Facts for the People by John Tuel
Author: Unknown
Date: 0101-01-01T00:00:00+00:00

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Title:Facts for the people:

Author:Tuel, John.

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Print Source:Facts for the people:

Tuel, John.

cover-title, 64 p. 23 cm.

New York

[1860]

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The freest government cannot long endure, where the tendency of the law is to create a rapid acumulation of property in the handi of a fewo, and to render the masses of the people poor and dependent.” DANIEL WEBSTER, ” The modern barons, more powerful than their military prototypes, own our greatest highways and levy tribute at will upon our vast industries. And, as the old feudalism was finally controlled and subordinated only by the combined efforts of the kings and the people of the free cities and towns, so our modern feudalism can be subordinated to the public good only by the great body of the people, acting through their government by wise and just laws.” JAMES A. GARFIELD. Facts for the Puoali. A Reportofthe ANTIMONOPOLY LEAGUE ofthe Stateof New York, THE RECORD OF THE LEGISLATI OF 1883. Governor Gray, of Indiana, in a message to the Legislature of that State in January, 1881, said: “In my judgment the republic cannot live long in the atmosphere which now surrounds the ballot-box. Moneyed corporations, to secure favorable legislation for themselves, are taking an active part in elections by furnishing large s8ms of money to corrupt the voter and ( purchase special privileges from the Government. If money can control the decision at the b(illot-box it will not be long itntil it can control its existence.” Hon. James B. Beck, of Kentucky, in one of his speeches in the Uni+ed States Senate, said: “It is impossible to have an honest Legislatutre, State or Federal, so long’s r?i,‘esentatives are sent who owe their election to, or are personally interested in, great moneyed corporations or monopolies. No matter wheth7er they call themselves Denzocrats oI Republicans, they are not the representatives of the people; they are simply the Qagents an.ttorn.eys of those who seek, by taxing the masses, to enrich themselves, whenever they owe their election X
monopolists, or qae themselves interested in class legislation. I ‘i

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The New York State AntiMonopoly League. PrEE ident, EMERSON E. DAVIS.

Vice-Presidents. WM. P. ABENDROTH, HENRY E. TREMAIN. l’?easurer, AMBROSE

SNOW. Secretaries. NELSON B. KILLMER, DANIEL M. DONEGAN. e Committee. W.

GOFF, A. TRAVER, J. BONNELL, HYDE, IRT LE FEVRE, NASH, EL KEEFE, NHARRINGTON, N V; WRIGHT, EW G. WASHBON, HALL, AN IN,.F. B. M. J. OUR

PRINCIPLES: AntiMonopoly. We advocate, and will support and defend, the rights of the many as against privileges for the few. Corporations, the creation of the State, shall be controlled by the State. Labor and capital-allies, not enemies; justice for both. Correspondence solicited from all persons favoring our principles. Constitution and by-laws, with specimen documents aind hints how to organize branch leagues, sent free on application. ADDITIONAL COPIES of this document will be sent, postage paid, on receipt of price in postage stamps or postal orders, as follows: ……….. 6 cents. ……….. 50 ” ……….. $2.50. ……….. 4.50

……….. 20.00. ……….. 35.00. S. GARDNER, Secretary, .State Anti-Monolpoly League, 55 Liberty St., New York. Or JUSTICE PUJBLISHING

CO., me-P. 0. Box 610, New York, to JOHN F. HENRY, HF,MAN GLASS, W. A.

ARMSTRONG, JOHN HOOPER FRANK S. (-iARDNER, RICHARD B. LEE;CH, CIF,O. C.

ELLISON, JOHN TnOMAs KINS ELLA, EzEtA DARWIN R. JAmFs, THos. THom.ks J.

KENNA, D. R. HENRY NICHOLS, GILBE Wm. HALT,, M. A. HENRY BiscHOFIF, Jr., DAN]’ FREDERicii A. COl’iKLING, H. H. JOHN W. KEOGH, EDWI JAMES HAGGFITTY, ANDR ANDREW BLESSING, A. H. At Large-JOHN B. HASKIN Hy. 1,. DUGUID, L B.

SHERMAN-, B. D. HouGHTON, W. W. SAL]ISBURY A. J. BAIRTL.ETT, W. H. CRANE, GEo. F. NouitsF,, W. A. ARMSTRONG, HRNRY L. Fis-u, JAS. G. SIIEPARD.

