some expedient for smoothing the way to an agreement among them.

[Footnote 31: "Lord Bolingbroke, who says he has not sagacity enough to find the objections that the plenipotentiaries had made to their first full powers, for their satisfaction, sends them a new commission, and repeats to them positive orders to sign and conclude with France…. These difficulties of the plenipotentiaries made my lord treasurer, who never failed to exert himself when he found it absolutely necessary, think it high time to interpose his authority;…. and as his lordship never yet appeared in vain, all further obstructions at Utrecht were after this soon removed." ("Report from the Committee of Secrecy," 1715, pp. 103, 104.) [N.]]

The Earl of Strafford went for a few days to The Hague, to inform the States of Her Majesty's express commands to his colleague and himself, for signing the peace as soon as possible; and to desire they would be ready at the same time: which the pensionary promised; and that their plenipotentiaries should be empowered accordingly, to the great contentment of Mons. Buys, who was now so much altered, either in reality, or appearance, that he complained to the Earl of Mons. Heinsius's slowness; and charged all the delays and mismanagements of a twelvemonth past to that minister's account.

While the Earl of Strafford stayed at The Hague, he discovered that an emissary of the Duke of Marlborough's had been there some days before, sent by his grace to dissuade the Dutch from signing at the same time with the ministers of the Queen, which, in England, would at least have the appearance of a separate peace, and oblige their British friends, who knew how to turn so short a delay to very good account, as well as gratify the Emperor; on whom, it was alleged, they ought to rely much more than on Her Majesty. One of the States likewise told the Earl, "That the same person, employed by the Duke, was then in conference with the magistrates of Rotterdam (which town had declared for the continuance of the war), to assure them, if they would hold off a little, they should see an unexpected turn in the British Parliament: That the Duke of Marlborough had a list of the discontented members in both Houses, who were ready to turn against the court; and, to crown all, that his grace had certain intelligence of the Queen being in so ill a state of health, as made it impossible for her to live above six weeks." So restless and indefatigable is avarice and ambition, when inflamed by a desire of revenge.

But representations, which had been so often tried, were now offered too late. Most of the allies, except the Emperor, were willing to put an end to the war upon Her Majesty's plan; and the further delay of three weeks must be chiefly imputed to that litigious manner of treating, peculiar to the French; whose plenipotentiaries at Utrecht insisted with obstinacy upon many points, which at Paris Mons. de Torcy had given up.

The Emperor expected to keep all he already possessed in Italy; that Port Longue,[32] on the Tuscan coast, should be delivered to him by France; and, lastly, that he should not be obliged to renounce Spain. But the Queen, as well as France, thought that his Imperial Majesty ought to sit down contented with his partage of Naples and Milan; and to restore those territories in Italy, which he had taken from the rightful proprietors, and by the possession of which he was grown dangerous to the Italian princes, by reviving antiquated claims upon them.

[Footnote 32: Portolongone, in the island of Elba, opposite the Tuscan coast. [W.S.J.]]

This Prince had likewise objected to Her Majesty's expedient of suffering the Elector of Bavaria to retain Luxembourg, under certain conditions, by way of security, until his electorate were restored. But the Queen, supposing that these affected delays were intended only with a view of continuing the war, resolved to defer the peace no longer on the Emperor's account.

In the middle of March, one thousand seven hundred and twelve-thirteen, a courier arrived at Utrecht from France, with the plan of a general peace, as it had been agreed between the Duke of Shrewsbury and Mons. de Torcy; wherein every particular, relating to the interests and pretensions of the several allies, was brought so near to what each of them would accept, that the British plenipotentiaries hoped the peace would be general in ten or twelve days. The Portuguese and Dutch were already prepared, and others were daily coming in, by means of their lordships' good offices, who found Mons. Mesnager and his colleague very stubborn to the last. Another courier was dispatched to France, upon some disputes about inserting the titles of Her Majesty and the Most Christian King, and to bring a general plan for the interests of those allies, who should not be ready against the time prefixed. The French renunciations were now arrived at Utrecht, and it was agreed, that those, as well as that of the King of Spain, should be inserted at length in every treaty, by which means the whole confederacy would become guaranties of them.

The courier, last sent to France, returned to Utrecht on the twenty-seventh of March, with the concessions of that court upon every necessary point; so that, all things being ready for putting a period to this great and difficult work, the lord privy seal and the Earl of Strafford gave notice to the ministers of the several allies, "That their lordships had appointed Tuesday the thirty-first instant, wherein to sign a treaty of peace, and a treaty of commerce, between the Queen of Great Britain, their mistress, and the Most Christian King; and hoped the said allies would be prepared, at the same time, to follow their example." Accordingly their lordships employed the three intervening days, in smoothing the few difficulties that remained between the French ministers and those of the several confederate powers.

The important day being now come, the Lord Bishop of Bristol and the Earl of Strafford, having assumed the character of ambassadors extraordinary,[33] gave a memorial in behalf of the French Protestants to the Maréchal d'Uxelles and his colleague, who were to transmit it to their court; and these delivered to the British ambassadors a declaration in writing, that the Pretender was actually gone out of France.

[Footnote 33: To avoid the parade of ceremony, they had hitherto been considered only as plenipotentiaries. [N.]]

The conditions of peace to be allowed the Emperor and the empire, as adjusted between Britain and France, were now likewise delivered to the Count Zinzendorf. These and some other previous matters of smaller consequence being finished, the treaties of peace and commerce between Her Majesty of Britain and the Most Christian King, were signed at the lord privy seal's house between two and three of the clock in the afternoon. The ministers of the Duke of Savoy signed about an hour after. Then the assembly adjourned to the Earl of Stafford's, where they all went to dinner; and about nine at night the peace was signed by the ministers of Portugal, by those of Prussia at eleven, and when it was near midnight by the States.

Thus after all the opposition raised by a strong party in France, and by a virulent faction in Britain; after all the artifices of those who presided at The Hague, and, for their private interest, endeavoured, in conjunction with their friends in England, to prolong the war; after the restless endeavours of the imperial court to render the treaty ineffectual; the firm steady conduct of the Queen, the wisdom and courage of her ministry, and the abilities of those whom she employed in her negotiations abroad, prevailed to have a peace signed in one day by every power concerned, except that of the Emperor and the empire; for his Imperial Majesty liked his situation too well to think of a peace, while the drudgery and expenses of the war lay upon other shoulders, and the advantages were to redound only to himself.

During this whole negotiation, the King of Spain, who was not acknowledged by any of the confederates, had consequently no minister at Utrecht; but the differences between Her Majesty and that prince were easily settled by the Lord Lexington at Madrid, and the Marquis of Monteleon here: so that upon the Duke d'Ossuna's arrival at the congress, some days after the peace, he was ready to conclude a treaty between the Queen and his master. Neither is it probable that the Dutch, or any other ally, except the Emperor, will encounter any difficulties of moment, to retard their several treaties with his Catholic Majesty.

The treaties of peace and commerce between Britain and France, were ratified here on the seventh of April; on the twenty-eighth the ratifications were exchanged; and on the fifth of May the peace was proclaimed in the usual manner; but with louder acclamations, and more extraordinary rejoicings of the people, than had ever been remembered on the like occasion.[34]

[Footnote: 34 The treaty was brought to England by George St. John,
Bolingbroke's young brother, who arrived with it in London on Good
Friday, 3rd April, 1713. [T.S.]]

[It need hardly be observed, that this history is left incomplete by the author. [S.] Sir Walter Scott's note hardly agrees with Swift's own statement to Stella. Writing under date May 16th, 1713, he says: "I have just finished my Treatise, and must be ten days correcting it." It is evident that Swift did not intend to write a "History of the Four Last Years of Queen Anne's Reign." A better title for this work would be the title originally given it, namely, "History of the Peace of Utrecht." In the letter already quoted from Erasmus Lewis, Swift's account of the negotiations for the peace are thus remarked upon: "That part of it which relates to the negotiations of peace, whether at London or at Utrecht, they admire exceedingly, and declare they never yet saw that, or any other transaction, drawn up with so much perspicuity, or in a style so entertaining and instructive to the reader in every respect." [T.S.]]

***** ***** ***** ***** *****

AN ABSTRACT

OF THE

HISTORY OF ENGLAND,

FROM THE INVASION OF IT BY JULIUS CAESAR

TO THE REIGN OF HENRY THE SECOND.

NOTE.

The Abstract of the History of England here reprinted calls for little or no comment. It is but a dry relation of events with no touch in the recital of any of those qualities which characterize Swift's writings. The facts were evidently obtained from the old chroniclers. What object Swift had in writing this Abstract is not known. If the dedication to the Count de Gyllenborg truly states his intention, it must be confessed that the "foreigners, and gentlemen of our own country" had not much upon which to congratulate themselves. Why Swift should have chosen the Count de Gyllenborg to whom to address the dedication must also remain a matter for conjecture. The Count had been sent out of the British Isles for instigating a conspiracy for a Jacobite insurrection in Great Britain. Swift wrote his dedication three years after the Count's expulsion. Knowing that the Count's master, Charles XII. of Sweden, had been a party to the plot, he yet writes in a most amiable tone of friendliness towards both, with a parenthetical sneer at "his present Britannic Majesty." Undoubtedly this dedication might easily and fairly be taken as strong presumptive evidence of a leaning on Swift's part towards the Pretender. It will, however, be more truly interpreted, if it be considered as an expression of contempt for the King of England and the ministry in power.

The text of the present reprint is that given by Deane Swift from his edition of his kinsman's works issued in 1765 and 1768 (4to edit, vols. viii. and xiii.). Deane Swift thought that the narratives of Rufus, Henry I. and Stephen, would "appear to be such a model of English history, as will make all men of taste, and especially foreigners, regret that he pursued his plan no further."

[T.S.]

TO THE COUNT DE GYLLENBORG.[1]

[Footnote 1: Charles, Count Gyllenborg (1679-1746), was Swedish
Ambassador at London 1710-16. He then joined in a Jacobite plot, was
arrested in January, 1716-7, and expelled the kingdom in August, 1717.
He afterwards filled high offices in his own country. [W.S.J.]]

Dublin in Ireland, Nov. 2, 1719.

SIR,

It is now about sixteen years since I first entertained the design of writing a History of England, from the beginning of William Rufus to the end of Queen Elizabeth; such a History, I mean, as appears to be most wanted by foreigners, and gentlemen of our own country; not a voluminous work, nor properly an abridgement, but an exact relation of the most important affairs and events, without any regard to the rest. My intention was to inscribe it to the King[2] your late master, for whose great virtues I had ever the highest veneration, as I shall continue to bear to his memory. I confess it is with some disdain that I observe great authors descending to write any dedications at all: and for my own part, when I looked round on all the princes of Europe, I could think of none who might deserve that distinction from me, besides the King your master; (for I say nothing of his present Britannic Majesty, to whose person and character I am an utter stranger, and like to continue so) neither can I be suspected of flattery on this point, since it was some years after that I had the honour of an invitation to his court, before you were employed as his minister in England, which I heartily repent that I did not accept; whereby, as you can be my witness, I might have avoided some years' uneasiness and vexation, during the last four years of our late excellent Queen, as well as a long melancholy prospect since, in a most obscure disagreeable country, and among a most profligate and abandoned people.

[Footnote 2: Charles XII., King of Sweden, who was killed in 1718. [D.
S.]]

I was diverted from pursuing this History, partly by the extreme difficulty, but chiefly by the indignation I conceived at the proceedings of a faction, which then prevailed; and the papers lay neglected in my cabinet until you saw me in England; when you know how far I was engaged in thoughts and business of another kind. Upon Her Majesty's lamented death, I returned to my station in this kingdom; since which time there is not a northern curate among you who hath lived more obscure than myself, or a greater stranger to the commonest transactions of the world. It is but very lately that I found the following papers, which I had almost forgotten. I publish them now, for two reasons; first, for an encouragement to those who have more youth,[3] and leisure, and good temper than I, towards pursuing the work as far as it was intended by me, or as much further as they please; the second reason is, to have an opportunity of declaring the profound respect I have for the memory of your royal master, and the sincere regard and friendship I bear to yourself; for I must bring to your mind how proud I was to distinguish you among all the foreign ministers, with whom I had the honour to be acquainted. I am a witness of the zeal you shewed not only for the honour and interest of your master, but for the advantage of the Protestant religion in Germany, and how knowingly and feelingly you often spoke to me upon that subject. We all loved you, as possessed of every quality that could adorn an English gentleman, and esteemed you as a faithful subject to your prince, and an able negotiator; neither shall any reverse of fortune have power to lessen you either in my friendship or esteem: and I must take leave to assure you further, that my affection towards persons hath not been at all diminished by the frown of power upon them. Those whom you and I once thought great and good men, continue still so in my eyes and my heart; only with a * * * * * *

Caetera desiderantur.

[Footnote 3: The author was then in his fifty-second year. [D.S.]]

AN ABSTRACT OF THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND, FROM THE INVASION OF IT BY JULIUS CAESAR TO WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR.

Britons.
Heathens.

The most ancient account we have of Britain is, that the island was full of inhabitants, divided into several petty kingdoms, as most nations of the world appear to have been at first. The bodies of the Britons were painted with a sky-coloured blue, either as an ornament or else for terror to their enemies. In their religion they were heathens, as all the world was before Christ, except the Jews.

Druids.

Their priests were called Druids: These lived in hollow trees, and committed not their mysteries to writing, but delivered them down by tradition, whereby they were in time wholly lost.

The Britons had wives in common, so many to a particular tribe or society, and the children were in common to that society.

About fifty years before Christ, Julius Caesar, the first Roman Emperor, having conquered Gaul or France, invaded Britain rather to increase his glory than conquests; for having overcome the natives in one or two battles, he returned.

Claudius.
Nero.

The next invasion of Britain by the Romans (then masters of most of the known world) was in the reign of the Emperor Claudius; but it was not wholly subdued till that of Nero. It was governed by lieutenants, or deputies, sent from Rome, as Ireland is now by deputies from England; and continued thus under the Romans for about 460 years; till that empire being invaded by the Goths and Vandals, the Romans were forced not only to recall their own armies, but also to draw from hence the bravest of the Britons, for their assistance against those barbarians.

Picts.
Picts' Wall.

The Roman conquests in this island reached no further northward than to that part of Scotland where Stirling and Glasgow are seated: The region beyond was held not worth the conquering: It was inhabited by a barbarous people, called Caledonians and Picts; who, being a rough fierce nation, daily infested the British borders. Therefore the Emperor Severus built a wall, from Stirling to Glasgow, to prevent the invasions of the Picts: It is commonly called the Picts' Wall.

A.D. 455. Saxons.

These Picts and Caledonians, or Scots, encouraged by the departure of the Romans, do now cruelly infest and invade the Britons by sea and land: The Britons choose Vortigern for their king, who was forced to invite the Saxons (a fierce Northern people) to assist him against those barbarians. The Saxons came over, and beat the Picts in several battles; but, at last, pick quarrels with the Britons themselves; and, after a long war, drive them into the mountains of Wales and Cornwall, and establish themselves in seven kingdoms in Britain, (by them now called England). These seven kingdoms are usually styled the Saxon Heptarchy.

A.D. 460. Arthur.

About this time lived King Arthur (if the whole story be not a fable) who was so famous for beating the Saxons in several battles.

A.D. 600. Austin.

The Britons received Christianity very early, and, as is reported, from some of the Disciples themselves: So that, when the Romans left Britain, the Britons were generally Christians. But the Saxons were heathens, till Pope Gregory the Great sent over hither Austin the monk, by whom Ethelbert king of the South-Saxons, and his subjects, were converted to Christianity; and the whole island soon followed the example.

A.D. 819. Egbert.

[Footnote 4: The edition of 1765 gives the date as 819, but according to
Dr. Stubbs, Egbert became bretwalda in 828. [W.S.J.]]

After many various revolutions in this island among the kingdoms of the Saxons, Egbert, descended from the West-Saxon kings, became sole monarch of England.

Angles.

The language in Britain was British, (now called Welsh) or Latin; but, with the Saxons, English came in (although extremely different from what it is now). The present names of towns, shires, &c. were given by them; and the whole kingdom was called England from the Angles, who were a branch of the Saxons.

Danes.

As soon as the Saxons were settled, the Danes began to trouble and invade them, as they (the Saxons) had before done the Britons.

These Danes came out of Germany, Denmark, and Norway, a rough warlike people, little different from the Saxons to whom they were nigh neighbours.

Edgar.

After many invasions from the Danes, Edgar King of England sets forth the first navy. He was entitled King of all Albion, (an old name of this island) and was the first absolute monarch.

He made peace with the Danes, and allowed them to live in his dominions mixed with the English.

In this prince's time there were five kings in Wales, who all did him homage for their country.

A.D. 978. Danes massacred.

These Danes began first to make their invasions here about the year 800, which they after renewed at several times, and under several leaders, and were as often repulsed. They used to come with vast numbers of ships, burn and ravage before them, as the cities of London, Winchester, &c. Encouraged by success and prey, they often wintered in England, fortifying themselves in the northern parts, from whence they cruelly infested the Saxon kings. In process of time they mixed with the English (as was said before) and lived under the Saxon government: But Ethelred, then King of England, growing weary of the Danish insolence, a conspiracy is formed, and the Danes are massacred in one day all over England.

Sweyn.

Four years after, Sweyn, King of Denmark, to revenge the death of his subjects, invades England; and, after battles fought and much cruelty exercised, he subdues the whole kingdom, forcing Ethelred to fly into Normandy.

Canutus.

Sweyn dying, his son Canutus succeeds in the kingdom; but Ethelred returning with an army, Canutus is forced to withdraw to Denmark for succour.

Ethelred dies, and his son Edmond Ironside succeeds; but, Canutus returning with fresh forces from Denmark, after several battles, the kingdom is parted between them both. Edmond dying, his sons are sent beyond sea by Canutus, who now is sole King of England.

King's evil.

Hardicanute, the last Danish king, dying without issue, Edward, son of Ethelred, is chosen king. For his great holiness, he was surnamed the Confessor, and sainted after his death. He was the first of our princes that attempted to cure the king's evil by touching. He first introduced what is now called the Common Law. In his time began the mode and humour among the English gentry, of using the French tongue and fashions, in compliance with the king, who had been bred up in Normandy.

The Danish government in England lasted but twenty-six years, under three kings.

Harold.

Edward the Confessor married the daughter of Earl Godwin, an English nobleman of great power, but of Danish extraction; but, wanting issue, he appointed Edgar Atheling, grandson to his brother, to succeed him, and Harold, son of Earl Godwin, to be governor of the young prince. But, upon Edward's death, Harold neglected Edgar Atheling, and usurped the crown for himself.

Edward, while he was in Normandy, met so good reception, that it was said he made a promise to that duke, that, in case he recovered his kingdom, and died without issue, he would leave it to him. Edward dying, William Duke of Normandy sends to Harold to claim the crown; but Harold, now in possession, resolves to keep it. Upon which Duke William, having prepared a mighty fleet and army, invades England, lands at Hastings, and sets fire to his fleet, to cut off all hope from his men of returning. To Harold he sent his messenger, demanding the kingdom and his subjection: But Harold returned him this answer, "That, unless he departed his land, he would make him sensible of his just displeasure." So Harold advanced his forces into Sussex, within seven miles of his enemy. The Norman Duke, to save the effusion of blood, sent these offers to Harold; either wholly to resign the kingdom to him, or to try the quarrel with him in single combat. To this Harold did not agree.

A.D. 1066.

Then the battle joined. The Normans had gotten the worst, if it had not been for a stratagem they invented, which got them the day. In this engagement Harold was killed, and William Duke of Normandy became King of England, under the name of William the Conqueror.

THE REIGN OF WILLIAM THE SECOND,

SURNAMED RUFUS.

At the time of the Conqueror's death, his eldest son Robert, upon some discontent with his father, being absent in France,[5] William, the second son, made use of this juncture, and without attending his father's funeral, hastened to England, where, pursuant to the will of the deceased prince,[6] the nobility, although more inclined to favour Robert, were prevailed with to admit him King, partly by his promises to abate the rigour of the late reign, and restore the laws and liberties which had been then abolished, but chiefly by the credit and solicitations of Lanfranc; for that prelate had formerly a share in his education, and always a great affection for his person. At Winchester he took possession of his father's treasure,[7] in obedience to whose command, as well as to ingratiate himself with the people, he distributed it among churches and religious houses, and applied it to the redeeming of prisoners, and other acts of popularity.

[Footnote 5: He was then at Abbeville in Picardy. [D.S.]]

[Footnote 6: William the Conqueror left Normandy to his son Robert; but said of England: "So it pleased God, he should be glad that William, his obedient and best beloved son, should enjoy it after his death." [D. S.]]

[Footnote 7: Which was sixty thousand pounds in silver, besides gold, jewels, and plate.—BROMPTON. [D.S.]]

In the mean time Robert returned to Normandy, took possession of that duchy, with great applause and content of his people, and, spited at the indignity done him by his father, and the usurpation of his brother in consequence thereof, prepared a great fleet and army to invade England; nor did there want an occasion to promote his interest, if the slowness, the softness, and credulity of his nature, could have suffered him to make a right improvement of it.

Odo Bishop of Bayeux,[8] of whom frequent mention is made in the preceding reign,[9] a prelate of incurable ambition, either on account of his age or character being restored to his liberty and possessions in England, grew into envy and discontent, upon seeing Lanfranc preferred before him by the new King in his favour and ministry. He therefore formed a conspiracy with several nobles of Norman birth to depose the King, and sent an invitation to Robert to hasten over. Mean time the conspirators, in order to distract the King's forces, seized on several parts of England at once; Bristol, Norwich, Leicester, Worcester, Shrewsbury, Bath, and Durham, were secured by several noblemen: Odo himself seized Rochester, reduced the coasts of Kent, and sent messages to Robert to make all possible speed.

[Footnote 8: Odo was half brother to William the Conqueror. [D.S.]]

[Footnote 9: Sir W. Temple wrote "An Introduction to the History of England." As it only extended to the death of William the Conqueror it is probable that it is what is here referred to. It will be found in vol. ii. of Sir W. Temple's "Works," edited by Swift. [W.S.J.]]

The King alarmed at these many and sudden defections, thought it his best course to begin his defence by securing the good will of the people. He redressed many grievances, eased them of certain oppressive taxes and tributes, gave liberty to hunt in his forest, with other marks of indulgence, which however forced from him by the necessity of the time, he had the skill or fortune so to order as they neither lost their good grace nor effect; for immediately after he raised great forces both by land and sea, marched into Kent, where the chief body of his enemies was in arms, recovered Tunbridge and Pevensey, in the latter of which Odo himself was taken prisoner, and forced to accompany the King to Rochester. This city refusing to surrender at the King's summons, Odo undertook to prevail with the obstinacy of the inhabitants; but being admitted into the town, was there detained, either by a real or seeming force; however, the King provoked at their stubbornness and fraud, soon compelled them to yield, retook his prisoner, and forcing him for ever to abjure England, sent him into Normandy.

By these actions, performed with such great celerity and success, the preparations of Duke Robert were wholly disappointed, himself, by the necessity of his affairs, compelled to a treaty with his brother, upon the terms of a small pension, and a mutual promise of succeeding to each other's dominions on failure of issue, forced to resign his pretensions, and return with a shattered fleet to Normandy.

About this time died Archbishop Lanfranc; by whose death the King, loosed from that awe and constraint he was under, soon began to discover those irregularities of his nature, which till then he had suppressed and disguised, falling into those acts of oppression and extortion that have made his name and memory infamous. He kept the see of Canterbury four years vacant, and converted the revenues to his own use, together with those of several other bishoprics and abbeys, and disposed all church preferments to the highest bidder. Nor were his exactions less upon the laity, from whom he continually extorted exorbitant fines for pretended transgression of certain penal laws, and entertained informers to observe men's actions and bring him intelligence.

It is here worth observation, that these corrupt proceedings of the prince have, in the opinion of several learned men, given rise to two customs, which are a long time grown to have the force of laws. For, first the successors of this King, continuing the custom of seizing on the accruing rents in the vacancy of sees and abbeys, it grew in process of time to be exacted as a right, or acknowledgment to the King as founder; whence the revenues of vacant bishoprics belong at this day to the crown. The second custom had an original not unlike. Several persons, to avoid the persecutions of the King's informers, and other instruments of oppression, withdrew themselves and their effects to foreign countries; upon which the King issued a proclamation, forbidding all men to leave the kingdom without his licence; from whence, in the judgment of the same authors, the writ ne exeat regno had its beginning.

By these and the like arbitrary methods having amassed great treasures, and finding all things quiet at home, he raised a powerful army to invade his brother in Normandy; but upon what ground or pretext, the writers of that age are not very exact; whether it were from a principle frequent among unjust princes, That old oppressions are best justified by new; or, whether having a talent for sudden enterprises, and justly apprehending the resentments of Duke Robert, he thought it the wiser course to prevent injuries than to revenge them. In this expedition he took several cities and castles from his brother, and would have proceeded further, if Robert had not desired and obtained the assistance of Philip King of France, who came with an army to his relief. King William not thinking it safe or prudent to proceed further against his enemy supported by so great an ally, yet loth to lose the fruits of his time and valour, fell upon a known and old expedient, which no prince ever practised oftener, or with greater success, and that was, to buy off the French King with a sum of money. This had its effect; for that prince not able to oppose such powerful arms, immediately withdrew himself and his forces, leaving the two brothers to concert the measures of a peace.

This was treated and agreed with great advantages on the side of King William; for he kept all the towns he had taken, obliged his brother to banish Edgar Atheling out of Normandy, and, for a further security, brought over with him to England the Duke himself to attend him in his expedition against Malcolm King of Scotland, who during his absence had invaded the borders. The King having raised great forces both by sea and land, went in person to repel the inroads of the Scots: but the enterprise was without success; for the greatest part of his fleet was destroyed by a tempest, and his army very much diminished by sickness and famine, which forced him to a peace of little honour; by which, upon the condition of homage from that prince, the King of England agreed to deliver him up those twelve towns (or manors) in England which Malcolm had held under William the Conqueror; together with a pension of twelve thousand marks.

At this time were sown the seeds of another quarrel between him and Duke
Robert, who soliciting the King to perform some covenants of the last
peace, and meeting with a repulse, withdrew in great discontent to
Normandy.

King William, in his return from Scotland, fell dangerously sick at Gloucester, where, moved by the seasonable exhortations of his clergy, or rather by the fears of dying, he began to discover great marks of repentance, with many promises of amendment and retribution, particularly for his injuries to the Church. To give credit to which good resolutions, he immediately filled several vacant sees, giving that of Canterbury to Anselm, a foreigner of great fame for piety and learning. But as it is the disposition of men who derive their vices from their complexions, that their passions usually beat strong and weak with their pulses, so it fared with this prince, who upon recovery of his health soon forgot the vows he had made in his sickness, relapsing with greater violence into the same irregularities of injustice and oppression, whereof Anselm, the new archbishop, felt the first effects. This prelate, soon after his promotion, offered the King a sum of money by way of present; but took care it should be so small, that none might interpret it to be a consideration of his late preferment. The King rejected it with scorn; and as he used but little ceremony in such matters, insisted in plain terms for more. Anselm would not comply; and the King enraged, sought all occasions to make him uneasy; until at length the poor archbishop, tired out with perpetual usurpations (or at least what was then understood to be such) upon his jurisdiction, privileges, and possessions, desired the King licence for a journey to Rome; and upon a refusal, went without it. As soon as he was withdrawn, the King seized on all his revenues, converting them to his own use, and the archbishop continued an exile until the succeeding reign.

The particulars of this quarrel between the King and archbishop are not, in my opinion, considerable enough to deserve a place in this brief collection, being of little use to posterity, and of less entertainment; neither should I have mentioned it at all, but for the occasion it gives me of making a general observation, which may afford some light into the nature and disposition of those ages. Not only this King's father and himself, but the princes for several successions, of the fairest character, have been severely taxed for violating the rights of the clergy, and perhaps not altogether without reason. It is true, this character hath made the lighter impression, as proceeding altogether from the party injured, the cotemporary writers being generally churchmen: and it must be confessed, that the usurpations of the Church and court of Rome were in those ages risen to such heights, as to be altogether inconsistent either with the legislature or administration of any independent state; the inferior clergy, both secular and regular, insisting upon such immunities as wholly exempted them from the civil power; and the bishops removing all controversies with the crown by appeal to Rome: for they reduced the matter to this short issue, That God was to be obeyed rather than men; and consequently the Bishop of Rome, who is Christ's representative, rather than an earthly prince. Neither doth it seem improbable that all Christendom would have been in utter vassalage, both temporal and spiritual, to the Roman see, if the Reformation had not put a stop to those exorbitancies, and in a good measure opened the eyes even of those princes and states who still adhere to the doctrines and discipline of that church.

While the King continued at Gloucester, Malcolm King of Scotland came to his court, with intentions to settle and confirm the late peace between them. It happened that a controversy arose about some circumstances relating to the homage which Malcolm was to pay, in the managing whereof King William discovered so much haughtiness and disdain, both in words and gestures, that the Scottish prince, provoked by such unworthy treatment, returned home with indignation; but soon came back at the head of a powerful army, and, entering Northumberland with fire and sword, laid all waste before him. But as all enterprises have in the progress of them a tincture of those passions by which they were spirited at first, so this invasion begun upon private revenge, which is a blind ungovernable passion, was carried on with equal precipitation, and proved to be ruinous in the event; for Robert Mowbray, Earl of Northumberland, to prevent the destruction of his own country, where he had great possessions, gathering what forces he could suddenly raise, and without waiting any directions from the King, marched against the Scots, who were then set down before Alnwick Castle: there, by an ambush, Malcolm and his eldest son Edward were slain, and the army, discouraged by the loss of their princes, entirely defeated. This disaster was followed in a few days by the death of Queen Margaret, who, not able to survive her misfortunes, died for grief. Neither did the miseries of that kingdom end till, after two usurpations, the surviving son of Malcolm, who had fled to England for refuge, was restored to his crown by the assistance of King William.

About this time the hidden sparks of animosity between the two brothers, buried but not extinguished in the last peace, began to flame out into new dissensions. Duke Robert had often sent his complaints to the King for breach of articles, but without redress, which provoked him to expostulate in a rougher manner, till at length he charged the King in plain terms with injustice and perjury, but no men are found to endure reproaches with less temper than those who most deserve them, the King, at the same time filled with indignation, and stung with guilt, invaded Normandy a second time, resolving to reduce his brother to such terms as might stop all further complaints. He had already taken several strong holds, by force either of arms or of money, and intending entirely to subdue the duchy, gave orders to have twenty thousand men immediately raised in England, and sent over to him. The Duke, to defend himself against these formidable preparations, had recourse again to his old ally the King of France, who very readily advanced with an army to his assistance, as an action wherein he could every way find his own accounts, for, beside the appearance of glory and justice by protecting the injured, he fought indeed his own battle, by preserving his neighbouring state in the hands of a peaceful prince, from so powerful and restless an enemy as the King of England, and was largely paid for his trouble into the bargain, for King William, either loth to engage in a long and dangerous war, or hastened back by intelligence of some troubles from Wales, sent offers to his army, just ready to embark for Normandy, that upon payment of ten shillings a man they might have leave to return to their own homes.[10] This bargain was generally accepted, the money was paid to the King of France, who immediately withdrew his troops, and King William, now master of the conditions, forced his brother to a peace upon much harder terms than before.

[Footnote 10: See reference to this incident in "The Examiner," No. 21 (vol. ix of this edition, p. 123) [W.S.J.]]

In this passage there are some circumstances which may appear odd and unaccountable to those who will not give due allowance for the difference of times and manners: that an absent prince, engaged in an unjust war with his own brother, and ill-beloved at home, should have so much power and credit, as by his commission to raise twenty thousand men on a sudden, only as a recruit to the army he had already with him; that he should have a fleet prepared ready, and large enough to transport so great a number; that upon the very point of embarking he should send them so disgraceful an offer; and that so great a number of common soldiers should be able and willing to pay such a sum of money, equal to at least twelve time as much in our times; and that, after being thus deluded and spoiled at once, they should peaceably disband and retire to their several homes. But all this will be less difficult to comprehend, when we reflect on the method of raising and supporting armies, very different from ours, which was then in use, and so continued for many ages after. All men who had lands in capite were bound to attend the King in his wars with a proportioned number of soldiers, who were their tenants on easy rents in consideration of military service. This was but the work of a few days, and the troops consisted of such men as were able to maintain their own charges either at home or abroad: neither was there any reason to apprehend that soldiers would ever become instruments for introducing slavery, who held so great a share in the property.

The King, upon his return from Normandy, made an unsuccessful expedition against the Welsh, who upon the advantages of his absence had, according to their usual custom, made cruel inroads upon the adjoining counties of Chester, Shrewsbury, and Hereford. Upon the King's approach they fled into their fastnesses among the mountains, where he pursued them for some time with great rage and vexation, as well as the loss of great numbers of his men, to no purpose. From hence he was recalled by a more formidable enemy nearer home: for Robert Earl of Northumberland, overrating his late services against the Scots, as much perhaps and as unjustly as they were undervalued by the King, refused to come to his court, which, in those days, was looked on as the first usual mark of discontent in a nobleman; and was often charged by princes as a formal accusation. The earl having disobeyed the King's summons, and concerted matters with other accomplices, broke out into open rebellion, with intentions to depose King William, and set up Stephen Earl of Albemarle, son of a sister to William the Conqueror: but all was prevented by the celerity of this active prince; who, knowing that insurrections are best quelled in their beginnings, marched with incredible speed, and surprised the rebels at Newcastle, took the castles of Tynemouth and Bamburgh; where the obstinacy of the defendants provoked him, contrary to his nature, to commit cruelties upon their persons, by cutting off their hands and ears, and other the like inhumanities. The earl himself was taken prisoner as he endeavoured to make his escape; but suffered no other punishment than to be confined for the rest of his life.[11]

[Footnote 11: Which was thirty years. [D.S.]]

About this time began the Holy War for recovering of Palestine; which having not been the enterprise of any one prince or state, but that wherein most in Christendom had a share, it cannot with justice be silently passed over in the history of any nation.

Pope Urban the Second, in a council at Clermont, made a pathetic exhortation, shewing with what danger and indignity to Christendom the Turks and Saracens had, for some ages, not only overrun all Asia and Africa, where Christianity had long flourished; but had also made encroachments into Europe, where they had entirely subdued Spain, and some other parts; that Jerusalem, the holy city, where our Saviour did so many miracles, and where His sepulchre still remained, to the scandal of the Christian name, lay groaning under the tyranny of infidels; that the swords which Christian princes had drawn against each other, ought to be turned against the common enemy of their name and religion; that this should be reckoned an ample satisfaction for all their past sins; that those who died in this expedition should immediately go to Heaven, and the survivors would be blessed with the sight of our Lord's sepulchre.

Moved by these arguments, and the influence of the person who delivered them, several nobles and prelates immediately took upon them the cross; and the council dissolving in this high fit of zeal, the clergy, upon their return home, prevailed so far in their several countries, that in most parts of Europe some great prince or lord became a votary for the Holy Land; as Hugh the Great, brother to the King of France; Godfrey Duke of Lorraine; Reimond Count of Toulouse; Robert Duke of Normandy, and many others. Neither ought it to be forgotten, that most of these noble and generous princes, wanting money to maintain the forces they had raised, pawned their dominions to those very prelates who had first engaged them in this enterprise: doubtless a notable mark of the force of oratory in the churchmen of those ages, who were able to inspire that devotion into others, whereof they seemed so little sensible themselves.

But a great share in the honour of promoting this religious war, is attributed to the zeal and industry of a certain French priest, commonly called Peter the Hermit; who being at Jerusalem upon pilgrimage some time before, and entering often into private treaty with the patriarch of that city, came back fully instructed in all the measures necessary for such a war: to these was joined the artifice of certain dreams and visions that might pass for divine admonition: all which, added to the piety of his exhortations, gave him such credit with the Pope, and several princes of Christendom, that he became in his own person the leader of a great army against the infidels, and was very instrumental for engaging many others in the same design.

What a spirit was thus raised in Christendom among all sorts of men, cannot better be conceived than from the vast numbers of these warlike pilgrims; who, at the siege of Nice, are said to have consisted of 600,000 foot, and 100,000 horse: and the success at first was answerable to the greatness of their numbers, the valour of their leaders, and the universal opinion of such a cause; for, besides several famous victories in the field, not to mention the towns of less importance, they took Nice, Antioch, and at last Jerusalem, where Duke Godfrey was chosen king without competition. But zeal, with a mixture of enthusiasm, as I take this to have been, is a composition only fit for sudden enterprises, like a great ferment in the blood, giving double courage and strength for the time, until it sink and settle by nature into its old channel: for, in a few years the piety of these adventurers began to slacken, and give way to faction and envy, the natural corruptions of all confederacies: however, to this spirit of devotion there succeeded a spirit of honour, which long continued the vein and humour of the times; and the Holy Land became either a school, wherein young princes went to learn the art of war, or a scene wherein they affected to shew their valour, and gain reputation, when they were weary of peace at home.

The Christians held possession of Jerusalem above eighty years,[12] and continued their expeditions to the Holy Land almost as many more, with various events; and after they were entirely driven out of Asia, the popes have almost in every age endeavoured in vain to promote new crusades neither does this spirit seem quite extinct among us even to this day; the usual projects of sanguine men for uniting Christendom against the Turk, being without doubt a traditional way of talk derived to us from the same fountain.

[Footnote 12: They held it eighty-eight years; from July, 1099, to
October, 1187. [D.S.]]

Robert, in order to furnish himself out for this war, pawned his duchy to the King for 10,000 marks of gold;[13] which sum was levied with so many circumstances of rigour and exaction, towards the Church and laity, as very much increased the discontents of both against the prince.

[Footnote 13: Equal to £1,400,000, as money passes now. [D.S.]]

1099.

I shall record one act of this king's, which being chiefly personal, may pass rather for a part of his character, than a point of history.

As he was hunting one day in the New Forest, a messenger express from Normandy, brought him intelligence, that Hélie, Count de la Flèche, had laid close siege to Mans, and expected to carry the town in a few days; the King leaving his chase, commanded some about him to point whereabout Mans lay; and so rode straight on without reflection, until he came to the coast. His attendants advised him to wait until he had made preparations of men and money; to which he only returned; "They that love me, will follow me." He entered the ship in a violent storm; which the mariners beholding with astonishment, at length in great humility gave him warning of the danger; but the King commanded them instantly to put off to sea, and not be afraid; for he had never in his life heard of any King that was drowned. In a few days he drove the enemy from before the city, and took the count himself prisoner, who raging at his defeat and captivity, exclaimed,[14] "That this blow was from Fortune; but Valour could make reprisals, as he should shew, if ever he regained his liberty." This being told the King, he sent for the count, let him understand that he had heard of his menaces, then gave him a fine horse, bid him begone immediately, and defied him to do his worst.

[Footnote 14: There is so much pleasantry and humour, as well as spirit and heroism in this story, as we have it recorded by William de Malmesbury, who represents the menace as thrown out in the King's presence, that I shall make no apology for setting down his words at length. "Auctor turbarum Helias capitur; cui ante se adducto rex ludibundus, 'Habeo te, magister,' inquit. At ille, cujus alta nobilitas nesciret in tanto etiam periculo sapere; 'Fortuitu,' inquit, 'me cepisti: sed si possem evadere, novi quid facerem.' Tum Willelmus, prae furore ferè extra se positus, et obuncans Heliam, 'Tu,'inquit, 'nebulo! tu, quid faceres? Discede; abi; fuge! Concede tibi ut facias quicquid poteris: et, per vultum de Luca! nihil, si me viceris, pro hâc veniâ tecum paciscar." I.e. By the face of St. Luke, if thou shouldst have the fortune to conquer me, I scorn to compound with thee for my release. [D.S.]]

It would have been an injury to this prince's memory, to let pass an action, by which he acquired more honour than from any other in his life, and by which it appeared that he was not without some seeds of magnanimity, had they been better cultivated, or not overrun by the number or prevalency of his vices.

I have met with nothing else in this King's reign that deserved to be remembered; for, as to an unsuccessful expedition or two against Wales, either by himself or his generals; they were very inconsiderable both in action and event, nor attended with any circumstances that might render a relation of them of any use to posterity, either for instruction or example.

His death was violent and unexpected, the effect of casualty; although this perhaps is the only misfortune of life to which the person of a prince is generally less subject than that of other men. Being at his beloved exercise of hunting in the New Forest in Hampshire, a large stag crossed the way before him, the King hot on his game, cried out in haste to Walter Tyrrel, a knight of his attendants, to shoot; Tyrrel, immediately let fly his arrow, which glancing against a tree, struck the King through the heart, who fell dead to the ground without speaking a word. Upon the surprise of this accident, all his attendants, and Tyrrel[15] among the rest, fled different ways; until the fright being a little over, some of them returned, and causing the body to be laid in a collier's cart, for want of other conveniency, conveyed it in a very unbecoming contemptuous manner to Winchester, where it was buried the next day without solemnity, and which is worse, without grief.

[Footnote 15: Yet Eadmer saith, that Tyrrel told him, he had not been in the Forest that day. [D.S.]]

I shall conclude the history of this prince's reign, with a description and character of his body and mind, impartially from the collections I have made; which method I shall observe likewise in all the succeeding reigns.

He was in stature somewhat below the usual size, and big-bellied, but he was well and strongly knit. His hair was yellow or sandy; his face red, which got him the name of Rufus; his forehead flat; his eyes were spotted, and appeared of different colours; he was apt to stutter in speaking, especially when he was angry; he was vigorous and active, and very hardy to endure fatigues, which he owed to a good constitution of health, and the frequent exercise of hunting; in his dress he affected gaiety and expense, which having been first introduced by this prince into his court and kingdom, grew, in succeeding reigns, an intolerable grievance. He also first brought in among us the luxury and profusion of great tables. There was in him, as in all other men, a mixture of virtues and vices, and that in a pretty equal degree, only the misfortune was, that the latter, although not more numerous, were yet much more prevalent than the former. For being entirely a man of pleasure, this made him sacrifice all his good qualities, and gave him too many occasions of producing his ill ones. He had one very singular virtue for a prince, which was that of being true to his word and promise: he was of undoubted personal valour, whereof the writers in those ages produce several instances; nor did he want skill and conduct in the process of war. But, his peculiar excellency, was that of great dispatch, which, however usually decried, and allowed to be only a happy temerity, does often answer all the ends of secrecy and counsel in a great commander, by surprising and daunting an enemy when he least expects it; as may appear by the greatest actions and events upon the records of every nation.

He was a man of sound natural sense, as well as of wit and humour, upon occasion. There were several tenets in the Romish Church he could not digest; particularly that of the saints' intercession; and living in an age overrun with superstition, he went so far into the other extreme, as to be censured for an atheist. The day before his death, a monk relating a terrible dream, which seemed to forebode him some misfortune, the King being told the matter, turned it into a jest; said, "The man was a monk, and dreamt like a monk, for lucre sake;" and therefore commanded Fitzhamon to give him an hundred shillings, that he might not complain he had dreamt to no purpose.

His vices appear to have been rather derived from the temper of his body, than any original depravity of his mind; for being of a sanguine complexion, wholly bent upon his pleasures, and prodigal in his nature, he became engaged in great expenses. To supply these, the people were perpetually oppressed with illegal taxes and exactions; but that sort of avarice which arises from prodigality and vice, as it is always needy, so it is much more ravenous and violent than the other, which put the King and his evil instruments (among whom Ralph, Bishop of Durham, is of special infamy) upon those pernicious methods of gratifying his extravagances by all manner of oppression; whereof some are already mentioned, and others are too foul to relate.

He is generally taxed by writers for discovering a contempt of religion in his common discourse and behaviour; which I take to have risen from the same fountain, being a point of art, and a known expedient, for men who cannot quit their immoralities, at least to banish all reflections that may disturb them in the enjoyment, which must be done either by not thinking of religion at all; or, if it will obtrude, by putting it out of countenance.

Yet there is one instance that might shew him to have some sense of religion as well as justice. When two monks were outvying each other in canting[16] the price of an abbey, he observed a third at some distance, who said never a word; the King demanded why he would not offer; the monk said, he was poor, and besides, would give nothing if he were ever so rich; the King replied, "Then you are the fittest person to have it," and immediately gave it him. But this is, perhaps with reason enough, assigned more to caprice than conscience; for he was under the power of every humour and passion that possessed him for the present; which made him obstinate in his resolves, and unsteady in the prosecution.

[Footnote 16: An Irish phrase for selling or buying by auction. It is somewhat remarkable that so severe a critic should have used such a word in historical composition. [S.]]

He had one vice or folly that seemed rooted in his mind, and of all others, most unbefitting a prince: This was, a proud disdainful manner, both in his words and gesture; and having already lost the love of his subjects by his avarice and oppression, this finished the work, by bringing him into contempt and hatred among his servants; so that few among the worst of princes have had the luck to be so ill beloved, or so little lamented.

He never married, having an invincible abhorrence for the state, although not for the sex.

He died in the thirteenth year of his reign, the forty-third of his age, and of Christ 1100, August 2.

His works of piety were few, but in buildings he was very expensive,
exceeding any King of England before or since, among which Westminster
Hall, Windsor Castle, the Tower of London, and the whole city of
Carlisle, remain lasting monuments of his magnificence.

THE REIGN OF HENRY THE FIRST.