Ai,oNzo RICH40ND, W. C. GIFFORD, THU]IBER, B. MESSEMEI-T.

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FACTS FOR THE PEOPLE. A Report of the AntiMonopoly League of the State of New York. THE RECORD OF THE LEGISLATURE OF 1883. The AntiMonopoly League of the State of New York makes no apology for presenting to the citizens of the State, and indeed to those of the United States, the following facts bearing upon the public welfare. If we may judge by the other great republics of history, we have reached a state of things in this country which imperils our free institutions and calls for the best thought of patriotic citizens to avert impending dangers. The eminient historical writer, James Anthony Froude, in his sketch of the Roman Republic and the causes which led to its fall, says: “A commonwealth, says Cicero, ought to be immortal, and forever to renew its youth. Yet commonwealths have proved as unenduring as any other natural object: Nevertheless, ” as the heavens are high above the earth, so is wisdom above folly.” Goethe compares life to a game at whist, where the cards are dealt out by destiny, and the rules of the game are fixed: subject to these conditions, the players are left to win or lose, according to their skill or want of skill. The life of a nation, like the life of a man, may be prolonged in honor into the fullness of its time, or it may perish prematurely, for want of guidance, by violence or internal disorders. And thus the history of national revolutions is to statesmanship what the pathology of disease is to the art of medicine. The physician cannot arrest the coming on of age. Where disease has laid hold upon the constitution he cannot expel it. But he may check the progress of the evil if he can recognize the symptoms in time.

He can save life at the cost of an unsound limb. He can tell us how to preserve our health when we have it; he can warn us of the conditions under which particular disorders will have us at disadvantage. And so with nations: amidst the endless variety of circumstances there are constant phenomena which give notice of approaching danger; there are courses of action which have uniformly produced the same results; and the wise politicians are those who have learnt from experience the real tendencies of things, unmisled by superficial differences, who can shun the rocks where others have been wrecked, or from foresight of what is coming can be cool when the peril is upon them. For these reasons, the fall of the Roman Republic is exceptionally instructive to us. A constitutional government the most enduring and the most powerful that ever existed was put on its trial, and found wanting. We see it in its growth; we see the causes which undermined its strength. We see attempts to check the growing mischief fail, and we see why they failed. And we see finally, when nothing seemed so likely as complete dissolution, the whole system changed by a violent operation,.and the dying patient’s life protracted for further centuries of power and usefulness. It was an age of material progress and material civilization; an age of civil liberty and intellectual culture; an age of pamphlets and epigrams, of salons

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2 and of dinner-parties, of senatorial majorities and electoral corruption. The highest offices of state were open in theory to the meanest citizen; they were confined, in fact, to those who had the longest purse, or the most ready use of the tongue on popular platforms.

Distinctions of birth had been exchanged for distinctions of wealth. The struggles between plebeians and patricians for equality of privilege were over, and a new division had been formed between the party of property and a party who desired a change in the structure of society. The free cultivators were disappearing from the soil. Italy was being absorbed into vast estates, held by a few favored families and cultivated by slaves, while the old agricultural population was driven off the land, and was crowded into towns. The rich were extravagant, for life had ceased to have practical interest, except for its material pleasures; the occupation of the higher classes was to obtain money without labor, and to spend it in idle enjoyment. Patriotism survived on the lips, but patriotism meant the ascendency of the party which would maintain the existing order of things, or would overthrow it for a more equal distribution of the good things which alone were valued. Religion, once the foundation of the laws and rule of personal conduct, had subsided into opinion. The educated, in their hearts, disbelieved it. Temples were still built with increasing splendor; the established forms were scrupulously observed. Public men spoke conventionally of Providence, that they might throw on their opponents the odium of impiety; but of genuine belief that life had any serious meaning, there was none remaining beyond the circle of the silent, patient, ignorant multitude. * The great land-owners might have paused in their purchases had the alternative lain before them of letting their lands lie idle or of having freemen to cultivate them. It was otherwise when a resource so convenient and so abundant was opened at their feet.