This prince was the youngest son of William the Conqueror, and bred to more learning than was usual in that age, or to his rank, which got him the surname of Beauclerk; the reputation whereof, together with his being born in England, and born son of a king, although of little weight in themselves, did very much strengthen his pretensions with the people. Besides, he had the same advantage of his brother Robert's absence, which had proved before so successful to Rufus, whose treasures he likewise seized on immediately at his death, after the same manner, and for the same end, as Rufus did those of his father the Conqueror. Robert had been now five years absent in the Holy War, where he acquitted himself with great glory; and although he was now in Apulia, upon his return homeward, yet the nobles pretending not to know what was become of him, and others giving out that he had been elected King of Jerusalem, Henry laid hold of the occasion, and calling together an assembly of the clergy, nobles, and people of the realm at London, upon his promises to restore King Edward's laws, and redress the grievances which had been introduced by his father and brother, they consented to elect him king. Immediately after his coronation, he proceeded upon reforming the abuses of the late reign: he banished dissolute persons from the court, who had long infested it under the protection and example of Rufus: he restored the people to the use of lights in the night, which the Conqueror had forbidden, after a certain hour, by the ringing of a bell. Then he published his charter, and ordered a copy thereof to be taken for every county in England. This charter was in substance; The freedom of Mother Church from former oppressions; leave to the heirs of nobles to succeed in the possession of their lands, without being obliged to redeem them, only paying to the king a moderate relief; abolition of fines for licence of marriage to their heiresses; a promise of not refusing such licence unless the match proposed be with the king's enemy,[17] &c.; the next of kin to be guardians of the lands of orphans; punishments for coiners of false money; a confirmation of St. Edward's laws; and a general amnesty.

[Footnote 17: i.e. with a traitor or malcontent. [D.S.]]

About the same time he performed two acts of justice, which, by gratifying the revenge and the love of the people, gained very much upon their affections to his person: the first was, to imprison Ralph Bishop of Durham,[18] who having been raised by the late king from a mean and sordid birth to be his prime confidant and minister, became the chief instrument, as well as contriver, of all his oppressions: the second was, in recalling and restoring Archbishop Anselm, who having been forced by the continual persecutions of the same prince, to leave England, had lived ever since in banishment, and deprived of all his revenues.

[Footnote 18: Le Neve says that Ralph Flambard, Bishop of Durham, was imprisoned in the Tower, September, 1100, but escaped in February of the following year, and fled to Normandy. ("Fasti," iii. 282-3). [W.S.J.]]

The King had not been many months on his throne, when the news came that Duke Robert, returned from the Holy Land, was received by his subjects with great marks of joy and honour, and in universal reputation for his valour and success against the infidels: soon after which, Ralph Bishop of Durham, either by the negligence or corruption of his keepers, escaped out of prison, and fled over to the Duke; whom he stirred up to renew and solicit his pretensions to the crown of England, by writing to several nobles, who, either through old friendship, or new discontent, or an opinion of his title, gave him promises of their assistance, as soon as he should land in England: but the Duke having returned exceeding poor from the Holy Land, was not yet in a condition for such an undertaking, and therefore thought fit to defer it to a more seasonable opportunity.

As the King had hitherto, with great industry, sought all occasions to gratify his people, so he continued to do in the choice of a wife. This was Matilda, daughter of Malcolm the late King of Scots; a lady of great piety and virtue, who, by the power or persuasion of her friends, was prevailed with to leave her cloister for a crown, after she had, as some writers report, already taken the veil. Her mother was sister to Edgar Atheling, the last heir-male of the Saxon race; of whom frequent mention hath been made in the two preceding reigns: and thus the Saxon line, to the great contentment of the English nation, was again restored.

Duke Robert, having now with much difficulty and oppression of his subjects, raised great forces, and gotten ready a fleet to convey them, resolved once more to assert his title to the crown of England: to which end he had for some time held a secret correspondence with several nobles, and lately received fresh invitations. The King, on the other side, who had received timely intelligence of his brother's preparations, gave orders to his admirals to watch the sea-ports, and endeavour to hinder the enemy's landing: but the commanders of several ships, whether Robert had won them by his bribes, or his promises, instead of offering resistance, became his guides, and brought his fleet safe into Portsmouth, where he landed his men, and from thence marched to Winchester, his army hourly increasing by great numbers of people, who had either an affection for his person, an opinion of his title, or a hatred to the King. In the mean time Henry advanced with his forces, to be near the Duke, and observe his motions; but, like a wise general, forbore offering battle to an invader, until he might do it with manifest advantage. Besides, he knew very well that his brother was a person whose policy was much inferior to his valour, and therefore to be sooner overcome in a treaty than a fight: to this end, the nobles on both sides began to have frequent interviews; to make overtures; and at last concert the terms of a peace; but wholly to the advantage of the King, Robert renouncing his pretensions in consideration of a small pension, and of succeeding to the crown on default of male issue in his brother.

The defection of nobles and other people to the Duke was so great, that men generally thought if it had come to a battle, the King would have lost both the victory and his crown. But Robert, upon his return to Normandy after this dishonourable peace, grew out of all reputation with the world, as well as into perfect hatred and contempt among his own subjects, which in a short time was the cause of his ruin.

The King having thus by his prudence got rid of a dangerous and troublesome rival, and soon after by his valour quelled the insurrections of the Earls of Shrewsbury and Mortaigne, whom he forced to fly into Normandy, found himself in full peace at home and abroad, and therefore thought he might venture a contention with the Church about the right of investing bishops; upon which subject many other princes at that time had controversy with their clergy: but, after long struggling in vain, were all forced to yield at last to the decree of a synod in Rome, and to the pertinacy of the bishops in the several countries. The form of investing a bishop, was by delivery of a ring and a pastoral staff; which, at Rome, was declared unlawful to be performed by any lay hand whatsoever; but the princes of Christendom pleaded immemorial custom to authorize them: and King Henry, having given the investiture to certain bishops, commanded Anselm to consecrate them. This the archbishop refused with great firmness, pursuant to what he understood to be his duty, and to several immediate commands of the Pope. Both sides adhering to their own sentiments, the matter was carried to Rome, where Anselm went in person, by the King's desire; who, at the same time, sent ambassadors thither to assert and defend his cause; but the Pope still insisting, Anselm was forbidden to return to England. The King seized on all his revenues, and would not restore him, until upon other concessions of the Pope, Henry was content to yield up his pretensions to the investiture; but, however, kept the right of electing still in his own hands.

Whatever might have been the method of electing bishops, in the more primitive ages, it seems plain to me that in these times, and somewhat before, although the election was made per clerum et populum, yet the king always nominated at first, or approved afterwards, and generally both, as may be seen by the style in which their elections ran, as well as by the persons chosen, who were usually Churchmen of the court, or in some employment near the King. But whether this were a gradual encroachment of the regal upon the spiritual power, I had rather leave others to dispute.

1104. 1105.

About this time Duke Robert came to England, upon a visit to the King, where he was received with much kindness and hospitality; but, at the same time, the Queen had private directions to manage his easy temper, and work him to a consent of remitting his pension: this was compassed without much difficulty; but, upon the Duke's return to Normandy, he was severely reproved for his weakness by Ralph Bishop of Durham, and the two Earls of Mortaigne and Shrewsbury. These three having fled from England for rebellion, and other treasons, lived exiles in Normandy; and, bearing an inveterate hatred to the King, resolved to stir up the Duke to a resentment of the injury and fraud of his brother. Robert, who was various in his nature, and always under the power of the present persuader, easily yielded to their incitements: reproached the King in bitter terms, by letters and messages, that he had cozened and circumvented him; demanding satisfaction, and withal threatening revenge. At the same time, by the advice of the three nobles already mentioned, he began to arm himself as formidably as he could, with design to seize upon the King's possessions in Normandy: but as this resolution was rashly taken up, so it was as faintly pursued, and ended in his destruction: neither hath any prince reason to expect better fortune, that engages in a war against a powerful neighbour upon the counsel or instigation of exiles, who having no further view than to serve their private interest, or gratify their revenge, are sure to succeed in one or t'other, if they can embark princes in their quarrel, whom they fail not to incite by the falsest representations of their own strength, and the weakness of their enemy: for as the King was now settled in his throne too firm to be shaken, so Robert had wholly lost all credit and friendship in England; was sunk in reputation at home; and, by his unlimited profuseness, reduced so low, that, having pawned most of his dominions, he had offered Rouen, his capital city, in sale to the inhabitants. All this was very well known to the King, who, resolving to make his advantage thereof, pretended to be highly provoked at the disgraceful speeches and menaces of his brother; which he made the formal occasion of a quarrel: therefore he first sent over some forces to ravage his country; and, understanding that the Duke was coldly supported by his own subjects, many of whom came over to the King's army, he soon followed in person with more; took several towns; and, placing garrisons therein, came back to England, designing with the first pretext or opportunity to return with a more potent army, and wholly subdue the duchy to his obedience.

Robert, now grown sensible of his weakness, became wholly dispirited; and following his brother into England, in a most dejected manner begged for peace: but the King, now fully determined upon his ruin, turned away in disdain, muttering at the same time some threatening words. This indignity roused up once more the sinking courage of the Duke; who, with bitter words, detesting the pride and insolence of Henry, withdrew in a rage, and hasting back to Normandy, made what preparations he could for his own defence. The King observing his nobles very ready to engage with him in this expedition; and being assured that those in Normandy would, upon his approach, revolt from the Duke, soon followed with a mighty army, and the flower of his kingdom. Upon his arrival he was attended, according to his expectation, by several Norman lords; and, with this formidable force, sat down before Tinchebray: the Duke, accompanied by the two exiled earls, advanced with what strength he had, in hopes to draw the enemy from the siege of so important a place, although at the hazard of a battle. Both armies being drawn out in battalia, that of the King's, trusting to their numbers, began to charge with great fury, but without any order.

1106.

The Duke, with forces far inferior, received the enemy with much firmness; and, finding they had spent their first heat, advanced very regularly against their main body, before they could recover themselves from the confusion they were in. He attacked them with so much courage, that he broke their whole body, and they began to fly on every side. The King believing all was lost, did what he could by threats and gentle words to stop the flight of his men, but found it impossible: then he commanded two bodies of horse, which were placed on either wing, to join, and, wheeling about, to attack the enemy in rear. The Duke, who thought himself so near a victory, was forced to stop his pursuit; and ordering his men to face about, began the fight anew; mean time the scattered parts of the main body, which had so lately fled, began to rally, and pour in upon the Normans behind, by which Duke Robert's army was almost encompassed; yet they kept their ground awhile, and made several charges, until at length, perfectly overborne by numbers, they were utterly defeated. There Duke Robert, doing all the parts of a great captain, was taken prisoner, together with the Earl of Mortaigne, and almost his whole army: for being hemmed in on all sides, few of them could make their escape. Thus, in the space of forty years; Normandy subdued England, and England Normandy; which are events perhaps hardly to be paralleled in any other ages or parts of the world.

1107.

The King, having stayed a while to settle the state of Normandy, returned with his brother into England, whom he sent prisoner to Cardiff Castle, with orders that he should be favourably used, which, for some time, were duly observed; until being accused of attempting to make his escape (whether it were real or feigned) he had his eyes put out with a burning basin, by the King's express commands; in which miserable condition he lived for six-and-twenty years.

It is believed the King would hardly have engaged in this unnatural and invidious war, with so little pretence or provocation, if the Pope had not openly approved and sanctified his cause, exhorting him to it as a meritorious action; which seems to have been but an ill return from the Vicar of CHRIST to a prince who had performed so many brave exploits for the service of the Church, to the hazard of his person, and ruin of his fortune. But the very bigoted monks, who have left us their accounts of those times, do generally agree in heavily taxing the Roman court for bribery and corruption. And the King had promised to remit his right of investing bishops, which he performed immediately after his reduction of Normandy, and was a matter of much more service to the Pope, than all the achievements of Duke Robert in the Holy Land, whose merits, as well as pretensions, were now antiquated and out of date.

1109.

About this time the Emperor Henry V. sent to desire Maud, the King's daughter in marriage, who was then a child about eight years old: that prince had lately been embroiled in a quarrel with the see of Rome, which began upon the same subject of investing bishops, but was carried to great extremities: for invading Italy with a mighty army, he took the Pope prisoner, forced him to yield to whatever terms he thought fit to impose, and to take an oath of fidelity to him between his hands: however, as soon as Henry had withdrawn his forces, the Pope assembling a council, revoked all his concessions, as extorted by compulsion, and raised great troubles in Germany against the Emperor, who, in order to secure himself, sought this alliance with the King.

About this time likewise died Archbishop Anselm, a prelate of great piety and learning, whose zeal for the see of Rome, as well as for his own rights and privileges, should in justice be imputed to the errors of the time, and not of the man. After his death, the King, following the steps of his brother, held the see vacant five years, contenting himself with an excuse, which looked like a jest, That he only waited until he could find another so good a man as Anselm.

In the fourteenth year of this King's reign, the Welsh, after their usual manner, invaded the Marches with great fury and destruction; but the King, hoping to put a final end to those perpetual troubles and vexations given to his kingdom by that unquiet people, went in person against them with a powerful army; and to prevent their usual stratagem of retreating to their woods and mountains, and other fastnesses, he ordered the woods to be cut down, beset all their places of security, and hunting them like wild beasts, made so terrible a slaughter, that at length observing them to fling down their arms, and beg for quarter, he commanded his soldiers to forbear; then receiving their submissions, and placing garrisons where he thought necessary, he returned, in great triumph and satisfaction, to London.

1114.

The Princess Maud being now marriageable, was delivered to the Emperor's ambassador; and for a portion to the young lady a tax was imposed of three shillings upon every hide of land in England, which grew afterwards into a custom,[19] and was in succeeding times confirmed by Acts of Parliament, under the name of "Reasonable Aid for marrying the King's Daughter," although levied after a different manner.

[Footnote 19: This was the first occasion of the feudal tax called scutage being levied in England. [W.S.J.]]

As the institution of Parliaments in England is agreed by several writers to be owing to this King, so the date of the first hath been assigned by some to the fifteenth year of his reign; which however is not to be affirmed with any certainty: for great councils were convoked not only in the two preceding reigns, but for time immemorial by the Saxon princes, who first introduced them into this island, from the same original with the other Gothic forms of government in most parts of Europe. These councils or assemblies were composed according to the pleasure of the prince who convened them, generally of nobles and bishops, sometimes were added some considerable commoners; but they seldom met, except in the beginning of a reign, or in times of war, until this King came to the crown; who being a wise and popular prince, called these great assemblies upon most important affairs of his reign, and ever followed their advice, which, if it proved successful, the honour and advantage redounded to him, and if otherwise, he was free from the blame: thus when he chose a wife for himself, and a husband for his daughter, when he designed his expedition against Robert, and even for the election of an archbishop to the see of Canterbury, he proceeded wholly by the advice of such general assemblies, summoned for the purpose. But the style of these conventions, as delivered by several authors, is very various; sometimes it is comites, barones, et cleri;[20] his marriage was agreed on, consilio majorum natu et magnatum terrae. One author[21] calls it concilium principum, sacerdotum, et reliqui populi. And for the election of an archbishop, the Saxon Chronicle says, That he commanded by letters all bishops, abbots, and thanes to meet him at Gloucester ad procerum conventum. Lastly, some affirm these assemblies to have been an imitation of the three estates in Normandy. I am very sensible how much time and pains have been employed by several learned men to search out the original of Parliaments in England, wherein I doubt they have little satisfied others or themselves. I know likewise that to engage in the same enquiry, would neither suit my abilities nor my subject. It may be sufficient for my purpose, if I be able to give some little light into this matter, for the curiosity of those who are less informed.

[Footnote 20: Brompton. [D.S.]]

[Footnote 21: Polydore Virgil. [D.S.]]

The institution of a state or commonwealth out of a mixture of the three forms of government received in the schools, however it be derided as a solecism and absurdity by some late writers on politics, hath been very ancient in the world, and is celebrated by the gravest authors of antiquity. For although the supreme power cannot properly be said to be divided, yet it may be so placed in three several hands, as each to be a check upon the other; or formed into a balance, which is held by him that has the executive power, with the nobility and people in counterpoise in each scale. Thus the kingdom of Media is represented by Xenophon before the reign of Cyrus; so Polybius tells us, the best government is a mixture of the three forms, regno, optimatium, et populi imperio: the same was that of Sparta in its primitive institution by Lycurgus, made up of reges, seniores, et populus; the like may be asserted of Rome, Carthage, and other states: and the Germans of old fell upon the same model, from whence the Goths their neighbours, with the rest of those northern people, did perhaps borrow it. But an assembly of the three estates is not properly of Gothic institution: for these fierce people, when upon the decline of the Roman Empire they first invaded Europe, and settled so many kingdoms in Italy, Spain, and other parts, were all Heathens; and when a body of them had fixed themselves in a tract of land left desolate by the flight or destruction of the natives, their military government by time and peace became civil; the general was king, his great officers were his nobles and ministers of state, and the common soldiers the body of the people; but these were freemen, and had smaller portions of land assigned them. The remaining natives were all slaves; the nobles were a standing council; and upon affairs of great importance, the freemen were likewise called by their representatives to give their advice. By which it appears, that the Gothic frame of government consisted at first but of two states or assemblies, under the administration of a single person. But after the conversion of these princes and their people to the Christian faith, the Church became endowed with great possessions, as well by the bounty of kings, as the arts and industry of the clergy, winning upon the devotion of their new converts: and power, by the common maxim, always accompanying property, the ecclesiastics began soon to grow considerable, to form themselves into a body, and to call assemblies or synods by their own authority, or sometimes by the command of their princes, who in an ignorant age had a mighty veneration for their learning as well as piety. By such degrees the Church arrived at length, by very justifiable steps, to have her share in the commonwealth, and became a third estate in most kingdoms of Europe; but these assemblies, as we have already observed, were seldom called in England before the reign of this prince, nor even then were always composed after the same manner: neither does it appear from the writers who lived nearest to that age, that the people had any representative at all, beside the barons and other nobles, who did not sit in those assemblies by virtue of their birth or creation, but of the lands or baronies they held. So that the present constitution of the English Parliament hath, by many degrees and alterations, been modelled to the frame it is now in; which alterations I shall observe in the succeeding reigns as exactly as I can discover them by a diligent search into the histories of the several ages, without engaging in the controverted points of law about this matter, which would rather perplex the reader than inform him.

1116.

But to return, Louis the Gross King of France, a valiant and active prince, in the flower of his age, succeeding to that crown that Robert was deprived of, Normandy, grew jealous of the neighbourhood and power of King Henry, and begun early to entertain designs either of subduing that duchy to himself, or at least of making a considerable party against the King in favour of William son of Robert, whom for that end he had taken into his protection. Pursuant to these intentions, he soon found an occasion for a quarrel: expostulating with Henry, that he had broken his promise by not doing homage for the Duchy of Normandy, as well as by neglecting to raze the castle of Gisors,[22] which was built on the French side of the river Epte, the common boundary between both dominions.

[Footnote 22: Father Daniel says that for some years past it had been agreed that Gisors "should be sequestered in the hands of a lord called Pagan or Payen, who was to receive into it neither English or Norman, nor French troops; and in case it should fall into the hands of either of the two kings, it was stipulated, that the walls should be razed within the space of forty days" ("Hist. of France," i. 369). [W.S.J.] ]

But an incident soon offered, which gave King Henry a pretext for retaliating almost in the same manner: for it happened that upon some offence taken against his nephew Theobald Count of Blois by the French King, Louis in great rage sent an army to invade and ravage the earl's territories. Theobald defended himself for a while with much valour; but at length in danger to be overpowered, requested aid of his uncle the King of England, who supported him so effectually with men and money, that he was able not only to defend his own country, but very much to infest and annoy his enemy. Thus a war was kindled between the two kings; Louis now openly asserted the title of William the son of Robert, and entering into an alliance with the Earls of Flanders and Anjou, began to concert measures for driving King Henry out of Normandy.

The King having timely intelligence of his enemy's designs, began with great vigour and dispatch to prepare himself for war: he raised, with much difficulty and discontent of his people, the greatest tax that had ever been known in England; and passing over into Normandy with a mighty army, joined his nephew Theobald. The King of France, who had entertained hopes that he should overrun the duchy before his enemy could arrive, advanced with great security towards the frontiers of Normandy; but observing an enemy of equal number and force already prepared to engage him, he suddenly stopped his march. The two armies faced one another for some hours, neither side offering battle; the rest of the day was spent in light skirmishes begun by the French, and repeated for some days following with various success; but the remainder of the year passed without any considerable action.

1119.

At length the violence of the two princes brought it to a battle: for Louis, to give a reputation to his arms, advanced towards the frontiers of Normandy, and after a short siege took Gué Nicaise;[23] there the King met him, and the fight began, which continued with great obstinacy on both sides for nine hours. The French army was divided into two bodies, and the English into three; by which means, that part where the King fought in person, being attacked by a superior number, began to give way; and William Crispin, a Norman baron, singling out the King of England (whose subject he had been, but banished for treason) struck him twice in the head with so much violence, that the blood gushed out of his mouth. The King inflamed with rage and indignation, dealt such furious blows, that he struck down several of his enemies, and Crispin among the rest, who was taken prisoner at his horse's feet. The soldiers encouraged by the valour of their prince, rallied and fell on with fresh vigour, and the victory seemed doubtful, when William the son of King Henry, to whom his father had entrusted the third body of his army, which had not yet engaged, fell on with this fresh reserve upon the enemy, who was already very much harassed with the toil of the day: this quickly decided the matter; for the French, though valiantly fighting, were overcome, with the slaughter of several thousand men; their King quitted the field, and withdrew to Andely; but the King of England recovering Gué Nicaise, returned triumphant to Rouen.

[Footnote 23: At that time reckoned an important fortress on the river
Epte. [D.S.]]

This important victory was followed by the defection of the Earl of Anjou to King Henry, and the Earl of Flanders fell in the battle; by which the King of France was at once deprived of two powerful allies. However, by the intercession of the former, a peace was soon after made between both crowns. William the King's son did homage to Louis for the Dukedom of Normandy; and the other William, following the fortunes of his father, was left to his pretensions and complaints.

It is here observable, that from this time until Wales was subdued to the English crown, the eldest sons of England were called Dukes of Normandy, as they are now Princes of Wales.

1120.

The King having stayed some time in Normandy, for the settlement of his duchy after the calamities and confusions of a war, returned to England, to the very great satisfaction of his people and himself. He had enlarged his dominions by the conquest of Normandy; he had subdued all his competitors, and forced even the King of France, their great protector, after a glorious victory, to his own conditions of a peace; he was upon very good terms with the Pope, who had a great esteem and friendship for his person, and made him larger concessions than was usual from that see, and in those ages. At home he was respected by the clergy, reverenced by the nobles, and beloved by the people; in his family he was blessed with a son of much hopes, just growing to years of manhood, and his daughter was an empress; so that he seemed to possess as great a share of happiness as human life is capable to admit. But the felicity of man depends upon a conjunction of many circumstances, which are all subject to various accidents, and every single accident is able to dissolve the whole contexture; which truth was never verified more than in this prince, who by one domestic misfortune, not to be prevented or foreseen, found all the pleasure and content he proposed to himself by his prudence, his industry, and his valour, wholly disappointed and destroyed: for William the young prince having embarked at Barfleur some time after his father, the mariners being all drunk, suffered the ship to run upon a rock, where it was dashed to pieces: the prince made a shift to get into the boat, and was making to the shore, until forced back by the cries of his sister, whom he received into the boat, so many others crowded in at the same time, that it was immediately overturned. There perished, beside the prince, a natural son and daughter of the King's, his niece, and many other persons of quality, together with all their attendants and servants, to the number of a hundred and forty, beside fifty mariners, but one person escaping.

Although the King survived this cruel misfortune many years, yet he could never recover his former humour, but grew melancholy and morose; however, in order to provide better for the peace and settlement of the kingdom after his death, about five months after the loss of his son, his former Queen having died three years before, he married Adeliza, a beautiful young lady of the family of Lorraine,[24] in hopes of issue by her, but never had any.

[Footnote 24: She was daughter of Godfrey Duke of Louvain, or the Lower
Lorraine. [D.S.]]

1124.

The death of the prince gave occasion to some new troubles in Normandy; for the Earls of Meulant and Evreux, Hugh de Montfort, and other associates, began to raise insurrections there, which were thought to be privately fomented by the French King, out of enmity to King Henry, and in favour of William the son of Robert, to whom the Earl of Anjou had lately given his daughter in marriage. But William of Tankerville, the King's lieutenant in Normandy, surprising the enemy's forces by an ambush, entirely routed them, took both the earls prisoners, and sent one of them (Meulant) to his master; but the Count d'Evreux made his escape.

1126.

King Henry having now lost hope of issue by his new Queen, brought with him, on his return to England, his daughter Maud, who by the Emperor's death had been lately left a widow and childless; and in a Parliament or general assembly which he had summoned at Windsor, he caused the crown to be settled on her and her children, and made all his nobles take a solemn oath to defend her title. This was performed by none with so much forwardness as Stephen Earl of Boulogne, who was observed to shew a more than ordinary zeal in the matter. This young lord was the King's nephew, being second son of the Earl of Blois by Adela the Conqueror's daughter: he was in high favour with the King his uncle, who had married him to the daughter and heiress of the Earl of Boulogne, given him great possessions in England, and made him indeed too powerful for a subject.

The King having thus fixed the succession of the crown in his daughter by an Act of Settlement and an oath of fealty, looked about to provide her with a second husband, and at length determined his choice in Geoffrey Plantagenet Earl of Anjou, the son of Fulk lately deceased.

This prince, whose dominions confined on France and Normandy, was usually courted for an ally by both Kings in their several quarrels; but having little faith or honour, he never scrupled to change sides as often as he saw or conceived it for his advantage. After the great victory over the French, he closed in with King Henry, and gave his daughter to the young prince William; yet at the same time, by the private encouragement of Louis, he prevailed on the King of England to be easy in the conditions of a peace. Upon the unfortunate loss of the prince, and the troubles in Normandy thereupon, he fell again from the King, gave his other daughter to William the son of Robert, and struck up with France to take that prince again into protection. But dying soon after, and leaving his son Geoffrey to succeed in that earldom, the King was of opinion he could not anywhere bestow his daughter with more advantage, both for the security and enlargement of his dominions, than by giving her to this earl; by which marriage Anjou would become an acquisition to Normandy, and this be a more equal match to so formidable a neighbour as France. In a short time the marriage was concluded; and this Earl Geoffrey had the honour to introduce into the royal family of England the surname of Plantagenet, borne by so many succeeding Kings, which began with Henry II. who was the eldest son of this marriage.

But the King of France was in great discontent at this match: he easily foresaw the dismal consequences to himself and his successors from such an increase of dominion united to the crown of England: he knew what impressions might be made in future times to the shaking of his throne by an aspiring and warlike king, if they should happen in a weak reign, or upon any great discontents in that kingdom. Which conjectures being highly reasonable (and since often verified by events) he cast about to find some way of driving the King of England entirely out of France; but having neither pretext nor stomach in the midst of a peace to begin an open and formal quarrel, there fell out an accident which gave him plausible occasion of pursuing his design.

Charles the Good Earl of Flanders having been lately murdered by some of his subjects, upon private revenge, the King of France went in person to take revenge of the assassins; which he performed with great justice and honour. But the late earl leaving no heir of his body, and several competitors appearing to dispute the succession, Louis rejected some others who seemed to have a fairer title, and adjudged it to William the son of Robert, the better to secure him to his interests upon any design he might engage in against the King of England. Not content with this, he assisted the Earl in person, subdued his rivals, and left him in peaceable possession of his new dominion.

King Henry, on the other side, was very apprehensive of his nephew's greatness, well knowing to what end it was directed; however, he seemed not to regard it, contenting himself to give the Earl employment at home by privately nourishing the discontents of his new subjects, and abetting underhand another pretender: for William had so entirely lost the hearts of his people, by his intolerable avarice and exactions, that the principal towns in Flanders revolted from him, and invited Thierri Earl of Alsace to be their governor. But the King of France generously resolved to appear once more in his defence, and took his third expedition into Flanders for that purpose. He had marched as far as Artois, when he was suddenly recalled to defend his own dominions from the fury of a powerful and provoked invader: for Henry King of England, moved with indignation to see the French King in the midst of a peace so frequently and openly supporting his most dangerous enemy, thought it the best way to divert Louis from kindling a fire against him abroad, by forcing him to extinguish one at home: he therefore entered into the bowels of France, ravaging and laying waste all before him, and quickly grew so formidable, that the French King to purchase a peace was forced to promise never more to assist or favour the Earl of Flanders; however, as it fell out, this article proved to be wholly needless; for the young Earl soon after gave battle to Thierri, and put his whole army to the rout; but pursuing his victory, he received a wound in his wrist, which, by the unskilfulness of a surgeon, cost him his life.[24]

[Footnote 24: The lance passed through or under the ball of his thumb into his wrist. The wound gangrening, he died within five days. [D.S.]]

This one slight inconsiderable accident did, in all probability, put a stop to very great events; for if that young prince had survived his victory, it is hardly to be doubted but through the justness of his cause, the reputation of his valour, and the assistance of the King of France, he would in a little time have recovered Normandy, and perhaps his father's liberty, which were the two designs he had in agitation; nor could he well have missed the crown of England after the King's death, who was now in his decline, when he had so fair a title, and no competitors in view but a woman and an infant.

1129.

Upon the King's return from Normandy, a great council of the clergy was held at London, for the punishing of priests who lived in concubinage, which was the great grievance of the Church in those ages, and had been condemned by several canons. This assembly thinking to take a more effectual course against that abomination, as it was called, decreed severe penalties upon those who should be guilty of breaking it, entreating the King to see the law put in execution; which he very readily undertook, but performed otherwise than was expected, eluding the force of the law by an evasion to his own advantage: for exacting fines of the delinquent priests, he suffered them to keep their concubines without further disturbance. A very unaccountable step in so wise a body for their own concernments, as the clergy of those times is looked upon to have been; and although perhaps the fact be not worth recording, it may serve as a lesson to all assemblies never to trust the execution of a law in the hands of those who will find it more to their interests to see it broken than observed.

1132.

The Empress Maud was now happily delivered of a son, who was afterwards King of England by the name of Henry the Second: and the King calling a Parliament, had the oath of fealty repeated by the nobles and clergy to her and her issue, which in the compass of three years they all broke or forgot.

1134.

I think it may deserve a place in this history to mention the last scene of Duke Robert's life, who, either through the poorness or greatness of spirit, having outlived the loss of his honour, his dominions, his liberty, his eyesight, and his only son, was at last forced to sink under the load of eighty years, and must be allowed for the greatest example either of insensibility or contempt of earthly things, that ever appeared in a sovereign or private person. He was a prince hardly equalled by any in his time for valour, conduct, and courtesy; but his ruin began from the easiness of his nature, which whoever knew how to manage, were sure to be refused nothing they could ask. By such profusion he was reduced to those unhappy expedients of remitting his rights for a pension, of pawning his towns, and multiplying taxes, which brought him into hatred and contempt with his subjects; neither do I think any virtue so little commendable in a sovereign as that of liberality, where it exceeds what his ordinary revenues can supply; where it passes those bounds, his subjects must all be oppressed to shew his bounty to a few flatterers, or he must sell his towns, or basely renounce his rights, by becoming pensioner to some powerful prince in the neighbourhood; all which we have lived to see performed by a late monarch in our own time and country.

1135.

Since the reduction of Normandy to the King's obedience, he found it necessary for his affairs to spend in that duchy some part of his time almost every year, and a little before the death of Robert he made his last voyage there. It was observable in this prince, that having some years past very narrowly escaped shipwreck in his passage from Normandy into England, the sense of his danger had made very deep impressions on his mind, which he discovered by a great reformation in his life, by redressing several grievances, and doing many acts of piety; and to shew the steadiness of his resolutions, he kept them to the last, making a progress through most parts of Normandy, treating his subjects in all places with great familiarity and kindness, granting their petitions, easing their taxes, and, in a word, giving all possible marks of a religious, wise, and gracious prince.

Returning to St. Denys le Ferment from his progress a little indisposed, he there fell into a fever upon a surfeit of lamprey, which in a few days ended his life. His body was conveyed to England, and buried at Reading in the abbey-church himself had founded.

It is hard to affirm anything peculiar of this prince's character; those authors who have attempted it mentioning very little but what was common to him with thousands of other men; neither have they recorded any of those personal circumstances or passages, which only can discover such qualities of the mind as most distinguish one man from another. These defects may perhaps appear in the stories of many succeeding kings; which makes me hope I shall not be altogether blamed for sometimes disappointing the reader in a point wherein I could wish to be the most exact.

As to his person, he is described to be of middle stature; his body strong set and fleshy; his hair black; his eyes large; his countenance amiable, and very pleasant, especially when he was merry. He was temperate in meat and drink, and a hater of effeminacy, a vice or folly much complained of in his time, especially that circumstance of long artificial hair, which he forbade upon severe penalties. His three principal virtues were prudence, valour, and eloquence. These were counterbalanced by three great vices; avarice, cruelty, and lust; of which the first is proved by the frequency of his taxes; the second by his treatment of Duke Robert; and the last was notorious. But the proof of his virtues doth not depend on single instances, manifesting themselves through the whole course of a long reign, which was hardly attended by any misfortune that prudence, justice, or valour could prevent. He came to the crown at a ripe age, when he had passed thirty years, having learned, in his private life, to struggle with hardships, whereof he had his share, from the capriciousness and injustice of both his brothers; and by observing their failures, he had learned to avoid them in himself, being steady and uniform in his whole conduct, which were qualities they both seemed chiefly to want. This likewise made him so very tenacious as he was observed to be in his love and hatred. He was a strict observer of justice, which he seems never to have violated, but in that particular case, which political casuists are pleased to dispense with, where the dispute is about a crown. In that he[25] * * * * * *

[Footnote 25: Here the sentence breaks off short, and is left unfinished. [D.S.]]

Consider him as a private man, he was perhaps the most accomplished person of his age, having a facetious wit, cultivated by learning, and advanced with a great share of natural eloquence, which was his peculiar talent: and it was no doubt the sense he had of this last perfection in himself, that put him so often upon calling together the great councils of the nation, where natural oratory is of most figure as well as use.

THE REIGN OF STEPHEN.

The veneration which people are supposed naturally to pay to a right line, and a lawful title in their kings, must be upheld by a long uninterrupted succession, otherwise it quickly loses opinion, upon which the strength of it, although not the justice, is entirely founded: and where breaches have been already made in the lineal descent, there is little security in a good title (though confirmed by promises and oaths) where the lawful heir is absent, and a popular aspiring pretender near at hand. This, I think, may pass for a maxim, if any consequences drawn from history can pretend to be called so, having been verified successively three times in this kingdom, I mean by the two preceding kings, and by the prince whose reign we are now writing. Neither can this observation be justly controlled by any instances brought of future princes, who being absent at their predecessor's death, have peaceably succeeded, the circumstances being very different in every case, either by the weakness or justice of pretenders, or else by the long establishment of lineal succession.

1135.

Stephen Earl of Boulogne, whose descent hath been already shewn in the foregoing reign, was the second of three brothers, whereof the eldest was Theobald Earl of Blois, a sovereign prince, and Henry the youngest was Bishop of Winchester, and the Pope's legate in England. At the time of King Henry's death, his daughter the Empress was with her husband the Earl of Anjou, a grave and cautious prince, altogether unqualified for sudden enterprises: but Earl Stephen, who had attended the King in his last expedition, made so great dispatch for England,[26] that the council had not time to meet and make any declaration about a successor. When the lords were assembled, the legate had already, by his credit and influence among them, brought over a great party to his brother's interests; and the Earl himself, knowing with what success the like methods were used by his two last predecessors, was very liberal of his promises to amend the laws, support the Church, and redress grievances: for all which the bishop undertook to be guarantee. And thus was Stephen elected by those very persons who had so lately, and in so solemn a manner, more than once sworn fealty to another.

[Footnote 26: Stephen was at Boulogne when he received the news of
Henry's death. [D.S.]]

The motives whereby the nobility was swayed to proceed after this manner, were obvious enough. There had been a perpetual struggle between them and their former kings in the defence of their liberties; for the security whereof, they thought a king elected without other title, would be readier to enter into any obligations, and being held in constant dependence, would be less tempted to break them: therefore, as at his coronation they obtained full security by his taking new and additional oaths in favour of their liberties, their oath of fealty to him was but conditional, to be of force no longer than he should be true to those stipulations.

But other reasons were contrived and given out to satisfy the people: they were told it was an indignity for so noble a nation to be governed by a woman; that the late King had promised to marry his daughter within the realm, and by consent of Parliament, neither of which was observed: and lastly, Hugh Bigod, steward to King Henry, took a voluntary oath, before the Archbishop of Canterbury, that his master, in his last sickness, had, upon some displeasure, disinherited his daughter.

He received the crown with one great advantage that could best enable him to preserve it: this was the possession of his uncle's treasures, amounting to one hundred thousand pounds, and reckoned as a prodigious sum in those days; by the help of which, without ever raising one tax upon the people, he defended an unjust title against the lawful heir during a perpetual contest of almost twenty years.

In order to defend himself against any sudden invasion, which he had cause enough to expect, he gave all men licence to build castles upon their lands, which proved a very mistaken piece of politics, although grounded upon some appearance of reason. The King supposed that no invader would venture to advance into the heart of his country without reducing every castle in his way, which must be a work of much time and difficulty, nor would be able to afford men to block them up, and secure his retreat: which way of arguing may be good enough to a prince of an undisputed title, and entirely in the hearts of his subjects: but numerous castles are ill defenders of an usurpation, being the common retreat of malcontents, where they can fly with security, and discover their affections as they please: by which means the enemy, although beaten in the field, may still preserve his footing in the bowels of a country; may wait supplies from abroad; and prolong a war for many years: nor, while he is master of any castles, can he ever be at mercy by any sudden misfortune; but may be always in a condition of demanding terms for himself. These, and many other effects of so pernicious a counsel, the King found through the whole course of his reign; which was entirely spent in sieges, revolts, surprises, and surrenders, with very few battles, but no decisive action: a period of much misery and confusion, which affords little that is memorable for events, or useful for the instruction of posterity.

1136.

The first considerable enemy that appeared against him was David King of Scots, who having taken the oath of fealty to Maud and her issue, being further engaged by the ties of blood, and stirred up through the persuasions of several English nobles, began to take up arms in her cause; and invading the northern parts, took Carlisle and Newcastle; but upon the King's speedy approach with his forces, a peace was presently made, and the towns restored. However, the Scottish prince would, by no means, renounce his fidelity to the Empress, by paying homage to Stephen; so that an expedient was found to have it performed by his eldest son: in consideration of which the King gave, or rather restored, to him the Earldom of Huntingdon.

Upon his return to London from this expedition, he happened to fall sick of a lethargy, and it was confidently given out that he was dead. This report was, with great industry and artifice, dispersed by his enemies, which quickly discovered the ill inclination of several lords, who, although they never believed the thing, yet made use of it for an occasion or pretext to fortify their castles, which they refused to surrender to the King himself; but Stephen was resolved, as he said, to convince them that he was alive and well; for coming against them before he was expected, he recovered Exeter, Norwich,[27] and other fortified places, although not without much difficulty.

[Footnote 27: Hugh Bigod had seized Norwich Castle. [D.S.]]

It is obvious enough to wonder how a prince of so much valour, and other excellent endowments, elected by the Church and State, after a compliance with all conditions they could impose on him, and in an age when so little regard was had to the lineal descent, lastly confirmed by the Pope himself, should be soon deserted and opposed by those very persons who had been the most instrumental to promote him. But, beside his defective title, and the undistinguished liberty of building castles, there were three circumstances which very much contributed to those perpetual revolts of the nobles against him: first, that upon his coming to the crown he was very liberal in distributing lands and honours to several young gentlemen of noble birth, who came to make their court, whereby he hoped to get the reputation of a generous prince, and to strengthen his party against the Empress: but, by this encouragement, the number of pretenders quickly grew too fast upon him; and when he had granted all he was able, he was forced to dismiss the rest with promises and excuses, who, either out of envy or discontent, or else to mend their fortunes, never failed to become his enemies upon the first occasion that offered. Secondly, when he had reduced several castles and towns which had given the first example of disaffection from him, he hardly inflicted the least punishment on the authors; which unseasonable mercy, that in another prince and another age would have been called greatness of spirit, passed in him for pusillanimity and fear, and is reckoned, by the writers of those times to have been the cause of many succeeding revolts. The third circumstance was of a different kind: for, observing how little good effect he had found by his liberality and indulgence, he would needs try the other extreme, which was not his talent. He began to infringe the articles of his charter; to recall or disown the promises he had made; and to repulse petitioners with rough treatment, which was the more unacceptable by being new and unexpected.

1137.

Mean time the Earl of Anjou, who was not in a condition to assert his wife's title to England, hearing Stephen was employed at home, entered Normandy with small force, and found it no difficult matter to seize several towns. The Normans, in the present distraction of affairs, not well knowing what prince to obey, at last sent an invitation to Theobald Earl of Blois, King Stephen's eldest brother, to accept their dukedom upon the condition of protecting them from the present insults of the Earl of Anjou. But before this matter could come to an issue, Stephen, who, upon reduction of the towns already mentioned, had found a short interval of quiet from his English subjects, arrived with unexpected speed into Normandy; where Geoffrey of Anjou soon fled before him, and the whole duchy came over to his obedience; for the further settlement whereof he made peace with the King of France; constituted his son Eustace Duke of Normandy; and made him swear fealty to that Prince, and do him homage. His brother Theobald, who began to expostulate upon this disappointment, he pacified with a pension of two thousand marks:[28] and even the Earl of Anjou himself, who, in right of his wife, made demands of Stephen for the kingdom of England, finding he was no equal match at present, was persuaded to become his pensioner for five thousand more.[29]

[Footnote 28: The mark of Normandy is to be understood here. Such a pension in that age was equivalent to one of £31,000 sterling in the present. [D.S.]]

[Footnote 29: Five thousand marks of silver coin was, in this reign, of the same value as the sum of £77,500 modern currency, is now. Here again the Norman mark seems to be used. [D.S.]]

Stephen, upon his return to England, met with an account of new troubles from the north; for the King of Scots, under pretence of observing his oath of fealty to the Empress, infested the Borders, and frequently making cruel inroads, plundered and laid waste all before him.

1138.

In order to revenge this base and perfidious treatment, the King, in his march northward, sat down before Bedford, and took it after a siege of twenty days. This town was part of the Earldom of Huntingdon, given by Stephen in the late peace to the eldest son of the Scottish King, for which the young prince did homage to him; and it was upon that account defended by a garrison of Scots. Upon intelligence of this surrender, King David, overcome with fury, entered Northumberland, where, letting loose the rage of his soldiers, he permitted and encouraged them to commit all manner of inhumanities; which they performed in so execrable a manner as would scarce be credible, if it were not attested by almost the universal consent of writers: they ripped up women with child, drew out the infants, and tossed them upon the points of their lances: they murdered priests before the altars; then cutting the heads from off the crucifixes, in their stead put on the heads of those they had murdered: with many other instances of monstrous barbarity too foul to relate: but cruelty being usually attended with cowardice, this perfidious prince, upon the approach of King Stephen, fled into places of security. The King of England, finding no enemy on whom to employ his revenge, marched forward into the country, destroying with fire and sword all the southern parts; and would, in all probability, have made terrible impressions into the heart of Scotland, if he had not been suddenly recalled by a more dangerous fire at home, which had been kindled in his absence, and was now broken out into a flame.

Robert Earl of Gloucester, natural son of the late King, came into England some time after the advancement of Stephen to the crown; and, yielding to the necessity of the time, took the oath of fealty upon the same condition used by the other nobles, to be of force so long as the King should keep his faith with him, and preserve his dignity inviolate: but, being in his heart wholly devoted to the interests of the Empress his sister, and moved by the persuasions of several religious men, he had, with great secrecy and application, so far practised upon the levity or discontents of several lords, as to gain them to his party: for the King had, of late, very much alienated the nobles against him; first, by seizing several of their persons, and dispossessing them of their lands; and, secondly, by taking into his favour William d'Ypres, a Flemish commander, of noble birth, but banished by his prince. This man, with many of his followers, the King employed chiefly both in his councils and his armies, and made him Earl of Kent, to the great envy and displeasure of his English subjects. The Earl of Gloucester, therefore, and his accomplices, having prepared all things necessary for an insurrection, it was agreed among them, that while the King was engaged against the Scots, each of them should secure what towns and castles they could, and openly declare for the Empress. Accordingly Earl Robert suddenly fortified himself in Bristol; the rest followed his example; Hereford, Shrewsbury, Ludlow, Dover,[30] and many other places, were seized by several lords, and the defection grew so formidable, that the King, to his great grief, was forced to leave his Scottish expedition unfinished, and return with all possible speed to suppress the rebellion begun by his subjects; having first left the care of the north to Thurstan Archbishop of York; with orders carefully to observe the motions of the Scots.

[Footnote 30: Robert Earl of Gloucester had been entrusted by Stephen with the custody of Dover Castle: but Robert lying now under heavy suspicion, the King sent Matilda his queen to besiege it, in which she was successful. [D.S.]]