The wealthy Romans bought slaves by thousands. Some they employed in their workshops in the capital. Some they spread over their plantations, covering the country, it might be, with olive gardens and vineyards, swelling further the plethoric figures of their owners’ incomes. It was convenient for the few, but less convenient for the Commonwealth. The strength of Rome was in her free citizens. Where a family of slaves was settled down, a village of freemen had disappeared; the material for the legions diminished; the dregs of the free population which remained behind crowded into Rome, without occupation except in politics, and with no property save in their votes, of course to become the clients of the millionaires, and to sell themselves to the highest bidders. With all his wealth there were but two things which the Roman noble could buy, political power and luxury; and in these directions his whole resources were expended. The elections, once pure, became matters of annual bargain between himself and his supporters. The once hardy, abstemious mode of living degenerated into grossness and sensuality. * Wealth poured in more and more, and luxury grew more unbounded. Palaces sprang up in the city, castles in the country, villas at pleasant places by the sea, and parks, and fish-ponds, and game preserves, and gardens, and vast retinues of servants. When natural pleasures had been indulged in to satiety, pleasures which were against nature were imported from the East to stimulate the exhausted appetite. To make money-money by any means, lawful or unlawfulbecame the universal passion. Such generally the Roman Republic had beeome, or was tending to become, in the years which followed the fall of Carthage, B. C. 14+6. Public spirit in the masses was dead for sleeping the Commonwealth was a plutocracy. The free forms of the constitution were themselves the instruments of corruption. The rich were happy in the possession of all that they could desire. The multitude was kept quiet by the morsels of meat which were flung to it when it threatened to be troublesome The seven thousand in Israel, the few who in all states and in all times remained pure in the midst of evil, looked on with disgust, fearing that any remedy which thev might ‘k

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8 try might be worse than the disease. All orders in a society may be wise and virtuous, but all cannot be rich. Wealth which is used only for idle luxury is always envied, and envy soon curdles into hate. It is easy to persuade the masses that the good things of this world are unjustly divided, especially when it happens to be the exact truth. It is not easy to set limits to an agitation once set on foot, however justly it may have been provoked, when the cry for change is at once stimulated by interest and can disguise its real character under the passionate language of patriotism. But it was not to be expected that men of noble natures, young men especially, whose enthusiasm had not been cooled by experience, would sit calmly by while their country was going thus headlong to perdition.

Redemption, if redemption was to be hoped for, could come only from free citizens in the country districts, whose manners and whose minds were still uncontaminated, in whom the ancient habits of life still survived, who still believed in the gods, who were contented to follow the wholesome round of honest labor. Ttie numbers of such citizens were fast dwindling away before the omniverous appetite of the rich for territorial aggrandizement. To rescue the land,from monopolists, to renovate the old independent yeomanry, to prevent the free population of Italy, out of which the legions had been formed which had built up the Empire, from being pushed out of their places and supplanted by foreign slaves; this, if it could be done, would restore the purity of the constituency, snatch the elections from the control of corruption, and rear up fresh generations of peasant soldiers to preserve the liberties and the glories which their fathers had won.” Change the scene slightly, and what have we in the present day and generation? The same mad pursuit of money, the same sudden accumulation of wealth by the few, the same luxury, the same corruption of the elective franchise, the longest purse controlling elections,the selling of justice, hypocrisy and corruption among public men, the indifference of the rich, the reluctance of” the seven thousand in Israel” who deprecate the existing state of things but fear that a remedy may be worse than the disease, all find their counterpart in the present. Substitute a public charter for the government of a Roman province, and we find the same power of taxation acquired by corrupt means, and producing.the same results-enormous wealth for the few with poverty for the many. Labor-saving or labor-displacing machinery, coupled with the importation of the poor and degraded of all nations, is making our great land and mine and machinery proprietors as independent of American laborers as the imported slaves made Roman patricians independent of Roman laborers, and slowly but surely reducing them to the lowest level of dependency, where their votes are as purchasable as any other article of mnerchandise. Steam and electricity, God’s greatest gifts to humanity, the benefits of which ought to be enjoyed by all alike, have been monopolized by the few, and are used as a machinery to tax the many; the men who control these factors govern the world; owing to their influence nations develop in a century, which under old conditions would require a thousand years, and politico-economic problems succeed each other with almost the rapidity of the seasons. If any doubt the truth of this picture, let them read the following UNDISPUTED FACTS. It is not disputed That Gould, Vanderbilt, Huntington, Stanford, Sage, Field, &c., twenty years ago were comparatively poor men, and to-day these five men are worth

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4 probably $500,000,000; and through the corporations they control, wield the power of $3,ooo,ooo,ooo. That they control, absolutely, the legislatures of a majority of the States in the Union; make and unmake Governors, United States Senators and Congressmen, and under the forms of popular government are practical dictators of the governmental policy of the United States. That within twenty years, two hundred millions of acres of the public lands have been given to corporations, equal to about four acres for every man, woman and child in the United States. That this wealth and power has been acquired largely through bribery and corruption.