Whilst the King was employed in the south in reducing his discontented lords, and their castles, to his obedience, David, presuming upon the distance between them, reentered England with more numerous forces, and greater designs, than before: for, without losing more time than what was necessary to pillage and destroy the country as he marched, he resolved to besiege York, which, if he could force to surrender, would serve as a convenient frontier against the English. To this end, advancing near the city, and having pitched his tents, he sat down before it with his whole army. In the mean time Archbishop Thurstan, having already summoned the nobles and gentry of the shire and parts adjacent, had, by powerful persuasions incited them to defend their country against a treacherous, bloody, and restless enemy: so that before the King of Scotland could make any progress in the siege, the whole power of the north was united against him, under the Earl of Albemarle, and several other nobles. Archbishop Thurstan happening to fall sick, could not go in person to the army, but sent the Bishop of Durham in his stead; by whose encouragements the English, although in number far inferior, advanced boldly towards the enemy, and offered them battle, which was as readily accepted by the Scots, who, sending out a party of horse to secure the rising ground, were immediately attacked by the English, and, after a sharp dispute, entirely defeated. In the heat of the battle the King of Scots, and his son Henry Earl of Huntingdon, gave many proofs of great personal valour. The young prince fell with such fierceness upon a body of the English, that he utterly broke and dispersed them; and was pursuing his victory, when a certain man, bearing aloft the head of an enemy he had cut off, cried out, It was the head of the Scottish King, which being heard and believed on both sides, the English, who had lately fled, rallied again, assaulting their enemies with new vigour; the Scots, on the other side, discouraged by the supposed death of their Prince, began to turn their backs: the King and his son used all endeavours to stop their flight, and made several brave stands against the enemy; but the greatest part of their army being fled, and themselves almost encompassed, they were forced to give way to fortune, and with much difficulty made their escape.

The loss on the English side was inconsiderable; but of Scots, by general consent of writers, ten thousand were slain. And thus ended the War of the Standard, as it was usually called by the authors of that age, because the English, upon a certain engine, raised the mast of a ship, on the top whereof, in a silver box, they put the consecrated wafer, and fastened the standards of St. Peter and other saints: this gave them courage, by remembering they were to fight in the presence of God; and served likewise for a mark where to reassemble when they should happen to be dispersed by any accident or misfortune.

1139

Mean time the King was equally successful against his rebellious lords at home, having taken most of their castles and strong-holds; and the Earl of Gloucester himself, no longer able to make any resistance, withdrew into Normandy, to concert new measures with the Empress his sister. Thus the King had leisure and opportunity for another expedition into Scotland, to pursue and improve his victory, where he met with no opposition: however, he was at length persuaded with much difficulty to accept his own conditions of a peace; and David delivered up to him his eldest son Henry, as hostage for performance of articles between them.

The King, in his return homeward, laid siege to Ludlow Castle, which had not been reduced with the rest: here Prince Henry of Scotland, boiling with youth and valour, and exposing his person upon all occasions, was lifted from his horse by an iron grapple let down from the wall, and would have been hoisted up into the castle, if the King had not immediately flown to his assistance, and brought him off with his own hands by main force from the enemy, whom he soon compelled to surrender the castle.

1140

Stephen having thus subdued his inveterate enemies the Scots, and reduced his rebellious nobles, began to entertain hopes of enjoying a little ease. But he was destined to the possession of a crown with perpetual disturbance; for he was hardly returned from his northern expedition, when he received intelligence that the Empress, accompanied by her brother the Earl of Gloucester, was preparing to come for England, in order to dispute her title to the kingdom. The King, who knew by experience what a powerful party she already had to espouse her interests, very reasonably concluded, the defection from him would be much greater, when she appeared in person to countenance and reward it; he therefore began again to repent of the licence he had granted for building castles, which were now like to prove so many places of security for his enemies, and fortifications against himself; for he knew not whom to trust, vehemently suspecting his nobles ever since their last revolt. He therefore cast about for some artifice to get into his hands as many of their castles as he could: in the strength and magnificence of which kind of structures, the bishops had far outdone the rest, and were upon that, as well as other accounts, very much maligned and envied by the temporal lords, who were extreme jealous of the Church's increasing power, and glad upon all occasions to see the prelates humbled. The King, therefore, having formed his project, resolved to make trial where it would be least invidious, and where he could foresee least danger in the consequences. At a Parliament or assembly of nobles at Oxford, it was contrived to raise a quarrel between the servants of some bishops and those of Alan Count of Dinan in Bretagne, upon a contention of rooms in their inns. Stephen took hold of this advantage, sent for the bishops, taxed them with breaking his peace, and demanded the keys of their castles, adding threats of imprisonment if they dared to disobey. Those whom the King chiefly suspected, or rather who had built the most and strongest castles, were Roger Bishop of Salisbury, with his nephew and natural son the Bishops of Ely and Lincoln, whom the King, by many circumstances of rigour, compelled to surrender, going himself in person to seize the Devizes, then esteemed the noblest structure of Europe, and built by the forementioned Bishop Roger, whose treasure, to the value of forty thousand marks,[31] there likewise deposited, fell, at the same time, into the King's hand, which in a few days broke the bishop's heart, already worn with age and infirmity.

[Footnote 31: This prelate's treasure is doubtless computed by the smaller or Saxon mark; the use of which still prevailed in England: and even thus computed, it amounts to a vast sum, equal to about £116,350 of modern money. [D.S.]]

It may, perhaps, not be thought a digression to say something of the fortunes of this prelate, who, from the lowest beginnings, came to be, without dispute, the greatest churchman of any subject in his age. It happened that the late King Henry, in the reign of his brother, being at a village in Normandy, wanted a priest to say mass before him and his train, when this man, who was a poor curate thereabouts, offered his service, and performed it with so much dexterity and speed, that the soldiers who attended the prince recommended him to their master, upon that account, as a very proper chaplain for military men; but it seems he had other talents; for having gotten into the prince's service, he soon discovered great application and address, much order and economy in the management of his master's fortunes, which were wholly left to his care. After Henry's advancement to the crown, this chaplain grew chief in his favour and confidence; was made Bishop of Salisbury, Chancellor of England, employed in all his most weighty affairs, and usually left vicegerent of the realm while the King was absent in Normandy. He was among the first that swore fealty to Maud and her issue; and among the first that revolted from her to Stephen, offering such reasons in council for setting her aside, as, by the credit and opinion of his wisdom, were very prevalent. But the King, in a few years, forgot all obligations, and the bishop fell a sacrifice in his old age to those treasures he had been so long heaping up for its support. A just reward for his ingratitude towards the Prince that raised him, to be ruined by the ingratitude of another, whom he had been so very instrumental to raise.

But Henry Bishop of Winchester, the Pope's legate, not able to endure this violation of the Church, called a council of all the prelates to meet at Winchester, where the King being summoned, appeared by his advocate, who pleaded his cause with much learning; and the Archbishop of Rouen coming to the council, declared his opinion, That although the canons did allow the bishops to possess castles, yet in dangerous times they ought to deliver them up to the King. This opinion Stephen followed very steadily, not yielding a tittle, although the legate his brother used all means, both rough and gentle, to work upon him.

The council of bishops broke up without other effect than that of leaving in their minds an implacable hatred to the King, in a very opportune juncture for the interests of Maud, who, about this time, landed at Portsmouth with her brother Robert Earl of Gloucester. The whole force she brought over for this expedition consisted but of one hundred and forty knights;[32] for she trusted altogether in her cause and her friends. With this slender attendance she went to Arundel, and was there received into the castle by the widow of the late King; while Earl Robert, accompanied only by twenty men, marched boldly to his own city of Gloucester, in order to raise forces for the Empress, where the townsmen turned out the King's garrison as soon as they heard of his approach.

[Footnote 32: In these times none served on horseback but gentlemen or knights, in right of their fiefs, or their representatives, called Men-at-arms; and each of these was attended by at least two servants or retainers mounted and armed. [D.S.]]

King Stephen was not surprised at the news of the Empress's arrival, being a thing he had always counted upon, and was long preparing himself against. He was glad to hear how ill she was provided, and resolved to use the opportunity of her brother's absence; for, hasting down to Arundel with a sufficient strength, he laid siege to the castle, in hopes, by securing her person, to put a speedy end to the war.

But there wanted not some very near about the King, who, favouring the party of Maud, had credit enough to prevail with him not to venture time and reputation against an impregnable fortress, but rather, by withdrawing his forces, permit her to retire to some less fortified place, where she might more easily fall into his hands. This advice the King took against his own opinion; the Empress fled out of Arundel by night; and, after frequent shifting her stages through several towns, which had already declared in her favour, fixed herself at last at Lincoln; where, having all things provided necessary for her defence, she resolved to continue, and expect either a general revolt of the English to her side, or the decision of war between the King and her brother.

But Stephen, who had pursued the Empress from place to place, hearing she had shut herself up in Lincoln, resolved to give her no rest; and to help on his design, it fell out that the citizens in hatred to the Earl of Chester, who commanded there for the Empress, sent a private invitation to the King, with promise to deliver the town and their governor into his hands. The King came accordingly, and possessed himself of the town; but Maud and the Earl made their escape a few days before. However, many great persons of Maud's party remained prisoners to the King, and among the rest the Earl of Chester's wife, who was daughter to the Earl of Gloucester. These two Earls resolving to attempt the relief of their friends, marched with all their forces near Lincoln, where they found the enemy drawn up and ready to receive them.

The next morning, after battle offered by the lords, and accepted by the King, both sides made ready to engage. The King having disposed his cavalry on each wing, placed himself at the head of his foot, in whom he reposed most confidence. The army of the lords was divided in three bodies; those whom King Stephen had banished were placed in the middle, the Earl of Chester led the van, and the Earl of Gloucester commanded the rear. The battle was fought at first with equal advantage, and great obstinacy on both sides; at length the right wing of the King's horse, pressed by the Earl of Chester, galloped away, not without suspicion of treachery; the left followed the example. The King beheld their flight, and encouraging those about him, fell with undaunted valour upon the enemy; and being for some time bravely seconded by his foot, did great execution. At length overpowered by numbers, his men began to disperse, and Stephen was left almost alone with his sword in his hand, wherewith he opposed his person against a whole victorious army, nor durst any be so hardy to approach him; the sword breaking, a citizen of Lincoln put into his hands a Danish battle-axe,[33] with which he struck to the ground the Earl of Chester,[34] who presumed to come within his reach. But this weapon likewise flying in pieces with the force of those furious blows he dealt on all sides, a bold knight of the Empress's party, named William de Keynes, laid hold on his helmet, and immediately cried out to his fellows, "I have got the King." Then the rest ran in, and he was taken prisoner.[35]

[Footnote 33: Sim. Dunelmensis. [D.S.]]

[Footnote 34: The Earl of Chester lived nevertheless to fight other battles, and died twelve years afterwards by poison. [D.S.]]

[Footnote 35: Gervase. [D.S.]]

The King being thus secured, was presented to the Empress, then at Gloucester, and by her orders conveyed to Bristol, where he continued in strict custody nine months, although with honourable treatment for some time, until either upon endeavouring to make his escape, or in malice to the Londoners, who had a great affection for their King, he was, by express command from the Empress, laid in irons, and used with other circumstances of severity.

This victory was followed by a general defection of almost the whole kingdom; and the Earl of Anjou, husband to the Empress, upon the fame of the King's defeat and imprisonment, reduced without any difficulty the whole Duchy of Normandy to his obedience.

The legate himself, although brother to King Stephen, received her at Winchester with great solemnity, accepted her oath for governing with justice, redressing grievances, and supporting the rights of the Church, and took the old conditional one of fealty to her; then in an assembly of bishops and clergy convoked for the purpose, he displayed the miscarriages of his brother, and declared his approbation of the Empress to be Queen; to which they unanimously agreed. To complete all, he prevailed by his credit with the Londoners, who stood out the last of any, to acknowledge and receive her into the city, where she arrived at length in great pomp, and with general satisfaction.

But it was the misfortune of this Princess to possess many weaknesses that are charged to the sex, and very few of its commendable qualities: she was now in peaceable possession of the whole kingdom, except the county of Kent, where William d'Ypres pretended to keep up a small party for the King; when by her pride, wilfulness, indiscretion, and a disobliging behaviour, she soon turned the hearts of all men against her, and in a short time lost the fruits of that victory and success which had been so hardly gained by the prudence and valour of her excellent brother. The first occasion she took to discover the perverseness of her nature, was in the treatment of Maud, the wife of King Stephen, a lady of great virtue, and courage above her sex, who, coming to the Empress an humble suitor in behalf of her husband, offered, as a price of his liberty, that he should resign all pretensions to the crown, and pass the rest of his life in exile, or in a convent: but this request was rejected with scorn and reproaches; and the Queen finding all entreaties to no purpose, writ to her son Eustace to let him understand the ill success of her negotiation, that no relief was to be otherwise hoped for than by arms, and therefore advised him to raise immediately what forces he could for the relief of his father.

Her next miscarriage was towards the Londoners, who presented her a petition for redressing certain rigorous laws of her father, and restoring those of Edward the Confessor. The Empress put them off for a time with excuses, but at last discovered some displeasure at their importunity. The citizens, who had with much difficulty been persuaded to receive her against their inclinations, which stood wholly for the King, were moved with indignation at her unreasonable refusal of their just demands, and entered into a conspiracy to seize her person. But she had timely notice of their design, and leaving the city by night in disguise, fled to Oxford.

A third false step the Empress made,[36] was in refusing her new powerful friend the legate a favour he desired in behalf of Eustace, the King's son, to grant him the lands and honours held by his father before he came to the crown. She had made large promises to this prelate, that she would be directed in all things by his advice, and to be refused upon his first application a small favour for his own nephew, stung him to the quick; however, he governed his resentments a while, but began at the same time to resume his affection for his brother. These thoughts were cultivated with great address by Queen Maud, who prevailed at last so far upon the legate, that private measures were agreed between them for restoring Stephen to his liberty and crown. The bishop took leave of the Empress, upon some plausible pretence, and retired to Winchester, where he gave directions for supplying with men and provisions several strong castles he had built in his diocese, while the Queen with her son Eustace prevailed with the Londoners and men of Kent to rise in great numbers for the King; and a powerful army was quickly on foot, under the command of William d'Ypres Earl of Kent.

[Footnote 36: William of Malmesbury. [D.S.]]

In the mean time the Empress began to be sensible of the errors she had committed; and in hope either to retrieve the friendship of the legate, or take him prisoner, marched with her army to Winchester, where being received and lodged in the castle, she sent immediately for the legate, spoke much in excuse of what was past, and used all endeavours to regain him to her interests. Bishop Henry, on the other side, amused her with dubious answers, and kept her in suspense for some days; but sent privately at the same time to the King's army, desiring them to advance with all possible speed; which was executed with so much diligence, that the Empress and her brother had only time with their troops to march a back way out of the town. They were pursued by the enemy so close in the rear, that the Empress had hardly time, by counterfeiting herself dead, to make her escape; in which posture she was carried as a corpse to Gloucester; but the Earl her brother, while he made what opposition he could, with design to stop her pursuers, was himself taken prisoner, with great slaughter of his men. After the battle, the Earl was in his turn presented to Queen Maud, and by her command sent to Rochester to be treated in the same manner with the King.

Thus the heads of both parties were each in the power of his enemy, and Fortune seemed to have dealt with great equality between them. Two factions divided the whole kingdom, and, as it usually happens, private animosities were inflamed by the quarrel of the public; which introduced a miserable face of things throughout the land, whereof the writers of our English story give melancholy descriptions, not to be repeated in this history; since the usual effects of civil war are obvious to conceive, and tiresome as well as useless to relate. However, as the quarrel between the King and Empress was grounded upon a cause that in its own nature little concerned the interests of the people, this was thought a convenient juncture for transacting a peace, to which there appeared an universal disposition. Several expedients were proposed; but Earl Robert would consent upon no other terms than the deposing of Stephen, and immediate delivery of the crown to his sister. These debates lasted for some months, until the two prisoners, weary of their long constraint, by mutual consent were exchanged for each other, and all thoughts of agreement laid aside.

The King, upon recovery of his freedom, hastened to London, to get supplies of men and money for renewing the war. He there found that his brother of Winchester had, in a council of bishops and abbots, renounced all obedience to the Empress, and persuaded the assembly to follow his example. The legate, in excuse for this proceeding, loaded her with infamy, produced several instances wherein she had broken the oath she took when he received her as Queen, and upon which his obedience was grounded; said, he had received information that she had a design upon his life.[37]

[Footnote 37: William of Malmesbury. [D.S.]]

It must be confessed that oaths of fealty in this Prince's reign were feeble ties for binding the subject to any reasonable degree of obedience; and the warmest advocates for liberty cannot but allow, from those examples here produced, that it is very possible for people to run upon great extremes in this matter, that a monarch may be too much limited, and a subject too little; whereof the consequences have been fully as pernicious for the time as the worst that can be apprehended from arbitrary power in all its heights, although not perhaps so lasting or so hard to be remedied; since all the miseries of this kingdom, during the period we are treating of, were manifestly owing to that continual violation of such oaths of allegiance, as appear to have been contrived on purpose by ambitious men to be broken at pleasure, without the least apprehension of perjury, and in the mean time keep the prince in a continual slavish dependence.

The Earl of Gloucester, soon after his release, went over into Normandy, where he found the Earl of Anjou employed in completing the conquest of that duchy; there he delivered him the sons of several English noblemen, to be kept as hostages for their fathers' fidelity to the Empress, and used many arguments for persuading him to come over in person with an army to her assistance: but Geoffrey excused himself by the importance of other affairs, and the danger of exposing the dominions he had newly acquired to rebellions in his absence. However, he lent the Earl of Gloucester a supply of four hundred men, and sent along with him his eldest son Henry, to comfort his mother, and be shewn to the people.

During the short absence of the Earl of Gloucester, the Empress was closely besieged in Oxford by the King; and provisions beginning to fail, she was in cruel apprehensions of falling into his hands. This gave her occasion to put in practice the only talent wherein she seemed to excel, which was that of contriving some little shift or expedient to secure her person upon any sudden emergency. A long season of frost had made the Thames passable upon the ice, and much snow lay on the ground; Maud with some few attendants clad all in white, to avoid being discovered from the King's camp, crossed the river at midnight on foot, and travelling all night, got safe to Wallingford Castle, where her brother and young son Henry, newly returned from France, arrived soon after, to her great satisfaction: but Oxford, immediately upon the news of her flight, surrendered to the King.

However, this disgrace was fully compensated soon after by another of the same kind, which happened to King Stephen; for whilst he and his brother of Winchester were fortifying a nunnery at Wilton, to bridle his enemies at Salisbury, who very much harassed those parts by their frequent excursions, the Earl of Gloucester, who watched all opportunities, came unaware with a strong body of men, and set fire on the nunnery while the King himself was in it. Stephen, upon the sudden surprise of the thing, wholly lost or forgot his usual courage, and fled shamefully away, leaving his soldiers to be cut in pieces by the Earl.

During the rest of the war, although it lasted nine years longer, there is little memorable recorded by any writer; whether the parties being pretty equal, and both sufficiently tired with so long a contention, wanted vigour and spirit to make a thorough conquest, and only endeavoured to keep what they had, or whether the multitude of strong castles, whose number daily increased, made it very difficult to end a war between two contending powers almost in balance; let the cause be what it will, the whole time passed in mutual sieges, surprises, revolts, surrenders of fortified places, without any decisive action, or other event of importance to be related. By which at length the very genius of the people became wholly bent upon a life of spoil, robbery, and plunder; many of the nobles, although pretending to hold their castles for the King or the Empress, lived like petty independent princes in a perpetual state of war against their neighbours; the fields lay uncultivated, all the arts of civil life were banished, no veneration left for sacred persons or things; in short, no law, truth, or religion among men, but a scene of universal misery, attended with all the consequences of an embroiled and distracted state.

About the eleventh year of the King's reign, young Henry, now growing towards a man, was sent for to France by a message from his father, who was desirous to see him; but left a considerable party in England, to adhere to his interests; and in a short time after (as some write[38]) the Empress herself grown weary of contending any longer in a cause where she had met with nothing but misfortunes of her own procuring, left the kingdom likewise, and retired to her husband. Nor was this the only good fortune that befell Stephen; for before the year ended, the main prop and pillar of his enemies was taken away by death; this was Robert Earl of Gloucester, than whom there have been few private persons known in the world that deserve a fairer place and character in the registers of time, for his inviolable faith, disinterested friendship, indefatigable zeal, and firm constancy to the cause he espoused, and unparalleled generosity in the conduct thereof: he adhered to his sister in all her fortunes, to the ruin of his own; he placed a crown on her head; and when she had lost it by her folly and perverseness refused the greatest offers from a victorious enemy, who had him in his power, and chose to continue a prisoner rather than recover his liberty by any hazard to her pretensions: he bore up her sinking title in spite of her own frequent miscarriages, and at last died in her cause by a fever contracted with perpetual toils for her service. An example fit to be shewn the world, although few perhaps are like to follow it; but however, a small tribute of praise, justly due to extraordinary virtue, may prove no ill expedient to encourage imitation.

[Footnote 38: Gervase. [D.S.]]

But the death of this lord, together with the absence of the Empress and her son in France, added very little to the quiet or security of the King. For the Earl of Gloucester, suspecting the fidelity of the lords, had, with great sagacity, delivered their sons to the Earl of Anjou, to be kept as pledges for their fathers' fidelity, as we have before related: by which means a powerful party was still kept up against Stephen, too strong to be suddenly broken. Besides, he had, by an unusual strain of his conduct, lately lost much good-will, as well as reputation, in committing an act of violence and fraud on the person of the Earl of Chester, a principal adherent of the Empress. This nobleman, of great power and possessions, had newly reconciled himself to Stephen, and came to his court at Northampton, where, against all laws of hospitality, as well as common faith and justice, he was committed to prison, and forced to buy his liberty with the surrender of Lincoln, and all his other places, into the King's hands.

1149.

1150.

Affairs continued in this turbulent posture about two years, the nobles neither trusting the King nor each other. The number of castles still increased, which every man who had any possessions was forced to build, or else become a prey to his powerful neighbours. This was thought a convenient juncture, by the Empress and her friends, for sending young Prince Henry to try his fortune in England, where he landed at the head of a considerable number of horse and foot, although he was then but sixteen years old. Immediately after his arrival he went to Carlisle, where he met his cousin David King of Scots, by whom he was made knight, after the usual custom of young princes and noblemen in that age. The King of England, who had soon intelligence of Henry's landing and motions, marched down to secure York, against which he expected the first attempt of his enemy was designed. But, whatever the cause might be (wherein the writers of those ages are either silent or unsatisfactory) both armies remained at that secure distance for three months, after which Henry returned back to Normandy, leaving the kingdom in the state of confusion he found it at his coming.

The fortunes of this young prince Henry Fitz-Empress now began to advance by great and sudden steps, whereof it will be no digression to inform the reader, as well upon the connection they have with the affairs at home about this time, as because they concern the immediate successor to the crown.

1151.

Prince Henry's voyage to France was soon followed by the death of his father Geoffrey Earl of Anjou, whereby the son became possessed of that earldom, together with the Duchy of Normandy; but in a short time after he very much enlarged his dominions by a marriage, in which he consulted his reputation less than his advantage. For Louis the Young, King of France, was lately divorced from his wife Eleanor, who, as the French writers relate, bore a great contempt and hatred to her husband, and had long desired such a separation. Other authors give her not so fair a character: but whatever might be the real cause, the pretext was consanguinity in the fourth degree.[39] Henry was content to accept this lady with all her faults, and in her right became Duke of Aquitaine, and Earl of Poitou, very considerable provinces, added to his other dominions.

[Footnote 39: Louis VII., after living fourteen years with his Queen, obtained a dissolution of the marriage on the plea of relationship within the prohibited degrees. See Bouchet, "Annalles d'Acquitaine." [W.S.J.]]

But the two Kings of France and England began to apprehend much danger from the sudden greatness of a young ambitious prince; and their interests were jointly concerned to check his growth. Duke Henry was now ready to sail for England, in a condition to assert his title upon more equal terms; when the King of France, in conjunction with Eustace, King Stephen's son, and Geoffrey, the Duke's own brother, suddenly entered into his dominions with a mighty army; took the Castle of Neufmarché by storm, and laid siege to that of Angers. The Duke, by this incident, was forced to lay aside his thoughts of England, and marching boldly towards the enemy, resolved to relieve the besieged; but finding they had already taken the castle, he thought it best to make a diversion, by carrying the war into the enemy's country, where he left all to the mercy of his soldiers, surprised and burnt several castles, and made great devastations wherever he came. This proceeding answered the end for which it was designed; the King of France thought he had already done enough for his honour, and began to grow weary of a ruinous war, which was likely to be protracted. The conditions of a peace, by the intervention of some religious men, were soon agreed. The Duke, after some time spent in settling his affairs, and preparing all things necessary for his intended expedition, set sail for England, where he landed[40] the same year in the depth of winter, with a hundred and forty knights, and three thousand foot.

[Footnote 40: The place where he landed is not mentioned by our historians. It was probably in the West of England, as the first garrisoned town he attacked was Malmesbury. [D.S.]]

Some time before Henry landed, the King had conceived a project to disappoint his designs, by confirming the crown upon himself and his own posterity.[41] He sent for the Archbishop of Canterbury, with several other prelates, and proposed that his son Eustace should be crowned King with all the usual solemnity: but the bishops absolutely refused to perform the office, by express orders from the Pope, who was an enemy to Stephen, partly upon account of his unjust or declining cause, but chiefly for his strict alliance with the King of France, who was then engaged in a quarrel against that See, upon a very tender point relating to the revenues of vacant churches. The King and his son were both enraged at the bishops' refusal, and kept them prisoners in the chamber where they assembled, with many threats to force them to a compliance, and some other circumstances of rigour; but all to no purpose, so that he was at length forced to desist. But the archbishop, to avoid further vexation, fled the realm.

[Footnote 41: Gervase, Hen. Huntingdon. [D.S.]]

This contrivance of crowning the son during the life and reign of the father, which appears so absurd in speculation, was actually performed in the succeeding reign, and seems to have been taken up by those two princes of French birth and extraction, in imitation of the like practice in their native country,[42] where it was usual for kings grown old and infirm, or swayed by paternal indulgence, to receive their eldest son into a share of the administration, with the title of King; a custom borrowed, no doubt, from the later emperors of Rome, who adopted their Caesars after the like manner.

[Footnote 42: Mezeray. [D.S.]]

1153

The King was employed in his usual exercise of besieging castles when the news was brought of Henry's arrival. He left the work he was about, and marched directly against the Duke, who was then sat down before Malmesbury. But Stephen forced him to raise the siege, and immediately offered him battle. The Duke, although his army was much increased by continual revolts, thought it best to gain time, being still in number far inferior to the King, and therefore kept himself strongly entrenched. There is some difference among writers about the particulars of this war: however, it is generally agreed, that in a short time after, the two armies met, and were prepared for battle, when the nobles on both sides, either dreading the consequences, or weary of a tedious war, prevailed with the King and Duke to agree to a truce for some days in order to a peace; which was violently opposed by Eustace, the King's son, a youth of great spirit and courage, because he knew very well it could not be built but upon the ruin of his interests; and therefore finding he could not prevail, he left the army in a rage, and, attended by some followers, endeavoured to satiate his fury, by destroying the country in his march: But in a few days, as he sat at dinner in a castle of his own, he fell suddenly dead, either through grief, madness, or poison.

The truce was now expired, and the Duke began to renew the war with fresh vigour; but the King was wholly dispirited upon this fatal accident, and now first began to entertain real thoughts of a peace. He had lost a son whom he dearly loved, and with him he likewise lost the alliance of the French King, to whose sister the young prince was married. He had indeed another son left, but little esteemed by the nobles and people; nor, as it appears, much regarded by his father. He was now in the decline of his age, decayed in his health, forsaken by his friends, who, since the death of Eustace, fell daily from him; and having no further care at heart for his posterity, he thought it high time to seek repose for his person. The nobles soon observed this disposition in their King, which was so agreeable to their own; therefore, by general consent, Theobald Archbishop of Canterbury was appointed mediator between both princes. All matters were soon agreed; an assembly of lords was convened at Winchester, where the King received the Duke with great marks of courtesy and kindness. There the peace was confirmed by the King's charter, wherein are expressed the terms of agreement. But I shall relate only the principal.

The King, by this charter, acknowledged Henry for lawful successor to the crown; in which capacity all the nobles paid him homage: and Henry himself, with his party, paid homage to Stephen. There is likewise a reservation for William, the King's son, of all the honours possessed by his father before he came to the crown. The King likewise acknowledges the obedience of his subjects to be no longer due to him than he shall observe the conditions of this charter. And for the performance of these articles, the archbishops and bishops were appointed guarantees. There were some other articles agreed on, which are not mentioned in the charter; as, a general pardon; a restitution, to the right owners, of those lands and possessions, which had been usurped in the time of the troubles; that all castles built during the war should be razed to the ground, which are said to have been above eleven hundred; that the rights of the Church should be preserved; with other matters of less moment.

Thus, by the prudence of Archbishop Theobald, the moderation of the two princes engaged, and the universal inclination of the people, a happy period was put to this tedious and troublesome war: men began to have the prospect of a long peace; nor was it easy to foresee what could possibly arise to disturb it; when discovery was made, by accident, of a most horrible piece of treachery, which, if it had met with success, would have once more set the whole nation in a flame. The Duke, after the peace, attended the King to London, to be shewn to the people as the undoubted successor to the crown; and having made a progress together through some other parts of the kingdom, they came to Canterbury; where Henry received private notice of a design upon his life. It hath been already observed, that the King employed in his wars a body of Flemings, to the great discontent of his own subjects, with whom they were very ungracious. These foreigners were much discontented at the peace, whereby they were likely to become useless and burthensome to the present King, and hateful to the successor. To prevent which, the commanders among them began to practise upon the levity and ambition of William the King's son. They urged the indignity he had received in being deprived of his birthright; offered to support his title by their valour, as they had done that of his father; and, as an earnest of their intentions, to remove the chief impediment by dispatching his rival out of the world, The young prince was easily wrought upon to be at the head of this conspiracy; time and place were fixed; when, upon the day appointed, William broke his leg by a fall from his horse; and the conspirators wanting their leader immediately dispersed. This disappointment and delay, as it usually happens among conspirators, were soon followed by a discovery of the whole plot, whereof the Duke, with great discretion, made no other use than to consult his own safety; therefore, without any shew of suspicion or displeasure, he took leave of the King, and returned to Normandy.

1154.

Stephen lived not above a year to share the happiness of this peace with his people, in which time he made a progress through most parts of the kingdom, where he gained universal love and veneration, by a most affable and courteous behaviour to all men. A few months after his return he went to Dover, to have an interview with the Earl of Flanders;[43] where, after a short sickness, he died of the iliac passion, together with his old distemper the hemorrhoids, upon the twenty-fifth day of October, in the forty-ninth year of his age, and the nineteenth of his reign.

[Footnote 43: The Earl of Flanders was a potent sovereign on the continent, and had landed at Dover, in order to meet and confer with the King. [D.S.]]

He was a prince of wonderful endowments, both in body and mind: in his person tall and graceful, of great strength as well as vigour: he had a large portion of most virtues that can be useful in a King towards the happiness of his subjects or himself; courtesy and valour, liberality and clemency, in an eminent degree; especially the last, which he carried to an extreme, though very pardonable, yet hardly consisting with prudence, or his own safety. If we except his usurpation of the crown, he must be allowed a prince of great justice, which most writers affirm to have been always unblemished, except in that single instance: for, as to his treatment of the bishops and the Earl of Chester, it seems very excusable by the necessity of the time; and it was the general opinion, if he had not used that proceeding with the latter, it would have cost him his crown. Perhaps his injustice to the Empress might likewise admit a little extenuation. Four kings successively had sat on the throne without any regard to lineal descent; a period beyond the memory of most men then alive; whereby the people had lost much of that devotion they were used to bear towards an established succession: besides, the government of a woman was then a thing unknown, and for that reason disliked by all who professed to hate innovations.

But the wisdom of this prince was by no means equal to the rest of his virtues. He came to the crown upon as fair a title as his predecessor, being elected by the general consent of the nobles, through the credit of his brother, and his own personal merit. He had no disturbance for some time, which he might easily have employed in settling the kingdom, and acquiring the love of his people. He had treasure enough to raise and pay armies, without burthening the subject. His competitor was a woman, whose sex was the least of her infirmities, and with whom he had already compounded for his quiet by a considerable pension: yet with all these advantages he seldom was master of above half the kingdom at once, and that by the force of perpetual struggling, and with frequent danger of losing the whole. The principal difficulties he had to encounter, appear to have been manifest consequences of several most imprudent steps in his conduct, whereof many instances have been produced in the history of his reign; such as, the unlimited permission of building castles; his raising the siege of a weak place where the Empress was shut up, and must, in a few days, have fallen into his hands; his employing the Flemings in his wars, and favouring them above his own subjects; and lastly, that abortive project of crowning his son, which procured him at once the hatred and contempt of the clergy, by discovering an inclination to violence and injustice that he durst not pursue: whereas, it was nothing else but an effect of that hasty and sudden disposition usually ascribed to those of his country, and in a peculiar manner charged to this prince: for authors give it as a part of his character, to be hot and violent in the beginning of an enterprise, but to slacken and grow cold in the prosecution.

He had a just sense of religion, and was frequent in attending the service of the Church, yet reported to be no great friend of the clergy; which, however, is a general imputation upon all the kings of this realm in that and some succeeding reigns, and by no means personal to this prince, who deserved it as little as any.

I do not find any alterations during this reign in the meetings of general assemblies, further than that the Commons do not seem to have been represented in any of them; for which I can assign no other reason than the will of the King, or the disturbance of the time.[44] I observed the word Parliament is used promiscuously among authors, for a general assembly of nobles, and for a council of bishops, or synod of the clergy; which renders this matter too perplexed to ascertain anything about it.

[Footnote 44: The rise and history of Parliaments had not been cleared up when the Doctor writ in the beginning of this current century. It is certain, that the Commons had as yet never been represented. [D.S.]]

As for affairs of the Church, that deserve particular mention, I have not met with any; unless it should be worth relating, that Henry Bishop of Winchester, the Pope's legate, who held frequent synods during this reign, was the first introducer of appeals to Rome, in this kingdom, for which he is blamed by all the monkish historians who give us the account.

THE REIGN OF HENRY THE SECOND

A FRAGMENT

1154.

The spirit of war and contention, which had for a long time possessed the nation, became so effectually laid during the last year of King Stephen's reign, that no alteration or disturbance ensued upon his death, although the new King,[45] after he had received intelligence of it, was detained six weeks[46] by contrary winds: besides, the opinion of this prince's power and virtues, had already begotten so great an awe and reverence for him among the people, that upon his arrival he found the whole kingdom in a profound peace. He landed at Hostreham,[47] about the beginning of December, was received at Winchester by a great number of the nobility, who came there to attend and swear fealty to him, and three weeks after was crowned at Westminster, about the twenty-third year of his age.

[Footnote 45: Henry was at that time besieging a castle on the frontiers of Normandy. [D.S.]]

[Footnote 46: Five weeks at the most; a month, saith Brompton. [D.S.]]

[Footnote 47: At Hostreham, saith Gervase. This place is not easy to be found; however, it must be on the Sussex or Hampshire coast, because the King went directly from the place of his landing to Winchester. Carte says he landed December 8th, near Hurst Castle in the New Forest. [D.S.]]

For the further settling of the kingdom, after the long distractions in the preceding reign, he seized on all the castles which remained undestroyed since the last peace between him and King Stephen; whereof some he demolished, and trusted others to the government of persons in whom he could confide.

But that which most contributed to the quiet of the realm, and the general satisfaction of his subjects, was a proclamation published, commanding all foreigners to leave England, enforced with a most effectual clause, whereby a day was fixed, after which it should be capital for any of them to appear; among these was William d'Ypres Earl of Kent, whose possessions the King seized into his own hands.

These foreigners, generally called Flemings by the writers of the English story, were a sort of vagabond soldiers of fortune, who in those ages, under several denominations, infested other parts of Europe as well as England: they were a mixed people, natives of Arragon, Navarre, Biscay, Brabant, and other parts of Spain and Flanders. They were ready to be hired to whatever prince thought fit to employ them, but always upon condition to have full liberty of plunder and spoil. Nor was it an easy matter to get rid of them, when there was no further need of their service. In England they were always hated by the people, and by this prince in particular, whose continual enemies they had been.

After the expulsion of these foreigners, and the forcing a few refractory lords to a surrender of their castles, King Henry, like a wise prince, began to consider that a time of settled peace was the fittest juncture to recover the rights of the crown, which had been lost by the war. He therefore resumed, by his royal authority, all crown lands that had been alienated by his predecessor; alleging that they were unalienable in themselves, and besides, that the grants were void, as coming from an usurper. Whether such proceedings are agreeable with justice, I shall not examine; but certainly a prince cannot better consult his own safety than by disabling those whom he renders discontent, which is effectually done no other way but by depriving them of their possessions.

1156.

While the King was thus employed at home, intelligence came that his brother Geoffrey was endeavouring by force to possess himself of the Earldom of Anjou, to which he had fair pretensions; for their father considering what vast dominions would fall to his eldest son, bequeathed that earldom to the second in his last sickness, and commanded his nobles then about him, to take an oath that they would not suffer his body to be buried until Henry (who was then absent) should swear to observe his will. The Duke of Normandy, when he came to assist at his father's obsequies, and found that without his compliance he must draw upon himself the scandal of keeping a father unburied, took the oath that was exacted for observance of his will, though very much against his own. But after he was in possession of England, whether it were that his ambition enlarged with his dominions, or that from the beginning he had never intended to observe what he had sworn, he prevailed with Pope Adrian (of English birth) to dispense with his oath, and in the second year of his reign went over into Normandy, drove his brother entirely out of Anjou, and forced him to accept a pension for his maintenance. But the young prince, through the resentment of this unnatural dealing, in a short time died of grief.

Nor was his treatment more favourable to the King of Scots, whom, upon a slight pretence, he took occasion to dispossess of Carlisle, Newcastle, and other places granted by the Empress to that prince's father, for his services and assistance in her quarrel against Stephen.

Having thus recovered whatever he had any title to demand, he began to look out for new acquisitions. Ireland was in that age a country little known in the world. The legates sent sometimes thither from the Court of Rome, for urging the payment of annats, or directing other Church affairs, represented the inhabitants as a savage people, overrun with barbarism and superstition: for indeed no nation of Europe, where the Christian religion received so early and universal admittance, was ever so late or slow in feeling its effects upon their manners and civility.[48] Instead of refining their manners by their faith, they had suffered their faith to be corrupted by their manners; true religion being almost defaced, both in doctrine and discipline, after a long course of time, among a people wholly sunk in ignorance and barbarity. There seem to have been two reasons why the inhabitants of that island continued so long uncultivated; first, their subjection or vassalage to so many petty kings, whereof a great number is mentioned by authors, besides those four or five usually assigned to the several provinces. These princes were engaged in perpetual quarrels, in doing or revenging injuries of violence, or lust, or treachery, or injustice, which kept them all in a continual state of war. And indeed there is hardly any country, how renowned soever in ancient or modern story, which may not be traced from the like original. Neither can a nation come out from this state of confusion, until it is either reduced under one head at home, or by force or conquest becomes subject to a foreign administration.

[Footnote 48: The Irish had been very learned in former ages, but had declined for several centuries before the reign of Henry II. Vide Bede. [D.S.]]

The other reason why civility made such late entrances into that island, may be imputed to its natural situation, lying more out of the road of commerce or conquest than any other part of the known world. All the intercourse the inhabitants had, was only with the western coasts of Wales and Scotland, from whence, at least in those ages, they were not like to learn very much politeness.

1155.

The King, about the second year of his reign, sent ambassadors to Pope Adrian, with injunctions to desire his licence for reducing the savage people of Ireland from their brutish way of living, and subjecting them to the crown of England. The King proceeded thus, in order to set up a title to the island, wherein the Pope himself pretended to be lord of the see; for in his letter, which is an answer and grant to the King's requests, he insists upon it, that all islands, upon their admitting the Christian faith, become subject to the See of Rome; and the Irish themselves avowed the same thing to some of the first conquerors. In that forementioned letter, the Pope highly praises the King's generous design,[49] and recommends to him the civilizing the natives, the protection of the Church, and the payment of Peter-pence. The ill success of all past endeavours to procure from a people so miserable and irreligious this revenue to the holy see was a main inducement with the Pope to be easy and liberal in his grant; for the King professed a design of securing its regular payment. However, this expedition was not undertaken until some years after, when there happened an incident to set it forward, as we shall relate in its place.

[Footnote 49: Radulphus de Diceto. [D.S.]]

HENRY THE SECOND'S CHARACTER

EXTRACTED FROM THE MONKS

Hard to gather his character from such bad authors.

A wise prince, to whom other princes referred their differences; and had ambassadors from both empires, east and west, as well as others, at once in his court.

Strong and brawny body, patient of cold and heat, big head, broad breast, broken voice, temperate in meat, using much exercise, just stature, forma elegantissima, colore sub-rufo, oculis glaucis, sharp wit, very great memory, constancy in adversity [and] in felicity, except at last he yielded, because almost forsaken of all; liberal, imposed few tributes, excellent soldier and fortunate, wise and not unlearned. His vices: mild and promising in adversity, fierce and hard, and a violator of faith in prosperity; covetous to his domestics and children, although liberal to soldiers and strangers, which turned the former from him; loved profit more than justice; very lustful, which likewise turned his sons and others from him. Rosamond and the labyrinth at Woodstock. Not very religious;[50] mortuos milites lugens plus quam vivos amans, largus in publico, parcus in privato. Constant in love and hatred, false to his word, morose, a lover of ease. Oppressor of nobles, sullen, and a delayer of justice; verbo varius et versutus—Used churchmen well after Becket's death; charitable to the poor, levied few taxes, hated slaughter and cruelty.[51] A great memory, and always knew those he once saw.

[Footnote 50: Brompton. [D.S.]]

[Footnote 51: Giraldus. [D.S.]]

Very indefatigable in his travels backwards and forwards to Normandy, &c. of most endless desires to increase his dominions.

Caetera desiderantur.

***** ***** ***** ***** *****

SWIFT'S REMARKS ON THE CHARACTERS

OF THE COURT OF QUEEN ANNE.

FROM "MEMOIRS OF THE SECRET SERVICES OF JOHN MACKY, ESQ."

NOTE.

JOHN MACKY, the author of the "Characters," was, for many years, in the employ of the English government, as an agent for obtaining information as to the movements of the French. He published, in 1696, "A View of the Court of St. Germains from the Year 1690 to 1695." The information embodied in this work he obtained from personal observation while in Paris. About 1709, however, he aroused the government's suspicions, and was imprisoned. He was kept confined until the accession of George I. On his release he attempted to establish a packet-service between England and Ireland, to Dublin; but the venture failed. He died at Rotterdam in 1726. The "Characters" was first published in 1733, with the title:

"Memoirs of the Secret Services of John Macky, Esq., during the Reigns of King William, Queen Anne, and King George I. Including also the true Secret History of the Rise, Promotions, etc., of the English and Scots Nobility; Officers, Civil, Military, Naval, and other Persons of distinction from the Revolution. In their respective Characters at large: drawn up by Mr. Macky pursuant to the direction of Her Royal Highness the Princess Sophia. Published from his original manuscript, as attested by his son, Spring Macky, Esq. London, 1733." The work was prepared for the press by a Mr. Davis, an officer in the Customs.

It has been questioned whether Swift did really make the "remarks" attributed to him by his various editors; but there can be little doubt about their authenticity. Thomas Birch seems to have transcribed the "remarks" in 1753, if we are to believe a note in a copy of Macky's book in the British Museum, which says: "The MS. notes on the Characters in this Book were written by Dr. Swift, and transcribed by Tho. Birch. Aug. 15, 1753." Isaac Reed's copy is also in the British Museum, but his notes were transcribed from another copy in the possession of J. Putland, and Putland's copy, Reed notes, was "formerly in the possession of Philip Carteret Webb, Esq., now [1770] of Thomas Astle, Esq." J. Ritson's copy, which is at the South Kensington Museum, had the "remarks" transcribed to it from Reed's copy, but Ritson notes that Reed copied the "remarks" from J. Putland's transcript of the Dean's own original. Ritson, however, does not say how he knew that Putland had the "Dean's own original." In "Notes and Queries" (3, ii. 430) the Rev. J. Jebb, Rector of Peterstow, states he had (in 1862) a copy of the "Characters" with transcript of Swift's "remarks" by Bishop Jebb. Mr. Edward Solly has an interesting paper on this matter in the "Bibliographer" for March, 1883. He suggests that Mr. Putland may have written them down himself from remarks made by Swift. "The Crypt" for December, 1829, published Swift's "remarks" from a copy in the possession of Mr. Pickering, the bookseller.

A careful collation of all the available copies has been made for this edition, and the text of Macky's work has been read with the first edition. Where neither Reed nor Birch give no remarks, they have been omitted from this reprint. "The Crypt" and Nichols in his quarto edition (vol. xiv.) often differ, but these differences have been adjusted.

It is almost needless to say that Sir Walter Scott's text and notes have been very much altered by this process.

[T.S.]

REMARKS ON THE CHARACTERS OF THE COURT OF QUEEN ANNE.

JOHN, DUKE OF MARLBOROUGH.

Macky.

A tall, handsome man for his age, with a very obliging address; of a wonderful presence of mind, so as hardly ever to be discomposed; of a very clean head, and sound judgment; … every way capable of being a great man, if the great success of his arms, and the heaps of favours thrown upon him by his sovereign, does not raise his thoughts above the rest of the nobility, and consequently draw upon him the envy of the people of England. He is turned of 50 years of age.—Swift. Detestably covetous.