Mr. Gould testified in 1873 that he contributed money to control legislation in four States, and it was proven that the Erie road, in a single year under his management, disbursed more than $1,ooo,ooo for this purpose. His interference with the administration of our courts of justice is illustrated by his telegraphing United States Senator Plumb, asking him to support Stanley Matthews for the United States Supreme Court. And the striking spectacle was presented of Whitelaw Reid, editor of one of the leading Republican journals of the country, and Henry Watterson, editor of one of the leading Democratic journals of the country, lobbying on the floor of the United States Senate to secure Mr. Matthews’ confirmation as Judge of the Supreme Court of the United States. That a Judge of the Supreme Court of the State of New York recently held court in a stock gambler’s office, and wrote his attorneys that he would “go to the very verge of judicial discretion ” to oblige them, and yet the Legislature refused to impeach him. That other judges and many legislators in this State exhibit a strong bias in favor of corporations, accept their “courtesies,” and openly “speculate” in corporate securities on “points”

furnished by corporate magnates. That our great Boards of Trade and Commercial Exchanges are fast passing from the domain of legitimate business to that of gambling speculation, and the spectacle is exhibited to the young of the highest prizes of commerce and society being conferred upon its most unscrupulous and unworthy members. That men who defraud the public, and even their friends, by selling under false pretences, stocks for which no money was expended, and accumulate enormous fortunes through professional misrepresentation, are called “financiers,” and by doling out a little of their ill-gotten gains for religious or charitable objects, are able to purchase the commendation, or at least the toleration of good men, and an influential portion of the pulpit and the press. That because Senator Thurman was active in compelling the Pacific Railroads, in which Mr. Gould was interested, to fulfill their contracts with the Government, that honest man and able statesman could not return to the United States Senate. That E. D. Worcester, Treasurer of the New York Central Railroad, testified before the late Constitutional Convention of the State of New York that that road paid $2o5,oo00o one year and $6o,ooo another to -obtain legislation, and that it was obtained. That in the last United States Senatorial contest in the State of New York, a member dcf the Legislature stated that he had been given $2,ooo to vote for a railroad candidate for the United States Senate; that he had given the money to the Speaker, and asked for an investigation. An investigation was ordered, and a State Senator and two lobbyists were indicted; but they have not

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5 4 been tried. and it is stated that corporation influence will prevent their trial, or, if tried, secure their acquittal. property. The railroads refused to indemnify shippers, but endeavored to make the people of the State liable to the railroads. They tried to buy a bill through the Legislature saddling several millions of dollars upon the public. Their usual method of bribery was employed, but was detected, and E. J Petroff a member of the Legislature, with several accomplices, were tried and found guilty; but here political influence was brought to bear, United States Senator Don Cameron pardonet. That in 1881 the railroads of New Jersey united in an effort to secures the entire water front of Jersey City under the specious guise of confirming the boundaries of a map. This infamous bill was such a flagrant disregard of public rights that the Governor, although elected by railroad votes, vetoed it. The Senate again passed it over the veto, but the Assembly hesitated, and bribery, the usual monopoly weapon in such cases, was resorted to. An investigation was ordered, and the committee reported that the bribery was fully proven, and that John J.

Cromer was the man who did it. He has not yet been tried, and it remains to be seen whether Jersey justice is equal to the task of punishing a corporation briber. That in March, 1 88z, two members of the Ohio Legislature were arrested for bribing others in the interest of a railroad company. That the Congressional investigation of the Credit Mobilier bribery showed that $47,261,ooo profit was made by a syndicate of Congressmen and other public men; and it is a well known fact that many of our public men have become very wealthy, without any visible means of doing so. That both our National and State legislatures are packed with corporation lawyers and other representatives of monopoly interests; measures in the interest of the people are retarded, smothered or throttled, while those in the interest of corporations are consummated without the slightest difficulty. That a large portion of the election expenses of political parties are derived from corporate sources and that even where party leaders are not personally interested in monopolies, they are afraid to voice the public sentiment upon that subject. That votes are habitually and largely purchased at the polls under the pretense of paying a day’s wages to “work for the ticket,” and sometimes without even this transparent pretext. That public sentiment has for several years demanded the enactment of an adequate law for the regulation of inter-State commerce, but it has been postponed and throttled without the slightest consideration. That the last Congress not only refused to restore to the public domain the lands which had been forfeited by the Northern Pacific Railroad, but on motion of Congressman Reid, of Maine, gag law was enforced, and Congressman Caswell, of Wisconsin, tried to prevent the vote going on record. That a large portion of the public travel on free passes at the expense of the rest of the community, and a free pass issued by the New York Central Railroad is in the possession of the AntiMonopoly League, which specifies that it was issued on account of the Supreme Court. That, a committee of the New York Legislature, Hon. A. B. Hepburn, chairman, after investigating the management of railroads in this State, used the

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6 following language: “Abuses” in railroad management exist, “so glaring in their proportions as to savor of fiction rather than actual history.”

That to perpetuate these abuses the perpetrators thereof are now seeking to control the thought of the nation. Leading journals are purchased with ill-gotten gains, and the ablest editors in the country are engaged to preach “peace on earth and good will to men” in one column, while misleading innocent investors and villifying patriotic citizens in the others. These are undisputed facts, and only a few of the many straws which shows which way the wind blows. In view of these, is it not time that citizens were again associating to uphold right and put down wrong; to sustain the Constitution and the old laws which were adopted to secure freedom and equality for all men? It was this necessity which brought the AntiMonopoly League into existence, and it has been collecting and placing before the people facts which were not otherwise accessible, illustrating how their law-makers no longer represent the mass of their constituents, and that the compact force of corporate organization acting upon legislation is fast building a system of laws which make the many the servants of the few. THE RECORD OF THE LEGISLATURE OF THE STATE OF NEW

YORK. The eagerness with which the ]legislative record issued by the League last year was sought for and the failure of a large mnajority of the venal members of thie Assembly of last year to obtain renomination or re-election, indicates the usefulness and necessity of a non-partisan record, conveniently arranged for permanent reference. “The sunlight of publicity” is a great political sanitary agent, and the Press is a potent factor in securing good legislation, but much of the information spread broadcast by the Press necessarily partakes more or less of partisan bias, and with the adjournment of the Legislature soon passes out of sight, and is of but little use to the average citizen in determining the sum total of his representatives’ good and bad deeds. Hence the usefulness of a well-arranged epitome of the acts of legislators. These we have endeavored to give without fear or favor, and the responsibility of re-electing legislators with a bad record, or allowing those with good records to be defeated, remains with the people of the various districts throughout the State. THE PERSONNEL OF TIlE LEGISLAT’URE OF 1883. The Senate, as is well known, is composed of 32 members, elected for a term of two years (1883
being the last year of the term just expired), and we therefore have the result of two sessions to j udge by. The Assembly, on the other hand, is elected for but one year. Both Houses of the Ilegislature of 1883 were largely Democratic, that party having been carried into power through the subservience of the Republican party to mono)poly influences, and upon specific pledges to the people on the part of the Demo cratic party that crying evils in co)rporate management should be remedied. HIow these pledges have been redeemed may perhaps be best indicated by the following extracts from lead(ling papers of various political complexions. The old and reliable _7. Y. Journal of Commerce (Dem.i says. TIE LAST
l,EGOIS,ATURE.-We have already enumerated some of the sins of omission and (omtliission which stay be latid to the charge of the last Legislature.

Running tllr,,uglh L -);r!iAl list o,f bills either killed in conmmittees (,r passed l)y one branch alone, we re(idly l-tect tlioi I)rin’ip)lo of action which determined the fate of m,.asures. In cas-s whetli,, rc} c )rperattions want -d favors d,,ne, these wvere readily granted. But wli-n the lo’))ies w,,rkitig for wealthy cotripani-s opp,osed a rffor-m, it was sternly d-ni,d.‘ilie t’etple o tained io concesq:;ons which involve(l sacrifices for monopolies. For this reason, as we have previously explained, the bills regulating the price