JAMES, DUKE OF ORMONDE.

Macky. He hath all the qualities of a great man, except that one of a statesman, hating business. … He is about 40 years old.—Swift. Fairly enough writ.

CHARLES, DUKE OF SOMERSET.

Macky. Is of a middle stature, well shaped, a very black complexion, a lover of music and poetry; of good judgment.—Swift. Not a grain; hardly common sense.

JOHN, DUKE OF BUCKINGHAMSHIRE.

Macky. He is a nobleman of learning, and good natural parts, but of no principles. Violent for the high-church, yet seldom goes to it. Very proud, insolent, and covetous, and takes all advantages. In paying his debts, unwilling; and is neither esteemed nor beloved.—Swift. This character is the truest of any.

DANIEL, EARL OF NOTTINGHAM [AFTERWARDS EARL OF WINCHILSEA].

Macky. He hath the exterior air of business, and application enough to make him very capable. In his habit and manners very formal; a tall, thin, very black man, like a Spaniard or Jew, about 50 years old.—Swift. He fell in with the Whigs, was an endless talker.

HENRY, EARL OF ROMNEY.

Macky. He was indeed the great wheel on which the Revolution rolled.—Swift. He had not a wheel to turn a mouse.

Macky. He is a gentleman that hath lived up [Swift, down] to the employments the King gave him; of great honour and honesty, with a moderate capacity.—Swift. None at all.

JOHN, DUKE OF NEWCASTLE.

Macky. He hath one only daughter, who will be the richest heiress in Europe.—Swift. Now Countess of Oxford; cheated by her father.

CHARLES [LENNOX], DUKE OF RICHMOND.

Macky. He is a gentleman good-natured to a fault; very well bred, and hath many valuable things in him; is an enemy to business, very credulous, well shaped, black complexion, much like King Charles; not 30 years old.—Swift. A shallow coxcomb.

CHARLES, DUKE OF BOLTON.

Macky. Does not now make any figure at court.—Swift. Nor anywhere else. A great booby.

GEORGE, DUKE OF NORTHUMBERLAND.

Macky. He is a man of honour, nice in paying his debts, and living well with his neighbours in the country; does not much care for the conversation of men of quality, or business. Is a tall black man, like his father the King, about 40 years old.—Swift. He was a most worthy person, very good-natured, and had very good sense.

CHARLES [FITZROY], DUKE OF GRAFTON.

Macky. Grandson to King Charles II.; … a very pretty gentleman, hath been abroad in the world; zealous for the constitution of his country. A tall black man, about 25 years old.—Swift. Almost a slobberer; without one good quality.

SIR NATHAN WRIGHT, LORD KEEPER.

Macky. Is son of a clergyman,[1] a good common lawyer, a slow chancellor, and no civilian. Chance more than choice brought him the seals.—Swift. Very covetous.

[Footnote 1: His father had the living of Thurcaston, in Leicestershire.
[S.]]

RALPH, DUKE OF MONTAGU.

Macky. He is a great supporter of the French, and other Protestants … an admirer of learning.—Swift. As arrant a knave as any in his time.

WILLIAM, MARQUESS OF HARTINGTON.

Macky. One of the best beloved gentlemen, by the country party, in England.—Swift. A very poor understanding.

JOHN, LORD SOMERS.

Macky. Of a creditable family, in the city of Worcester.—Swift. Very mean; his father was a noted rogue.—Macky. He is believed to be the best chancellor that ever sat in the chair.—Swift. I allow him to have possessed all excellent qualifications except virtue. He had violent passions, and hardly subdued them by his great prudence.

CHARLES, LORD HALIFAX [AFTERWARDS EARL OF HALIFAX].

Macky. He is a great encourager of learning and learned men, is the patron of the muses, of very agreeable conversation, a short fair man, not 40 years old.—Swift. His encouragements were only good words and dinners; I never heard him say one good thing, or seem to taste what was said by another.

CHARLES, EARL OF DORSET.

Macky. One of the finest gentlemen, in England, in the reign of King Charles II.; of great learning [Swift. small, or none], extremely witty, and hath been the author of some of the finest poems in the English language, especially satire…. One of the pleasantest companions in the world [Swift. not of late years, but a very dull one], when he likes his company.

RICHARD, EARL RIVERS.

Macky. He was one of the greatest rakes in England in his younger days, but always a lover of the constitution of his country; is a gentleman of very good sense, and very cunning.—Swift. An arrant knave in common dealings, and very prostitute.

ARNOLD, EARL OF ALBEMARLE.

Macky. He was King William's constant companion in all his diversions and pleasures.—Swift. Very infamous pleasures.

ALGERNON, EARL OF ESSEX.

Macky. Is son to that earl whose throat was cut in the Tower.—Swift. Cut his own throat.

WILLIAM, EARL OF PORTLAND.

Macky. He is supposed to be the richest subject in Europe, very profuse in gardening, birds, and household furniture, but mighty frugal and parsimonious in everything else; of a very lofty mien, and yet not proud; of no deep understanding.—Swift. As great a dunce as ever I knew.

JAMES, EARL OF DERBY.

Macky. On his brothers death he came to the House of Peers, where he never will make any great figure, the sword being more his profession; he is a fair-complexioned man, well shaped, taller than the ordinary size, and a man of honour.—Swift. As arrant a scoundrel as his brothers.

CHARLES, EARL OF PETERBOROUGH.

Macky. He affects popularity, and loves to preach in coffee-houses, and public places; is an open enemy to revealed religion; brave in his person; hath a good estate; does not seem expensive, yet always in debt, and very poor.—Swift. This character is for the most part true.

CHARLES, EARL OF SUNDERLAND.

Macky. This gentleman is endued with a great deal of learning, virtue [Swift, no], and good sense.

THOMAS, EARL OF STAMFORD.

Macky. Is one of the first branches of the Greys, a noble family in England…. He doth not want sense; but by reason of a defect in his speech, wants elocution.—Swift. He looked and talked like a very weak man; but it was said he spoke well at council.

THOMAS [TUFTON], EARL OF THANET.

Macky. He is a good country gentleman, a great assertor of the prerogatives of the monarchy and the Church.—Swift. Of great piety and charity.

EDWARD [MONTAGU], EARL OF SANDWICH.

Macky. Of very ordinary parts; married the witty Lord Rochester's daughter, who makes him very expensive.—Swift. As much a puppy as ever I saw; very ugly, and a fop.

ROBERT, LORD LUCAS.

Macky. He is every way a plain man, yet took a great deal of pains to seem knowing and wise; everybody pitied him when the Queen turned him out, for his seeming good nature, and real poverty.—Swift. A good plain humdrum.

CHARLES, EARL OF WINCHILSEA.

Macky. He hath neither genius nor gusto for business,… and is zealous for the monarchy and Church to the highest degree. He loves jests and puns, [Swift. I never observed it,] and that sort of low wit.—Swift. Being very poor, he complied too much with the party he hated.

JOHN, LORD POULETT OF HINTON [AFTERWARDS EARL POULETT].

Macky. He is certainly one of the hopefullest gentlemen in England; is very learned, virtuous, and a man of honour; much esteemed in the country, for his generous way of living with the gentry, and his charity to the poorest sort.—Swift. This character is fair enough.

CHARLES, LORD [VISCOUNT] TOWNSHEND.

Macky. Is a gentleman of great learning, attended with a sweet disposition; a lover of the constitution of his country; is beloved by everybody that knows him.—Swift. I except one.

WILLIAM, LORD DARTMOUTH [AFTERWARDS EARL OF DARTMOUTH].

Macky. He sets up for a critic in conversation, makes jests, and loves to laugh at them; takes a great deal of pains in his office, and is in a fair way of rising at court.—Swift. This is right enough, but he has little sincerity.

THOMAS, LORD WHARTON [AFTERWARDS EARL OF WHARTON].

Macky. One of the completest gentlemen in England, hath a very clear understanding, and manly expressions, with abundance of wit. He is brave in his person, much of a libertine, of a middle stature, fair complexion, and 50 years old.—Swift. The most universal villain I ever knew.

CHARLES, LORD MOHUN.

Macky. He is brave in his person, bold in his expressions, and rectifies, as fast as he can, the slips of his youth by acts of honesty; which he now glories in more, than he was formerly extravagant.—Swift. He was little better than a conceited talker in company.

HENRY, EARL OF KENT.[2]

[Footnote 2: Afterwards Duke of Kent.]

Macky. Is the first branch of the ancient family of Grey. The present gentleman was much esteemed, when Lord Ruthen; was always very moderate, has good sense, and a good estate; which, with his quality, must make him always bear a considerable figure in the nation.—Swift. He seems a good-natured man, but of very little consequence.

ROBERT, EARL OF LINDSEY [AFTERWARDS DUKE OF ANCASTER].

Macky. A fine gentleman, has both wit and learning.—Swift. I never observed a grain of either.

MONTAGU, EARL OF ABINGDON.

Macky. A gentleman of fine parts, makes a good figure in the counties of Oxford and Buckinghamshire:… is very high for the monarchy and Church.—Swift. Very covetous.

PHILIP, EARL OF CHESTERFIELD.

Macky. He is very subtle and cunning, never entered into the measures of King William, nor ever will, in all probability, make any great appearance in any other reign.—Swift. If it be old Chesterfield, I have heard he was the greatest knave in England.

CHARLES, EARL OF BERKELEY.

Macky. A gentleman of learning, parts, and a lover of the constitution of his country; a short fat man.—Swift. Intolerably lazy and indolent, and somewhat covetous.

LOUIS, EARL OF FEVERSHAM.

Macky. A third son of the family of Duras in France; he came over with one of the Duke of York's family;… is a middle-statured brown man, turned of 50 years old.—Swift. He was a very dull old fellow.

HENRY, EARL OF GRANTHAM.

Macky. He is a very pretty gentleman, fair complexioned, and past 30 years old.—Swift. And good for nothing.

JOHN, LORD DE LA WARR.

Macky. A free jolly gentleman, turned of 40 years old.—Swift. Of very little sense; but formal, and well stocked with the low kind of lowest politics.

ROBERT, LORD LEXINTON.

Macky. He is of a good understanding, and very capable to be in the ministry; a well-bred gentleman, and an agreeable companion.—Swift. A very moderate degree of understanding.

RALPH, LORD GREY OF WERKE.

Macky. A sweet disposed gentleman; he joined King William at the Revolution, and is a zealous assertor of the liberties of the people.—Swift. Had very little in him.

JAMES, LORD CHANDOS.

Macky. Was warm against King William's reign, and doth not make any great figure in this; but, his son, Mr. Brydges[3] does, being a member of the House of Commons, one of the counsellors to the prince, and a very worthy gentleman.—Swift. But a great compiler with every court.

[Footnote 3: Afterwards Duke of Chandos.]

FRANCIS, LORD GUILFORD.

Macky. Is son to the lord-keeper North, hath been abroad, does not want sense nor application to business, and his genius leads him that way.—Swift. A mighty silly fellow.

EDWARD, LORD GRIFFIN.

Macky. Having-followed King James's fortunes, is now in France. He was always a great sportsman, and brave; a good companion, turned of 60 years old.—Swift. His son was a plain drunken fellow.

HUGH, LORD CHOLMONDELEY [AFTERWARDS EARL OF CHOLMONDELEY].

Macky. This lord is a great lover of country sports; is handsome in his person, and turned of 40 years old.—Swift. Good for nothing, as far as ever I knew.

CHARLES, LORD BUTLER OF WESTON.

Macky. Earl of Arran in Ireland, and brother to the Duke of Ormonde;… of very good sense, though seldom shows it.—Swift. This is right; but he is the most negligent of his own affairs.

MR. THOMAS MANSELL [AFTERWARDS LORD MANSELL].

Macky. He is a gentleman of a great deal of wit and good nature, a lover of the ladies, and a pleasant companion.—Swift. Of very good nature, but a very moderate capacity.

ROBERT HARLEY, ESQ. [AFTERWARDS EARL OF OXFORD], SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Macky. He is skilled in most things, and very eloquent, [Swift, a great lie;] was bred a Presbyterian, yet joins with the Church party in everything; and they do nothing without him.—Swift. He could not properly be called eloquent, but he knew how to prevail on the House with few words and strong reasons.

THE HON. HENRY BOYLE [AFTERWARDS LORD CARLETON], CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER.

Macky. Is a good companion in conversation; agreeable amongst the ladies; serves the Queen very assiduously in council; makes a considerable figure in the House of Commons; by his prudent administration, obliges everybody in the exchequer; and in time may prove a great man.—Swift. He had some very scurvy qualities, particularly avarice.

SIR THOMAS FRANKLAND, POST-MASTER-GENERAL.

Macky. He is a gentleman of a very sweet, easy, affable disposition; of good sense, extremely zealous for the constitution of his country, yet does not seem over forward; keeps an exact unity amongst the officers under him, and encourages them in their duty, through a peculiar familiarity, by which he obliges them, and keeps up the dignity of being master.—Swift. A fair character.

THE RT. HON. JOHN SMITH, ONE OF HER MAJESTY'S PRIVY-COUNCIL.

Macky. A gentleman of much honour, a lover of the constitution of his country; a very agreeable companion in conversation, a bold orator in the House of Commons,[4] when the interest of his country is at stake; of a good address.—Swift. I thought him a heavy man.

[Footnote 4: He was Speaker of the House of Commons, 1705-1708. [T.S.]]

CHARLES D'AVENANT, LL.D.

Macky. He was very poor at the Revolution, had no business to support him all the reign of King William, yet made a good figure. He is a very cloudy-looked man, fat, of middle stature, about 50 years old.—Swift. He was used ill by most ministries; he ruined his own estate, which put him under a necessity to comply with the times.

MATTHEW PRIOR, ESQ., COMMISSIONER OF TRADE.

Macky. On the Queen's accession to the throne, he was continued in his office, is very well at court with the ministry, and is an entire creature of my Lord Jersey's, whom he supports by his advice. Is one of the best poets in England, but very factious in conversation; a thin hollow-looked man, turned of 40 years old.—Swift. This is near the truth.

THOMAS TENISON, ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY.

Macky. A plain, good, heavy man, now much in years, and wearing out; very tall, of a fair complexion, and 70 years old.—Swift. The most good-for-nothing prelate I ever knew.

GILBERT BURNET. BISHOP OF SALISBURY.

Macky. Of a very good family in Scotland, of the name of Burnet, his father was Lord [Swift, laird] of Cremont…. He is one of the greatest [Swift, Scotch] orators of the age he lives in. His "History of the Reformation," and his "Exposition of the Thirty-nine Articles," show him to be a man of great learning; but several of his other works show him to be a man neither of prudence nor temper; his sometimes opposing, and sometimes favouring, the Dissenters, hath much exposed him to the generality of the people of England; yet he is very useful in the House of Peers, and proves a great pillar, both of the civil and ecclesiastical constitution, against the encroachments of a party which would destroy both.—Swift. His true character would take up too much time for me (who knew him well) to describe it.

GEORGE STEPNEY, ESQ., ENVOY EXTRAORDINARY TO THE EMPEROR [OF AUSTRIA].

Macky. A gentleman of admirable natural parts, very learned, one of the best poets [Swift, scarce of a third rate] now in England.

MR. [AFTERWARDS SIR PAUL] METHUEN, AMBASSADOR TO THE KING OF PORTUGAL.

Macky. A man of intrigue, but very muddy in his conceptions, and not quickly understood in anything. In his complexion and manners, much of a Spaniard.—Swift. A profligate rogue, without religion or morals; but cunning enough, yet without abilities of any kind.

THOMAS, LORD RABY [AFTERWARDS EARL OF STRAFFORD], ENVOY EXTRAORDINARY TO THE KING OF PRUSSIA.

Macky. He is a young gentleman, de bon naturel, handsome, of fine understanding, [Swift, very bad, and can't spell,] and, with application, may prove a man of business. He is of low stature [Swift, he is tall].

MR. [RICHARD] HILL, ENVOY EXTRAORDINARY TO THE DUKE OF SAVOY.

Macky. Is a gentleman of a good family in Shropshire. He was designed for the church, and took deacon's [Swift, priest's] orders; but having a genius for business, and falling into the acquaintance of my Lord Ranelagh, when tutor to my Lord Hyde, he was sent into Flanders as paymaster to the English troops there. … He is a gentleman of very clear parts, and affects plainness and simplicity [Swift, au contraire] in his dress, and conversation especially. He is a favourite to both parties [Swift, to neither]; and is beloved for his easy access, and affable way by those he has business to do with. He is a thin, tall man, [Swift, short, if I remember right,] taller than the ordinary stature, near 50 years old.

SIR LAMBERT BLACKWELL, ENVOY TO THE GREAT DUKE OF TUSCANY.

Macky. He affects much the gentleman in his dress, and the minister in his conversation: Is very lofty, yet courteous, when he knows his people; much envied by his fellow merchants.—Swift. He seemed to be a very good-natured man.

MR. [Dr.] AGLIONBY,
ENVOY TO THE SWISS CANTONS.

Macky. He hath abundance of wit, and understands most of the modern languages well; knows how to tell a story to the best advantage; but has an affected manner of conversation; is thin, splenetic, and tawny complexioned, turned of 60 years old.—Swift. He had been a Papist.

MR. D'AVENANT, AGENT AT FRANKFORT.

Macky. A very giddy-headed young fellow, with some wit; about 25 years old.—Swift. He is not worth mentioning.

JOHN, LORD CUTTS.

Macky. He hath abundance of wit, but too much seized with vanity and self-conceit; he is affable, familiar, and very brave; … towards 50 years old.—Swift. The vainest old fool alive.

HENRY, EARL OF GALWAY.

Macky. One of the finest gentlemen in the army, with a head fitted for the cabinet, as well as the camp; is very modest, vigilant, and sincere; a man of honour and honesty, [Swift, in all directly otherwise;] without pride or affectation; wears his own hair, is plain in his dress and manners, towards 60 years old.—Swift. A deceitful, hypocritical, factious knave; a damnable hypocrite, of no religion.

GEORGE, EARL OF ORKNEY.

Macky. He is a very well-shaped black man; is brave; but, by reason of a hesitation in his speech wants expression.—Swift. An honest good-natured gentleman, and hath much distinguished himself as a soldier.

MR. JAMES STANHOPE [AFTERWARDS EARL STANHOPE], ENVOY EXTRAORDINARY TO THE STATES GENERAL.

Macky. He is a man of honour,… and pleases the Dutch. His son, Colonel Stanhope, is one of the finest young gentlemen we have; is very learned, with a great deal of wit. … A handsome [Swift, ugly] black man.

SIR CHARLES O'HARA [AFTERWARDS LORD TYRAWLEY], LIEUTENANT-GENERAL.

Macky. At the Revolution he had a company in the foot-guards; was afterwards lieutenant-colonel to that regiment; was made colonel to the fusileers, and gradually advanced to the post he now hath, which he well deserves, being of good understanding, and abundance of learning; fit to command, if not too covetous; he is a short, black man, 50 years old.—Swift. His father was a groom; he was a man of sense, without one grain of honesty.

COLONEL MATTHEW AYLMER [AFTERWARDS LORD AYLMER], VICE-ADMIRAL OF THE FLEET.

Macky. He hath a very good head, indefatigable and designing; is very zealous for the liberties of the people, makes a good figure in the Parliament, as well as the fleet.—Swift. A virulent party man, born in Ireland.

JAMES, DUKE OF HAMILTON.

Macky. On the Queen's accession to the throne, he made strong efforts to get into the administration, but hath not yet succeeded, though he is well received at court; he is brave in his person, with a rough air of boldness; of good sense, very forward and hot for what he undertakes; ambitious and haughty, a violent enemy; hath been very extravagant in his manner of living; but now grows covetous.—Swift. He was made master of the ordnance; a worthy good-natured person, very generous, but of a middle understanding; he was murdered by that villain Macartney, an Irish Scot.

ARCHIBALD, DUKE OF ARGYLL.

Macky. Few of his years hath a better understanding, nor a more manly behaviour. He hath seen most of the courts of Europe, is very handsome in his person, fair complexioned; about 25 years old.—Swift. Ambitious, covetous, cunning Scot; has no principle, but his own interest and greatness. A true Scot in his whole conduct.

JAMES, MARQUESS OF MONTROSE [AFTERWARDS DUKE OF MONTROSE].

Macky. Representative of the ancient and noble family of Graham; great-grandson to that famous Montrose, who was hanged and quartered for Charles I.; and grandson, by the mother, to the Duke of Rothes. He inherits all the great qualities of those two families, with a sweetness of behaviour, which charms all those who know him; hath improved himself in most foreign courts; is very beautiful in his person, and about 25 years old.—Swift. Now very homely, and makes a sorry appearance.

JOHN, EARL OF SUTHERLAND.

Macky. A very honest man, a great assertor of the liberties of the people; hath a good, rough sense; is open and free; a great lover of his bottle and his friend; brave in his person, which he hath shown in several duels; too familiar for his quality, and often keeps company below it.—Swift. A blundering, rattle-pated, drunken sot.

SECRETARY [JAMES] JOHNSTOUN, NOW LORD-REGISTER.

Macky. Is a younger son of my Lord Warriston, who was beheaded. … He is very honest, [Swift, a treacherous knave,] yet something too credulous and suspicious; endued with a great deal of learning and virtue; is above little tricks, free from ceremony; and would not tell a lie for the world.—Swift. One of the greatest knaves even in Scotland.

MR. [WILLIAM] CARSTAIRS.

Macky. He is the cunningest, subtle dissembler in the world, with an air of sincerity, a dangerous enemy, because always hid. An instance of which was Secretary Johnstoun, to whom he pretended friendship, till the very morning he gave him a blow, though he had been worming him out of the King's favour for many months before; he is a fat, sanguine-complexioned fair man, always smiling, where he designs most mischief, a good friend when he is sincere; turned of 50 years old.—Swift. A true character; but not strong enough by a fiftieth part.

JOHN, EARL OF MAR.

Macky. He is a very good manager in his private affairs, which were in disorder when his father died, and is a stanch countryman, fair complexioned, low stature, and 30 years old.—Swift. He is crooked; he seemed to me to be a gentleman of good sense and good nature,

ANDREW FLETCHER, OF SALTON.

Macky. A gentleman of a fair estate in Scotland, attended with the improvement of a good education. … He hath written some excellent tracts, but not published in his name; and hath a very fine genius; is a low, thin man, brown complexion, full of fire, with a stern, sour look, and 50 years old.—Swift. A most arrogant, conceited pedant in politics; cannot endure the least contradiction in any of his visions or paradoxes.

CHARLES, EARL OF MIDDLETON.

Macky. He is one of the politest gentlemen in Europe; hath a great deal of wit, mixed with a sound judgment, and a very clear understanding; of an easy, indifferent access, but a careless way of living. … He is a black man, of a middle stature, with a sanguine complexion; and one of the pleasantest companions in the world. Towards 60 years old.—Swift. Sir William Temple told me, he was a very valuable man, and a good scholar. I once saw him.

DAVID, EARL OF WEEMS.

Macky. He hath not yet been in the administration; is a fine personage, and very beautiful; hath good sense, and is a man of honour. About 30 years old.—Swift. He was a black man, and handsome for a Scot.

NOTE.—The characters on the Duke of Shrewsbury, the Duke of Devonshire, the Earl of Ranelagh, and Rear-Admiral Byng, have been entirely omitted. The first is not given by Reed, and includes in Birch the single word "none"; the second is not given either by Birch or Reed, but appears only in "The Crypt"; the third is given only by Nichols; and the last is not given by Birch or Reed.

***** ***** ***** ***** *****

REMARKS ON

LORD CLARENDON'S HISTORY OF

THE REBELLION

OXFORD EDITION, 1707, 3 VOLS.

FROM THE ORIGINAL, IN ST. PATRICK'S LIBRARY.

NOTE.

The text of this edition of Swift's notes on Clarendon has been founded on the careful transcript made by Mr. Percy Fitzgerald. This transcript is now in the Victoria and Albert Museum, South Kensington. Mr. Fitzgerald refers to Dr. Rowan's collation, but I have been unable to find the original of this. Rowan's additions, however, were noted by Mr. Fitzgerald, and they have been included here. Mr. Fitzgerald says: "Scott's notes, subject to the corrections just given [by himself], are correct, and would serve as the base of the new edition. The additions I have given and the few given by Dr. Rowan (which are given here a little further on) will have to be inserted in their proper places and will make the whole complete." This has been done, and the present reprint is a very careful following out of this suggestion.

After the following pages were in type, however, I have had the opportunity, through the kindness of Dr. Bernard, the Dean of St. Patrick's Cathedral, of examining the original copy in the Marsh Library at Dublin. Assisted by the Rev. Newport J.D. White, the librarian of the Marsh Library, I have been able to correct several of Mr. Percy Fitzgerald's transcripts, and to add some "remarks" omitted both by him and Scott.

Mr. White, in an article in "Hermathena" (No. xxvii., 1901), suggests that the successive perusals by Swift account "for the fact that some of the notes are in ink, though most are in pencil; while in one or two cases Swift seems to have retraced in ink a remark originally in pencil." Although Swift finished his fourth reading of the "History" in 1741, it is undoubted that he had already annotated the volumes at a much earlier date. The copy of the "History," now in the Marsh Library, was presented to it by Archbishop King, though the exact date of this presentation can only be guessed. "In the register of benefactions," writes Mr. White in "Hermathena," "the first list, which was evidently written at one time and by one hand, contains the names of all books presented by King. Two of these were published as late as 1723. The next entry is dated April 12th, 1726. It is probable, therefore, that these volumes came into their present abode between 1723 and 1726. As Dean of St. Patrick's, Swift was one of the governors of the library, and in that capacity attended many of the annual visitations between 1718 and 1736. It is natural to suppose that he was a constant reader." It follows, therefore, that Swift borrowed the volumes from the library for his re-perusal; and perhaps retraced his annotations at that time and added new ones.

It is worth while to reprint a sentence from Scott's note on these "Remarks" of Swift's, if only to continue a record of retort against Swift's intemperance of feeling against the Scottish nation: "The ludicrous virulence of his execrations against the Scottish nation, go a great way to remove the effect of his censure; and a native of Scotland may be justified in retaining them, were it but for that reason."

[T.S.]

REMARKS ON CLARENDON'S HISTORY OF THE REBELLION.

VOL. I.

On the first board: Finished the 4th time, April 18, 1741. Judicium de authore.[1]

[Footnote: 1 The note "Finished the 4th time April 18, 1741," which Scott and Fitzgerald record as written on the first board of vol. i., is not now to be traced, the volume having been rebound since their transcripts were made.]

The cursed, hellish villainy, treachery, treasons of the Scots, were the chief grounds and causes of that execrable rebellion.—Swift.

"The word of a king." This phrase is repeated some hundred times; but is ever foolish, and too often false.—Swift.

PREFACE.

P. v. [p. xxi.[2]] Clarendon. We might give instances … of those points … which have brought the prince, sometimes, under the disadvantageous suspicion of being inclined to the love of arbitrary power.—Swift. What king doth not love, and endeavour at it?

[Footnote: 2 The references in square brackets apply to the recent Oxford edition of Clarendon's "Rebellion" (6 vols., cr. 8vo, 1888). The prefaces can only be referred to by the page, but throughout the body of the work the paragraphs are separately numbered for each book. [T. S.]]

P, vi. [p. xxii.] Clarendon. The people may not always be restrained from attempting by force to do themselves right, though they ought not.—Swift. They ought!

BOOK I.

P. 9. [par. 12.] Clarendon. All men being inhibited, by the proclamation at the dissolution of the Parliament in the fourth year, so much as to mention or speak as if a Parliament should be called.—Swift. Great weakness.

P. 47. [par. 128.] Clarendon. He [the Earl of Montgomery] had not sat many years in that sunshine, when a new comet appeared in court, Robert Carr, a Scotsman, quickly after declared favourite.—Swift. A Scottish king makes a Scottish favourite.

P. 48. [par. 133.] Clarendon. The Earl of Carlisle … wrought himself into … greater affection and esteem with the whole English nation, than any other of that country; by choosing their friendships, and conversation, and really preferring it to any of his own—Swift. A miracle in a Scot!

P. 58. [par. 159.] Clarendon. During the whole time that these pressures were exercised, and those new, and extraordinary ways were run, that is, from the dissolution of the Parliament in the fourth year, to the beginning of this Parliament, which was above twelve years, this kingdom … enjoyed the greatest calm, and the fullest measure of felicity, that any people in any age, for so long time together, have been blessed with.—Swift. Partial.

P. 59. [par. 162.] Clarendon. The kingdoms, we now lament, were alone looked upon as the garden of the world; Scotland (which was but the wilderness of that garden), etc.—Swift. The dunghill!

Ibid, [par. 163.] Clarendon. Those rough courses, which made him [the King] perhaps less loved at home, made him more feared abroad; by how much the power of kingdoms is more reverenced than their justice by their neighbours: and it may be this consideration might not be the least motive, and may not be the worst excuse for those counsels.—Swift Too arbitrary.

P. 60. [par. 163.] Clarendon. Nerva was deified for uniting, Imperium et Libertas.—Swift. "Libertas" underlined and "nego" written in the margin.

Ibid. [par. 165.] Clarendon. Wise men knew that that which looked like pride in some, would, etc. [Swift places a condemnatory pencil mark beneath "that."]

P. 75. [par. 201.] Clarendon. A book so full of good learning,[3] [i e., Bp. John Williams (of Lincoln) against Innovations in Religion].—Swift. Is that book to be bought or borrowed?

[Footnote 3: Again referred to on p. 271. See Scott's note in loco (p. 297). [T.S.]]

BOOK II.

P. 88. [par. 18.] Clarendon. There was so little curiosity either in the court, or the country, to know anything of Scotland, or what was done there, that when the whole nation was solicitous to know what passed weekly in Germany, and Poland, and all other parts of Europe, no man ever enquired what was doing in Scotland, nor had that kingdom a place or mention in one page of any gazette.—Swift. Should Bridewell news be in any gazette?

P.88. [par 18.] Clarendon. The people [the Scotch] after they had once begun, pursued the business vigorously, and with all imaginable contempt of the government.—Swift. Scottish scoundrels!

P. 94. [par. 38.] Clarendon in the address of the Scots to the King:—Lamenting "their ill fortune that their enemies had so great credit with the King, as to persuade him to believe that they were or could be disobedient to him, a thing that could never enter into their loyal hearts."—Swift. Scotch dogs!

Ibid. [par. 39.] Clarendon. Into Scotland … as far as a place called Dunce.—Swift. "Dunce" underlined.

P. 95. [par. 42.] Clarendon. The Covenanters … were very reasonably exalted with this success, [the retreat of the Earl of Holland from Dunse,] and scattered their letters abroad amongst the noblemen at court, according to the humours of the men to whom they writ.—Swift. Cursed Scots for ever!

P. 96. [par. 46.] Clarendon, speaking of the Marquess of
Hamilton.—Swift. A cursed true Scot!

P. 100. [par. 55] Clarendon The Scots got so much benefit and advantage by it [the treaty of pacification], that they brought all their other mischievous devices to pass, with ease.—Swift. Confounded Scots!

P. 101. [par. 58.] Marginal note to Clarendon: The Earl of Argyle joins with the Covenanters, notwithstanding his great obligations to the King.—Swift. All Argyles, cursed Scottish hell-hounds for ever!

P. 103. [par. 60.] Clarendon, on the letter from the Scotch nobility to the French King, which was intercepted, and upon Lord Lowden, in his examination:—refusing to give any other answer, than that it was writ before the agreement … and never sent; that if he had committed any offence, he ought to be questioned for it in Scotland, and not in England.—Swift. Scottish traitors!

Ibid. [par. 61.] Clarendon. The opinion of the prejudice and general aversion over the whole kingdom to the Scots, and the indignation they had at their presumption in their design of invading England, made it believed that a Parliament would express a very sharp sense of their insolence and carriage towards the King.—Swift. Cursed hellish Scots for ever!

P. 104. [par. 62.] Clarendon, on the calling together of the Parliament in 1640:—The King … directed the lord-keeper to issue out writs for the meeting of a Parliament upon the third day of April then next ensuing.—Swift. April 3d for knaves; the 1st for fools!

P. 114. [par, 90.] Clarendon. The Scots army … were always beaten.—Swift. "Always beaten" trebly underlined.

P. 116. [par. 97.] Clarendon The convocation-house (the regular and legal assembling of the clergy) customarily beginning and ending with Parliaments, was, after the determination of the last, by a new writ continued.—Swift. Convocations of the clergy are as legal and as necessary as those of the laity.

P. 122. [par 108.] Clarendon, on the commissioners who met at Ripon:—When these commissioners from the King arrived at Ripon, there came others from the Scots army of a quality much inferior—Swift. A cursed committee!

Ibid. [par. 108.] Clarendon. Alexander Henderson.—Swift. A cursed fanatic! (Written in pencil, and partially rubbed out.)

P. 123. [par. 109.] Clarendon. There was not a man of all the English, etc.—Swift. Cursed hellish Scots!

P. 124. [par. 111.] Clarendon. They brought them with them and presented them to the King [Swift underscores them.]

Ibid. [par. 113.] Clarendon. Three of the commissioners, and no more, were of the King's council, the Earls of Pembroke, Salisbury, and Holland.—Swift. Bad counsellors.

P. 125. [par. 116.] Clarendon The commissioners at Ripon quickly agreed upon the cessation; and were not unwilling to have allowed fifty thousand pounds a month for the support of the Scots army, when they did assign but thirty thousand pounds a month for the payment of the King's.—Swift. Greedy Scotch rebellious dogs.

P. 129. [par. 126.] Clarendon. It must not be doubted that there were many particular persons of honour of that nation who abhorred the outrages which were committed.—Swift. I doubt it; for they were Scots.

P. 130. [par. 128.] Clarendon. It can hardly be conceived, with what entire confidence in each other, the numerous and not very rich nobility of Scotland … concurred in the carrying on this rebellion.—Swift. Beggarly, beggarly!

BOOK III.

P. 148. [par. 32.] Clarendon. Mr. Saint-John … a natural son of the house of Bullingbrook.—Swift. A bastard.

P. 151. [par. 38.] Clarendon. The Earl of Rothes … was a man very well bred, of very good parts, and great address.—Swift. A Scotch freethinker.

P. 152. [par. 42.] Clarendon, on the order of the Houses of Parliament, to use the appellation of "our brethren of Scotland" towards the Scotch commissioners.—Swift Cursed Scots, brethren in iniquity.

P. 153 [par 44] Clarendon The allegation was, "That the charge against the Earl of Stafford was of an extraordinary nature, being to make a treason evident out of a complication of several ill acts, That he must be traced through many dark paths," etc.—Swift. As a boy.

Ibid [par 45] Clarendon It was alleged, "That at his coming from Ireland the Earl had said in council there, That if ever he returned to that sword again, he would not leave a Scottishman in that kingdom".—Swift And it was a good resolution.

P 153 [par 45] Clarendon —— "And at his arrival in this kingdom, the lord mayor and some aldermen of London attending the board about the loan of moneys, and not giving that satisfaction was expected, that he should tell the King, That it would never be well till he hanged up a Lord Mayor of London in the City to terrify the rest".—Swift At worst, only a rash expression.

P 155 [par 50] Clarendon Hereupon, in one day, were sworn privy councillors, much to the public joy, the Earl of Hertford (whom the King afterwards made marquess), the Earl of Bedford, the Earl of Essex, the Earl of Bristol, the Lord Say, the Lord Saville, and the Lord Kimbolton, and within two or three days after, the Earl of Warwick.—Swift All [rogues, perhaps,[4]] but the first.

[Footnote: 4 P Fitzgerald says [sworn, more likely] [T.S.]]

P 161 [par 67] Clarendon, on the method of procuring signatures to one petition, and then cutting them off, and affixing them to a petition of quite a different tendency.—Swift Dogs, villains, almost as bad as the cursed Scots.

P 366 [par 85] Clarendon The Earl of Bedford prevailed with the King … to make Oliver Saint-John … his solicitor-general, which His Majesty readily consented to: … being a gentleman of an honourable extraction (if he had been legitimate).—Swift The bastard before mentioned.

P 183 [par 140] Clarendon, trial of Strafford—Mr Solicitor Saint-John … argued for the space of near an hour the matter of law. Of the argument itself I shall say little, it being in print, and in many hands, I shall only remember two notable propositions, which are sufficient characters of the person and the time.—Swift Bp. A[tterbury]

P 187 [par 156] Clarendon, on the bill for extirpating bishops, deans, and chapters, etc.—Though the rejecting it, was earnestly urged by very many, … yet, all the other people, as violently pressed the reading it; and none so importunately, as Saint-John.—Swift. The bastard!

P. 195. [par. 179.] Clarendon. It being always their custom, when they found the heat and distemper of the House (which they endeavoured to keep up, by the sharp mention and remembrance of former grievances and pressures) in any degree allayed, by some gracious act, or gracious profession of the King's, to warm and inflame them again with a discovery, or promise of a discovery, of some notable plot and conspiracy against themselves.—Swift. King George I.'s reign.

P. 199. [par. 189.] Clarendon. Whereas some doubts, etc.—Swift.
True Popish evasion.

Ibid. Clarendon, on the explanation of the Protestation for the Church of England:—concerning the meaning of these words … "viz The true reformed Protestant religion, expressed in the doctrine of the Church of England, against all Popery and Popish innovations within this realm, contrary to the same doctrine," This House doth declare, that by those words, was and is meant, only the public doctrine professed in the said Church, so far as it is opposite to Popery, etc.—Swift. Fanatic dogs!

P. 202. [par. 198.] Clarendon. The Archbishop of York.—Swift.
Williams, before of Lincoln.

Ibid. [par. 200.] Clarendon, on the letter of Strafford to the King, persuading him no longer to delay the order for his execution.—Swift. Great magnanimity!

P. 203. [par. 201.] Clarendon. The delivery of this letter being quickly known, new arguments were applied; "that this free consent of his own, clearly absolved the King from any scruple that could remain with him."—Swift. Weak, and wrong.

Ibid. [par. 202.] Clarendon. There was reason enough to believe, their impious hands would be lifted up against his own person, and (which he much more apprehended) against the person of his royal consort.—Swift. A most unhappy marriage.

P. 204. [par. 206.] Clarendon. Together with that of attainder of the Earl of Strafford, another Bill was passed by the King, of almost as fatal a consequence both to the King and kingdom, … "the Act for the perpetual Parliament;" as it is since called.—Swift. Cursed stupidity! Hinc illae lachrymae.

P. 205. [par. 207.] Clarendon. No way could be thought of so sure, as an Act of Parliament, "that this Parliament should not be adjourned, prorogued, or dissolved, but by Act of Parliament, which, upon this occasion, His Majesty would never deny to pass."—Swift. The fatal stroke.

Ibid. [par. 210.] Clarendon, on the King's passing this Bill. —Swift. I wish the author had enlarged here upon what motives the King passed that Bill.

P 205 [par 210] Clarendon, on the same.—Swift The King by this act utterly ruined.

P 207 [par 217] Clarendon, on the passing of the tonnage and poundage bill—And so in expectation and confidence, that they would make glorious additions to the state and revenue of the crown, His Majesty suffered himself to be stripped of all that he had left.—Swift Great weakness in the King.

P 225 [par 271] Clarendon These Acts of Parliament, etc will be acknowledged, by an uncorrupted posterity, to be everlasting monuments of the King's princely and fatherly affection to his people.—Swift Rather of his weakness.

BOOK IV

P 237 [par 24] Clarendon A general insurrection of the Irish, spread itself over the whole country, in such an inhumane and barbarous manner, that there were forty or fifty thousand of the English Protestants murdered.—Swift At least.

P 243 [par 43] Clarendon That which should have been an act of oblivion, was made a defence and justification of whatsoever they [the Scotch] had done.—Swift Scot, Scot, Scot, for ever Scot.

P 244 [par 47] Clarendon His Majesty having never received any considerable profit from Scotland, etc.—Swift How could he, from Scottish rebels and beggars?

P 245 [par 47] Clarendon Surely he had then very hard thoughts of a great part of the nation [the Scotch].—Swift Who can doubt of it?

P 257 [par 87] Clarendon The propositions made from Scotland, "for the sending ten thousand men from thence, into Ulster, to be paid by the Parliament," were consented to, whereby some soldiers were dispatched thither, to defend their own plantation, and did in truth, at our charge, as much oppress the English that were there, as the rebels could have done.—Swift Send cursed rebel Scots, who oppressed the English in that kingdom as the Irish rebels did, and were governors of that province, etc.

P 271 [par 130] Clarendon, Doctor Williams, Archbishop of York—had himself published, by his own authority, a book against the using those ceremonies [which were countenanced by Laud], in which there was much good learning, and too little gravity for a bishop.—Swift Where is that book to be had?[5]

[Footnote 5: The book is extant, and was written in answer to Dr Heyhn's "Coal from the Altar". Even the title page contains a punning allusion to his adversary's work, rather too facetious for the subject of his own. It is entitled "The Holy Table, name and thing, more anciently, properly, and literally used under the New Testament, than that of Altar."]

P. 272. [par. 130.] Clarendon, Archbishop Williams:—appeared to be a man of a very corrupt nature, whose passions could have transported him into the most unjustifiable actions.—Swift. This character I think too severe.

P. 275. [par. 138.] Clarendon, the same:—The great hatred of this man's person and behaviour, was the greatest invitation to the House of Commons so irregularly to revive that Bill to remove the bishops.—Swift. How came he to be so hated by that faction he is so said to favour?

P. 277. [par. 140.] Clarendon, petition and protestation of the bishops.—Swift. I see no fault in this protestation.

P. 280. [par. 149.] Clarendon, on the articles of high treason against
Lord Kimbolton, Pym, Hampden, Hollis, Haslerigg, and Strode.—Swift.
It proved a long and vexatious affair.

P. 281. [par. 152.] Clarendon. The next day in the afternoon, the King … came to the House of Commons…. Himself, with his nephew, the Prince Elector, went into the House, to the great amazement of all.—Swift. Too rash and indiscreet; the second great and fatal error.

P. 282. [par. 152.] Clarendon. He assured them in the word of a King, etc.—Swift. Never to be relied upon.

P. 284. [par. 157.] Clarendon. The King … published, the next day, a proclamation, for the apprehension of all those, whom he had accused of high treason, forbidding any person to harbour them; the articles of their charge being likewise printed, and dispersed.—Swift. A very weak and wrong proceeding in the King, which had very bad consequences.

Ibid. Clarendon, on the same proceeding.—Swift. What was their crime?

P. 322. [par. 264.] Clarendon. The humble petition of many thousands of poor people in and about the city of London.—Swift. Who was the author?

P. 334. [par. 302.] Clarendon, on the King's passing the bills against the bishops' votes, and about pressing.—Swift. Too great a weakness, and attended by a heap of gross follies.

P. 336. [par. 307.] Clarendon, on:—An Ordinance of both Houses of
Parliament for the ordering of the Militia of the kingdom of England,
and dominion of Wales.—Swift. The most ruinous consequence of the
King's weakness and cowardice.

BOOK V.

P. 364. [par. 6.] Clarendon, in the King's Declaration, March 9, 164-1/2:—For the Lord Digby, he assured them in the word of a King, etc.—Swift. I cannot endure that phrase any more.

Written long ago by a minister in Lincolnshire, in answer to D. Coal, a judicious divine of Q. Marie's dayes. 1637. [S.]

P. 365. [par. 9.] Clarendon, in the same:—What greater earnest of his trust, and reliance on his Parliament could he give, than the passing the Bill for the continuance of this present Parliament?—Swift. Like a very weak prince.

Ibid. Clarendon, in the same:—The length of which [Parliament] he said, he hoped, would never alter the nature of Parliaments, and the constitution of this kingdom; or invite his subjects so much to abuse his confidence, as to esteem anything fit for this Parliament to do, which were not fit, if it were in his power to dissolve it to-morrow.—Swift. Yet, that was his ruin.

P. 366. [par. 11.] Clarendon. The factious party [persuaded the people] … that there was a design to send the prince beyond the seas, and to marry him to some Papist.—Swift. As it fell out.

P. 384. [par. 56.] Clarendon, in the King's answer to the petition to remove the magazine from Hull:—We have … most solemnly promised, in the word of a king, etc.—Swift. How long is that phrase to last?

P. 415. [par. 136] Clarendon. Whoever concurred, voted, and sided with them, in their extravagant conclusions, let the infamy of his former life, or present practice be what it would; his injustice and oppression never so scandalous, and notorious; he was received, countenanced, and protected with marvellous demonstrations of affection.—Swift. King George's reign.

P. 419. [par. 148.] Clarendon, in the King's answer to the petition to dissolve his Guards:—He asked them, "when they had so many months together not contented themselves to rely for security, as their predecessors had done, upon the affection of the people, but by their own single authority had raised to themselves a guard … and yet all those pikes and protestations, that army, on one side, and that navy, on the other, had not persuaded His Majesty to command them to disband their forces," etc.—Swift. What are those pikes?

P. 427. [par. 162.] Clarendon, in the Declaration of the Lords and Commons, May 19, 1642—That, in the word of a King, etc.—Swift. A frequent foolish word, battered as a phrase.

P. 472. [par. 269.] Clarendon. He divested himself of the power of dissolving this Parliament.—Swift. Proved his ruin.

P. 543. [par. 425.] Clarendon, on the deposition of Sir Richard
Gurney, lord mayor.—Swift Dogs!

VOL. II.—BOOK VI.