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7 of gas and improving the canal locks were ruthlessly strangled. The pilotage bill was defeated because nobody but the merchants of New York asked for it, wliile it was fought by the pilot ring. The telegraph and telephone companies combatted the proposition to put their wires under ground and relieve the streets of the present dangers, disfigurements and nuisances, and of course these corporations had their way against the wishes of a million and a quarter of people in this city alone. The single-headed quarantine bill sufferedl the same fate. So also did the bill regulating elevator charges. There were numerous petitions for the reduction of fareson railroads and ferries, and these with few exceptions were spurned. The elevated railroads were in special favor and easily procured the defeat of bills requiring them to provide drip ping pans for the protection of people in the streets below, also to put on all-night trains. The people had equally bad luck in trying to increase their chances of escape from burning opera-houses, theatres and hotels. All bills which promised to give greater security to the patrons of such places were lost, as a matter of course. These are only instances taken at random from the unofficial records. It is difficult to decide whether the last Legislature did more hlarit by its acts accomplished than by its failure to correct notorious abuses. But there can be no question that in both respects, notwithstanding the cry of reform, it proved to be little better than its predecessors. ~?uth (Independent) says: THE LEGISLATURE’S

BROKEN PROMISES.-In a few days men may forget that the Legislature of 1883
ever existed, but in the very face of forgetfulness it is impossible to overlook the fact that as a whole its work was a failure and a disappointment. Truth looks back at what was done and what was left undone, and sees broken promises and unredeemed pledges at every turn in the history of the session. * As between the rights of the people and the extortions and exactions of the corporations scarcely a promise was kept or a pledge redeemed. * Even a free bridge was denied to the people of this city and Brooklyn in the interest of the ferries, whose influence was so great with the Legislature that it was even impossible to compel them to put up gates on their boats for the protection of their passengers. Every man who pays fare on the great bridge will recognize in the payment a forced contribution for the benefit of the ferry companies, and he will not be apt to forget that the extortion is due to the implied but broken promises of certain Senators of 1883. Necessary legislation for the security and protection of the working classes was neglected in a spirit of recklessness and almost of bravado. * It happened,too,that where promises were kept they were kept in a half-hearted way, and when pledges were redeemed they were redeemed with half a loaf. This was a reform Legislature, which came into power by the same impulse which gave us a reform Governor. Surely three of a kind-a” reform” Senate, a “reform”

Assembly and a “reform” Governor-made a hand which promised something for the people. From the beginning to the end this triple alliance, instead of pulling one way, pulled in three directions. If the Senate was not intent on breaking its promises to the people, it was the Assembly. If the Senate and Assembly united in redeeming a public pledge, it was the Governor who broke the half-hearted and half-kept promise. No measure was ever demanded by greater unanimity of sentiment than the Five Cent Fare Jbill. It was passed by both houses, and it was not the fault of the Legislature of 1883
that this act of justice was denied to the people. In this case the blame is entirely that of the governor. It thus happened, however, that another promise to the people was broken-that another pledge is still to be redeemed. * Fortunately the Legislature of 1883, in so far as it can do harm, has ceased to exist. The actual harm it did was slight in comparison with the harm it might have done. It passed some good measures and some which, if not good, were better than nothing. Its work is done.

N’hen it adjourned all men breathed more freely and felt thankful. What it did is now for the courts and the people; what it failed to do is for history. In a week it will be forgotten, or remembered only as a Legislature of broken promises and unredeemed pledges. The.Y. E. Herald (Ind.) says: Some of the bills passed were very good ones. Indeed, if we may judge things by superficial appearances, it will be quite safe to say that what little disposition there has been at Albany this year to give force to the wishes and will of the people has been rather in the Legislature than in the Executive Chamber. In passing a bill for the reduction of fares on the elevated roads, the Legislature did what it could to give formal efect to a popular purp(Jse; and it is not the fault of the Senators and Assemblymen that this act of justice is delayed for yet another year. Whether they are entitled t any credit in the case we shall not undertake to say. Indeed, we suppose that in th

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8 case they did their duty, because there was extremely little temptation to betray it; for the railroads, satisfied, no doubt, for some good reasons of their own that their cause was safe in the hands of the Governor, did not make their usual endeavors to convince the representatives of the people. The N. Y. Evening Post (Ind. Rep.) says: The body of the Assembly was undoubtedly free from general corruption.