P. 7. [par. 11.] Clarendon, Message of the King, Aug. 25th, 1642:—"Wherein, as we promise, in the word of a King, all safety and encouragement to such as shall be sent unto us … for the treaty."—Swift. Very weak.

P. 10. [par. 18.] Clarendon, answer of the Parliament to the King's message received the 5th of September, 1642.—Swift. I do not much dislike this answer.

P. 17. [par. 38.] Clarendon. The same rabble entered the house of the Countess of Rivers near Colchester; for no other ground, than that she was a Papist; and in few hours disfurnished it of all the goods.—Swift. As bad as Scots.

P. 18. [par. 40.] Clarendon. There are monuments enough in the seditious sermons at that time printed … of such wresting, and perverting of Scripture to the odious purposes of the preacher.—Swift. I wish I could find them.

P. 20. [par. 43.] Clarendon. Scottish officers.—Swift. Dogs.

P. 31 [par. 74.] Clarendon.. A thousand at the most. Most of the persons of quality, etc. [Swift underscores most.]

P. 33. [par. 78.] Clarendon, on the exemption of Prince Rupert from being under the command of the general, Lord Lindsey:—When the King at midnight, being in his bed, and receiving intelligence of the enemy's motion, commanded the Lord Falkland, his principal secretary of state, to direct Prince Rupert, what he should do, his Highness took it very ill, and expostulated with the Lord Falkland, for giving him orders.—Swift. A great mistake in the King, by too much indulgence to Prince Rupert.

P. 40. [par. 90.] Clarendon. The King's preferring the Prince's
[Rupert's] opinion in all matters relating to the war before his [Lord
Lindsey's].—Swift. I blame the King's Partiality.

P. 48, line 28.—Swift. Cursed Scots.

P. 50. [par. 109.] Clarendon. His Majesty had, from time to time, given his council of that kingdom [Scotland] full relations of all his differences with his Parliament.—Swift. Cursed Scots for ever.

P. 51. [par. 112.] Clarendon. The chief managers and governors in the first war, by their late intercourse, and communication of guilt, having a firm correspondence with the Marquess of Argyle, the Earl of Lowden, and that party.—Swift. Always a cursed family of Scots.

P. 59. [par. 142.] Clarendon. As the inviting the Scots, etc.—Swift. Too long a parenthesis.

P. 62. [par. 154.] Clarendon. For the better recruiting whereof [the Parliament's army], two of their most eminent chaplains, Dr. Downing and Mr. Marshal, publicly avowed, "that the soldiers lately taken prisoners at Brentford, and discharged, and released by the King upon their oaths that they would never again bear arms against him, were not obliged by that oath;" but, by their power, absolved them thereof.—Swift. Perfect Popery.

P. 65. [par. 161.] Clarendon, the King's message to the privy council of Scotland:—"Of all … the … indignities, which had been offered to him, he doubted not the duty and affection of his Scottish subjects would have so just a resentment, that they would express to the world the sense they had of his sufferings."—Swift. Cursed Scots; to trust them.

P. 66. [par. 163.] Clarendon, the same;—"There could not be a clearer argument to his subjects of Scotland that he had no such thought, [of bringing in foreign forces,] than that he had hitherto forborne to require the assistance of that his native kingdom; from whose obedience, duty, and affection, he should confidently expect it, if he thought his own strength here too weak to preserve him."—Swift. In vain. Clarendon. "And of whose courage, and loyalty, he should look to make use."—Swift. And never find.

Ibid. [par. 164.] Clarendon, the same:—"He could not doubt, a dutiful concurrence in his subjects of Scotland, in the care of his honour, and just rights, would draw down a blessing upon that nation too."—Swift. A Scot's blessing.

P. 67. [par. 165.] Clarendon. Other fruit of their [the Scots'] allegiance he [the King] expected not, than that they should not rebel.—Swift. But they did.

P. 81. [par. 204,] Clarendon, the King's declaration:—"These are the men who … at this time invite, and solicit our subjects of Scotland, to enter this land with an army against us."—Swift. Damnable Scots.

P. 91. [par. 231, sec. 4.] Clarendon, humble desires and propositions of the Lords and Commons:—"That your Majesty will be pleased to give your royal assent unto the Bill … for the utter abolishing, and taking away of all archbishops, bishops, their chancellors, and commissaries, deans, sub-deans, deans and chapters, archdeacons, canons, and prebendaries, and all chanters, chancellors, treasurers, sub-treasurers, succentors, and sacrists, and all vicars choral, choristers, old vicars, and new vicars of any cathedral, or collegiate church, and all other their under officers, out of the Church of England."—Swift. A thorough sweep. Clarendon. "To the Bill against scandalous ministers; to the Bill against pluralities; and to the Bill for consultation to be had with godly, religious, and learned divines."—Swift. i.e. cursed fanatics.

P. 99. [par. 243.] Clarendon. Sir Ralph Hopton … marched to Saltash, a town in Cornwall … where was a garrison of two hundred Scots; who, [upon his approach,] as kindly quit Saltash, as the others had Launceston before.—Swift. Loyal Scots—ever cursed.

P. 101. [par 247.] Clarendon. Ruthen, a Scotchman, the governor of
Plymouth.—Swift. A cursed Scottish dog.

P. 103. [par. 250.] Clarendon. The Earl of Stamford.—Swift. A rogue, half as bad as a Scot.

P. 134. [par. 338.] Clarendon, Petition of the Kirk of Scotland:—"A chief praise of the Protestant religion (and thereby our not vain, but just gloriation)."—Swift. Scotch phrase.

Ibid. Clarendon, the same:—"[The Papists] are openly declared to be not only good subjects,… but far better subjects than Protestants."—Swift. Scotch (Protestants).

P. 135. [par. 339.] Clarendon, the same:—"That your Majesty … may timeously and speedily," etc.—Swift. Scotch.

Ibid. [par. 340.] Clarendon, the same:—"We are, with greater earnestness than before, constrained to fall down again before your Majesty."—Swift. Rise against.

Ibid. Clarendon, the same. They petition:—"for a meeting of some divines to be holden in England, unto which … some commissioners may be sent from this kirk."—Swift. Hell!

P. 136. [par. 342.] Clarendon, the same:—"The strongest let, till it be taken out of the way, is the mountain of prelacy."—Swift. Scottish dogs.

Ibid. Clarendon, the same:—"How many, from the experience of the tyranny of the prelates, are afraid to discover themselves … whereas prelacy being removed, they would openly profess what they are, and join with others in the way of reformation."—Swift. i.e. Scots.

Ibid. [par. 344.] Clarendon, the same:—"The national assembly of this kirk, from which we have our commission."—Swift. From Satan.

P. 138. [par. 347.] Clarendon, the King's answer:—"Our Church of
Scotland."—Swift. Kirk.

P. 139. [par. 348.] Clarendon, the same:—"We do believe that the petitioners, when they shall consider how … unbecoming [it is] in itself, for them to require, the ancient, happy, and established government of the Church of England to be altered, and conformed to the laws, and constitutions of another church, will find themselves misled," etc.—Swift. A Scotch kirk.

P. 140. [par. 351.] Clarendon, the same:—"To which [synod] we shall be willing that some learned divines of our Church of Scotland may be likewise sent."—Swift. To confound all.

P. 142. [par. 356.] Clarendon, the same:—"We conceived, we had not left it possible, for any man to … suspect, that the conversion of our dearest consort was not so much our desire, that the accession of as many crowns as God hath already bestowed on us, would not be more welcome to us than that day."—Swift. A thorough Papist.

BOOK VII.

P. 199. [par. 71.] Clarendon. Being this way secure from any future
clamours for peace, they proceeded to try Mr. Tomkins, Mr. Chaloner, …
Mr. Hambden, who brought the last message from the King, etc.—Swift.
Which Hambden? Not the rebel Hambden? No, it was one Alexander Hambden.

P. 201. [par. 75.] Clarendon. In the beginning of the war, the army in Scotland having been lately disbanded, many officers of that nation, who had served in Germany and in France, betook themselves to the service of the Parliament.—Swift Cursed Scots for ever. Clarendon. Whereof divers were men of good conduct, and courage; though there were more as bad as the cause, in which they engaged. Of the former sort Colonel Hurry was a man of name, and reputation.—Swift. A miracle! Colonel Urrie was an honest, valiant, loyal Scot, repenting his mistakes.

P. 203. [par. 78.] Clarendon. The man [Hurry] was in his nature proud, and imperious.—Swift. A mixture of the Scot.

P. 219. [par. 106.] Clarendon. On the brow of the hill there were breast-works, on which were pretty bodies of small shot, and some cannon; on either flank grew a pretty thick wood.—Swift. Silly style.

P. 244. [par. 162.] Clarendon. "We, the Inhabitants, Magistrates," etc.—Swift. Cursed rogues.

P. 261. [par. 199.] Clarendon. Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper, a young gentleman … of a fair and plentiful fortune.—Swift. Earl of Shaftesbury by Charles II. A great villain.

P. 262. [par. 199.] Clarendon. The flexibility and instability of that gentleman's nature, not being then understood, or suspected.—Swift. Shaftesbury, an early rogue.

Ibid. [par. 200.] Clarendon. The express returned without effect [from the King], and the Marquess [of Hertford] was as sensibly touched as could be imagined; and said, "that he was fallen from all credit with the King," etc.—Swift. Too fond of those nephews.

P. 271. [par. 221.] Clarendon. [Lord Falkland] writ two large discourses against the principal positions of that [the Roman Catholic] religion, with that sharpness of style, and full weight of reason, that the Church is deprived of great jewels in the concealment of them, and that they are not published to the world.—Swift. Ten thousand pities that they are not to be recovered!

P. 277. [par. 234.] Clarendon. Thus fell that incomparable young man, [Lord Falkland,] in the four-and-thirtieth year of his age, having so much dispatched the true business of life, that the eldest rarely attain to that immense knowledge, and the youngest enter not into the world with more innocency: Whosoever leads such a life needs be the less anxious upon how short warning it is taken from him.—Swift. It moves grief to the highest excess.

P. 277. [par. 236.] Clarendon, on the jealousy between Essex and Waller:—The passion and animosity which difference of opinion had produced between any members, was totally laid aside and forgotten, and no artifice omitted to make the world believe, that they were a people newly incorporated, and as firmly united to one and the same end, as their brethren the Scots.—Swift. Deceitful Scots.

P. 282. [par. 246.] Clarendon. Earl of Holland.—Swift. Treacherous.

P. 283 [par. 247.] Clarendon, the Earl of Holland, on his return from Oxford, published a Declaration, in which he announced:—that he found the court so indisposed to peace … that he resolved to make what haste he could back to the Parliament, and to spend the remainder of his life in their service: which action, so contrary to his own natural discretion and generosity, etc.—Swift. Treachery.

Ibid. [par. 249.] Clarendon. The committee from the two Houses of Parliament, which was sent into Scotland in July before … found that kingdom in so good and ready a posture for their reception, that they had called an assembly of their kirk; and a convention of their estates, without, and expressly against, the King's consent.—Swift. Diabolical Scots for ever.

P. 284. [par. 250.] Clarendon, the Scotch said to the English commissioners.—that there were many well-wishers to him [the King], and maligners, in their hearts, of the present reformation.—Swift. Cursed Scots.

Ibid. [par. 252.] Clarendon. A form of words was quickly agreed on between them, for a perfect combination and marriage between the Parliament and the Scots.—Swift. Satan was parson.

P. 285. [par. 254.] Clarendon. The Assembly, besides … execute execute his commands. [19 lines in one sentence.]—Swift. A long confounding period.

P. 288. [par. 259, sec. 3.] Clarendon. A Solemn League and Covenant.
"To preserve … liberties of the Kingdoms."—Swift. Damnable rebel
Scots.

Ibid. [sec. 6.] Clarendon, the same:—"And the honour of the King."—Swift. By martyrdom.

P. 289. [par. 259, conclusion.] Clarendon, the same:—"We have not as we ought valued the inestimable benefit of the Gospel."—Swift. All very true.

P. 291. [par. 264.] Clarendon. They very devoutly extolled the Covenant, magnified the Scottish nation, with all imaginable attributes of esteem and reverence,… a nation that had reformed their lives for so small a time, more than ever any people, that they knew of, in the world had done.—Swift. Most diabolical Scots.

P. 292. [par. 267.] Clarendon. [Sir Harry Vane the younger.] There need no more be said of his ability, than that he was chosen to cozen, and deceive a whole nation which was thought to excel in craft and cunning.—Swift. Could out-cheat a Scot.

P. 293. [par. 269.] Clarendon. Those of the nobility and gentry, who
did really desire to serve the King, applied themselves to Duke
Hamilton.—Swift. That duke was a hellish, treacherous villain of a
Scot.

P. 316. [par. 322.] Clarendon. At this time, nothing troubled the King so much, as the intelligence he received from Scotland, that they had already formed their army, and resolved to enter England in the winter season.—Swift. Cursed Scots.

Ibid., line 37.—Swift. Scottish Dogs.

P. 318. [par. 328.] Clarendon, on the proclamation for a Parliament at Oxford.—A proclamation was issued out, containing the true grounds and motives, and mentioning the league of Scotland to invade the kingdom; which was the most universally odious, and detestable.—Swift. Hellish Scots.

P. 339 [Par. 373.] Clarendon, Letter from the Parliament of Oxford to the Earl of Essex. They conjure him to lay to heart:—"the inward bleeding condition of your country, and the outward more menacing destruction by a foreign nation."—Swift. Cursed Scotland.

P. 340. [par. 377.] Clarendon, Essex's answer to the Earl of
Forth.—Swift. Essex was a cursed rebel.

P. 341. [par. 379.] Clarendon, on the Declaration of the Scots on entering England.—Swift. Abominable, damnable, Scotch hellish dogs for ever. Let them wait for Cromwell to plague them, and enslave their scabby nation.

Ibid. [par. 380.] Clarendon, the same.—They said, "the question was not,… whether they might propagate their religion by arms?" etc.—Swift. Diabolical Scots for ever.

P. 342. [par. 383.] Clarendon. This war was of God.—Swift. An error mistaking the Devil for God.

Ibid. [par. 384.] Clarendon, Declaration of England and Scotland:—They gave now "public warning to all men to rest no longer upon their neutrality,… but that they address themselves speedily to take the Covenant."—Swift. The Devil made that damnable Scots Covenant.

P. 343. [par. 385] Clarendon. Then they proclaimed a pardon to all those who would before such a day desert the King, and adhere to them, and take the Covenant.—Swift. The Devil to take the Covenant.

Ibid. [par. 386.] Clarendon. I cannot but observe, that after this time that the Earl [of Essex] declined this opportunity of declaring himself, he never did prosperous act in the remainder of his life.—Swift. I am heartily glad of that.

P. 343. [par. 388.] Clarendon. There wanted not a just indignation at the return of this trumpet; and yet the answer being so much in that popular road, of saying something plausibly to the people, it was thought fit again to make an attempt, that at least the world might see, that they did, in plain English refuse to admit of any peace.—Swift. Scotch.

P. 347. [par. 398, sec. 2.] Clarendon, Declaration of the Parliament at Oxford:—"All his Majesty's subjects of the kingdom of England and dominion of Wales, are both by their allegiance, and the Act of Pacification, bound to resist and repress all those of Scotland as had, or should enter upon any part of his Majesty's realm."—Swift. Execrable Scots.

P. 348. [ibid, sec. 5.] Clarendon the same:—"That the Lords and Commons remaining at Westminster, who had given their consents to the present coming in of the Scots in a warlike manner, had therein committed high treason."—Swift. Rebel Scots.

Ibid. [par. 400.] Clarendon. The invasion, which the Scots made in the depth of winter, and the courage the enemy took from thence, deprived his Majesty even of any rest in that season.—Swift. Cursed Scots, ever inflaming.

P. 351. [par. 404.] Clarendon. The Earl of Montrose … was so much in the jealousy, and detestation of the violent party, whereof the Earl of Argyle was the head, that there was no cause or room left to doubt his sincerity to the King.—Swift. Odious dog; and so are all his descendants.

Ibid. [par. 405.] Clarendon. Duke Hamilton.—Swift. An arrant Scot.

Ibid. Clarendon. As soon as the King had had fuller intelligence. [Swift alters the second had to received.]

P. 352. [par. 407.] Clarendon. The Duke [Hamilton] had given the King an account,… that though some few hot, and passionate men, desired to put themselves in arms, to stop both elections of the Members, and any meeting together in Parliament; yet, that all sober men … were clearly of the opinion, to take as much pains as they could to cause good elections to be made.—Swift. What! in Scotland?

P. 353. [par. 409.] Clarendon. About this time the councils at Westminster lost a principal supporter, by the death of John Pym; who died with great torment and agony of a disease unusual, and therefore the more spoken of, morbus pediculosus, as was reported.—Swift. I wish all his clan had died of the same disease.

BOOK VIII.

P. 382. [par. 60.] Clarendon. Colonel Ashburnham, then governor of Weymouth, was made choice of for that command; …and, to make way for him, Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper had been, the year before, removed from that charge; and was thereby so much disobliged, that he quitted the King's party, and gave himself up, body and soul, to the service of the Parliament, with an implacable animosity against the royal interest.—Swift. A rogue all his life.

P. 385. [par. 66.] Clarendon, at Cropredy-bridge:—the [parliamentary] general of their ordnance [was] taken prisoner. This man, one Weemes, a Scotchman, had been as much obliged by the King, as a man of his condition could be, and in a manner very unpopular: for he was made master-gunner of England,… and having never done the King the least service, he took the first opportunity to disserve him.—Swift. A cursed, hellish Scot! Why was not the rogue hanged?

P-387. [par. 69.] Clarendon, Message from the King to the parliamentary army:—It was agreed, that Sir Edward Walker (who was both Garter king at arms, and secretary to the council of war) should be sent to publish that, his Majesty's grace.—Swift. A very mean author.

P. 388. [par. 74.] Clarendon, Battle of Marston-moor:—That party of the King's horse which charged the Scots, so totally routed and defeated their whole army, that they fled all ways for many miles together.—Swift. I am glad of that.

P. 420. [par. 153.] Clarendon. Colonel Hurry, a Scotchman, who had formerly served the Parliament, and is well mentioned, in the transactions of the last year, for having quitted them, and performed some signal service to the King,… desired a pass to go beyond the seas, and so quitted the service: but instead of embarking himself, made haste to London; and put himself now into the Earl of Manchester's army, and made a discovery of all he knew of the King's army.—Swift. Mentioned before, and then I was deceived by him; but now I find him a cursed true Scot.

P. 427. [par. 167.] Clarendon. After the battle of York, the Scots returned to reduce Newcastle; which they had already done; and all other garrisons which had held out for the King.—Swift. Most damnable Scots.

Ibid. [par. 168.] Clarendon. The King's army was less united than ever; the old general was set aside, and Prince Rupert put into the command, which was no popular change.—Swift. Too fond of his nephews.

Ibid. [par. 169.] Clarendon. Wilmot loved debauchery.—Swift. Character of Wilmot and Goring.

P. 453. [par. 233.] Clarendon, Treaty at Uxbridge: Debates about the militia. They insisted:—upon having the whole command of the militia by sea, and land, and all the forts, and ships of the kingdom at their disposal; without which they looked upon themselves as lost, and at the King's mercy; not considering that he must be at theirs, if such a power was committed to them.—Swift. The case seems doubtful. The point should be undecided.

P. 454. [par. 235.] Clarendon, the same: Ireland. The Chancellor of the Exchequer:—put them in mind, … [that] one hundred thousand pounds, brought in by the adventurers for Ireland, had been sent in one entire sum into Scotland, to prepare and dispose that kingdom to send an army to invade this.—Swift Cursed.

P. 456. [On this page two ands are erased.]

P. 457. [par. 241.] Clarendon. The conversation … made a great discovery of the faction that was in the Parliament … that the Scots would insist upon the whole government of the Church, and in all other matters would defer to the King.—Swift. [Instead of upon,] to destroy; [and instead of defer,] to betray.

Ibid. [par. 242.] Clarendon. Satisfied, that in the particular which concerned the Church, the Scots would never depart from a tittle.—Swift. Scots hell-hounds.

P. 466. [par. 262.] Clarendon. After the battle at York, … the Scotch army marched northwards, to reduce the little garrisons remaining in those parts; which was easily done.—Swift. Scottish dogs.

Ibid. [par. 263.] Clarendon. The person whom that earl [of Montrose] most hated, and contemned, was the Marquess of Argyle.—Swift. A most damnable false dog, and so are still their family.

P. 478. [par. 284.] Clarendon. The Parliament had, some months before, made an ordinance against giving quarter to any of the Irish nation which should be taken prisoners. … The Earl of Warwick, and the officers under him at sea, had as often as he met with any Irish frigates, … taken all the seamen who became prisoners to them of that nation, and bound them back to back, and thrown them overboard into the sea.—Swift. Barbarous villains, and rebels.

BOOK IX.

P. 484. [par. 2.] Clarendon. Persons, whose memories ought to be charged with their own evil actions, rather than that the infamy of them should be laid on the age wherein they lived; which did produce as many men, eminent for their loyalty and incorrupted fidelity to the crown, as any that had preceded it.—Swift. Not quite.

P. 485. [par. 4.] Clarendon. The Marquess of Argyle was now come from
Scotland.—Swift. A cursed Scotch hell-hound.

P. 501. [par. 29.] Clarendon. Prince Rupert … disposed the King to resolve to march northwards, and to fall upon the Scotch army in Yorkshire, before Fairfax should be able to perfect his new model to that degree, as to take the field.—Swift. Cursed Scots still.

P. 516. [par. 55.] Clarendon, on Sir Richard Greenvil hanging an attorney named Brabant, as a spy, out of private revenge.—Swift. This rogue would almost be a perfect Scot.

P. 521. [par. 63.] Clarendon. (The which had been already so scandalous, … contribution.) [61/2 lines between parentheses.] —Swift. Long parenthesis.

P. 574. [par. 164] Clarendon. The King … resolved once more to try another way, … [whereby] he should discover, whether he had so many friends in the Parliament, and the city, as many men would persuade him to conclude; and whether the Scots had ever a thought of doing him service.—Swift. No more than Beelzebub.

P. 579. [par. 175.] Clarendon. Monsieur Montrevil [was sent] into England: … who likewise persuaded his Majesty, to believe … that the cardinal was well assured, that the Scots would behave themselves henceforwards very honestly.—Swift. Damnable Scots.

P. 580. [par. 176.] Clarendon. The Scots were resolved to have no more to do with his Majesty.—Swift. Gave up the King.

VOLUME III.

On the bastard title: That frequent expression,—upon the word of a king, I have always despised and detested, for a thousand reasons.

Dedication, 21st par. [vol. I., p. li., edit of 1888.] Clarendon. Some very near that King … putting him on the thoughts of marrying some Roman Catholic lady.—Swift. As he did.

BOOK X.

P. 2. [par. 2.] Clarendon. Sir Dudley Wyat had been sent expressly from the Lord Jermin, to assure the prince, that such a body of five thousand foot were actually raised under the command of Ruvignie, and should be embarked for Pendennis within less than a month.—Swift. Father to Lord Galloway; a Huguenot.

P. 6. [par. 11.] Clarendon, Upon the Queen's hearing that the King had gone to the Scots army, she:—renewed her command for the prince's immediate repair into France; whereas the chief reason before was, that he would put himself into the Scots' hands.— Swift. He could not do worse.

P. 7 [par. 12] Clarendon The King … was by this time known to be in the Scots army—Swift. And these hell hounds sold him to the rebels.

P. 11 [par. 21] Clarendon [The Scots] had pressed the King to do many things, which he had absolutely refused to do, and that thereupon they had put very strict guards upon his Majesty, … so that his Majesty looked upon himself as a prisoner—Swift. The cursed Scots begin their new treachery.

P. 14 [par. 27] Clarendon, on "the paper Montrevil sent to the King, being a promise for the Scots receiving the King, Apr 1"—Swift. Montrevil might as safely promise for Satan as for the Scots.

Ibid. [par. 28] Clarendon on Montrevil's advertising the King of the change in the Scotch—Swift. Will Montrevil trust them again?

P. 15 [ditto] Clarendon [The Sots] with much ado agreed, that the two princes [Rupert and Maurice] … might follow the King, with such other of his servants as were not excepted from pardon—Swift. And why those? Because the Scots were part of the rebels.

P. 16 [par. 30] Clarendon, in a letter from Montrevil—"They tell me that they will do more than can be expressed"—Swift. So the Scots did, and with a vengeance.

Ibid. [ditto] Clarendon, in the same—"The hindering his Majesty from falling into the hands of the English is of so great importance to them, that it cannot be believed but that they will do all that lies in their power to hinder it"—Swift. By delivering him up for money. Hellish Scottish dogs!

Ibid. [par. 31] Clarendon. If he [Montrevil] were too sanguine … when he signed that engagement upon the first of April, etc.—Swift. April fool.[6]

[Footnote 6: The words quoted are the side note, which is not printed in the edition of 1888 [T.S.]]

P. 17 [par. 33] Clarendon. In this perplexity, he [the King] chose rather to commit himself to the Scots army—Swift. To be delivered up for money.

Ibid. [ditto] Clarendon. He left Oxford, … leaving those of his council in Oxford who were privy to his going out, not informed whether he would go to the Scots army, etc.—Swift. Which would betray him, though his countrymen.

Ibid. [ditto] Clarendon [The King,] in the end, went into the Scots army before Newark—Swift. Prodigious weakness, to trust the malicious Scotch hell-hounds.

P. 17. [par. 34.] Clarendon. The Scottish commissioners at London [assured the Parliament] … that all their orders would meet with an absolute obedience in their army.—Swift. No doubt of it.

P. 18. [par. 35.] Clarendon, in the text of the sermon preached at
Newark before the King:—"And all the men of Judah answered the men of
Israel, Because the King is near of kin to us: wherefore then be ye
angry for this matter?"—Swift. Scotch, (opposite to Judah).

P. 21. [par. 41.] Clarendon, Lord Digby and Lord Jermin said:—that there should be an army of thirty thousand men immediately transported into England, with the Prince of Wales in the head of them.—Swift. Gasconade.

P. 23. [par. 50.] Clarendon. The Parliament made many sharp instances that the King might be delivered into their hands; and that the Scots army would return into their own country, having done what they were sent for, and the war being at an end.—Swift. By the event they proved true Scots.

Ibid. [par. 51.] Clarendon. [The Scots] made as great profession to him [the King,] of their duty and good purposes, which they said they would manifest as soon as it should be seasonable.—Swift. See the event;—still Scots.

Ibid. [par. 52.] Clarendon, the Marquess of Montrose.—Swift The only honest Scot.

P. 24. [par. 53.] Clarendon. [It] is still believed, that if his Majesty would have been induced to have satisfied them in that particular [the extirpation of Episcopacy in England,] they would … thereupon have declared for the King.—Swift. Rather declare for the Devil.

P. 26. [par. 60.] Clarendon. When the Scots, etc.—Swift. Cursed
Scots.

P. 27. [par. 62.] Clarendon. That all Governors of any Garrisons, etc. —Swift. Cursed, abominable, hellish, Scottish villains, everlasting traitors, etc., etc., etc.

P. 28. [par. 64.] Clarendon. The Scots, who were enough convinced that his Majesty could never be wrought upon to sacrifice the Church … used all the rude importunity and threats to his Majesty, to persuade him freely to consent to all.—__Swift _. Most damnable Scots.

Ibid. [par. 65.] Clarendon. The Chancellor of Scotland told him, etc.—Swift. Cursed Scots Chancellor [this remark obliterated].

Ibid. [par. 66.] Clarendon. The General Assembly … had petitioned the conservators of the peace of the kingdom, that if the King should refuse to give satisfaction to his Parliament, he might not be permitted to come into Scotland.—Swift. Scots inspired by Beelzebub.

P. 29. [par. 68.] Clarendon. They agreed; and, upon the payment of two hundred thousand pounds in hand, and security for as much more upon days agreed upon, the Scots delivered the King up.—Swift. Cursed Scot! sold his King for a groat. Hellish Scots.

Ibid. [par. 69.] Clarendon. In this infamous manner that excellent prince was … given up, by his Scots subjects, to those of his English who were intrusted by the Parliament to receive him.—Swift. From this period the English Parliament were turned into Scotch devils.

P. 31. [par. 76.] Clarendon, Sir Harry Killigrew:—When the Earl of Essex was chosen general, and the several members of the House stood up, and declared, what horse they would raise, … one saying he would raise ten horses, and another twenty, he stood up and said, "he would provide a good horse, and a good buff coat, and a good pair of pistols, and then he doubted not but he should find a good cause;" and so went out of the House, and rode post into Cornwall.—Swift. Another loyall man used the like saying.

P. 53. [par. 118.] Clarendon. Many years after, when he [the Duke of York] … made the full relation of all the particulars to me, with that commotion of spirit, that it appeared to be deeply rooted in him; [speaking of the King's injunctions to the duke].—Swift. Yet he lived and died a rank Papist, and lost his kingdom.

P. 55. [par. 121.] Clarendon. No men were fuller of professions of duty [to the King], … than the Scottish commissioners.—Swift The Scots dogs delivered up their King. False-hearted Scots. [This addition obliterated.]

Ibid. [par. 122.] Clarendon. The agitators, and council of officers, sent some propositions to the King.—Swift. Detestable villains, almost as bad as Scots.

P. 64 [par. 136] Clarendon. Mr. Ashburnham had so great a detestation of the Scots.—Swift. So have I.

P. 68. [par. 144.] Clarendon. Hammond,—Swift. A detes Villain, almost as wicked as a Scot.

P. 76. [par. 159.] Clarendon, Marquess of Argyle.—Swift. Always a cursed family.

P. 77 [par. 159.] Clarendon. The commissioners … were confident that all Scotland would rise as one man for his Majesty's defence and vindication.—Swift. A strange stupidity, to trust Scots at any time.

Ibid. [par. 160.] Clarendon. They required … "that the Prince of
Wales should be present with them, and march in the head of their army."
… The King would by no means consent that the prince should go into
Scotland.—Swift. The King acted wisely not to trust the Scots.

P. 79. [par. 162.] Clarendon, Treaty signed, Dec. 26, 1647. They (the Scotch) required:—that an effectual course should be taken … for the suppressing the opinions and practices of anti-trinitarians, arians, socinians, anti-scripturists, anabaptists, antinomians, arminians, familists, brownists, separatists, independents, libertines, and seekers.—Swift. What a medley of religions! in all thirteen.

P. 80. [par. 163.] Clarendon, the same:—They would assert the right that belonged to the crown, in the power of the militia, the great seal, bestowing of honours and offices of trust, choice of the privy-councillors, and the right of the King's negative voice in Parliament.—Swift. They would rather be hanged than agree.

Ibid, [ditto.] Clarendon, the same:—An army should be sent out of Scotland … for making a firm union between the kingdoms under his Majesty, and his posterity.—Swift. Scotch impudence.

P. 81. [par. 165.] Clarendon, the same:—The King engaged himself to employ those of the Scots nation equally with the English in all foreign employments, and negotiations; and that a third part of all the offices and places about the King, Queen, and Prince, should be conferred upon some persons of that nation.—Swift. Impudent Scottish scoundrels.

P. 83. [par. 169.] Clarendon. The Presbyterians, by whom I mean the Scots, formed all their counsels by the inclinations, and affections of the people.—Swift. Hellish Scotch dogs.

P. 85. [par. 171.] Clarendon. With this universal applause, he [Fairfax] compelled the Scots army to depart the kingdom, with that circumstance as must ever after render them odious and infamous.—Swift. He out-cunninged the Scots.

P. 86. [par. 172.] Clarendon. But the delivery of the King up, besides the infamy of it, etc.—Swift. That infamy is in the scurvy nature of a Scot, and the best … of their false hearts. [Written in pencil and rubbed out—one word is illegible.]

P. 89. [par. 179.] Clarendon. The vile artifices of the Scottish commissioners to draw the King into their hands.—Swift. Vile, treacherous Scots for ever.

BOOK XI.

P. 97. [par. 13.] Clarendon, on the discourses against the English in the Scottish Parliament:—This discourse … was entertained by the rest with so general a reception, that Argyle found it would be to no purpose directly to contradict or oppose it.—Swift. An infamous dog, like all his family.

P. 108. [par. 35.] Clarendon. The Prince [Charles II.] set sail first for Yarmouth road, then for the Downs, having sent his brother, the Duke of York, with all his family, to The Hague.—Swift. A sorry admiral.

P. 109 [ditto] Clarendon. The Prince determining to engage his own person, he [the Duke] submitted to the determination—Swift. Popery and cowardice stuck with him all his life.

Ibid. [par. 36] Clarendon. The Prince came prepared to depend wholly upon the Presbyterian party, which, besides the power of the Scots army, which was every day expected to invade England, was thought to be possessed of all the strength of the City of London.—Swift. Curse on the rogues!

Ibid. [same par.] Clarendon. Sent from the Scots[7]—Swift. So much the worse to rely on the cursed Scots.

[Footnote 7: The words are "sent from thence" in edition of 1888. [T.
S.]]

P. 112 [par. 43] Clarendon. Argyle took notice of Sir Marmaduke
Langdale's, and Sir Philip Musgrave's being in the town.—Swift. That
Scotch dog.

P. 113 [par. 45] Clarendon. They entreated them with all imaginable importunity, that they would take the Covenant.—Swift. Their damned Covenant.

P. 117 [par. 53] Clarendon. Sir Philip Musgrave, that it might appear that they did not exclude any who had taken the Covenant, etc.—Swift. Confound their damnable Covenant!

P. 129 [par. 85] Clarendon. Defeat of the Scots army—Swift. I cannot be sorry.

Ibid. [pars. 86, 87] Clarendon, after the defeat of the Scottish army, the Earl of Lauderdale had been sent to The Hague The Prince of Wales—thought fit, that the earl should give an account of his commission at the board, … and, that all respect might be shewed to the Parliament of Scotland, he had a chair allowed him to sit upon—Swift. Respect to a Scotch Parliament, with a pox.

P. 130 [par. 87] Clarendon. Redeem His Majesty's person from that captivity, which they held themselves obliged … to endeavour to do—Swift. Not to do.

P. 133 [par. 96] Clarendon. Within a short time after, orders were sent out of Scotland for the delivery of Berwick and Carlisle to the Parliament—Swift. Cursed Scots.

Ibid. [par. 98] Clarendon. It was generally believed, that the Marquess of Argyle earnestly invited him [Cromwell] to this progress [into Scotland]—Swift. That eternal dog, Argyle.

P. 141 [par. 114] Clarendon. By the time that the commissioners returned from the Isle of Wight, and delivered this answer to the Parliament, news was brought of the defeat of the Scots army, and Cromwell had written to his friends, etc.—Swift. A cursed hell hound.

P. 142. [par. 116.] Clarendon. When there appeared some hopes that the
Scots would raise an army for the relief and release of the
King.—Swift. Trust them not, for they are Scots.

P. 145. [par. 120.] Clarendon. And himself a prisoner.—Swift. Base.

P. 155. [par. 141.] Clarendon. The Duke [of York], who was not yet above fifteen years of age, was so far from desiring to be with the fleet, that, when there was once a proposition, upon occasion of a sudden mutiny amongst the seamen, that he should go … amongst them, who professed great duty to his Highness, he was so offended at it that he would not hear of it.—Swift. The Duke's courage was always doubtful.

P. 157. [par. 146.] Clarendon. (Many persons of honour … the rest had done.)—Swift. Parenthesis eleven lines.

P. 167. [par. 169.] Clarendon. Two of them [the ministers] very plainly and fiercely told the King, "that if he did not consent to the utter abolishing of the Episcopacy, he would be damned."—Swift. Very civil.

P. 168. [par. 172.] Clarendon. [The King] did, with much reluctancy, offer … "to suspend Episcopacy for three years," etc.—Swift. Prudent concessions.

Ibid. [ditto.] Clarendon, he consented:—likewise, "that money should be raised upon the sale of the Church lands, and only the old rent should be reserved to the just owners and their successors."—Swift. Scotch principles.

Ibid. [par. 173.] Clarendon. They required farther, "that in all cases, when the Lords and Commons shall declare the safety of the kingdom to be concerned, unless the King give his royal assent to such a Bill as shall be tendered to him for raising money, the Bill shall have the force of an Act of Parliament, as if he had given his royal assent."—Swift. English dogs, as bad as Scots.

P. 170. [par. 176.] Clarendon, on the King's concessions.—Swift. After so many concessions, the commissioners shewed themselves most damnable villains.

P. 172. [par. 181.] Clarendon. [The King] confessed, "If they would preserve the Scripture Bishop he would take away the Bishop by Law."—Swift. Indeed! a great concession.

P. 174. [par. 187.] Clarendon. For Scotland, they demanded "the King's consent, to confirm by Act of Parliament such agreements as should be made by both Houses with that kingdom … for the settling and preserving a happy and durable peace between the two nations, and for the mutual defence of each other."—Swift. A most diabolical alliance.

P. 175. [par. 189.] Clarendon, on the letter from the King to his son, concerning the treaty.—Swift. The whole letter is a most excellent performance.

P. 176. [par. 189.] Clarendon. The major part of both Houses of Parliament was, at that time, so far from desiring the execution of all those concessions, that, if they had been able to have resisted the wild fury of the army, they would have been themselves suitors to have declined the greatest part of them.—Swift. Diabolical villains.

P. 177. [par. 193.] Clarendon. It cannot be imagined how wonderfully fearful some persons in France were that he [the King] should have made his escape, and the dread they had of his coming thither.—Swift. French villains.

P. 180. [par. 198.] Clarendon, the Commons sent to Winchester:—their well tried Serjeant Wild, to be the sole judge of that circuit.—Swift. An infernal dog.

Ibid. [par. 200.] Clarendon. Young Sir Harry Vane had begun the debate [upon the treaty] with the highest insolence, and provocation.—Swift. A cursed insolent villain, worse than even a Scot, or his own father.

P. 183. [par. 206.] Clarendon, on the seizure of many Members entering into the House, by the soldiers.—Swift. Damnable proceeding.

P. 184. [ditto.] Clarendon, the remaining Members vote the contrary to their former votes:—that the answer the King had given to their propositions was not satisfactory.—Swift. Cursed rogues.

P. 189. [par. 221.] Clarendon. Harrison was the son of a butcher.—Swift. The fitter for that office.

P. 195. [par. 233.] Clarendon, Trial of the King:—The King … told them, "he would first know of them, by what authority they presumed by force to bring him before them, and who gave them power to judge of his actions, for which he was accountable to none but God."—Swift. Very weak.

P. 198. [par. 241] Clarendon. [The King] was always a great lover of the Scottish nation.—Swift. There I differ from him.

Ibid. [ditto.] Clarendon. Having not only been born there, but educated by that people, and besieged by them always.—Swift. Who were the cause of his destruction, like abominable Scotch dogs.

P. 199. [par. 244] Clarendon. In that very hour when he was thus wickedly murdered in the sight of the sun, he had as great a share in the hearts and affections of his subjects … as any of his predecessors.—Swift. Only common pity for his death, and the manner of it.

P. 208. [par. 261] Clarendon, Lord Capel's trial:—Cromwell, who had known him very well, spoke so much good of him, and professed to have so much kindness and respect for him, that all men thought he was now safe.—Swift. Cursed dog.

BOOK XII.

P. 217. [par. 4.] Clarendon, Charles II. proclaimed in Scotland: —upon condition of "his good behaviour, and strict observation of the Covenant, and his entertaining no other persons about him but such as were godly men, and faithful to that obligation."—Swift Cursed Scots in every circumstance.

Ibid. [par. 5.] Clarendon. The new Duke [of Hamilton].—Swift. A Scotch duke, celebrated by the author: a perfect miracle.

Ibid. [ditto.] Clarendon. A rare virtue in the men of that time. —Swift. [Of that] nation.

P. 218. [par. 7.] Clarendon, on the commission sent to England when the King was tried:—The Marquess of Argyle had had too deep a share in that wickedness [the delivery of the King], to endure the shock of a new dispute, and inquisition upon that subject; and therefore gave not the least opposition to their passion [of the Scots].—Swift. A true Argyle.

Ibid. [continuation of the same sentence.] Clarendon. But seemed equally concerned in the honour of the nation, to prosecute an high expostulation with those of England, for the breach of faith, and the promises, which had been made for the safety, and preservation of the King's person, at the time he was delivered up.—Swift. The Scots were the cause and chief instruments of the King's murder by delivering him up to the English rebels.

P. 222. [par. 13.] Clarendon. It was very manifest … that the Marquess of Argyle meant only to satisfy the people, in declaring that they had a King … but that such conditions should be put upon him, as he knew, he would not submit to.—Swift. Most detestable villain.

P. 224. [par. 17.] Clarendon. As soon as he came into the room where they were.—Swift. Abominable Scotch dogs.

P. 225. [ditto.] Clarendon. A learned and worthy Scottish divine, Dr.
Wishart.—Swift. A prodigious rarity.

Ibid. [par. 18.] Clarendon. The Earl [of Lauderdale] told him [one of the council] … that he could not imagine, or conceive the barbarities and inhumanities Montrose was guilty of, in the time he made a war in Scotland.—Swift. That earl was a beast; I mean Lauderdale.

Ibid, [ditto.] Clarendon. That he [Montrose] had in one battle killed fifteen hundred of one family, of the Campbells, of the blood and name of Argyle.—Swift. Not half enough of that execrable breed.

P. 228. [par. 24.] Clarendon, for the embassy from the Parliament: —one Dorislaus, a doctor in the civil law, was named.—Swift. A Dutch fellow, employed by those regicides who murdered the King.

P. 237. [par. 41.] Clarendon. The Prince of Orange … wished, "that, in regard of the great differences which were in England about matters of religion, the King would offer … to refer all matters in controversy concerning religion to a national synod."—Swift. I do not approve it.

P. 249. [par. 69.] Clarendon, on the defeat of the Marquess of Ormonde by Jones.—Swift. Ormonde's army discomfited!

P. 265. [par. 119.] Clarendon. And that Committee of the
Parliament.—Swift. Scots.

Ibid. [par. 119.] Clarendon. The council of Scotland … sent a gentleman … to invite his Majesty again to come into his kingdom of Scotland, not without a rude insinuation that it was the last invitation he should receive.—Swift. Still cursed Scots.

P. 267. [par. 122.] Clarendon, on the conditions sent from Scotland to Breda, in case the King consented to come to Scotland:—The King himself, and all who should attend upon him, were first to sign the Covenant before they should be admitted to enter into the kingdom.—Swift. Damnable Scottish dogs.

P. 268. [par. 125.] Clarendon, some lords warned the King, that it was to be feared that:—Argyle would immediately deliver up the person of the King into the hands of Cromwell.—Swift. That Scotch dog was likely enough to do so, and much worse.

Ibid. [par. 126.] Clarendon, the ambassadors in Spain:—were extremely troubled, both of them having always had a strong aversion that the King should ever venture himself in the hands of that party of the Scottish nation, which had treated his father so perfidiously.—Swift. Damnable nation for ever.

P. 269. [par. 127.] Clarendon. [The King] was before [in Spain] looked upon as being dispossessed, and disinherited of all his dominions, as if he had no more subjects than those few who were banished with him, and that there was an entire defection in all the rest. But now that he was possessed of one whole kingdom, etc.—Swift. Yet all cursed villains; a possession of the Devil's kingdom, where every Scot was a rebel.

Ibid. [par. 128.] Clarendon. There fell out at this time … an accident of such a prodigious nature, that, if Providence had not, for the reproach of Scotland, determined that the King should once more make experiment of the courage and fidelity of that nation, could not but have diverted his Majesty from that northern expedition; which, how unsecure soever it appeared to be for the King, was predestinated for a greater chastisement and mortification of that people, as it shortly after proved to be: [alluding to Montrose's execution.]—Swift. That is good news.

P. 270. [par. 128.] Clarendon. The Marquess [of Montrose], who was naturally full of great thoughts, and confident of success.—Swift. He was the only man in Scotland who had ever one grain of virtue; and was therefore abhorred, and murdered publicly by his hellish countrymen.

P. 270. [par. 129.] Clarendon. There were many officers of good name and account in Sweden, of the Scottish nation.—Swift. Impossible.

P. 271. [par. 130.] Clarendon. Montrose knew, that of the two factions there, which were not like to be reconciled, each of them were equally his implacable enemies.—Swift. Very certain.

Ibid, [ditto.] Clarendon. The whole kirk … being alike malicious to him.—Swift. Scots damnable kirk.

P. 272. [par. 131]. Clarendon. Many of [the nobility] … assured him [Montrose], that they would meet him with good numbers; and they did prepare to do so, some really; and others, with a purpose to betray him.—Swift. Much the greater number.

Ibid. [par. 133.] Clarendon. The tyranny of Argyle … caused very many to be barbarously murdered, without any form of law or justice, who had been in arms with Montrose.—Swift. That perpetual inhuman dog and traitor, and all his posterity, to a man, damnable villains.

P. 273. [par 134.] Clarendon Most of the other officers were shortly after taken prisoners, all the country desiring to merit from Argyle by betraying all those into his hands which they believed to be his enemies.—Swift. The virtue and morality of the Scots.

Ibid, [ditto] Clarendon. And thus, whether by the owner of the house or any other way, the Marquess himself became their prisoner.—Swift. A tyrannical Scottish dog.

P. 274. [par. 137.] Clarendon "That for the League and Covenant, he had never taken it," etc.—Swift. The Devil, their God, I believe had taken it. [This remark is nearly obliterated.]