Individuals did more or less business with the lobby, but as an Assembly it is not chargeable with dishonesty. Also: WHAT SAVED THE SENATE. The body of the Senate contained some men who would be useful if returned. and some others who ought not, for the good of the State to be recalled. The reputation of this body suffered more during the last month of the session just closed than it did during ail the rest of its two years. Recently it became a saying in the lobby that they were out of the woods with a hard job the moment it passed the Assembly. It is probably true that if the rules shutting out the lobbyists from the Chamber had not been enforced as strictly as they were during the last few weeks of the session, ood men and bad around the circle would be buried under the clods of public scandal. By authorizing the Chair to enforce the rules the Senate saved itself from itself. During the last two weeks the corridor outside the Chamber was thronged with men who were here in the interest of bills that could have no standing on their merits. What effect their presence there had on votes cast inside is determinable by the record on these bad bills, and it is creditable to the Senate that what corrupt business was going on was transacted with some regard for decency. The next Senate might well be filled for the most part by promotions from the last Assembly. Twenty men who might be named in the latter could combine with about a dozen of the outgoing Senators to make up a trustworthy and able upper branch. Besides these there is the great body of fair and honest men of the State from which to select a better and truer Senate than the present one. Possibly the new Primary Election Law and a public sentiment politically more enlightened than that of two years ago may combine to improve at least the country delegation. As will be indicated by the foregoing from the Evening Post, the Senate is chiefly responsible for the bad work of the session, and in order that the public may judge for themselves we present the following tabular statement showing the vote of each Senator on 19
measures involving AntiMonopoly principles during the session of 1882, and 39 similar measures during the session of 1883. Good votes, or, in other words, those in the interest of the public, are printed in red. Bad votes are in black, while those not voting are indicated by the initials N. V. Of these a few were undoubtedly the result of sickness or unavoidable absence, but in a great majority of cases they represent palpable and cowardly dodging of responsibility. Legislators may allege that they had “business elsewhere,” but no member who accepts public duties has a right to plead private engagements as an excuse for neglect, and “committee work” is not a valid excuse for the quantity of “N. Vs” in this record; Senator Boyd and Assemblyman Crane, who stand at the head of their respective lists, performed their full share of committee work. The considerations represented in this condensed tabular statement are many and varied. While it is too m,ch to say that members should be infallible in their judgment and never make mistakes, yet the average shown by the following table indicates unerringly the honesty and intelligence, or, in other words, the fitness of members to be Legislators. The record of Senator Boyd, for instance, showing an almost uninterrupted table of red votes, with not a single “dodge” in either session, strikingly contrasts with the record of other Senators, on the same measures, and shows the kind of service the public have the right to expect from their representatives, and what is possible ior even a new man in our Legislative halls to render.

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17 no aye 8 aye - aye ‘Allen………. no Baldwin……. no Baue,us……… x Bowen.. N.V. Boyd……….. aye Browning aye Covert.

aye Daly…………. aye Ellsworth no Eva no Fitzgerald……. aye 0-rady……… aye Holmes……… L.V. Jacobs………… aye Jones..,.

aye Kiernan… N.V. aye ‘Lansing,, A…. aye Lansing, no Lord…………

no Lynde. no MacArthur….. no Mackin. aye McCarthy…- no Nelson, H. A aye ,Nelson, H. C.. N. V. Pitts.. …….. no Roberts N.V. Russell. N.V.

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RECAPITULATION 1ST. Showing the number of Good votes, bad votes, and dodges fbor each Senator on 89 votes during the session of 1883., Also,the number of good votes as compared with tile num. ber of bad votes and dodges combined, on the same 39 votes during the session of 1883.

SENATOR’S NAMES IN THE ORDER OF GOOD YOTES. SENATOR’S NAMES IN

ALPHABETICAL ORDER. cl o - o.4 Allen……………..

Baldwin………….. Baucus……………. Bowen…………..t Boyd…………… Browning…………. Covert…………….. Li.

Daly………………. Ellsworth………….. Evans……………..

Fitzgerald…………. G(rady……………… Holmes…………….

Jacobs……………..1 Jones’…………….. Kiernan…………….

Koch……………… A. Lansing…………. F. Lansing…………

Lord……………. Lynde………….. MacArthur………….

Mackin……………. McCarthy………….. H. A. Nelson.-………. H.

C. Nelson……….. Pitts……………… Roberts……………

Russell.*e*  X —.. Thomas……………. Titus………

Treanor……………. …. Browning…………. Holmes…………..

Treanor………….. Koch…. v…………. Kiernan……………

Russell…………… Pittsf………….. Evans…………….. Thomas.

Jacobs…………… Baucus………….. Titus…………..

Lynde…………….. Covert……………. MacArthur…………. 11 8

14 8 36 19 13 28 20 17 22 23 19 15 10 18 18 11 2(0 10 14 12 6 11 8 7 17 23

17 16 14 18 Allen………………. McCarthy…………. A.