Ibid. [par. 138] Clarendon, sentence on Montrose:—That he was … to be carried to Edinburgh Cross, and there to be hanged upon a gallows thirty foot high, for the space of three hours, etc.—Swift. Oh! if the whole nation, to a man, were just so treated! begin with Argyle, and next with the fanatic dogs who teased him with their kirk scurrilities.

Ibid. [par. 139.] Clarendon. After many such barbarities, they [the ministers] offered to intercede for him to the kirk upon his repentance, and to pray with him.—Swift. Most treacherous, damnable, infernal Scots for ever!

P. 275. [par. 140] Clarendon. He bore it [the execution] with ill the courage and magnanimity, and the greatest piety, that a good Christian could manifest.—Swift. A perfect hero; wholly un-Scotified.

Ibid, [ditto] Clarendon. [He] prayed, "that they might not betray him [the King], as they had done his father."—Swift. A very seasonable prayer, but never performed.

P. 275. [par. 142.] Clarendon. The Marquess of Argyle … wanted nothing but honesty and courage to be a very extraordinary man.—Swift. Trifles to a Scot.

P. 276. [par. 143.] Clarendon. They who were most displeased with Argyle and his faction, were not sorry for this inhuman, and monstrous prosecution [of Montrose].—Swift. Impudent, lying Scottish dogs.

BOOK XIII.

P. 285. [par. 1.] Clarendon. Without he likewise consented to those.—Swift. Bad.

P. 286. [par. 3.] Clarendon. The King was received by the Marquess of Argyle with all the outward respect imaginable.—Swift. That dog of all Scotch dogs.

Ibid, [ditto.] Clarendon. They did immediately banish him [Daniel O'Neill] the kingdom, and obliged him to sign a paper, by which he consented to be put to death, if he were ever after found in the kingdom.—Swift. In Scotland, with a pox.

P. 287. [par. 5.] Clarendon. The King's table was well served. —Swift. With Scotch food, etc. etc. etc.

P. 300. [par 36.] Clarendon. The King had left … the Duke of York with the Queen, with direction "that he should conform himself entirely to the will and pleasure of the Queen his mother, matters of religion only excepted."—Swift. Yet lost his kingdom for the sake of Popery.

P. 301. [par. 37.] Clarendon. The Duke [of York] was full of spirit and courage, and naturally loved designs.—Swift. Quantum mutatus!

P. 304. [par. 42.] Clarendon, on the proposed match between the Duke of York, and the Duke of Lorraine's natural daughter:—Only Sir George Ratcliffe undertook to speak to him about it, who could only make himself understood in Latin, which the Duke cared not to speak in.—Swift. Because he was illiterate, and only read Popish Latin.

P. 305. [par. 44.] Clarendon. [The Queen] bid him [the chancellor of the exchequer] "assure the Duke of York, that he should have a free exercise of his religion, as he had before."—Swift. Who unkinged himself for Popery.

P. 306. [par. 45.] Clarendon. It was indeed the common discourse there [in Holland], "that the Protestants of the Church of England could never do the King service, but that all his hopes must be in the Roman Catholics, and the Presbyterians."—Swift. A blessed pair.

Ibid. [par. 46.] Clarendon. [The Duke of York] was fortified with, a firm resolution never to acknowledge that he had committed any error.—Swift. No, not when he lost his kingdom or Popery.

P. 311. [par. 58.] Clarendon. The King had … friendship with Duke
Hamilton.—Swift. Vix intelligo.

P. 318. [par. 75.] Clarendon, the King's defeat at Worcester, 3d of
September.—Swift. September 3d, always lucky to Cromwell.

P. 339. [par. 122.] Clarendon. There was no need of spurs to be employed to incite the Duke [of York]; who was most impatient to be in the army.—Swift How old was he when he turned a Papist, and a coward?

P. 340. [par. 123.] Clarendon. The Duke pressed it [his being allowed to join the army] with earnestness and passion, in which he dissembled not.—Swift. Dubitat Augustinus.

P. 343. [par. 128.] Clarendon, the Duke, in the French army:—got the reputation of a prince of very signal courage, and to be universally beloved of the whole army by his affable behaviour.—Swift. But proved a cowardly Popish king.

P. 348, line 50. Swift. Scots.

P, 349. [par. 140.] Clarendon. The chancellor … told his Majesty, "this trust would for ever deprive him of all hope of the Queen's favour; who could not but discern it within three or four days, and, by the frequent resort of the Scottish vicar [one Knox; who came with Middleton to Paris,] to him" (who had the vanity to desire long conferences with him) "that there was some secret in hand which was kept from her."—Swift. The little Scottish scoundrel, conceited vicar.

BOOK XIV.

P. 386. [par. 41.] Clarendon. Scotland lying under a heavy yoke by the strict government of Monk.—Swift. I am glad of that.

P. 387. [par. 44.] Clarendon. The day of their meeting [Cromwell's Parliament] was the third of September in the year 1654.—Swift. His lucky day.

P. 394. [par. 56.] Clarendon. The Highlanders … made frequent incursions in the night into the English quarters; and killed many of their soldiers, but stole more of their horses.—Swift. Rank Scottish thieves.

P. 413. [par. 95.] Clarendon. A bold person to publish, etc.— Swift. Bussy Rabutin, Amours des Gaules.

P. 414. [par. 96.] Clarendon. There was at that time in the court of France, or rather in the jealousy of that court, a lady of great beauty, of a presence very graceful and alluring, and a wit and behaviour that captivated those who were admitted into her presence; [to whom Charles II. made an offer of marriage]—Swift. A prostitute whore.

P. 420. [par. 109.] Clarendon. The chancellor of the exchequer one day … desired him [the king] "to consider upon this news, and importunity from Scotland, whether in those Highlands there might not be such a safe retreat and residence, that he might reasonably say, that with the affections of that people, which had been always firm both to his father and himself, he might preserve himself in safety, though he could not hope to make any advance."—Swift. The chancellor never thought so well of the Scots before.

Ibid, [ditto.] Clarendon. His Majesty discoursed very calmly of that country, … "that, if sickness did not destroy him, which he had reason to expect from the ill accommodation he must be there contented with, he should in a short time be betrayed and given up"—Swift. But the King knew them better.

P. 425. [par. 118.] Clarendon. [The King's enemies] persuaded many in England, and especially of those of the reformed religion abroad, that his Majesty was in truth a Papist.—Swift. Which was true.

P. 443.[8] Clarendon. The wretch [Manning], soon after, received the reward due to his treason.—Swift. In what manner?

[Footnote 8: This sentence, which follows at the end of par. 146, is omitted in the edition of 1888. [T.S.]]

BOOK XV.

P. 469. [par. 53.] Clarendon. That which made a noise indeed, and crowned his [Cromwell's] successes, was the victory his fleet, under the command of Blake, had obtained over the Spaniard.—Swift. I wish he were alive, for the dogs the Spaniards' sake, instead of our worthless H——.

P. 495. [par. 119, sec. 3,] Clarendon, in the address of the Anabaptists to the King:—"We … humbly beseech your Majesty, that you would engage your royal word never to erect, nor suffer to be erected, any such tyrannical, Popish, and Antichristian hierarchy (Episcopal, Presbyterian, or by what name soever it be called) as shall assume a power over, or impose a yoke upon, the consciences of others."—Swift. Honest, though fanatics.

P. 501. [par. 136.] Clarendon, at the siege of Dunkirk:—Marshal Turenne, accompanied with the Duke of York, who would never be absent upon those occasions, … spent two or three days in viewing the line round,—Swift. James II., a fool and a coward.

P. 502. [par. 137.] Clarendon. There was a rumour.., that the Duke of York was taken prisoner by the English, … whereupon many of the French officers, and gentlemen, resolved to set him at liberty; … So great an affection that nation owned to have for his Highness.—Swift. Yet he lived and died a coward.

BOOK XVI.

P. 523. [par. 29.] Clarendon, on the discovery of the treachery of Sir
Richard Willis.—Swift. Doubtful.

P. 539. [par. 47.[9]] Clarendon. If it had not been for the King's own steadiness.—Swift. Of which, in religion, he never had any.

[Footnote 9: This was par. 74 in the edition of 1849. [T.S.]]

P. 540. [par. 75.] Clarendon, upon the Duke of York's being invited into Spain, with the office of El Admirante del Oceano, he was warned that he:—would never be suffered to go to sea under any title of command, till he first changed his religion.—Swift. As he did openly in England.

P. 559. [par. 131.] Clarendon. There being scarce a bon-fire at which they did not roast a rump.—Swift. The Rump.

P. 583. [par. 194.] Clarendon, Declaration of the King, April 4-1/4 1660:—"Let all our subjects, how faulty soever, rely upon the word of a King," etc.—Swift. Usually good for nothing.

Ibid. [ditto.] Clarendon, the same:—"A free Parliament; by which, upon the word of a King, we will be advised."—Swift. Provided he be an honest and sincere man.

P. 585. [par. 199.] Clarendon, Letter to the fleet:—"Which gives us great encouragement and hope, that God Almighty will heal the wounds by the same plaster that made the flesh raw."—Swift. A very low comparison.

P. 586. [par. 201.] Clarendon, Letter to the city of London:—"Their affections to us in the city of London; which hath exceedingly raised our spirits, and which, no doubt, hath proceeded from the Spirit of God, and His extraordinary mercy to the nation; which hath been encouraged by you, and your good example … to discountenance the imaginations of those who would subject our subjects to a government they have not yet devised."—Swift. Cacofonia.

P. 595. [par. 222.] Clarendon, Proclamation of the King, May 8, by the Parliament, Lord Mayor, etc.:—"We … acknowledge, … that … he [Charles II.] is of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, the most potent, mighty, and undoubted King; and thereunto we most humbly and faithfully do submit, and oblige ourselves, our heirs, and posterity for ever."—Swift. Can they oblige their posterity 10,000 years to come?

P. 596. [par. 225]. Clarendon, The case of Colonel Ingoldsby: After he had refused to sign the death-warrant of the King:—Cromwell, and others, held him by violence; and Cromwell, with a loud laughter, taking his hand in his, and putting the pen between his fingers, with his own hand writ Richard Ingoldsby he making all the resistance he could.—Swift. A mistake; for it was his own hand-writ, without any restraint.

***** ***** ***** ***** *****

REMARKS ON

"BISHOP BURNET'S HISTORY OF ['SCOTLAND

IN'—SWIFT] HIS OWN TIME,"

FOLIO EDITION, 1724-34.

FROM THE ORIGINAL, IN THE LIBRARY of THE LATE

MARQUESS OF LANSDOWNE.

NOTE.

The standard edition of Burnet's interesting "History" is that by Dr. Routh, first issued in 1823 and revised in a second edition in 1833. Mr. Osmund Airy is at present engaged on a new edition for the Clarendon Press, but so far only two volumes have been published. It was in Dr. Routh's edition that almost all of Swift's notes first appeared. In the Preface to the issue of 1823, the learned editor informs us that Swift's notes were taken "from his own copy of the history, which had come into the possession of the first Marquis of Lansdowne." A note in the edition of 1833 corrects a statement made in the previous edition that Swift's copy had been burnt. It was not Swift's own copy, but a copy containing a transcript of Swift's notes that was burnt.

In the preparation of the present text every available reference has been searched. Sir Walter Scott's reprint of Swift's "Notes" was sadly inadequate. Not only did he misquote the references to Burnet's work, but he could not have consulted the Lansdowne copy, since fully a third of the "notes" were altogether ignored by him. It is believed that the text here given contains every note accurately placed to its proper account in Burnet's "History." The references are to the edition in folio issued in 1724-1734.

In the twenty-seventh volume of the "European Magazine," and in the two following volumes, a fair proportion of Swift's notes were first published. These were reprinted by Dr. Burnet in 1808, in his "Essay on the Earlier Part of the Life of Swift." Both these authorities have been consulted. Dr. Routh's modesty forbade him including six of the notes, because they were "not written with the requisite decorum." These have been included here. Mr. Osmund Airy has "thought it unadvisable to encumber the pages with simple terms of abuse"; but an editor of Swift's works cannot permit himself this licence. His duty is to include everything.

The text of the "Short Remarks" is taken from vol. viii., Part 1, of the quarto edition of Swift's works, edited by Deane Swift, and published in 1765.

[T.S.]

SHORT REMARKS ON BISHOP BURNET'S HISTORY.

This author is in most particulars the worst qualified for an historian that ever I met with. His style is rough, full of improprieties, in expressions often Scotch, and often such as are used by the meanest people.[1] He discovers a great scarcity of words and phrases, by repeating the same several hundred times, for want of capacity to vary them. His observations are mean and trite, and very often false. His secret history is generally made up of coffeehouse scandals, or at best from reports at the third, fourth, or fifth hand. The account of the Pretender's birth, would only become an old woman in a chimney-corner. His vanity runs intolerably through the whole book, affecting to have been of consequence at nineteen years old, and while he was a little Scotch parson of forty pounds a year. He was a gentleman born, and, in the time of his youth and vigour, drew in an old maiden daughter of a Scotch earl to marry him.[2] His characters are miserably wrought, in many things mistaken, and all of them detracting,[3] except of those who were friends to the Presbyterians. That early love of liberty he boasts of is absolutely false; for the first book that I believe he ever published is an entire treatise in favour of passive obedience and absolute power; so that his reflections on the clergy, for asserting, and then changing those principles, come very improperly from him. He is the most partial of all writers that ever pretended so much to impartiality; and yet I, who knew him well, am convinced that he is as impartial as he could possibly find in his heart; I am sure more than I ever expected from him; particularly in his accounts of the Papist and fanatic plots. This work may be more properly called "A History of Scotland during the Author's Time, with some Digressions relating to England," rather than deserve the title he gives it. For I believe two thirds of it relate only to that beggarly nation, and their insignificant brangles and factions. What he succeeds best in, is in giving extracts of arguments and debates in council or Parliament. Nothing recommends his book but the recency of the facts he mentions, most of them being still in memory, especially the story of the Revolution; which, however, is not so well told as might be expected from one who affects to have had so considerable a share in it. After all, he was a man of generosity and good nature, and very communicative; but, in his ten last years, was absolutely party-mad, and fancied he saw Popery under every bush. He hath told me many passages not mentioned in this history, and many that are, but with several circumstances suppressed or altered. He never gives a good character without one essential point, that the person was tender to Dissenters, and thought many things in the Church ought to be amended.

[Footnote 1: "His own opinion," says my predecessor, Mr Nichols, "was very different, as appears by the original MS of his History, wherein the following lines are legible, though among those which were ordered not to be printed 'And if I have arrived at any faculty of writing clearly and correctly, I owe that entirely to them [Tillotson and Lloyd]. For as they joined with Wilkins, in that noble, though despised attempt, of an universal character, and a philosophical language; they took great pains to observe all the common errors of language in general, and of ours in particular. And in the drawing the tables for that work, which was Lloyd's province, he looked further into a natural purity and simplicity of style, than any man I ever knew; into all which he led me, and so helped me to any measure of exactness of writing, which may be thought to belong to me.' The above was originally designed to have followed the words, 'I know from them,' vol. i. p. 191, 1. 7, fol. ed. near the end of A.D. 1661." [S]]

[Footnote 2: Lady Margaret Kennedy, daughter to the Earl of Cassilis.
[S.]]

[Footnote 3: A note in Swift's Works, vol. ix., pt. ii. [1775] says: After "detracting," add "Many of which were stricken through with his own hand, but left legible in the MS.; which he ordered, in his last will, 'his executor to print faithfully, as he left it, without adding, suppressing, or altering it in any particular.' In the second volume, Judge Burnet, the Bishop's son and executor, promises that 'the original manuscript of both volumes shall be deposited in the Cotton Library.' But this promise does not appear to have been fulfilled; at least it certainly was not in 1736, when two letters were printed, addressed to Thomas Burnet, Esq. In p. 8 of the Second Letter, the writer [Philip Beach] asserted, that he had in his own possession 'an authentic and complete collection of the castrated passages.'" [T.S.]]

Setting up for a maxim, laying down for a maxim, clapt up, decency, and some other words and phrases, he uses many hundred times.

Cut out for a court, a pardoning planet, clapt up, left in the lurch, the mob, outed, a great beauty, went roundly to work: All these phrases used by the vulgar, shew him to have kept mean or illiterate company in his youth.

REMARKS ON BURNET'S HISTORY OF HIS OWN TIME.

PREFACE, p. 3. Burnet.

Indeed the peevishness, the ill nature, and the ambition of many clergymen has sharpened my spirits perhaps too much against them; so I warn my reader to take all that I say on these heads with some grains of allowance.—Swift. I will take his warning.

P. 4. Burnet. Over and over again retouched and polished by me.—Swift. Rarely polished; I never read so ill a style.

Ibid. Burnet. That thereby I may awaken the world to just reflections on their own errors and follies.—Swift. This I take to be nonsense.

BOOK I.

P. 6. Burnet. That king saw that those who were most in his interests were likewise jealous of his authority, and apt to encroach upon it.—Swift. Nonsense.

P. 10. Burnet says that competent provision to those who served the cure:—was afterwards in his son's time raised to about fifty pounds a year.—Swift. Scotch pounds, I suppose.

P. 11. Burnet. Colonel Titus assured me that he had from King Charles the First's own mouth, that he was well assured he [Prince Henry] was poisoned by the Earl of Somerset's means.—Swift. Titus was the greatest rogue in England.

P. 18. Burnet says that Gowry's conspiracy against King James was confirmed to him by his father.—Swift. Melvil makes nothing of it.

P. 20. Burnet. I turn now to the affairs of Scotland, which are but little known.—Swift. Not worth knowing.

P. 23. Burnet, Archbishop Spotswood began:—his journey as he often did on a Sunday, which was a very odious thing in that country.—Swift. Poor malice.

P. 24. Burnet, Mr. Steward, a private gentleman, became:—so considerable that he was raised by several degrees to be made Earl of Traquair and Lord-Treasurer [of Scotland], and was in great favour; but suffered afterwards such a reverse of fortune, that I saw him so low that he wanted bread, … and it was believed died of hunger.—Swift. A strange death: perhaps it was of want of meat.

P. 26. Burnet. My father … carefully preserved the petition itself, and the papers relating to the trial [of Lord Balmerinoch]; of which I never saw any copy besides those which I have. … The whole record … is indeed a very noble piece, full of curious matter.—Swift. Puppy.

P. 28. Burnet. The Earl of Argyle was a more solemn sort of man, grave and sober, free of all scandalous vices.—Swift. As a man is free of a corporation, he means.

P. 29. Burnet. The Lord Wharton and the Lord Howard of Escrick undertook to deliver some of these; which they did, and were clapt up upon it.—Swift. Dignity of expression.

P. 30. Burnet. [King Charles I.] was now in great straits … his treasure was now exhausted; his subjects were highly irritated; the ministry were all frighted, being exposed to the anger and justice of the Parliament. … He loved high and rough methods, but had neither the skill to conduct them, nor the height of genius to manage them.—Swift. Not one good quality named.

P. 31. Burnet. The Queen [of Charles I.] was a woman of great vivacity in conversation, and loved all her life long to be in intrigues of all sorts.—Swift. Not of love, I hope.

Ibid. Burnet. By the concessions that he made, especially that of the triennial Parliament, the honest and quiet part of the nation was satisfied, and thought their religion and liberties were secured: So they broke off from those violenter propositions that occasioned the war.—Swift. Dark, or nonsense.

Ibid. Burnet. He intended not to stand to them any longer than he lay under that force that visibly drew them from him contrary to his own inclinations.—Swift. Sad trash.

P. 33. Burnet. The first volume of the Earl of Clarendon's "History" gives a faithful representation of the beginnings of the troubles, though writ in favour of the court.—Swift. Writ with the spirit of an historian, not of [a raker] into scandal.

P. 34. Burnet. Dickson, Blair, Rutherford, Baily, Cant, and the two Gillispys … affected great sublimities in devotion: They poured themselves out in their prayers with a loud voice, and often with many tears. They had but an ordinary proportion of learning among them; something of Hebrew, and very little Greek: Books of controversy with Papists, but above all with the Arminians, was the height of their study.—Swift. Great nonsense. Rutherford was half fool, half mad.

P. 40. Burnet, speaking of the bad effects of the Marquess of Montrose's expedition and defeat, says:—It alienated the Scots much from the King: It exalted all that were enemies to peace. Now they seemed to have some colour for all those aspersions they had cast on the King, as if he had been in a correspondence with the Irish rebels, when the worst tribe of them had been thus employed by him.—Swift. Lord Clarendon differs from all this.

P. 41. Burnet. The Earl of Essex told me, that he had taken all the pains he could to enquire into the original of the Irish massacre, but could never see any reason to believe the King had any accession to it.—Swift. And who but a beast ever believed it?

P. 42. Burnet, arguing with the Scots concerning the propriety of the King's death, observes:—Drummond said, "Cromwell had plainly the better of them at their own weapon."—Swift. And Burnet thought as Cromwell did.

P. 46. Burnet. They [the army] will ever keep the Parliament in subjection to them, and so keep up their own authority.—Swift. Weak.

Ibid. Burnet. Fairfax was much distracted in his mind, and changed purposes often every day.—Swift. Fairfax had hardly common sense.

P. 49. Burnet. I will not enter farther into the military part: For I remember an advice of Marshal Schomberg's, never to meddle in the relation of military matters.—Swift. Very foolish advice, for soldiers cannot write.

P. 50. Burnet. [Laud's] defence of himself, writ … when he was in the Tower, is a very mean performance. … In most particulars he excuses himself by this, that he was but one of many, who either in council, star-chamber, or high commission voted illegal things. Now though this was true, yet a chief minister, and one in high favour, determines the rest so much, that they are generally little better than machines acted by him. On other occasions he says, the thing was proved but by one witness. Now, how strong soever this defence may be in law, it is of no force in an appeal to the world; for if a thing is true, it is no matter how full or how defective the proof is.—Swift. All this is full of malice and ill judgement.

Ibid. Burnet, speaking of the "Eikon Basilike," supposed to be written by Charles the First, says:—There was in it a nobleness and justness of thought with a greatness of style, that made it to be looked on as the best writ book in the English language.—Swift. I think it a poor treatise, and that the King did not write it.

P. 51. Burnet. Upon the King's death the Scots proclaimed his son King, and sent over Sir George Wincam, that married my great-aunt, to treat with him while he was in the Isle of Jersey.—Swift. Was that the reason he was sent?

P. 53. Burnet. I remember in one fast-day there were six sermons preached without intermission. I was there myself, and not a little weary of so tedious a service.—Swift. Burnet was not then eight years old.

P. 61. Burnet, speaking of the period of the usurpation in Scotland:—Cromwell built three citadels, at Leith, Ayr, and Inverness, besides many little forts. There was good justice done, and vice was suppressed and punished; so that we always reckon those eight years of usurpation a time of great peace and prosperity.—Swift. No doubt you do.

P. 63. Burnet, speaking of the Scotch preachers at sacrament times during the civil wars, says:—The crowds were far beyond the capacity of their churches, or the reach of their voices.—Swift. I believe the church had as much capacity as the minister.

P. 64. Burnet. The resolutioners sent up one Sharp, who had been long in England, and was an active and eager man.—Swift. Afterwards archbishop, and murdered.

P. 66. Burnet. Thus Cromwell had all the King's party in a net. He let them dance in it at pleasure. And upon occasions clapt them up for a short while.—Swift. Pox of his claps.

P. 87. Burnet, speaking of the Restoration:—Of all this Monk had both the praise and the reward, though I have been told a very small share of it belonged to him.—Swift. Malice.

BOOK II.

P. 92. Burnet. I will therefore enlarge … on the affairs of Scotland; both out of the inbred love that all men have for their native country, etc.—Swift. Could not he keep his inbred love to himself?

Ibid. Burnet. Sharp, who was employed by the resolutioners … stuck neither at solemn protestations, … nor at appeals to God of his sincerity in acting for the presbytery both in prayers and on other occasions, etc.—Swift. Sure there was some secret personal cause of all this malice against Sharp.

P. 93. Burnet, speaking of Charles II. says:—He was affable and easy, and loved to be made so by all about him. The great art of keeping him long was, the being easy, and the making everything easy to him.—Swift. Eloquence.

P. 99. Burnet says of Bennet, afterwards Earl of Arlington:—His parts were solid, but not quick.—Swift. They were very quick.

P. 100. Burnet says of the Duke of Buckingham:—Pleasure, frolic, or extravagant diversion was all that he laid to heart. He was true to nothing, for he was not true to himself.—Swift. No consequence. Burnet. He had no steadiness nor conduct: He could keep no secret, nor execute any design without spoiling it.—Swift. Nonsense.

P. 117. Burnet. It was visible that neither the late King nor the present were under any force when they passed … those Acts [bringing in Presbyterian government].—Swift. Both Kings were under a force.

P. 118. Burnet. To annul a Parliament was a terrible precedent, which destroyed the whole security of government.—Swift. Wrong arguing.

Ibid. Burnet. Distress on his affairs was really equivalent to a force on his person.—Swift. It was so.

P. 119. Burnet. We went into it, he said, as knaves, and therefore no wonder if we miscarried in it as fools.—Swift. True.

Ibid. Burnet. No government was so well established, as not to be liable to a revolution. This [the Rescissory Act] would cut off all hopes of peace and submission, if any disorder should happen at any time thereafter.—Swift. Wrong weak reasoning.

P. 120. Burnet. Such care was taken that no public application should be made in favour of Presbytery. Any attempt that was made on the other hand met with great encouragement.—Swift. Does the man write like a bishop?

P. 126. Burnet, speaking of the execution of the Marquess of Argyle:—After some time spent in his private devotions he was beheaded.—Swift. He was the greatest villain of his age.

Ibid. Burnet. The kirk … asserted all along that the doctrine delivered in their sermons did not fall under the cognisance of the temporal courts, till it was first judged by the church.—Swift. Popery.

P. 127. Burnet. The proceedings against Wariston were soon dispatched.—Swift. Wariston was an abominable dog.

P. 135. Burnet, of Bishop Leightoun's character:—The grace and gravity of his pronunciation was such, that few heard him without a very sensible emotion. … His style was rather too fine.—Swift. Burnet is not guilty of that.

P. 140. Burnet. Leightoun did not stand much upon it. He did not think orders given without bishops were null and void. He thought, the forms of government were not settled by such positive laws as were unalterable; but only by apostolical practices, which, as he thought, authorized Episcopacy as the best form. Yet he did not think it necessary to the being of a church. But he thought that every church might make such rules of ordination as they pleased.—Swift. Think, thought, thought, think, thought.

P. 154. Burnet, speaking of a proclamation for shutting up two hundred churches in one day:—Sharp said to myself, that he knew nothing of it. … He was glad that this was done without his having any share in it: For by it he was furnished with somewhat, in which he was no way concerned, upon which he might cast all the blame of all that followed. Yet this was suitable enough to a maxim that he and all that sort of people set up, that the execution of laws was that by which all governments maintained their strength, as well as their honour.—Swift. Dunce, can there be a better maxim?

P. 157. Burnet, speaking of those who enforced church discipline, says:—They had a very scanty measure of learning, and a narrow compass in it. They were little men, of a very indifferent size of capacity, and apt to fly out into great excess of passion and indiscretion.—Swift. Strange inconsistent stuff.

P. 160. Burnet. One Venner … thought it was not enough to believe that Christ was to reign on earth, and to put the saints in the possession of the kingdom … but added to this, that the saints were to take the kingdom themselves.—Swift. This wants grammar.

P. 163. Burnet. John Goodwin and Milton did also escape all censure, to the surprise of all people.—Swift. He censures even mercy.

Ibid. Burnet. Milton … was … much admired by all at home for the poems he writ, though he was then blind; chiefly that of "Paradise Lost," in which there is a nobleness both of contrivance and execution, that, though he affected to write in blank verse without rhyme, and made many new and rough words, yet it was esteemed the beautifullest and perfectest poem that ever was writ, at least in our language.—Swift. A mistake, for it is in English.

P. 164. Burnet. The great share he [Sir Henry Vane] had in the attainder of the Earl Strafford, and in the whole turn of affairs to the total change of government, but above all the great opinion that was had of his parts and capacity to embroil matters again, made the court think it was necessary to put him out of the way.—Swift. A malicious turn. Vane was a dangerous enthusiastic beast.

Ibid. Burnet. When he [Sir Henry Vane] saw his death was designed, he composed himself to it, with a resolution that surprised all who knew how little of that was natural to him. Some instances of this were very extraordinary, though they cannot be mentioned with decency.—Swift. His lady conceived of him the night before his execution.

Ibid. Burnet. Sir Henry Vane died with so much composedness, that it was generally thought, the government had lost more than it had gained by his death.—Swift. Vane was beheaded for new attempts, not here mentioned.

P. 179. Burnet. [The Papists] seemed zealous for the Church. But at the same time they spoke of toleration, as necessary both for the peace and quiet of the nation, and for the encouragement of trade.—Swift. This is inconsistent.

P. 180. Burnet says that Mr. Baxter:—was a man of great piety; and, if he had not meddled in too many things, would have been esteemed one of the learned men of the age: He writ near two hundred books.—Swift. Very sad ones.

P. 184. Burnet. The Convocation that prepared those alterations, as they added some new holy days, St. Barnabas, and the Conversion of St. Paul, so they took in more lessons out of the Apocrypha, in particular the story of Bel and the Dragon.—Swift. I think they acted wrong.

Ibid. Burnet. Reports were spread … of the plots of the
Presbyterians in several counties. Many were taken up on those reports:
But none were ever tried for them.—Swift. A common practice.

Ibid. Burnet, writing of the ejection of the Nonconformists on St.
Bartholomew's Day, 1662, says:—A severity neither practised by Queen
Elizabeth in the enacting her Liturgy, nor by Cromwell in ejecting the
Royalists.—Swift. But by King William.

P. 186. Burnet, speaking of the great fines raised on the church estates ill applied, proceeds:—If the half had been applied to the buying of tithes or glebes for small vicarages, here a foundation had been laid down for a great and effectual reformation.—Swift. He judges here right, in my opinion.

Ibid. Burnet, continuing the same subject:—The men of merit and service were loaded with many livings and many dignities. With this great accession of wealth there broke in upon the Church a great deal of luxury and high living, on the pretence of hospitality; while others made purchases, and left great estates, most of which we have seen melt away.—Swift. Uncharitable aggravation; a base innuendo.

P. 189. Burnet. Patrick was a great preacher. He wrote … well, and chiefly on the Scriptures. He was a laborious man in his function, of great strictness of life, but a little too severe against those who differed from him. But that was, when he thought their doctrines struck at the fundamentals of religion. He became afterwards more moderate.—Swift. Yes, for he turned a rank Whig.

P. 190. Burnet. [Archbishop Tenison] was a very learned man.—Swift.
The dullest, good-for-nothing man I ever knew.

P. 191. Burnet, condemning the bad style of preaching before Tillotson, Lloyd, and Stillingfleet, says their discourses were:—long and heavy, when all was pie-bald, full of many sayings of different languages.—Swift. A noble epithet. Burnet. The King … had got a right notion of style.—Swift. How came Burnet not to learn this style?

P. 193. Burnet, speaking of the first formation of the Royal Society:—Many physicians, and other ingenious men went into the society for natural philosophy. But he who laboured most … was Robert Boyle, the Earl of Cork's youngest son. He was looked on by all who knew him as a very perfect pattern. … He neglected his person, despised the world, and lived abstracted from all pleasures, designs, and interests.—Swift. Boyle was a very silly writer.

P. 195. Burnet. Peter Walsh, … who was the honestest and learnedest man I ever knew among [the Popish clergy, often told me] … there was nothing which the whole Popish party feared more than an union of those of the Church of England with the Presbyterians. … The Papists had two maxims, from which they never departed: The one was to divide us: And the other was to keep themselves united.—Swift. Rogue.

P. 202. Burnet. The queen-mother had brought over from France one Mrs.
Steward, reckoned a very great beauty.—Swift. A pretty phrase.

P. 203. Burnet. One of the first things that was done in this session of Parliament [1663] was the execution of my unfortunate uncle, Wariston.—Swift. Was he hanged or beheaded? A fit uncle for such a bishop.

P. 211. Burnet. Many were undone by it [religious persecution], and went over to the Scots in Ulster, where they were well received, and had all manner of liberty as to their way of religion.—Swift. The more the pity.

P. 214. Burnet. The blame of all this was cast upon Sharp….. And the Lord Lauderdale, to complete his disgrace with the King, got many of his letters … and laid these before the King; So that the King looked on him as one of the worst of men.—Swift. Surely there was some secret cause for this perpetual malice against Sharp.

P. 220. Burnet. Pensionary De Witt had the notions of a commonwealth from the Greeks and Romans. And from them he came to fancy, that an army commanded by officers of their own country was both more in their own power, and would serve them with the more zeal, since they themselves had such an interest in their success.—Swift. He ought to have judged the contrary.

P. 236. Burnet, speaking of the slight rebellion in the west of Scotland, 1666, says:—The rest [of the rebels] were favoured by the darkness of the night, and the weariness of the King's troops that were not in case to pursue them. … For they were a poor harmless company of men, become mad by oppression.—Swift. A fair historian!

P. 237. Burnet. They might all have saved their lives, if they would have renounced the Covenant: So they were really a sort of martyrs for it.—Swift. Decent term.

P. 238. Burnet. [Sir John Cunningham] was not only very learned in the civil and canon law … [but] was above all, a man of eminent probity, and of a sweet temper, and indeed one of the piousest men of the nation.—Swift. Is that Scotch?

P. 242. Burnet. When the peace of Breda was concluded, the King wrote to the Scottish council, and communicated that to them; and with that signified, that it was his pleasure that the army should be disbanded.—Swift. Four thats in one line.

P. 243. Burnet. [Archbishop Burnet] saw Episcopacy was to be pulled down, and … writ upon these matters a long and sorrowful letter to Sheldon: And upon that Sheldon writ a very long one to Sir R. Murray; which I read, and found more temper and moderation in it than I could have expected from him.—Swift. Sheldon was a very great and excellent man.

P. 245. Burnet. [The Countess of Dysert] was a woman of great beauty, but of far greater parts. … She had studied not only divinity and history, but mathematics and philosophy. She was violent in everything she set about, a violent friend, but a much more violent enemy. … [When Lauderdale] was prisoner after Worcester fight, she made him believe he was in great danger of his life, and that she saved it by her intrigues with Cromwell.—Swift. Cromwell had gallantries with her.

P. 248. Burnet. The clergy … saw designs were forming to turn them all out: And, hearing that they might be better provided in Ireland, they were in many places bought out, and prevailed on to desert their cures.—Swift. So Ireland was well provided.

P. 252. Burnet. The King … suspecting that Lord Cornbury was in the design, spoke to him as one in a rage that forgot all decency. … In the afternoon he heard him with more temper, as he himself told me.—Swift. Who told him?

P. 253. Burnet, speaking of Sheldon's remonstrating with the King about his mistresses, adds:—From that day forward Sheldon could never recover the King's confidence.—Swift. Sheldon had refused the sacrament to the King for living in adultery.

Ibid. Burnet. Sir Orlando Bridgman … was a man of great integrity, and had very serious impressions of religion on his mind. He had been always on the side of the Church.—Swift. What side should he be of?

P. 256. Burnet, speaking of the Earl of Clarendon's banishment:—It seemed against the common course of justice, to make all corresponding with him treason, when he himself was not attainted of treason.—Swift. Bishop of Rochester's case.

P. 257. Burnet. Thus the Lord Clarendon fell under the common fate of great ministers, whose employment exposes them to envy, and draws upon them the indignation of all who are disappointed in their pretensions. Their friends turning as violently against them, as they formerly fawned abjectly upon them.—Swift. Stupid moralist.

Ibid. Burnet, speaking of the Earl of Clarendon's eldest son, who afterwards succeeded him, says:—His judgement was not to be much depended on, for he was much carried by vulgar prejudices, and false notions. He was much in the Queen's favour. Swift. Much, much, much.

P. 258. Burnet, speaking of the Earl of Rochester, second son of Lord Clarendon:—[He] is a man of far greater parts [than his brother]. He has a very good pen, but speaks not gracefully.—Swift. I suppose it was of gold or silver.

Ibid. Burnet. [The King] told me, he had a chaplain, that was a very honest man, but a very great blockhead, to whom he had given a living in Suffolk, that was full of that sort of people [Nonconformists]. He had gone about among them from house to house, though he could not imagine what he could say to them, for he said he was a very silly fellow. But that, he believed, his nonsense suited their nonsense, for he had brought them all to church. And, in reward of his diligence, he had given him a bishopric in Ireland.—Swift. Bishop Wolley, of Clonfert.

P. 259. Burnet. If the sectaries were humble and modest, and would tell what would satisfy them, there might be some colour for granting some concessions.—Swift. I think so too.

P. 260. Burnet. The three volumes of the "Friendly Debate," though writ by a very good man.—Swift. Writ by Bishop Patrick.

Ibid. Burnet. After he [Samuel Parker, afterwards Bishop of Oxford] had for some years entertained the nation with several virulent books, writ with much life, he was attacked by the liveliest droll of the age, etc.—Swift. What is a droll? Burnet. That not only humbled Parker, but the whole party. For the author of "The Rehearsal Transposed," etc.—Swift. Andrew Marvel.

P. 263. Burnet, speaking of the King's attachment to Nell Gwyn, says:—But after all he never treated her with the decencies of a mistress.—Swift. Pray what decencies are those?

Ibid. Burnet. The King had another mistress, that was managed by Lord Shaftesbury, who was the daughter of a clergyman, Roberts, in whom her first education had so deep a root, that, though she fell into many scandalous disorders, with very dismal adventures in them all, yet a principle of religion was so deep laid in her, that, though it did not restrain her, yet it kept alive in her such a constant horror at sin, that she was never easy in an ill course, and died with a great sense of her former ill life. I was often with her the last three months of her life.—Swift. Was she handsome then?

P. 264. Burnet. The King loved his [the Earl of Rochester's] company for the diversion it afforded, better than his person: And there was no love lost between them.—Swift. A noble phrase.

P. 265. Burnet. Sedley had a more sudden and copious wit, which furnished a perpetual run of discourse: But he was not so correct as Lord Dorset, nor so sparkling as Lord Rochester.—Swift. No better a critic in wit than style.

P. 266. Burnet. Lord Roberts, afterwards made Earl of Radnor, [who succeeded the Duke of Ormonde in his government of Ireland,] was a morose man, believed to be severely just, and as wise as a cynical humour could allow him to be.—Swift. How does that hinder wisdom?

P. 273. Burnet. Charles II. confessed himself a Papist to the Prince of Orange:—The Prince told me, that he never spoke of this to any other person, till after his death.—Swift. That is, his own death.

P. 277. Burnet quotes an exclamation of Archbishop Sharp's, after an attempt to assassinate him, and adds:—This was the single expression savouring of piety, that ever fell from him in all the conversation that passed between him and me.—Swift. Rank malice.

P. 285. Burnet. No body could ever tell me how the word "Ecclesiastical matters" was put in the Act. Leightoun thought, he was sure it was put in after the draught and form of the Act was agreed on.—Swift. Nonsense.

P. 287. Burnet, speaking of Archbishop Burnet, says:—He was not cut out for a court, or for the ministry.—Swift. A phrase of dignity.

Ibid. Burne, mentioning his own appointment as Professor of Divinity at Glasgow University, says:—There was no sort of artifice or management to bring this about: It came of themselves: And they did it without any recommendation of any person whatsoever.—Swift. Modest.

P. 288. Burnet. The Episcopal party thought I intended to make myself popular at their cost: So they began that strain of fury and calumny that has pursued me ever since from that sort of people.—Swift. A civil term for all who are Episcopal.

P. 298. Burnet. [In compiling the Memoirs of the Dukes of Hamilton,] I found there materials for a very large history. I writ it with great sincerity; and concealed none of their errors. I did indeed conceal several things that related to the King: I left out some passages that were in his letters; in some of which was too much weakness.—Swift. The letters, if they had been published, could not have given a worse character.

P. 300. Burnet, speaking of the Scotch clergy refusing to be made bishops, says:—They had an ill opinion of the court, and could not be brought to leave their retirement.—Swift. For that very reason they should have accepted bishoprics.

P. 301. Burnet, after mentioning the murder of the Duchess of Orleans, says:—I will set down one story of her, that was told me by a person of distinction, who had it from some who were well informed of the matter.—Swift. Poor authority.

P. 303. Burnet. Madame [the Duchess of Orleans] had an intrigue with another person, whom I knew well, the Count of Tréville. When she was in her agony, she said, "Adieu, Tréville." He was so struck with this accident, that it had a good effect on him; for he went and lived many years among the Fathers of the Oratory, and became both a very learned, and devout man. He came afterwards out into the world. I saw him often. He was a man of a very sweet temper, only a little too formal for a Frenchman. But he was very sincere. He was a Jansenist. He hated the Jesuits.—Swift. Pretty jumping periods.

P. 304. Burnet. Lord Shaftesbury laid the blame of this chiefly on the Duke of Buckingham: For he told me, … And therefore he blamed him.—Swift. Who blamed whom.

Ibid. Burnet. The Duke of Savoy was encouraged to make a conquest of
Genoa.—Swift. Geneva.

Ibid. Burnet. When a foreign minister asked the King's leave to treat with him [Lockhart] in his master's name, the King consented; but with this severe reflection, That he believed he would be true to anybody but himself.—Swift. Does he mean, Lockhart would not be true to Lockhart?

P. 305. Burnet. They [the French] so possessed De Groot, then the Dutch ambassador at Paris, or they corrupted him into a belief that they had no design on them, etc.—Swift. Who on whom?

P. 306. Burnet. The Earl of Shaftesbury was the chief man in this advice [recommending the King to shut up the exchequer].—Swift. Clifford had the merit of this.

P. 318. Burnet, after mentioning the death of William II., Prince of Orange, says of the Princess:—As she bore her son a week after his death, in the eighth month of her time, so he came into the world under great disadvantages.—Swift. A pretty contrast.

Ibid. Burnet mentions an astrological prediction of the Prince's fate, and adds:—But that which was most particular was, that he was to have a son by a widow, and was to die of the small-pox in the twenty-fifth year of his age.—Swift. Was, was, was, was.

P. 320. Burnet. They set it also up for a maxim.—Swift. He can vary a phrase; set up for a maxim, and lay down for a maxim.

P. 321. Burnet. His oath was made to them, and by consequence it was in their power to release the obligation that did arise from it to themselves.—Swift. Bad casuist.

Ibid. Burnet. As soon as he [the Prince of Orange] was brought into the command of the armies, he told me, he spoke to De Witt, and desired to live in an entire confidence with him. His answer was cold: So he saw that he could not depend upon him. When he told me this, he added, that he was certainly one of the greatest men of the age, and he believed he served his country faithfully—Swift. Yet the Prince contrived that he should be murdered.

Ibid. Burnet. Now I come to give an account of the fifth crisis brought on the whole reformation, which has been of the longest continuance, since we are yet in the agitations of it.—Swift. Under the Queen and Lord Oxford's ministry.

P. 322. Burnet. [In this famous campaign of Louis XIV. against the Dutch, (1672,)] there was so little heart or judgement shewn in the management of that run of success, etc.—Swift. A metaphor, but from gamesters.

P. 326. Burnet, referring to the action of the rabble when Cornelius de Witt was banished, says of the Prince of Orange:—His enemies have taken advantages from thence to cast the infamy of this on him, and on his party, to make them all odious; though the Prince spoke of it always to me with the greatest horror possible.—Swift. Yet he was guilty enough.

P. 328. Burnet. Prince Waldeck was their chief general: A man of a great compass.—Swift, i.e. very fat.

P. 330. Burnet. He broke twice with the Prince, after he came into a confidence with him. He employed me to reconcile him to him for the third time—Swift. Perspicuity.

Ibid. Burnet. The actions sinking on the sudden on the breaking out of a new war, that sunk him into a melancholy, which quite distracted him.—Swift. Eloquent.

P. 335. Burnet. I will complete the transactions of this memorable year:—P. 337. Thus I have gone far into the state of affairs of Holland in this memorable year.—Swift. Why, you called it so but just now before.

P. 337. Burnet. It seems, the French made no great account of their prisoners, for they released 25,000 Dutch for 50,000 crowns—Swift. What! ten shillings a piece! By much too dear for a Dutchman.

Ibid. Burnet. This year [1672] the King declared a new mistress, and made her Duchess of Portsmouth. She had been maid of honour to Madame, the King's sister, and had come over with her to Dover; where the King had expressed such a regard to her, that the Duke of Buckingham, who hated the Duchess of Cleveland, intended to put her on the King.—Swift. Surely he means the contrary.

P. 341. Burnet. [The Duke of Lauderdale] called for me all on the sudden, and put me in mind of the project I had laid before him, of putting all the outed ministers by couples into parishes: So that instead of wandering about the country to hold conventicles in all places, they might be fixed to a certain abode, and every one might have the half of a benefice.—Swift. A sottish project; instead of feeding fifty, you starve a hundred.

BOOK III.

P. 346. Burnet. It was believed, if the design had succeeded, he [Lord Clifford] had agreed with his wife to take orders, and to aspire to a cardinal's hat.—Swift. Was he or she to take orders?

P. 362. Burnet. I told him, what afterwards happened, that most of these would make their own terms, and leave him in the lurch.—Swift. True sublime.

P. 370. Burnet. I was ever of Nazianzen's opinion, who never wished to see any more synods of the clergy.—Swift. Dog!

P. 372. Burnet, when he was struck out of the list of chaplains, says:—The King said, he was afraid I had been too busy; and wished me to go home to Scotland, and be more quiet.—Swift. The King knew him right.

Ibid. Burnet. I preached in many of the churches of London; and was so well received, that it was probable I might be accepted of in any that was to be disposed of by a popular election.—Swift. Much to his honour.

P. 373. Burnet. This violent and groundless prosecution lasted some months. And during that time I said to some, that Duke Lauderdale had gone so far in opening some wicked designs to me, that I perceived he could not be satisfied, unless I was undone. So I told what was mentioned before of the discourses that passed between him and me.—Swift. Scotch dog!

P. 374. Burnet. He [Lord Howard] went over in the beginning of the war, and offered to serve De Witt. But he told me, he found him a dry man.—Swift. Who told who? I guess Howard told Burnet.

P. 378. Burnet. At least he [Sir William Temple] thought religion was fit only for the mob.—Swift. A word of dignity for an historian. Burnet. He was a corrupter of all that came near him. And he delivered himself up wholly to study, ease, and pleasure.—Swift. Sir William Temple was a man of virtue, to which Burnet was a stranger.

P. 380. Burnet, speaking of his being pressed, before Parliament, to reveal what passed between him and the Duke of Lauderdale in private; and the Parliament, in case of refusal, threatening him, says:—Upon this I yielded, and gave an account of the discourse formerly mentioned.—Swift. Treacherous villain.

Ibid. Burnet. My love to my country, and my private friendships carried me perhaps too far.—Swift. Right.

P. 382. Burnet. [Sir Harbottle Grimstone] had always a tenderness to the Dissenters.—Swift. Burnet's test of all virtues.

Ibid. Burnet. [Lady Grimstone] was the humblest, the devoutest, and best tempered person I ever knew of that sort [having high notions for Church and Crown].—Swift. Rogue.

P. 384. Burnet, the country party maintained that:—if a Parliament thought any law inconvenient for the good of the whole, they must be supposed still free to alter it: And no previous limitation could bind up their legislature.—Swift. Wrong arguing.

P. 387. Burnet. It was said, a standing Parliament changed the constitution of England.—Swift. The present case under King George.

Ibid. Burnet. It was moved, that an address should be made to the King for dissolving the Parliament.—Swift. Tempora mutantur; for nothing now will do but septennial Parliaments.

P. 388 Burnet. He [Lord Russell] had from his first education an inclination to favour the Non-conformists.—Swift. So have all the author's favourites.

P. 392. Burnet. But with these good qualities Compton was a weak man, wilful, and strangely wedded to a party.—Swift. He means, to the Church.

Ibid. Burnet. Bancroft, Dean of St. Paul's, was raised to [the see of Canterbury]. … He was a man of solemn deportment, had a sullen gravity in his looks, and was considerably learned. He had put on a monastic strictness, and lived abstracted from company. … He was a dry, cold man, reserved, and peevish; so that none loved him, and few esteemed him.—Swift. False and detracting.

P. 396. Burnet. My way of writing history pleased him [Sir William
Jones].—Swift. Very modest.

P. 399. Burnet. Men were now though silent, not quiet.—Swift. Nonsense, or printer's mistake. It should be, "Silent, though not quiet."

Ibid, Burnet. One Carstairs, a loose and vicious gentleman.—Swift. Epithets well placed.

P. 404. Burnet. It was an extraordinary thing that a random cannon shot should have killed him [Turenne].—Swift. How extraordinary? Might it not kill him as well as another man?

P. 406. Burnet, in the battle at St. Omer between the Prince of Orange (afterwards King William) and the Duke of Orleans:—some regiments of marines, on whom the Prince depended much, did basely run away. Yet the other bodies fought so well, that he lost not much, besides the honour of the day.—Swift. He was used to that.

P. 407. Burnet. These leading men did so entangle the debates, and over-reached those on whom he had practised, that they, working on the aversion that the English nation naturally has to a French interest, spoiled the hopefullest session the court had had of a great while, before the court was well aware of it.—Swift. Rare style!

P. 409. Burnet, Lord Danby, speaking to King Charles II., said:—If they saw his [the Duke of York's] daughter given to one that was at the head of the Protestant interest, it would very much soften those apprehensions, when it did appear that his religion was only a personal thing, not to be derived to his children after him. With all this the King was convinced.—Swift. Then how was the King for bringing in Popery?

P. 413. Burnet. His friend answered, He hoped he did not intend to make use of him to trepan a man to his ruin. Upon that, with lifted up hands, Sharp promised by the living God, that no hurt should come to him, if he made a full discovery.—Swift. Malice.

Ibid. Burnet, upon the examination of Mitchell before the privy-council for the intended assassination of Archbishop Sharp, it being first proposed to cut off the prisoner's right hand, and then his left:—Lord Rothes, who was a pleasant man, said, "How shall he wipe his breech then?" This is not very decent to be mentioned in such a work, if it were not necessary.—Swift. As decent as a thousand other passages; so he might have spared his apology.

P. 414. Burnet, in the last article of the above trial, observes:— But the judge, who hated Sharp, as he went up to the bench, passing by the prisoner said to him, "Confess nothing, unless you are sure of your limbs as well as of your life."—Swift. A rare judge.

Ibid. Burnet, mentioning Mackenzie's appointment as king's advocate, says of him:—He has published many books, some of law, but all full of faults; for he was a slight and superficial man.—Swift. Envious and base.

P. 416. Burnet, speaking of the execution of the above Mitchell for the attempt against Sharp, says:—Yet Duke Lauderdale had a chaplain, Hickes, afterwards Dean of Worcester, who published a false and partial relation of this matter, in order to the justifying of it—Swift. A learned, pious man.[4]

[Footnote 4: The "Ravillac [sic] Redivivus" of Hickes, is, notwithstanding his learning and piety, in every respect deserving of the censures passed upon it by Burnet. [S.]]

P. 425. Burnet. [Titus Oates] got to be a chaplain in one of the king's ships, from which he was dismissed upon complaint of some unnatural practices, not to be named.—Swift. Only sodomy.

P. 434. Burnet. He [Staley] was cast.—Swift. Anglicê, found guilty.

P. 441. Burnet, on the impeachment of Lord Danby:—Maynard, an ancient and eminent lawyer, explained the words of the statute of 25 Edward III. that the courts of law could not proceed but upon one of the crimes there enumerated: But the Parliament had still a power, by the clause in that Act, to declare what they thought was treason.—Swift. Yes, by a new Act, but not with a retrospect; therefore Maynard was a knave or a fool, with all his law.

P. 442. Burnet. This indeed would have justified the King, if it had been demanded above board.—Swift. Style of a gamester.

P. 451. Burnet. Yet many thought, that, what doctrines soever men might by a subtlety of speculation be earned into, the approaches of death, with the seriousness that appeared in their deportment, must needs work so much on the probity and candour which seemed footed in human nature, etc.—Swift. Credat Judaeus Apella.

P. 455. Burnet, the Bill of Exclusion disinherited:—the next heir, which certainly the King and Parliament might do, as well as any private man might disinherit his next heir.—Swift. That is not always true. Yet it was certainly in the power of King and Parliament to exclude the next heir.

P. 457. Burnet. Government was appointed for those that were to be governed, and not for the sake of governors themselves.—Swift. A true maxim and infallible.

P. 458. Burnet. It was a maxim among our lawyers, that even an Act of Parliament against Magna Charta was null of itself.—Swift. A sottish maxim.

P. 459. Burnet. For a great while I thought the accepting the limitations [proposed in the Exclusion Bill] was the wisest and best method.—Swift. It was the wisest, because it would be less opposed; and the King would consent to it; otherwise an exclusion would have done better.

P. 471. Burnet. The guards having lost thirty of their number were forced to run for it.—Swift. For what?

P. 475. Burnet. Dangerfield, a subtle and dexterous man, who … was a false coiner, undertook now to coin a plot for the ends of the Papists.—Swift. Witty.

P. 479. Burnet. Godolphin … had true principles of religion and virtue, and was free from all vanity, and never heaped up wealth: So that all things being laid together, he was one of the worthiest and wisest men that has been employed in our time.—Swift. All this very partial to my knowledge.

P. 483. Burnet. I laid open the cruelties of the Church of Rome in many instances that happened in Queen Mary's reign, which were not then known: And I aggravated, though very truly, the danger of falling under the power of that religion.—Swift. A BULL!

Ibid. Burnet. Sprat had studied a polite style much: But there was little strength in it: He had the beginnings of learning laid well in him: But he has allowed himself in a course of some years in much sloth and too many liberties.—Swift. Very false.

P. 489. Burnet. Here was a justice to be done, and a service to truth, towards the saving a man's life…. He advised with all his friends, and with my self in particular. The much greater number were of opinion that he ought to be silent.—Swift. Damned advice.

P. 496. Burnet. Jones stood upon a point of law, of the unseparableness of the prerogative from the person of the King.—Swift. A lawyer's way of arguing, very weak.

P. 509. Burnet, speaking of the grand juries in the latter end of King Charles's reign returning ignoramus so frequently on bills of indictment, states that:—in defence of these ignoramus juries it was said, that by the express words of their oath they were bound to make true presentments of what should appear true to them: And therefore, if they did not believe the evidence, they could not find a bill, though sworn to. A book was writ to support that, in which both law and reason were brought to confirm it: It passed as writ by Lord Essex, though I understood afterwards it was writ by Somers.—Swift. Lord Somers.

P. 516. Burnet says, on the imposition of a Test Act:—The bishops were earnest for this, which they thought would secure them for ever from a Presbyterian Parliament. It was carried in the vote: And that made many of the court more zealous than ever for carrying through the Act.—Swift. And it was very reasonable.

P. 519. Burnet mentions that, when the Test Act was passed:—about eighty of the most learned and pious of their clergy left all rather than comply with the terms of this law…. About twenty of them came up to England.—Swift. Enough to corrupt England.

P. 523. Burnet, describing the death of the Duke of Lauderdale, says—His heart seemed quite spent: There was not left above the bigness of a walnut of firm substance: The rest was spongy, liker the lungs than the heart.—Swift. Anglicé, more like.

P. 525. Burnet, Home was convicted on the credit of one infamous evidence:—Applications were made to the Duke [of York] for saving his life: But he was not born under a pardoning planet.—Swift. Silly fop.

P. 526. Burnet All the Presbyterian party saw they were now disinherited of a main part of their birth-right.—Swift. As much of Papists as of Presbyterians.

P. 527. Burnet, speaking of the surrender of the charters in 1682:—It was said, that those who were in the government in corporations, and had their charters and seals trusted to their keeping, were not the proprietors nor masters of those rights. They could not extinguish those corporations, nor part with any of their privileges. Others said, that whatever might be objected to the reason and equity of the thing, yet, when the seal of a corporation was put to any deed, such a deed was good in law. The matter goes beyond my skill in law to determine it.—Swift. What does he think of the surrenders of the charters of abbeys?

P. 528. Burnet The Non-conformists were now persecuted with much eagerness. This was visibly set on by the Papists: And it was wisely done of them, for they knew how much the Non-conformists were set against them.—Swift. Not so much as they are against the Church.

P. 531. Burnet Lord Hyde was the person that disposed the Duke to it:
Upon that Lord Halifax and he fell to be in ill terms; for he hated Lord
Sunderland beyond expression, though he had married his
sister.—Swift. Who married whose sister?

P. 536. Burnet The truth is, juries became at that time the shame of the nation, as well as a reproach to religion: For they were packed, and prepared to bring in verdicts as they were directed and not as matters appeared on the evidence.—Swift. So they are now.

P. 538. Burnet He [Algernon Sidney] was ambassador in Denmark at the time of the Restoration.—Swift. For Cromwell.

P. 543. Burnet, on Rumbold's proposal to shoot the King at Hodsdon, in his way to Newmarket, adds:—They [the conspirators] ran into much wicked talk about the way of executing that. But nothing was ever fixed on: All was but talk.—Swift. All plots begin with talk.

P. 548. Burnet. At the time of Lord Russell's plot, Baillie being asked by the King whether they had any design against his person? he frankly said not; but being asked:—if they had been in any consultations with lords or others in England, in order to an insurrection in Scotland? Baillie faltered at this. For his conscience restrained him from lying;—Swift. The author and his cousins could not tell lies, but they could plot.

P. 549. Burnet. Next morning he went with him to the Tower gate, the messenger being again fast asleep.—Swift. Is this a blunder?

P. 553. Burnet, speaking of Lord Essex's suicide (1683)—His man, thinking he stayed longer than ordinary in his closet, looked through the key hole, and there saw him lying dead.—Swift. He was on the close stool.

P. 555. Burnet, on Lord Russell's trial—Finch summed up the evidence against him. But … shewed more of a vicious eloquence, in turning matters with some subtlety against the prisoners, than of solid or sincere reasoning.—Swift. Afterwards Earl of Aylesford, an arrant rascal.

P. 562. Burnet. I offered to take my oath, that the speech [of Lord
Russell] was penned by himself, and not by me.—Swift. Jesuitical.

P. 567. Burnet. I knew Spanheim particularly, who was envoy from the Elector of Brandenburg, who is the greatest critic of the age in all ancient learning.—Swift. Who was—who is, pure nonsense.

P. 568. Burnet. All people were apprehensive of very black designs, when they saw Jeffreys made Lord Chief Justice, who … run out upon all occasions into declamations, that did not become the bar, much less the bench. He was not learned in his profession: And his eloquence, though viciously copious, yet was neither correct nor agreeable.—Swift. Like Burnet's eloquence.

P. 572. Burnet, on Algernon Sidney's trial, observes, that:—Finch aggravated the matter of the book, as a proof of his intentions, pretending it was an overt act, for he said, Scribere est agere.—Swift. Yet this Finch was made Earl of Aylesford by King George.

Ibid. Burnet, when Sidney charged the sheriffs who brought him the execution-warrant with having packed the jury—one of the sheriffs … wept. He told it to a person, from whom Tillotson had it, who told it me.—Swift. Admirable authority.

P. 577. Burnet. So that it was plain, that after all the story they had made of the [Rye-house] Plot, it had gone no further, than that a company of seditious and inconsiderable persons were framing among themselves some treasonable schemes, that were never likely to come to anything.—Swift. Cursed partiality.

P. 579. Burnet. The King [Charles II.] had published a story all about the court, … as the reason of this extreme severity against Armstrong: He said, that he was sent over by Cromwell to murder him beyond sea; … and that upon his confessing it he had promised him never to speak of it any more as long as he lived. So the King, counting him now dead in law, thought he was free from that promise.—Swift. If the King had a mind to lie, he would have stayed till Armstrong was hanged.

P. 583. Burnet. It ended in dismissing Lord Aberdeen, and making Lord Perth chancellor, to which he had been long aspiring in a most indecent manner.—Swift. Decent and indecent, very useful words to this author.

P. 585. Burnet. I saved myself out of those difficulties by saying to all my friends, that I would not be involved in any such confidence; for as long as I thought our circumstances were such that resistance was not lawful, I thought the concealing any design in order to it was likewise unlawful.—Swift. Jesuitical.

Ibid. Burnet says, after relating how the thumb-screws were applied to Spence and Carstairs:—Upon what was thus screwed out of these two persons, etc.—Swift. Witty the second time.

P. 586. Burnet, Baillie suffered several hardships and fines for being supposed to be in the Rye-house Plot; yet:—seemed all the while so composed, and even so cheerful, that his behaviour looked like the reviving of the spirit of the noblest of the old Greeks or Romans.—Swift. For he was our cousin.

P. 587. Burnet, speaking of Baillie's execution, says:—The only excuse that was ever pretended for this infamous prosecution was, that they were sure he was guilty.—Swift. Bishop of Rochester.

P. 588. Burnet, Lord Perth wanting to see Leightoun, I writ so earnestly to him, that he came to London; and, on—his coming to me, I was amazed to see him at above seventy look so fresh and well…. [Two days afterwards] Leightoun sunk so, that both speech and sense went away of a sudden: And he continued panting about twelve hours; and then died without pangs or convulsions.—Swift. Burnet killed him by bringing him to London.

Ibid. Burnet Leightoun … retained still a peculiar inclination to Scotland.—Swift. Yet he chose to live in England.

P. 589. Burnet, speaking of Leightoun's views of the Church of England, says:—As to the administration, both with relation to the ecclesiastical courts, and the pastoral care, he looked on it as one of the most corrupt he had ever seen.—Swift. Very civil.

Ibid. Burnet. There were two remarkable circumstances in his [Leightoun's] death. He used often to say, that if he were to choose a place to die in, it should be an inn; it looking like a pilgrim's going home, to whom this world was all as an inn, and who was weary of the noise and confusion in it.—Swift. Canting puppy.

P. 590. Burnet. Sterne, Archbishop of York, died in the 86th year of his age: He was a sour ill-tempered man, and minded chiefly the enriching his family.—Swift. Yet thought author of "The Whole Duty of Man."

P. 591. Burnet says of Bishop Mew:—Though he knew very little of divinity, or of any other learning, and was weak to a childish degree, yet obsequiousness and zeal raised him through several steps to this great see [Bath and Wells].—Swift. This character is true.

P. 595. Burnet. And now the tables were turned—Swift. Style of a gamester.

P. 596. Burnet, being appointed to preach the sermon on the Gunpowder Plot, (1684,) at the Rolls Chapel:—I chose for my text these words: "Save me from the lion's mouth, thou hast heard me from the horns of the unicorns." I made no reflection in my thoughts on the lion and unicorn, as being the two supporters of the King's scutcheon.—Swift. I doubt that.

P. 600. Burnet relates a story of a quarrel between three gentlemen, one of whom was killed. He says that one of the others:—was prevailed on to confess the indictment, and to let sentence pass on him for murder; a pardon being promised him if he should do so. [After this he had to pay £16,000 for his pardon.]—Swift. The story is wrong told.

P. 604. Burnet mentions a scheme to raise dissensions between Charles II. and the Duke of York, and adds:—Mr. May of the privy purse told me, that he was told there was a design to break out, with which he himself would be well pleased.—Swift. The bishop told me this with many more particulars.

P. 609. Burnet, speaking of the suspicion of Charles II. being poisoned, says that:—Lower and Needham, two famous physicians, … [noticed some] blue spots on the outside of the stomach. Needham called twice to have it opened: but the surgeons seemed not to hear him. And when he moved it the second time, he, as he told me, heard Lower say to one that stood next him, "Needham will undo us, calling thus to have the stomach opened, for he may see they will not do it." … Le Fevre, a French physician, told me, he saw a blackness in the shoulder; Upon which he made an incision, and saw it was all mortified. Short, another physician, who was a Papist, but after a form of his own, did very much suspect foul dealing.—Swift. One physician told me this from Short himself.

P. 611. Burnet, describing the behaviour of Charles II. when in hiding after the battle of Worcester, says:—Under all the apprehensions he had then upon him, he shewed a temper so careless, and so much turned to levity, that he was then diverting himself with little household sports, in as unconcerned a manner, as if he had made no loss, and had been in no danger at all.—Swift. This might admit a more favourable turn.

P. 613. Burnet, in his character of Charles II., says:—His person and temper, his vices as well as his fortunes, resemble the character that we have given us of Tiberius so much, that it were easy to draw the parallel between them. Tiberius's banishment, and his coming afterwards to reign, makes the comparison in that respect come pretty near. His hating of business, and his love of pleasures, his raising of favourites, and trusting them entirely; and his pulling them down, and hating them excessively; his art of covering deep designs, particularly of revenge, with an appearance of softness, brings them so near a likeness, that I did not wonder much to observe the resemblance of their face and person.—Swift. Malicious, and in many circumstances false.

P. 615. Burnet concludes his character of Charles II. with these words:—How ungrateful soever this labour has proved to my self, and how unacceptable soever it may be to some, who are either obliged to remember him gratefully, or by the engagement of parties and interests are under other biasses, yet I have gone through all that I knew relating to his life and reign with that regard to truth, and what I think may be instructive to mankind, which became an impartial writer of history, and one who believes, that he must give an account to God of what he writes, as well as of what he says and does.—Swift. He was certainly a very bad prince, but not to the degree described in this character, which is poorly drawn, and mingled with malice very unworthy an historian, and the style abominable, as in the whole history, and the observations trite and vulgar.

BOOK IV.

P. 623. Burnet. Because Chudleigh the envoy there had openly broken with the Prince [of Orange], (for he not only waited no more on him, but acted openly against him; and once in the Vorhaut had affronted him, while he was driving the Princess upon the snow in a trainau, according to the German manner, and pretending they were masked, and that he did not know them, had ordered his coachman to keep his way, as they were coming towards the place where he drove;) the King recalled him.—Swift. A pretty parenthesis.

P. 626. Burnet. This gave all thinking men a melancholy prospect.
England now seemed lost, unless some happy accident should save it. All
people saw the way for packing a Parliament now laid open.—Swift.
Just our case at the Queen's death.

P. 638. Burnet says that Musgrave and others pretended:—when money was asked for just and necessary ends, to be frugal patriots, and to be careful managers of the public treasure.—Swift. A party remark,

P. 651. Burnet. Goodenough, who had been under-sheriff of London when Cornish was sheriff, offered to swear against Cornish; and also said, that Rumsey had not discovered all he knew. So Rumsey to save himself joined with Goodenough, to swear Cornish guilty of that for which the Lord Russell had suffered. And this was driven on so fast, that Cornish was seized on, tried, and executed within the week.—Swift. Goodenough went to Ireland, practised law, and died there.

Ibid. Burnet. It gave a general horror to the body of the nation: And it let all people see, what might be expected from a reign that seemed to delight in blood.—Swift. The same here since the Queen's death.

P. 654. Burnet. The Archbishop of Armagh[5] [1685,] had continued Lord
Chancellor of Ireland, and was in all points so compliant to the court,
that even his religion came to be suspected on that account.—Swift.
False.

[Footnote 5: Michael Boyle, who, when Archbishop of Dublin, was made chancellor soon after the Restoration (1665), and continued in that office to January, 1686, during which time he was raised to the Archbishopric of Armagh.—SEWARD.]

Ibid Burnet, and yet this archbishop:—was not thought thorough-paced.
So Sir Charles Porter, who was a zealous promoter of everything that the
King proposed, and was a man of ready wit, and being poor was thought a
person fit to be made a tool of, was declared Lord Chancellor of
Ireland.—Swift. False and scandalous.

P. 669. Burnet. Solicitor-general Finch … was presently after turned out. And Powis succeeded him, who was a compliant young aspiring lawyer, though in himself he was no ill natured man.—Swift. Sir Thomas Powis, a good dull lawyer.

P. 670. Burnet, speaking of the power claimed for the King to dispense with the sacramental test, says:—It was an overturning the whole government, … to say that laws, … where one of the penalties was an incapacity, which by a maxim of law cannot be taken away even by a pardon, should at the pleasure of the prince be dispensed with: A fine was also set by the Act on offenders, but not given to the King, but to the informer, which thereby became his. So that the King could no more pardon that, than he could discharge the debts of the subjects, and take away property.—Swift. Wrong reasoning.

P. 672. Burnet. Intimations were everywhere given, that the King would not have them [Dissenters], or their meetings, to be disturbed. Some of them began to grow insolent upon this shew of favour.—Swift. The whole body of them grew insolent, and complying to the King.

P. 675. Burnet. Sancroft lay silent at Lambeth. He seemed zealous against Popery in private discourse: But he was of such a timorous temper, and so set on the enriching his nephew, that he shewed no sort of courage.—Swift. False as hell.

P. 681. Burnet, referring to the revived national zeal against Popery, says:—The Episcopal clergy were in many places so sunk into sloth and ignorance, that they were not capable of conducting this zeal: … But the Presbyterians, though they were now freed from the great severities they had long smarted under, yet expressed on all occasions their unconquerable aversion to Popery.—Swift. Partial dog!

P. 682. Burnet. He made the Earl of Tyrconnell Lord
Lieutenant.—Swift. Lord deputy.

P. 688. Burnet. Nor were the clergy more diligent in their labours among their people, in which respect it must be confessed that the English clergy are the most remiss of any.—Swift. Civil that.

P. 690. Burnet, speaking of King William's character, says:—he had no vice, but of one sort, in which he was very cautious and secret.—Swift. It was of two sorts—male and female—in the former he was neither cautious nor secret.

P. 691. Burnet, in a conversation with the Prince of Orange at The Hague, (1686):—When he found I was in my opinion for toleration, he said, that was all he would ever desire to bring us to, for quieting our contentions at home.—Swift. It seems the Prince even then thought of being King.

P. 692. Burnet, the advice I gave the Princess of Orange, when she should be Queen of England, was, to:—endeavour effectually to get it [the real authority] to be legally vested in him [the Prince] during life: This would lay the greatest obligation on him possible, and lay the foundation of a perfect union between them, which had been of late a little embroiled.—Swift. By Mrs. Villiers, now Lady Orkney; but he proved a d——d husband for all that.[6]

[Footnote 6: Lady Orkney was a favourite of Swift, as appears from several passages in the Journal. [S.]]

P. 693. Burnet, having told the Princess of Orange that her succession to the throne would not make her husband king, and given her the advice just quoted, says:—she in a very frank manner told him, that she did not know that the laws of England were so contrary to the laws of God, as I had informed her: she did not think that the husband was ever to be obedient to the wife.—Swift. Foolish.

P. 693. Burnet. [Penn, the Quaker,] was a talking vain man, who had been long in the King's favour, he being the vice-admiral's son. … He had a tedious luscious way, that was not apt to overcome a man's reason, though it might tire his patience.—Swift. He spoke very agreeably, and with much spirit.

P. 695. Burnet. Cartwright was promoted to Chester. He was a man of good capacity, and had made some progress in learning. He was ambitious and servile, cruel and boisterous: And, by the great liberties he allowed himself, he fell under much scandal of the worst sort.—Swift. Only sodomy.

P. 696. Burnet. [Cartwright] was looked on as a man that would more effectually advance the design of Popery, than if he should turn over to it. And indeed, bad as he was, he never made that step, even in the most desperate state of his affairs.—Swift. He went to Ireland with King James, and there died neglected and poor.

P. 697. Burnet. In all nations the privileges of colleges and universities are esteemed such sacred things, that few will venture to dispute these, much less to disturb them.—Swift. Yet in King George's reign, Oxford was bridled and insulted with troops, for no manner of cause but their steadiness to the Church.

P. 699. Burnet. It was much observed, that this university [Oxford], that had asserted the King's prerogative in the highest strains of the most abject flattery possible, etc.—Swift. And their virtue and steadiness ought equally to be observed.

P. 701. Burnet, speaking of King James's proceedings against the universities, and that several of the clergy wrote over to the Prince of Orange to engage in their quarrel, adds:—When that was communicated to me, I was still of opinion, that, though this was indeed an act of despotical and arbitrary power, yet I did not think it struck at the whole: So that it was not in my opinion a lawful case of resistance.—Swift. He was a better Tory than I, if he spoke as he thought.

Ibid. Burnet. The main difference between these [the Presbyterians and the Independents] was, that the Presbyterians seemed reconcilable to the Church; for they loved Episcopal ordination and a liturgy.—Swift. A damnable lie.

P. 702. Burnet. [Both Presbyterians and Independents] were enemies to this high prerogative, that the King was assuming, and were very averse to Popery.—Swift. Style.

Ibid. Burnet. So the more considerable among them [the Dissenters] resolved not to stand at too great a distance from the court, nor provoke the King so far, as to give him cause to think they were irreconcilable to him, lest they should provoke him to make up matters on any terms with the Church party.—Swift. They all complied most shamefully and publicly, as is well known.

P. 703. Burnet. The King's choice of Palmer, Earl of Castlemain, was liable to great exception.—Swift. Duchess of Cleveland's husband.

P. 705. Burnet. Since what an ambassador says is understood as said by the prince whose character he bears, this gave the States a right to make use of all advantages that might offer themselves.—Swift. Sophistry.

P. 710. Burnet. The restless spirit of some of that religion [Popery], and of their clergy in particular, shewed they could not be at quiet till they were masters.—Swift. All sects are of that spirit.

P. 716. Burnet, speaking of "the fury that had been driven on for many years by a Popish party," adds:—When some of those who had been always moderate told these, who were putting on another temper, that they would perhaps forget this as soon as the danger was over, they promised the contrary very solemnly. It shall be told afterwards, how well they remembered this.—Swift. False and spiteful.

P. 726. Burnet. That which gave the crisis to the King's anger was that he heard I was to be married to a considerable fortune at The Hague.—Swift. A phrase of the rabble.

Ibid. Burnet, when a prosecution was commenced against Burnet in Scotland, he obtained naturalization for himself in Holland, after which he wrote to the Earl of Middleton, saying that:—being now naturalized in Holland, my allegiance was, during my stay in these parts, transferred from His Majesty to the States.—Swift. Civilians deny that, but I agree with him.

P. 727. Burnet. I come now to the year 1688, which proved memorable, and produced an extraordinary and unheard-of revolution.—Swift. The Devil's in that, sure all Europe heard of it.

P. 730. _Burnet,_after saying that he had been naturalized in Holland, upon marrying one of the subjects of the States, goes on:—The King took the matter very ill, and said, it was an affront to him, and a just cause of war.—Swift. Vain fop.

P. 731. Burnet. I never possessed my own soul in a more perfect calm, and in a clearer cheerfulness of spirit, than I did during all those threatenings, and the apprehensions that others were in concerning me.—Swift. A modest account of his own magnanimity.

P. 746. Burnet. But after all, though soldiers were bad Englishmen and worse Christians, yet the court [of James II.] found them too good Protestants to trust much to them.—Swift. Special doctrine.

P. 748. Burnet, speaking of the Queen's expectation of a child, says:—I will give as full and as distinct an account of all that related to that matter, as I could gather up either at that time or afterwards.—Swift. All coffee-house chat.

P. 751. Burnet. Now a resolution was taken for the Queen's lying in at
St. James's.—Swift. Windsor would have been more suspicious.

P. 752. Burnet, doubting of the legitimacy of the Pretender, and describing the Queen's manner of lying-in, says:—The Queen lay all the while a-bed: And, in order to the warming one side of it, a warming-pan was brought. But it was not opened, that it might be seen that there was fire and nothing else in it.—Swift. This, the ladies say, is foolish.

P. 753. Burnet. Hemings, a very worthy man,… was reading in his parlour late at night, when he heard one coming into the neighbouring parlour, and say with a doleful voice, "The Prince of Wales is dead"; Upon which … it was plain, they were in a great consternation.—Swift. A most foolish story, hardly worthy of a coffee-house.

Ibid. Burnet. It was said, that the child was strangely revived of a sudden. Some of the physicians told Lloyd, Bishop of St. Asaph, that it was not possible for them to think it was the same child. They looked on one another, but durst not speak what they thought.—Swift. So here are three children.

P. 762. Burnet. The Lord Mordaunt was the first of all the English nobility that came over openly to see the Prince of Orange.—Swift. Now Earl of Peterborough.

Ibid. Burnet. The Earl of Shrewsbury … seemed to be a man of great probity, and to have a high sense of honour.—Swift. Quite contrary.

P. 763. Burnet. Lord Lumley, who was a late convert from Popery, and had stood out very firmly all this reign.—Swift. He was a knave and a coward.

Ibid. Burnet. Mr. Sidney,[7] brother to the Earl of Leicester and to Algernon Sidney. He was a graceful man, and had lived long in the court, where he had some adventures that became very public. He was a man of a sweet and caressing temper, had no malice in his heart, but too great a love of pleasure.—Swift. An idle, drunken, ignorant rake, without sense, truth, or honour.

[Footnote 7: Henry Sidney, afterwards Earl of Romney. [T.S.]]

P. 764. Burnet. But, because he [Mr. Sidney] was lazy, and the business required an active man, who could both run about, and write over long and full accounts of all matters, I recommended a kinsman of my own, Johnstoune, whom I had formed, and knew to be both faithful and diligent.—Swift. An arrant Scotch rogue.

P. 764. Burnet. The Earl of Nottingham … had great credit with the whole Church party; For he was a man possessed with their notions.—Swift. That is, Church notions.

P. 765. Burnet. Lord Churchill [afterwards Duke of Marlborough] … was a man of a noble and graceful appearance, bred up in the court with no literature: But he had a solid and clear understanding, with a constant presence of mind. He knew the arts of living in a court better than any man in it. He caressed all people with a soft and obliging deportment, and was always ready to do good offices…. It must be acknowledged, that he is one of the greatest men the age has produced.—Swift. A composition of perfidiousness and avarice.

Ibid. Burnet, still speaking of Lord Churchill:—He was also very doubtful as to the pretended birth. So he resolved, when the Prince should come over, to go in to him; but to betray no post, nor do anything more than the withdrawing himself, with such officers as he could trust with such a secret.—Swift. What could he do more to a mortal enemy.

P. 769. Burnet. [Skelton's] rash folly might have procured the order from the court of France, to own this alliance [with England]; He thought it would terrify the States; And so he pressed this officiously, which they easily granted.—Swift. And who can blame him, if in such a necessity he made that alliance?

P. 772. Burnet. The King of France thought himself tied by no peace; but that, when he suspected his neighbours were intending to make war upon him, he might upon such a suspicion begin a war on his part.—Swift. The common maxim of princes.

P. 776. Burnet, speaking of the Declaration prepared for Scotland, says that the:—Presbyterians, had drawn it so, that, by many passages in it, the Prince by an implication declared in favour of Presbytery. He did not see what the consequences of those were, till I explained them. So he ordered them to be altered. And by the Declaration that matter was still entire.—Swift. The more shame for King William, who changed it.

P. 782. Burnet, three days before the Prince of Orange embarked, he visited the States General, and:—took God to witness, he went to England with no other intentions, but those he had set out in his Declaration.—Swift. Then he was perjured; for he designed to get the crown, which he denied in the Declaration.

P. 783. Burnet, after describing the storm which put back the Prince of Orange's fleet, observes:—In France and England … they triumphed not a little, as if God had fought against us, and defeated the whole design. We on our part, who found our selves delivered out of so great a storm and so vast a danger, looked on it as a mark of God's great care of us, Who, … had preserved us.—Swift. Then still it must be a miracle.

P. 785. Burnet, when matters were coming to a crisis at the Revolution, an order was:—sent to the Bishop of Winchester, to put the President of Magdalen College again in possession, … [But when the court heard] the Prince and his fleet were blown back, it was countermanded; which plainly shewed what it was that drove the court into so much compliance, and how long it was like to last.—Swift. The Bishop of Winchester assured me otherwise.

Ibid. Burnet. The court thought it necessary, now in an after-game to offer some satisfaction in that point [of the legitimacy of the Prince of Wales].—Swift. And this was the proper time.

P. 786. Burnet. Princess Anne was not present [at the Queen's delivery]. She indeed excused herself. She thought she was breeding: And all motion was forbidden her. None believed that to be the true reason…. So it was looked on as a colour that shewed she did not believe the thing, and that therefore she would not by her being present seem to give any credit to it.—Swift. I have reason to believe this to be true of the Princess Anne.

P. 790. Burnet. [The Prince of Orange's army] stayed a week at Exeter, before any of the gentlemen of the country about came in to the Prince. Every day some person of condition came from other parts. The first were the Lord Colchester the eldest son of the Earl of Rivers, and the Lord Wharton.—Swift. Famous for his cowardice in the rebellion of 1642.

P. 791. Burnet. Soon after that. Prince George, the Duke of Ormonde, and the Lord Dramlanrig, the Duke of Queensberry's eldest son, left him [King James], and came over to the Prince.—Swift. Yet how has he been since used? [referring to the Duke of Ormonde.]

P. 792. Burnet. In a little while a small army was formed about her [Princess Anne], who chose to be commanded by the Bishop of London; of which he too easily accepted.—Swift, And why should he not?

Ibid. Burnet. A foolish ballad was made at that time, treating the Papists, and chiefly the Irish, in a very ridiculous manner, which had a burden, said to be Irish words, "Lero, Lero, Lilibulero," that made an impression on the army, that cannot be well imagined by those who saw it not.—Swift. They are not Irish words, but better than Scotch.

P. 795. Burnet. The Queen took up a sudden resolution of going to France with the child. The midwife, together with all who were assisting at the birth, were also carried over, or so disposed of, that it could never be learned what became of them afterwards.—Swift That is strange and incredible.

P. 796. Burnet, speaking of King James's first attempt to leave the kingdom, says:—With this his reign ended: For this was a plain deserting his people, and the exposing the nation to the pillage of an army, which he had ordered the Earl of Feversham to disband.—Swift. Abominable assertion, and false consequence.

P. 797. Burnet, the incident of the King's being retaken at Feversham, and the subsequent stragglings, gave rise to the party of Jacobites:—-For, if he had got clear away, by all that could be judged, he would not have had a party left: All would have agreed, that here was a desertion, and that therefore the nation was free, and at liberty to secure itself. But what followed upon this gave them a colour to say, that he was forced away, and driven out.—Swift. So he certainly was, both now and afterwards.

Ibid. Burnet. None were killed, no houses burnt, nor were any robberies committed.—Swift. Don Pedro de Ronquillo's house was plundered and pulled down; he was Spanish ambassador.

Ibid. Burnet. Jeffreys, finding the King was gone, saw what reason he had to look to himself: And, apprehending that he was now exposed to the rage of the people, whom he had provoked with so particular a brutality, he had disguised himself to make his escape. But he fell into the hands of some who knew him. He was insulted by them with as much scorn and rudeness as they could invent. And, after many hours tossing him about, he was carried to the Lord Mayor; whom they charged to commit him to the Tower.—Swift. He soon after died in the Tower by drinking strong liquors.

P. 798. Burnet, when the Prince heard of King James's flight:—he sent to Oxford, to excuse his not coming thither, and to offer the association to them, which was signed by almost all the heads, and the chief men of the University; even by those, who, being disappointed in the preferments they aspired to, became afterwards his most implacable enemies.—Swift. Malice.

P. 799. Burnet, when I heard of King James's flight and capture:—I was affected with this dismal reverse of the fortune of a great prince, more than I think fit to express.—Swift. Or than I will believe.

P. 800. Burnet, after relating that King James "sent the Earl of Feversham to Windsor, without demanding any passport," describes his reception, and adds:—Since the Earl of Feversham, who had commanded the army against the Prince, was come without a passport, he was for some days put in arrest.—Swift. Base and villainous.

P. 801. Burnet, when it was thought prudent for King James to leave London, the Earl of Middleton suggested that he:—should go to Rochester; for "since the Prince was not pleased with his coming up from Kent, it might be perhaps acceptable to him, if he should go thither again." It was very visible, that this was proposed in order to a second escape.—Swift. And why not?

P. 802. Burnet. Some said, he [James] was now a prisoner, and remembered the saying of King Charles the First, that the prisons and the graves of princes lay not far distant from one another: The person of the King was now struck at, as well as his government: And this specious undertaking would now appear to be only a disguised and designed usurpation.—Swift. All this is certainly true.

P. 803. Burnet. Now that the Prince was come, all the bodies about the town came to welcome him…. Old Serjeant Maynard came with the men of the law. He was then near ninety, and yet he said the liveliest thing that was heard of on that occasion. The Prince took notice of his great age, and said, "that he had outlived all the men of the law of his time:" He answered, "He had like to have outlived the law itself, if his Highness had not come over."—Swift. He was an old rogue for all that.

P. 805. Burnet, speaking of the first effects of the Revolution upon the Presbyterians in Scotland, says:—They generally broke in upon the Episcopal clergy with great insolence and much cruelty. They carried them about the parishes in a mock procession: They tore their gowns, and drove them from their churches and houses. Nor did they treat those of them, who had appeared very zealously against Popery, with any distinction.—Swift. To reward them for which, King William abolished Episcopacy.

Ibid. Burnet, The Episcopal party in Scotland saw themselves under a great cloud: So they resolved all to adhere to the Earl of Dundee, who had served some years in Holland, and was both an able officer, and a man of good parts, and of some very valuable virtues.—Swift. He was the best man in Scotland.

P. 806. Burnet, speaking of Londonderry and Inniskilling, says:—Those two small unfurnished and unfortified places, resolved to stand to their own defence, and at all perils to stay till supplies should come to them from England.—Swift. He should have mentioned Doctor Walker, who defended Derry.

P. 807. Burnet. Those, who were employed by Tyrconnell to deceive the
Prince, made their applications by Sir William Temple, who had a long
and well established credit with him.—Swift. A lie of a Scot; for Sir
William Temple did not know Tyrconnell.

P. 807. Burnet. Others thought, that the leaving Ireland in that dangerous state, might be a mean to bring the convention to a more speedy settlement of England; and that therefore the Prince ought not to make too much haste to relieve Ireland.—Swift. That is agreed to be the true reason, and it was a wicked one.

P. 810. Burnet, speaking of Archbishop Sancroft, says:—He was a poor spirited, and fearful man; and acted a very mean part in all this great transaction.—Swift. Others think very differently.

P. 811. Burnet, speaking of the proposal to establish a regency, says:—The much greater part of the House of Lords was for this, and stuck long to it: And so was about a third part of the House of Commons. The greatest part of the clergy declared themselves for it.—Swift. And it was certainly much the best expedient.

Ibid. Burnet. The third party was made up of those, who thought that there was an original contract between the King and the people of England; by which the kings were bound to defend their people, and to govern them according to law, in lieu of which the people were bound to obey and serve the king.—Swift. I am of this party, and yet I would have been for a regency.

P. 813. Burnet, it was argued that this scheme of a regency was:—both more illegal; and more unsafe, than the method they proposed. The law of England had settled the point of the subject's security in obeying the king in possession, in the statute made by Henry the Seventh. So every man knew he was safe under a king, and so would act with zeal and courage. But all such as should act under a prince-regent, created by this convention, were upon a bottom that had not the necessary forms of law for it.—Swift. There is something in this argument.

P. 814. Burnet. It was believed, that those of his [King James's] party, who were looked on as men of conscience, had secret orders from him to act upon this pretence; since otherwise they offered to act clearly in contradiction to their own oaths and principles,—Swift. This is malice.

Ibid. Burnet. [Others thought] that in our present circumstances the extremity of affairs, by reason of the late ill government, and by King James's flying over to the enemy of the nation, rather than submit to reasonable terms, had put the people of England on the necessity of securing themselves upon a legal bottom.—Swift. This was the best reason.

P. 815. Burnet. There were good authorities brought, by which it appeared, that when a person did a thing upon which his leaving any office ought to follow, he was said to abdicate. But this was a critical dispute: And it scarce became the greatness of that assembly, or the importance of the matter.—Swift. It was a very material point.

P. 815. Burnet. It was urged, that, by the law, the king did never die; but that with the last breath of the dying king the regal authority went to the next heir.—Swift. This is certainly true.

P. 816. Burnet. An heir was one that came in the room of a person that was dead: it being a maxim that no man can be the heir of a living man—Swift. This is sophistry.

Ibid. Burnet. It was proposed, that the birth of the pretended prince might be examined into…. I was ordered to gather together all the presumptive proofs that were formerly mentioned:…. It is true, these did not amount to a full and legal proof: Yet they seemed to be such violent presumptions, that, when they were all laid together, they were more convincing than plain and downright evidence: For that was liable to the suspicion of subornation: Whereas the other seemed to carry on them very convincing characters of truth and certainty.—Swift. Well said, Bishop.

P. 817. Burnet. If there was no clear and positive proof made of an imposture, the pretending to examine into it, and then the not being able to make it out beyond the possibility of contradiction, would really give more credit to the thing, than it then had, and, instead of weakening it, would strengthen the pretension of his birth.—Swift. Wisely done.

Ibid. Burnet. [Some people] thought, it would be a good security for the nation, to have a dormant title to the crown lie as it were neglected, to oblige our princes to govern well, while they would apprehend the danger of a revolt to a Pretender still in their eye.—Swift. I think this was no ill design; yet it hath not succeeded in mending kings.

Ibid. Burnet. I have used more than ordinary care to gather together all the particulars that were then laid before me as to that matter [the birth of the Pretender].—Swift. And where are they?

P. 818. Burnet, after relating a long conversation with Bentinck [afterwards Earl of Portland], adds—Next morning I came to him, and desired my congé. I would oppose nothing in which the Prince seemed to be concerned, as long as I was his servant. And therefore I desired to be disengaged, that I might be free to oppose this proposition [to offer him the crown] with all the strength and credit I had. He answered me, that I might desire that when I saw a step made: But till then he wished me to stay where I was.—Swift. Is all this true?

P. 819. Burnet. I heard no more of this; in which the Marquess of Halifax was single among the peers: For I did not find there was any one of them of his mind; unless it was the Lord Colepeper, who was a vicious and corrupt man, but made a figure in the debates that were now in the House of Lords, and died about the end of them.—Swift. Yet was not the same thing done in effect, while the King had the sole administration?

P. 819. Burnet. The Princess continued all the while in Holland, being shut in there during the east winds, by the freezing of the rivers, and by contrary winds after the thaw came. So that she came not to England till all the debates were over.—Swift. Why was she [not] sent for till the matter was agreed? This clearly shews the Prince's original design was to be king, against what he professed in his Declaration.

P. 820. Burnet. [The Prince of Orange] said, he came over, being invited, to save the nation: He had now brought together a free and true representative of the kingdom: He left it therefore to them to do what they thought best for the good of the kingdom: And, when things were once settled, he should be well satisfied to go back to Holland again.—Swift. Did he tell truth?

Ibid. Burnet. He thought it necessary to tell them, that he would not be the Regent: So, if they continued in that design, they must look out for some other person to be put in that post.—Swift. Was not this a plain confession of what he came for?

P. 821. Burnet. In the end he said, that he could not resolve to accept of a dignity, so as to hold it only the life of another: Yet he thought, that the issue of Princess Anne should be preferred, in the succession, to any issue that he might have by any other wife than the Princess.—Swift. A great concession truly.

P. 822. Burnet. The poor Bishop of Durham [Lord Crewe], who had absconded for some time, … was now prevailed on to come, and by voting the new settlement to merit at least a pardon for all that he had done: Which, all things considered, was thought very indecent in him, yet not unbecoming the rest of his life and character.—Swift. This is too hard, though almost true.

Ibid. Burnet. Then the power of the Crown to grant a non-obstante to some statutes was objected.—Swift. Yet the words continue in patents.

P. 824. Burnet. A notion was started, which … was laid thus: "The Prince had a just cause of making war on the King." In that most of them agreed. In a just war, in which an appeal is made to God, success is considered as the decision of Heaven. So the Prince's success against King James gave him the right of conquest over him. And by it all his rights were transferred to the Prince.—Swift. The author wrote a paper to prove this, and it was burnt by the hangman, and is a very foolish scheme.[8]

[Footnote 8: "A Pastoral Letter writ by … Gilbert, Lord Bishop of Sarum, to the clergy of his Diocess" [dated May 15th, 1689] was condemned by the House of Commons on Jan. 23rd, 169-2/3, and ordered to "be burnt by the hand of the common hangman." [T.S.]]

BOOK VII.

P. 525 (second volume). Burnet, speaking of the Act for the General Naturalization of Protestants, and the opposition made against it by the High Church, adds:—This was carried in the House of Commons, with a great majority; but all those, who appeared for this large and comprehensive way, were reproached for their coldness and indifference in the concerns of the Church: And in that I had a large share.—Swift. Dog.

P. 526. Burnet. The faction here in England found out proper instruments, to set the same humour on foot [in Ireland], during the Earl of Rochester's government, and, as was said, by his directions:… So the clergy were making the same bold claim there, that had raised such disputes among us.—Swift. Dog, dog, dog.

P. 580. Burnet, speaking of the interruption in the negotiations for a peace consequent on the Earl of Jersey's death, adds:—One Prior, who had been Jersey's secretary, upon his death, was employed to prosecute that, which the other did not live to finish. Prior had been taken a boy, out of a tavern, by the Earl of Dorset, who accidentally found him reading Horace; and he, being very generous, gave him an education in literature.—Swift. Malice.

P. 581. Burnet. Many mercenary pens were set on work, to justify our proceedings, and to defame our allies, more particularly the Dutch; this was done with much art, but with no regard to truth, in a pamphlet entitled "The Conduct of the Allies, and of the late Ministry."—Swift It was all true.

Ibid. Burnet. The Jacobites did, with the greater joy entertain this prospect of peace, because the Dauphin had, in a visit to St. Germains, congratulated that court upon it; which made them conclude, that it was to have a happy effect, with relation to the Pretender's affairs.—Swift. The Queen hated and despised the Pretender, to my knowledge.

P. 583. Burnet, in a conference I had with the Queen on the subject of peace.—she hoped bishops would not be against peace: I said, a good peace was what we prayed daily for, but … any treaty by which Spain and the West Indies were left to King Philip, must in a little while deliver up all Europe into the hands of France; and, if any such peace should be made, she was betrayed, and we were all ruined; in less than three years' time, she would be murdered, and the fires would be again raised in Smithfield.—Swift. A false prophet in every particular.

P. 589. Burnet, the Queen having sent a message to the Lords to adjourn, it was debated:—that the Queen could not send a message to any one House to adjourn, when the like message was not sent to both Houses: the pleasure of the Prince, in convening, dissolving, proroguing, or ordering the adjournment of Parliaments, was always directed to both Houses; but never to any one House, without the same intimation was made, at the same time, to the other.—Swift. Modern nonsense.

P. 591. Burnet. The House of Commons, after the recess, entered on the observations of the commissioners for taking the public accounts; and began with [Sir Robert] Walpole, whom they resolved to put out of the way of disturbing them in the House.—Swift. He began early, and has been thriving twenty-seven years, to January 1739.

P. 609. Burnet. A new set of addresses ran about…. Some of these addresses mentioned the Protestant succession, and the House of Hanover, with zeal; others did it more coldly; and some made no mention at all of it. And it was universally believed, that no addresses were so acceptable to the ministers, as those of the last sort.—Swift. Foolish and factious.

P. 610. Burnet. The Duke of Ormonde had given the States such assurances, of his going along with them through the whole campaign, that he was let into the secrets of all their counsels, which by that confidence were all known to the French: And, if the auxiliary German troops had not been prepared to disobey his orders, it was believed he, in conjunction with the French army, would have forced the States to come into the new measures.—Swift. Vile Scot, dare to touch Ormonde's honour, and so falsely.

P. 612. Burnet, the Duke of Hamilton and Lord Mohun were engaged in litigation; and:—upon a very high provocation, the Lord Mohun sent him [the Duke] a challenge, which he tried to decline: but both being hurried, by those false points of honour, they fatally went out to Hyde Park, in the middle of November, and fought with so violent an animosity, that neglecting the rules of art, they seemed to run on one another, as if they tried who should kill first; in which they were both so unhappily successful, that the Lord Mohun was killed outright, and Duke Hamilton died in a few minutes after.[9]—Swift. Wrongly told.

[Footnote: 9: A footnote to the 1833 edition of Burnet says that "the duke in the belief of some was killed by General Macartney, the Lord Mohun's second." See also Chesterfield's letter quoted in Introduction, and Swift's own version in the "Four Last Years," p. 178. [T.S.]]

P. 614. Burnet says of the Earl of Godolphin:—After having been thirty years in the Treasury, and during nine of those Lord Treasurer, as he was never once suspected of corruption, or of suffering his servants to grow rich under him, so in all that time his estate was not increased by him to the value of £4,000. Swift. A great lie.

THE CONCLUSION.

P. 669. Burnet, speaking of the progress of his own life, says:—The pleasures of sense I did soon nauseate.—Swift. Not so soon with the wine of some elections.

THE LIFE OF THE AUTHOR, BY THOMAS BURNET, ESQ.

Opposite to the title-page:—Swift. A rude violent party jackanapes.

In the Life, p. 719, is printed a letter from Archbishop Tillotson, dated October 23, 1764 [sic, the volume was printed in 1734, the date should be 1694], in which he says: "The account given of Athanasius's Creed, seems to me no-wise satisfactory; I wish we were well rid of it."—Swift has drawn a finger in the margin of his copy of Burnet's History pointing to this passage.

P. 722. Thomas Burnet. The character I have given his wives, will scarce make it an addition to his, that he was a most affectionate husband. His tender care of the first, during a course of sickness, that lasted for many years; and his fond love to the other two, and the deep concern he expressed for their loss, were no more than their just due, from one of his humanity, gratitude and discernment.—Swift. Three wives.

P. 723. Thomas Burnet. The bishop was a kind and bountiful master to his servants, whom he never changed, but with regret and through necessity: Friendly and obliging to all in employment under him, and peculiarly happy in the choice of them; especially in that of the steward to the bishopric and his courts, William Wastefield, Esq. (a gentleman of a plentiful fortune, at the time of his accepting this post) and in that of his domestic steward, Mr. Mackney.—Swift. A Scot, his own countryman.

***** ***** ***** ***** *****

NOTES ON THE FREE-HOLDER.

NOTE

"THE FREE HOLDER" was a political periodical written in the form of essays. It continued for fifty five numbers from Friday, December 23rd, 1715, to Friday, June 29th, 1716. Its purpose was to reconcile the English nation to the Hanoverian succession. "These papers," notes Scott, "while they exhibit the exquisite humour and solid sense peculiar to the author, show also, even amid the strength of party, that philanthropy and gentleness of nature, which were equally his distinguishing attributes. None of these qualities would have conciliated his great opponent, Swift, had the field of combat yet remained open to him. But as he withdrew from it in sullen indignation, he seems to have thrown out the following flashes of satire, as brief examples of what he would have done had the hour of answer been yet current."

Scott obtained these "notes" from a transcription of the original in Swift's own hand, in a copy of "The Free holder" which belonged to Dr. Bernard, Bishop of Limerick. The present text is a reprint of Scott's, but the text of "The Free holder" has been read with the octavo and duodecimo editions of that periodical issued by Midwinter in 1716. The titles to the essays were not given in the original issue, except that to No. 9. They were added as a "Contents" to the re-issue in volume form.

[T.S.]

NOTES ON THE FREE-HOLDER.[1]

No. 2. Dec. 26, 1715.—Of His Majesty's Character.

Addison.

[Footnote 1: "The Free-holder," conducted by Addison, was published on Mondays and Fridays from December 23rd, 1715, till June 29th, 1716; fifty-five numbers were issued altogether. [T.S.]]

It was by this [this firmness of mind] that he surmounted those many difficulties which lay in the way to his succession.—Swift. What difficulties were those, or what methods did he take to surmount them?

Addison. It is observed by Sir William Temple, that the English are particularly fond of a king who is valiant: Upon which account His Majesty has a title to all the esteem that can be paid the most warlike prince; though at the same time, for the good of his subjects, he studies to decline all occasions of military glory.—Swift. This seems to be a discovery.

Addison. I might here take notice of His Majesty's more private virtues, but have rather chosen to remind my countrymen of the public parts of his character.—Swift. This is prudent.

Addison. But the most remarkable interpositions of Providence, in favour of him, have appeared in removing those seemingly invincible obstacles to his succession; in taking away, at so critical a juncture, the person who might have proved a dangerous enemy; etc.—Swift. False, groundless, invidious, and ungrateful. Was that person the Queen?

No. 3. Dec. 30, 1715.—The Memoirs of a Preston Rebel.

[A Ludicrous Account of the Principles of the Northumberland Insurgents, and the Causes of their taking Arms.]—Swift. Could this author, or his party, offer as good reasons for their infamous treatment of our blessed Queen's person, government, and majesty?

The same. Addison. Having been joined by a considerable reinforcement of Roman Catholics, whom we could rely upon, as knowing them to be the best Tories in the nation, and avowed enemies to Presbyterianism.—Swift. By this irony, the best Whigs are professed friends to fanatics.

The same. Addison. But before we could give the word [to retreat], the trainbands, taking advantage of our delay, fled first.—Swift. An argument for a standing army.

No. 6. Jan. 9, 1715-16.—The Guilt of Perjury.

Addison. Though I should be unwilling to pronounce the man who is indolent, or indifferent in the cause of his prince, to be absolutely perjured; I may venture to affirm, that he falls very short of that allegiance to which he is obliged by oath.—Swift. Suppose a king grows a beast, or a tyrant, after I have taken an oath: a 'prentice takes an oath; but if his master useth him barbarously, the lad may be excused if he wishes for a better.

No. 7. Jan. 13, 1715-16.—Of Party Lies.

Addison. If we may credit common report, there are several remote parts of the nation in which it is firmly believed, that all the churches in London are shut up; and that if any clergyman walks the streets in his habit, 'tis ten to one but he is knocked down by some sturdy schismatic.—Swift. No—but treated like a dog.

No. 8. Jan. 16, 1715-16.—The Female Association.

Addison. It is therefore to be hoped that every fine woman will make this laudable use of her charms; and that she may not want to be frequently reminded of this great duty, I will only desire her to think of her country every time she looks in her glass.—Swift. By no means, for if she loves her country, she will not be pleased with the sight.

Addison. Every wife ought to answer for her man. If the husband be engaged in a seditious club or drinks mysterious healths … let her look to him, and keep him out of harm's way; etc.—Swift. Will they hang a man for that.

No. 9. Jan. 20, 1715-16.—Answer of the Free-holders of Great Britain to the Pretender's Declaration.

The Declaration of the Free-holders of Great Britain, in Answer to that of the Pretender.—Addison. Can you in conscience think us to be such fools as to rebel against the King, for … having removed a general [the Duke of Ormonde] who is now actually in arms against him, etc.—Swift. Driven out by tyranny, malice, and faction.

Addison. The next grievance, which you have a mighty mind to redress among us, is the Parliament of Great Britain, against whom you bring a stale accusation which has been used by every minority in the memory of man; namely, that it was procured by unwarrantable influences and corruptions.—Swift. The freeholders will never sign this paragraph.

Addison. How comes it to pass that the Electorate of Hanover is become all of a sudden one of the most inconsiderable provinces of the empire?—Swift. It is indeed grown considerable by draining of England.

No. 12. Jan. 30, 1715-16.—The Guilt of Rebellion in general, and of the late Rebellion in particular.

Addison. The present rebellion [1715] is formed against a king, … who has not been charged with one illegal proceeding.—Swift Are you serious?

No. 13. Feb. 3, 1715-16.—Of those who are indifferent in a time of
Rebellion,

Addison. In such a juncture [a rebellion], though a man may be innocent of the great breach which is made upon government, he is highly culpable, if he does not use all the means that are suitable to his station for reducing the community into its former state of peace and good order.—Swift. He speaks at his ease, but those who are ill used will be apt to apply what the boy said to his mother, who told him the enemy was approaching.

Addison. This law [one of Solon's] made it necessary for every citizen to take his party, because it was highly probable the majority would be so wise as to espouse that cause which was most agreeable to the public weal.—Swift. No—for, in England, a faction that governs a weak, or honours a wicked prince, will carry all against a majority in the kingdom, as we have seen by sad experience.

No. 14. Feb. 6, 1715-16.—The Political Creed of a Tory Malcontent.

Addison. Article XIII, That there is an unwarrantable faction in this island, consisting of King, Lords, and Commons.—Swift. This article is too true, with a little alteration.

The same. Addison. Article XV. That an Act of Parliament to empower the King to secure suspected persons in times of rebellion, is the means to establish the sovereign on the throne, and consequently a great infringement of the liberties of the subject.—Swift. No—but to destroy liberty.

No. 21. Mar. 2, 1715-16.—The Birthday of Her Royal Highness the
Princess of Wales.

Addison. When this excellent princess was yet in her father's court, she was so celebrated for the beauty of her person, etc.—Swift. I have bad eyes.

Addison. There is no part of her Royal Highness's character which we observe with greater pleasure, than that behaviour by which she has so much endeared herself to His Majesty.—Swift. What would he say now?[2]

[Footnote: 2: The prince and his father, George I., were now [1727, just before George I. died] at variance. [S.]]

No. 24. Mar. 12, 1715-16.—The Designs of His Majesty's Enemies impracticable.

Addison. To this we may add … that submissive deference of his Royal Highness both from duty and inclination to all the measures of his Royal father.—Swift. Which still continues.

Addison. There is no question but His Majesty will be as generally valued and beloved in his British as he is in his German dominions, when he shall have time to make his royal virtues equally known among us.—Swift. How long time does he require?

No. 26. Mar. 19, 1715-16.—Considerations offered to the disaffected part of the Fair Sex.

Addison. Several inconveniencies which those among them undergo, who have not yet surrendered to the government.—Swift. Would he pimp for the court?

No. 29. Mar. 30, 1716.—The Practice of Morality necessary to make a
Party flourish.

Addison. Those of our fellow-subjects, who are sensible of the happiness they enjoy in His Majesty's accession to the throne, are obliged, by all the duties of gratitude, to adore that Providence which has so signally interposed in our behalf, by clearing a way to the Protestant succession through such difficulties as seemed insuperable—Swift. I wish he had told us any one of those difficulties.

Addison. It is the duty of an honest and prudent man, to sacrifice a doubtful opinion to the concurring judgement of those whom he believes to be well intentioned to their country, and who have better opportunities of looking into all its most complicated interests.—Swift. A motion to make men go every length with their party. I am sorry to see such a principle in this author.

No. 31. Apr. 6, 1716.—Answer to a celebrated Pamphlet entitled "An
Argument to prove the Affections of the People of England to be the best
Security of the Government; etc."

Addison. This middle method [of tempering justice with mercy] … has hitherto been made use of by our sovereign.—Swift. In trifles.

Addison. Would it be possible for him [the reader] to imagine, that of the several thousands openly taken in arms, and liable to death by the laws of their country, not above forty have yet suffered?—Swift. A trifle!

Addison. Has not His Majesty then shewn the least appearance of grace in that generous forgiveness which he has already extended to such great numbers of his rebellious subjects, who must have died by the laws of their country, had not his mercy interposed in their behalf?—Swift. Prodigious clemency, not to hang all the common soldiers who followed their leaders!

Addison. Those who are pardoned would not have known the value of grace, if none had felt the effects of justice.—Swift. And only hanging the lords and gentlemen, and some of the rabble.

Addison. Their [the last ministry's] friends have ever since made use of the most base methods to infuse those groundless discontents into the minds of the common people, etc.—Swift. Hath experience shown those discontents groundless?

Addison. If the removal of these persons from their posts has produced such popular commotions, the continuance of them might have produced something much more fatal to their king and country.—Swift. Very false reasoning.

Addison. No man would make such a parallel, [between the treatment of the rebels, and that of the Catalans under King Philip,] unless his mind be so blinded with passion and prejudice, as to assert, in the language of this pamphlet, "That no instances can be produced of the least lenity under the present administration from the first hour it commenced to this day."—Swift. Nor to this, 1727.

Addison. God be thanked we have a king who punishes with reluctancy.—Swift. A great comfort to the sufferers!

Addison. It would be well if all those who … are clamorous at the proceedings of His present Majesty, would remember, that notwithstanding that rebellion [the Duke of Monmouth's] … had no tendency … to destroy the national religion, etc.—Swift. To introduce fanaticism, and destroy monarchy.

Addison. No prince has ever given a greater instance of his inclinations to rule without a standing army.—Swift. We find this true by experience.

Addison. What greater instances could His Majesty have given of his love to the Church of England, than those he has exhibited by his most solemn declarations; by his daily example; and by his promotions of the most eminent among the clergy to such vacancies as have happened in his reign.—Swift. Most undeniable truth, as any in Rabelais.

No. 44. May 21, 1716.—Tory Foxhunter's Account of the Masquerade on the Birth of the Arch-Duke.

Addison. What still gave him greater offence was a drunken bishop, who reeled from one side of the court to the other, and was very sweet upon an Indian Queen.—Swift. Then, that story is true?

No. 45. May 25, 1716.—The Use and Advantage of Wit and Humour under proper Regulations.

Addison. I have lately read with much pleasure, the "Essays upon several Subjects" published by Sir Richard Blackmore.—Swift. I admire to see such praises from this author to so insipid a scoundrel, whom I know he despised.

No. 51. June 15, 1716.—Cautions to be observed in the reading of ancient Greek and Roman Historians.

Addison. "History of Free-thinking."—Swift. Writ by Collins.

Addison. The greatest theorists … among those very people [the Greeks and Romans,] have given the preference to such a form of government, as that which obtains in this kingdom.—Swift. Yet, this we see is liable to be wholly corrupted.

No. 52. June 18, 1716.—Of State Jealousy.

Addison. It is plain, … that such a base ungenerous race of men could rely upon nothing for their safety in this affront to His Majesty, [wearing a mark on the Pretender's birth-day,] but the known gentleness and lenity of his government.—Swift. Then the devil was in them.

No. 54. June 25, 1716.—Preference of the Whig Scheme to that of the
Tories.

Addison. The Whigs tell us … that the Tory scheme would terminate in Popery and arbitrary government.—Swift. But Tories never writ or spoke so gently and favourably of Popery, as Whigs do of Presbytery. Witness a thousand pamphlets on both sides.

Addison. I shall not impute to any Tory scheme the administration of King James the Second, on condition that they do not reproach the Whigs with the usurpation of Oliver.—Swift. I will not accept that condition, nor did I ever see so unfair a one offered.

No. 55. June 29, 1716.—Conclusion.

Addison. The enemies of His present Majesty … find him in a condition to visit his dominions in Germany, without any danger to himself, or to the public; whilst his dutiful subjects would be in no ordinary concern upon this occasion, had they not the consolation to find themselves left under the protection of a prince who makes it his ambition to copy out his Royal Father's example.—Swift Then, why was he never trusted a second time?

Addison. It would indeed have been an unpardonable insolence for a fellow-subject to treat in a vindictive and cruel style, those persons whom His Majesty has endeavoured to reduce to obedience by gentle methods, which he has declared from the throne to be most agreeable to his inclinations.—Swift. And is that enough?

Addison. May we not hope that all of this kind, who have the least sentiments of honour or gratitude, will be won over to their duty by so many instances of Royal clemency?—Swift Not one instance produced.

***** ***** ***** ***** *****

INDEX.

ABINGDON, Earl of, character of, 279.
Addison, Joseph, Swift and, 15;
Swift's Notes on the Freeholder, 371-377.
Aglionby, Mr., character of, 284.
Albemarle, Earl of, defeated at Denain, 169, 175;
character of, 276.
Allies, the, unfair treatment of England by, 104 et seq.
Ancaster, Duke of, character of, 279.
Anne, the Princess, her behaviour at the birth of the Pretender, 360.
See Anne, Queen.
Anne, Queen, her treatment of Swift, 10 and n., 15;
offers a reward for discovery of author of
the "Public Spirit of the Whigs," 15;
her change of ministry, 19, 31;
her overtures with regard to peace, 31, 50;
creates twelve new peers, 38, 39;
stated to have pressed Marlborough
to become general for life, 40;
dismisses Marlborough, 48, 49;
her conduct of the peace negotiations, see Utrecht, Congress of;
speech on the terms of peace with France, 151 et seq.
Argyle, the family of, Swift on,
293, 300, 306, 308, 312, 313, 314, 317, 318, 319, 332, 335.
Argyle, Archibald, Duke of, character of, 286.
Arlington, Earl of, character of, 334.
Assiento, the, demanded by England, 63, 67, 136, 144, 145, 153;
the Dutch demand a share in, 130, 138, 140, 141.
Aylesford, Earl of, Swift on, 350.
Aylmer, Colonel Matthew (Lord), character of, 284.

Baillie, Robert, 349-350;
his execution, 351.
Barrier Treaty, the, 41, 80-82;
inquiry into, 99;
laid before the House, 100;
interests of Great Britain sacrificed by, 110-114;
peace proposals affecting, 134, 135, 138, 140, 143;
new treaty signed, 180-182.
Bavaria, Elector of, peace proposals affecting,
79, 171, 176, 179, 183, 184, 188.
Baxter, Richard, 337.
Berkeley, Earl of, character of, 279.
Berry, Duke of, declared heir to the French throne, 152, 174.
Blackmore, Sir Richard, 376.
Blackwell, Sir Lambert, character of, 284.
Blunt, Sir John, on the National Debt, 91, 92.
Bolingbroke, Henry St. John, Lord, his estrangement from Harley, 13, 16;
information given to Swift by, 18 n.;
and the Duke of Somerset, 33;
his interview with Bothmar, 43;
introduces Prince Eugene to the Queen, 43;
hated by Eugene, 45;
his attacks on Walpole, 84 and n.;
his energy in instituting an enquiry into the war, 119;
his negotiations with Buys, 130;
orders Ormonde not to fight, 150 n., 156 n.;
letter to Thomas Harley on the conduct of the Dutch, 160 n.;
his opinion of Rebellion, 166 n.;
created Viscount, 170;
his indignation at not being made an Earl, 170 n.;
his mission to France, 171, 172;
mentioned, 76, 77, 121.
Bolton, Charles, Duke of, character of, 274;
Bothmar, M., Hanover Envoy,
memorial of, 42, 43, 129, 167;
his interview with Bolingbroke, 43, 45, 48;
deceives his master by false representations, 166.
Boyle, Archbishop Michael, 354.
Boyle, Hon. Henry (Lord Carleton),
character of, 281.
Boyle, Robert, 338.
Bristol, John Digby, 3rd Earl of, 27 n.
Bromley, William, 121.
Brydges, Mr. (Duke of Chandos), character of, 280.
Buckingham, Duke of, character of, 334, 335.
Buckinghamshire, John Duke of, character of, 273.
Burnet, Gilbert, Bishop of Salisbury, 16,
the originator of the National Debt, 88;
character of, 282;
Swift's remarks on his "History," 325-368;
appointed Professor of Divinity at Glasgow, 341;
his "Lives of the Dukes of Hamilton," 341;
settled in Holland, 357;
and the Earl of Portland, 364;
his "Pastoral Letter," 365, 366;
his criticism of "The Conduct of the Allies," 366;
his opinion on the peace, 366, 367;
his wives, 368.
Burnet, Thomas, his life of Bishop Burnet, 368.
Butler of Weston, Lord, character of, 281.
Buys, Pensionary,
Dutch envoy in London, 38, 41-43, 48, 60,74-76, 80-82, 129;
account of, 41, 42;
on national debts, 88;
his unreasonable proposals, 130;
goes to Utrecht, 136;
his hostile attitude to England, 136-139, 144;
his altered behaviour, 187;
charges all delays to Heinsius, 187.

Cadogan, General, 164.
Cardonnell, Adam, secretary to the Duke of Marlborough,
expelled the house, 87.
Carstairs, William, character of, 287, 345.
Carstares, Rev. W., 117, 118 n.
Cartwright, Bishop, 356.
Chandos, Lord, character of, 280.
Charles II., his mistresses, 339, 340, 344;
Burnet's character of, 353.
Charles VI., Emperor, averse from ending the war, 42;
his proposals, 43, 44;
how affected by Treaty of Utrecht, 188;
does not sign the Treaty, 190.
Charles XII., King of Sweden, Swift's veneration for, 195.
Chesterfield, Earl of, character of, 279.
Cholmondeley, Earl of, 19; character of, 280.
Church of Rome, the, usurpations of, 207.
Churches, suggestion for building fifty new, 20.
Clarendon, Earl of, 16;
Swift's remarks on his "History of the Rebellion," 291-323, 332;
Burnet on his banishment, 339, 340.
Congreve, William, Swift and, 15.
Cowper, Lord, character of, 28, 29.
Craggs, father of the Secretary, 40.

Crewe, Lord, Bishop of Durham, 365.
Croissy, Chevalier de, 54.
Cromwell, Oliver, Swift on, 314, 316, 333, 334;
and the Countess of Dysert, 339.
Cutts, Lord, character of, 284.

Dartmouth, Earl of, 129;
character of, 278.
D'Avenant, Charles, character of, 282.
D'Avenant, Mr., agent at Frankfort, character of, 284.
De La Warr, Lord, character of, 280.
Denain, battle of, 52, 169.
Derby, Earl of, character of, 276.
De Witt, Pensionary, 338;
the Prince of Orange and, 343.
Disney, Colonel, 165.
Dorislaus, Dr., 317.
Dorset, Earl of, character of, 276.
Dundee, Earl of, Swift on, 362.
Dunkirk, proposed demolition of, 62, 67, 68, 70, 74, 135, 153;
Hill takes possession of, 161, 163, 165.
Dutch, the, the French affect resentment against, 55 and n.;
negotiate secretly with France, 55 n., 60, 61, 139, 143, 145;
their answer to the French proposals, 59;
French and English preliminaries submitted to, 71;
their object in sending M. Buys to London, 76;
agree to Congress of Utrecht, 79;
their treaty with England, 80-82, 129;
fail to observe their agreements, 104, 105;
unreasonable demands of, 130;
misled by factions in England, 131, 137, 142, 145, 158, 161, 175;
the Queen's indignation with, 131;
hostile attitude of, to England, 138, 139, 144, 145;
English concessions to, 143;
protest against Ormonde's refusal to fight, 159, 160, 162;
refuse Ormonde passage through their towns, 163;
refuse to join England in the armistice, 168;
their consequent losses, 175;
discover they have been deceived, 176, 184;
their proposals, 176;
last English offers to, 179;
new Succession and Barrier treaty concluded with, 180, 181, 182;
convinced of the Queen's sincerity, 184.
Dysert, Countess of, and Cromwell, 339.

"Eikon Basilike," Swift on, 333.
England, Abstract of the History of, 195-270.
Essex, Earl of, 276, 303, 305;
Swift on, 305;
suicide of, 350.
Eugene, Prince, in England, 43;
design of his visit, 44, 45, 132;
his hatred of Bolingbroke, 45;
his action in Flanders, 147;
deserts Ormonde, 162.

Fairfax, Lord, 333.
Falkland, Lord, and Prince Rupert, 300;
his discourses against the Roman Catholic religion, 303;
character of, 303.
Feversham, Earl of, character of, 279;
Burnet on, 361.
Fitzgerald, Percy, his collation of the "Four Last Years," xxi;
his collation of Swift's remarks on Clarendon, 290.
"Four Last Years of the Queen,"
History of the, editor's advertisement to, 5;
editor's motives in publishing, 7;
editor's criticism of Swift, 8-11;
Swift's reasons for writing, 13, 14;
Swift's materials for, 14.
See also Introduction.
Fletcher, Andrew, of Saltoun, character of, 287.
France, offers terms of peace, 51;
refuses the British demands, 51, 53;
anxious for peace, 53;
affects resentment against the Dutch, 55 and n.;
negotiations between the Allies and, 56 et seq.,
see Utrecht, Congress of;
renounces the succession In Spain, 152, 173, 174.
Frankland, Sir Thomas, character of, 281.
"Free Thoughts on the Present State of Affairs,"
publication of, delayed by Bolingbroke, 21 n.

Gallas, Count, Austrian Ambassador, 44, 54; forbidden the Court, 77, 78. Galway, Earl of, character of, 284. Gaultier, Abbé, employed in peace negotiations, 53 and n., 54 et seq., 78, 142. George I., Addison on, 374, 375, 376, 377. Gertruydenberg, conference at, 54, 55, 56, 59, 76. Gibraltar, to be annexed to Britain, 136, 140, 141, 153. Godolphin, Earl of, character of, 26, 27; nicknamed "Volpone," 27; his treatment of the Duke of Somerset, 33; in need of protection, 41; debt incurred under his administration, 92, 93, 96; at the head of the Junto, 129; Burnet on, 348, 368. Goodenough, under-sheriff of London, 354. Grafton, Duke of, character of, 275. Grand Alliance, the, 70, 83. Grantham, Earl of, character of, 279. Greenvil, Sir Richard, Swift on, 309. Grey of Werke, Lord, character of, 280. Griffin, Lord, character of, 280. Guernsey, Heneage Finch, Lord, 30. Guilford, Lord, character of, 280. Guiscard, Marquis de, 97, 120. Gyllenborg, Count de, the "Abstract of the History of England," dedicated to, 194, 195.

Hague, The, conference at, 51, 54, 55, 59, 65.
Halifax, Lord, character of, 275.

Hamilton, 3rd Marquess, afterwards Duke of, Swift on, 293,305, 306, 317, 321. Hamilton, James Douglas, 4th Duke of, his duel with Lord Mohun, 178, 179, 286, 367; character of, 286. Hanmer, Sir Thomas, his "Representation," 100. Hanover, the Elector of, 34, 42; his "Memorial to the Queen," 42, 43 and n.; deceived by Robethon and Bothmar, 166, 167; T. Harley's mission to, 167, 168. Hanover, House of, Bill for fixing the precedence of the, 98, 99. Harley, Robert, Earl of Oxford, his estrangement from Bolingbroke, 13, 16; information given to Swift by, 18 n.; his financial measures, 20, 96-98; blamed in connection with Nottingham's amendment to the address, 38; advises the Queen to create new peers, 38; character of, 93-96, 281. Harley, Thomas, his mission to Utrecht, 140; sent to Hanover, 166, 167, 168. Hartington, Marquess of, character of, 275. Hedges, Sir Charles, 86. Heinsius, Pensionary, 60; charged by Bays with all delays, 187. Henderson, Alexander, "a cursed fanatic," 294. Henry I., history of reign of, 217-237; his character and person, 236. Henry II., history of the reign of, 265-268; character of, 269. Hickes, Dean, 346, 347. Hill, John, takes Dunkirk, 161, 163, 165. Hill, Richard, character of, 283. Hoffman, the Emperor's Resident in England, 129, 132. Holland, Earl of, Swift on, 304. Hompesch, Count, Dutch General, 164, 175. Hurry, Colonel, character of, 302, 303, 307.

Ingoldsby, Colonel, 323. Ireland, "a most obscure disagreeable country," 196; slow growth of civilization in, 267, 268.

James II, the "abdicated king," 10, 11, 26; flight and capture of, 361. Jeffreys, Judge, his death in the Tower, 361. Jersey, Earl of, 35; and the Abbe Gaultier, 54. Johnstoun, James, character of, 287. Junto, Lords of the, 32, 39, 129.

Kennedy, Lady Margaret, married Bishop Burnet, 328.
Kent, Earl (afterwards Duke) of, character of, 279.

Land, Bill appointing Commissioners to examine into Crown grants of, 121.
Lauderdale, Earl of, Swift on, 317.
Leightoun, Bishop, Burnet on, 335;
death of, 351, 352.
Leopold, the Emperor, fails to observe his agreements, 105.
Lewis, Erasmus, letter of, to Swift, on the "Four Last Years,"
quoted, x, 25 n., 30 n., 33 n., 42 n., 45 n.
Lexington, Lord, appointed Ambassador in Spain, 178, 190;
character of, 280;
Lindsey, Earl of See Ancaster, Duke of.
Louis XIV., King of France, his negotiations for peace, 51 et seq.,
See Utrecht, Congress of.
Lorraine, Duke of, 61.
Lucas, Dr. Charles, Editor of the "Four Last Years," 5 n.
Lucas, Lord; character of, 277.
Lumley, Lord, character of, 358.

Macartney, General, kills the Duke of Hamilton, 178, 179, 286. Macky, John, account of, 272; "Memoirs of the Secret Services of," 272; his characters of the Court of Queen Anne, 273, 288. Mansell, Thomas (afterwards Lord), character of, 281. Mar, Earl of, character of, 287. March Club, the, 121. Marlborough, Duke of, 19, 58; character of, 24, 25, 273; insinuations against his courage, 25 and n., 48; fears an inquiry, 40; his demand to be made general for life, 40, 41; fall of, 46, 49; accused of corruption, 84, 86; his deduction of 2-1/2 per cent from the pay of foreign troops, 85, 116; at the head of the Junto, 129; endeavours to dissuade the Dutch from concluding peace, 187, 188; "detestably covetous," 273; Burnet on, 359. Marlborough, Duchess of, character of, 25, 26. Masham, Mrs., her hostility to the Duke of Marlborough, 87. Maynard, Sir John, 347, 362. Mesnager, M., his mission to London, 66, 67; appointed plenipotentiary at Utrecht, 80; favours the Dutch, 165; quarrels with Count Rechteren, 177, 181, 182; his unreasonable attitude, 182, 183, 189. Methuen, Sir Paul, character of, 283. Mew, Bishop, character of, 352. Middleton, Earl of, character of, 287. Milton's "Paradise Lost," Burnet's criticism of, 336. Mohun, Lord, his duel with the Duke of Hamilton, 178, 367; character of, 278. Molo, Dutch agent, 139, 166. Montagu, Duke of, character of, 275. Monteleon, Marquis of, Spanish ambassador in London, 190. Montrevil, M., 310, 311. Montrose, Marquess (afterwards Duke) of, character of, 286, 311, 318, 333. Munster, Treaty of, 112.

Nassau, Count, 164.
National Debt, the, origin of, 87.
Newcastle, Duke of, 35;
character of, 274.
Newfoundland, to be restored to England, 63, 68, 136, 153;
French fishing rights in, 68.
Northumberland, George, Duke of, character of, 274.
Nottingham, Earl of, character of, 29, 30;
his nicknames, 30 n.;
his amendment to the address with reference to the peace,
34 n., 36, 129, 131;
out of favour at Court, 34;
his disappointment, 35;
goes over to the Whigs, 35, 48, 129;
his bill against Occasional Conformity, 35, 37, 39, 40;
votes against the Bill for appointing Commissioners to examine
into Crown grants of land, 122;
character of, 274.

Occasional Conformity, Bill against, 35, 37, 39, 40.
October Club, the, 120.
O'Hara, Sir Charles. See Tyrawley, Lord.
Orange, Prince of. See William III.
Orkney, Earl of, character of, 284.
Orkney, Lady, 355.
Ormonde, Duke of, succeeds Marlborough in Flanders, 46, 143;
ordered to avoid fighting, 146, 150 n., 156 and n.;
refuses to fight, 147;
anger of the Dutch against, 147, 148;
why unable to take Dunkirk, 159;
deserted by the allies, 162;
declares an armistice, 163;
refused passage through Dutch towns, 163;
takes possession of Ghent and Bruges, 164, 165;
character of, 273;
Burnet on, 360, 367;
Addison on, 372.
Ossuna, Duke d', 190.
Oxford, Countess of, "cheated by her father," 274.
Oxford, Earl of. See Harley.

Palatines, the, 115. Parker, Chief Justice, 38. Parliament, origin of, in England, 225-227. Patrick, Bishop, character of, 337, 340. Peace, desire for, 19, 20; the Queen's overtures in favour of, 31, 50; amendment to the address with reference to, carried, 36; history of the negotiations for, 51 et seq. See Utrecht, Congress of. Penn, William, Swift on, 356. Petecum, M., 56 n.; his negotiations with Torcy, 60. Peterborough, Earl of, a spy in the service of, 77; character of, 277. Philip V., King of Spain, renounces the Kingdom of France, 142, 143, 146, 151, 157. Polignac, Abbé de, one of the plenipotentiaries at Utrecht, 79, 82, 166; made a cardinal, 182. Porter, Sir Charles, 354. Portland, Earl of, character of, 276. Poulett, Lord, character of, 278. Powis, Sir Thomas, 354. Press, licence of the, 124; Bill for regulation of, not passed, 126. Pretender, the, sent out of France, 189; Burnet on the birth of, 358, 364; taken to France, 360, 361; hated by the Queen, 366. Prior, M., his "History of his own Time," quoted, 55 n., 61; mission to Versailles, 56 n., 61, 63; his return, 66; mission to France with Bolingbroke, 172, 176, 184; character of, 282; Burnet on, 366. Protestant religion, meaning of the words, 296. Protestants, Act for naturalizing foreign, 114. Pym, John, Swift on the death of, 306.

Quakers, their objection to oaths, 127, 128.
Queen Elizabeth's Day, 47 and n.

Raby, Lord. See Strafford, Earl of.
Rechteren, Count, his quarrel with M. Mesnager, 177, 181, 182.
Report of the Commissioners for inspecting public accounts, 84-87.
"Representation," the, on the war presented to the Queen, 100-114, 118;
Dutch memorial in answer to, 119.
Richmond, Duke of, character of, 274.
Rivers, Earl, his mission to Hanover, 166, 167;
character of, 276.
Robethon, a Frenchman in the Elector of Hanover's service, 166.
Robinson, Dr., Bishop of Bristol, made Lord Privy Seal, 20, 35;
plenipotentiary at Utrecht, 31, 82;
goes to Holland, 132;
opens the Congress, 138 et seq.
Rochester, Earl of, 32, 35;
Burnet on, 340, 341.
Romney, Henry, Earl of, character of, 274, 358.
Ronquillo, Don Pedro de, Spanish Ambassador, his house pulled down, 361.
Rothes, Earl of, character of, 294;
a remark of, quoted, 346.
Rouille, M., 52.
Roxburgh, Duke of, and the Earl of Nottingham, 35.

Sacheverell, Dr., trial of, 20, 24, 53; nicknames Godolphin "Volpone," 27. St. John, George, 191 n. St. John, Henry. See Bolingbroke. St. John, Oliver, 294, 295, 296. Sancroft, Archbishop, Burnet on, 345, 355, 363. Sandwich, Earl of, character of, 277. Savoy, Duke of, peace proposals affecting, 62, 63, 76, 78, 79, 135, 155, 171, 178, 180. Scarborough, Earl of, 36. Scotch, the, Swift's hatred of. See Remarks on Clarendon's History and Burnet's History, 291-368 passim. Scotland, Act of Toleration with, regard to the Episcopal Church of, 116, 117, 118 n.; Act restoring Patronage in the Church of, 117, 118, and n. Shaftesbury (Sir A.A. Cooper), Earl of, character of, 303, 306. Sharp, Archbishop, 334, 336, 338, 341, 346. Sheldon, Archbishop, character of, 339. Shrewsbury, Earl of, character of, 358. Shrewsbury, Duke of, 54; appointed Ambassador at Paris, 181 et seq.; Swift's opinion of, 186 n. Shower, Rev. Mr., letter to Harley from, 39. Sichel, Walter, his "Bolingbroke and his Times," quoted, 77 n. Sidney, Henry. See Romney, Earl of. Smith, Rt. Hon. John, character of, 282. Somers, Lord, character of, 22-24, 275. Somerset, Duke of, 19, 48; the hope of the Whigs, 31; in favour with the Queen, 32; and Lord Godolphin, 32, 33; his breach with the Tories, 33; at the head of the Junto, 129. Somerset, Duke of, character of, 273. Spain, the war in, 106; peace proposals affecting, 134, 135; not represented at the Congress of Utrecht, 190; treaty between Great Britain and, 190. Sprat, Bishop, Burnet on, 348. Stamford, Earl of, character of, 277, 301. Stanhope, Colonel, character of, 284. Stanhope, Earl, character of, 284. Steele, Sir R., Swift and, 15 and n. Stephen, King, history of the reign of, 238-264; his character and person, 262. Stepney, George, character of, 283. Sterne, Archbishop, character of, 352. Strafford, Earl of, attainder of, 295, 296. Strafford (Lord Raby), Earl of, plenipotentiary at Utrecht, 31, 82, 131 et seq.; his negotiations at the Hague, 57, 58, 71; character of, 283. Sunderland, Earl of, character of, 27, 28; his library, 27 and n.; character of, 277. Sutherland, Earl of, character of, 286. Swift, Jonathan, avowal of his independence, 15; endeavours to reconcile Harley and Bolingbroke, 16; on the Hanoverian succession, 16, 17; his suggestion for building new churches in London, 20 n.; his definition of Whig and Tory, 21 n.; helped Sir Thos. Hanmer with the "Representation," 100; his remarks on characters of the court of Queen Anne, 273-288; his remarks on Clarendon's "History of the Rebellion," 291-323, 330; his remarks on Burnet's "History," 323-368; his notes on the "Free-holder," 371-377.

Tacking, explained, 123. Temple, Sir William, Burnet on, 344, 345, 362. Tenison, Archbishop, character of, 282, 337. Thanet, Earl of, character of, 277. Titus, Colonel, Swift on, 331. Torcy, Marquis de, his conduct of the peace negotiations, 51 et seq., 142, 146, 147; his opinion of the British army, 169; suggests that the Queen should join with France in compelling the Dutch to a peace, 170; the prime mover in favour of peace, 183; testimony to his candour and integrity, 183, 184. Tory principles, Swift's definition of, 21 n. Townshend, Lord, on Dr. Lucas, 5 n.; and the Barrier Treaty, 41, 58, 99; declared an enemy to the Queen and kingdom, 100, 113; character of, 278. Trimnel, Dr., Bishop of Norwich, 27 n. Tyrawley, Lord, character of, 284.

Utrecht, Congress at, 20, 31, 50;
negotiations leading to, 51-82;
French overtures to England, 56;
transmitted to Holland, 57;
the Dutch reply, 59;
English preliminary demands sent to France, 62;
the French reply, 67;
preliminaries signed by France and England, 69;
communicated to Holland, 71;
Dutch objections, 74;
the Congress agreed to, 79;
instructions of the English plenipotentiaries, 133;
opening of the Congress, 138;
Dutch obstruction, 139 et seq.;
result of Ormonde's refusal to fight, 148, 149;
England declares herself under no obligation to the Dutch, 149, 150;
terms of peace between England and France, 151-155;
proposed armistice, 157;
anger of the Dutch, 158;
the conference resumed, 172;
difficulties caused by dissensions with the Dutch, 175;
the Dutch change their attitude, 176, 184;
English ultimatum, 185;
the French yield, 186;
further delay caused by French "litigious manner of treating," 188;
Treaty of Utrecht signed, 190.
Uxelles, Marechal d', one of the plenipotentiaries at Utrecht, 79;
favours the Dutch, 165, 183.

Vanderdussen, M., 60.
Vane, Sir Harry, the younger, character of, 305, 316;
execution of, 336, 337.
Villars, Marechal de, 147, 156, 159, 165, 169.

Walker, Dr., defended Londonderry, 362. Walker, Sir Edward, 306. Wallis, Count, 163. Walpole, Horatio, 52. Walpole, Sir Robert, 37; committed to the Tower, 84; attacked by Bolingbroke, 84 n. Walsh, Peter, 338. Wariston, Swift on, 335-338. Weems, Earl of, character of, 288. Wharton, Earl of, 38; character of, 28, 278; his Irish administration, 41. "Whigs, Public Spirit of the," a reward offered by the Queen for discovery of the author of, 15. Whig and Tory, distinction between, 20, 21 n. Wild Serjeant, 316. William Rufus, history of the reign of, 202, 216; his character and person, 214. William III., King, character of, 355; his Declaration, 359; comes to England, 359, 360, 365; Addison on, 371. Williams, Archbishop, 292, 296, 297, 298. Wincam, Sir George, married Burnet's great aunt, 333. Winchilsea, Earl of, character of, 277. Wolley, Bishop, of Clonfert, 340. Wright, Sir Nathan, character of, 275.

York, Duke of (afterwards James II.),
Swift on, 312, 314, 315, 320, 321, 322, 323.

Zinzendorf, Count, Austrian Envoy at the Hague, 77, 78; sows jealousies between England and Holland, 158; deludes the Dutch with promises, 168, 176, 180.

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