Lansing………… Lord……………. Jones……………..

Bowen………….. Baldwin…………… H. A. Nelson………. H. C.

Nelson…….. 19 19 18 18 18 17 17 17 16 15 14 14 14 13 12 11. 11 11 10

10 8 8 8 7 Mackin…..v. * Am e An* i I I I. 9 4 1 ‘t P. m 10 -

‘o0 lz 0I 0 bLm I -ew ‘o10 A , E. Ii .0; - C,3 1 CZ 6L a 1 016 izb. o 10 A l. ‘CQ,3 10 pq’ k, I 36 28 23 23 22 .20 20 24 19 313 3 14 11 8 16 11 9 9 9

7 25 16 16 20 11 24 14 18 27 21 23 21 10 12 7 18 13 12 4 12 22 18 . 6 15 3

3 11 8 7 11 -17 4 5 5 8 8 ‘5 11 9 6 7 8 11 12 4 15 5 12 . 9 3 11 16 16 17

19 19 Boyd……………… DfLly…………,…..

Roberts…………… Fitzgerald…………., Ellsworth………….. F.

Lansing……… I… 20 20 21 21 21 22 22 22 23 24 25 25 25 . 26 27 28 28

28 29 , 29 31 81 31. 82 38

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10 It will be seen that there are no members who always voted against the public interest but it was a common practice for those who had obstructed public measures in every possible way, when their success became inevitable to vote for them on the final roll call. In this way some venal members have made a better tabular record than they deserve; but in the “legislative notes” which we give elsewhere, as well as in the smallness or largeness of the aggregate.of the bad and dodged votes will be found a tolerably {air indication of the interests and influences by which members were controlled. We re. gret exceedingly that the average is so low; as before stated, the public have the right to expect from every representative as good a record as that of Senator Boyd or Senator Daly, while it is perfectly proper to say that those members who have failed to vote right half of the time on the measures specified, are unworthy to represent their districts. The following is a recapitulation of the more important bad acts’of members who failed to vote right half of the time. A FEW BAD VOTES OF SENATORS. Senator Norman L. Allen (Rep.), 32nd District.

1882.-Voted to smother R. R. Commission Bill in Committee. to table resolution calling for names of R. R. attorneys and recipients of Free Passes. ” against motion to sell Street R. R. franchises at auction.

1883.-Voted against confirmation of Hon. John O’Donnell for R. R.

Commissioner. ” ” consideration of 5 cent Fare Bill. to sustain adverse report of R. R. Com. on “Free Pass Bill. Made motion and voted t~o lay Free Pass Bill on Table to prevent any action b}iig t aken. Voted against “Free Pass Bill” having its third reading. ” for bill allowing R R.

Companies to monopolize Lake navigation. against Bill to prevent Excessive Insurance Rates on Canal Traffic. for General Street R. R. Bill. to incorporate Railway Trust Company with extraordinary powers. against abolishing Canal Auditor’s Department. .” all propositions to regulate Convict Labor. ” ” consideration of Brooklyn Free Bridge Bill. Senator Sumner Baldwin (Rep.), 27th District. 1882.-Voted to smother R. R.

Commission Bill in Committee. to table Resolution calling for names of R.

R. attorneys and the recipi ents of Free Passes. ” against motion to sell Street R. R. franchises at auction. .” progressing Bill reducing fare on 34th St. Ferry. 1883.-Dodged vote on Elevated R. R. 5 cent Fare Bill.

Voted in Committee to report Free Pass Bill adversely. to table Free Pass Bill and prevent its being considered. against Free Pass Bill having its third reading. for Bill allowing R. R. Companies to monopolize Lake navigation. against Bill extending five cent hours on Elevated R. R. for “Storm King Railroad Bridge” Bill. to incorporate Railway Trust Co. with extraordinary powers. against all propositions to regulate Convict Labor.

” ” consideration of “Brooklyn Free Bridge Bill.” Dodged vote on Bill to Assess Telegraph and Electric Light Lines. …”.” General Street R. R.

Bill. Senator Alexander B. Baucus (Dem.), 18th District. 1882.-Voted against motion to sell Street R.R. franchises at Auction. ” ” ordering 34th Street Ferry Bill to a third reading. Dodged vote asking Governor to return Bill Exempting Elevated R.R. from Taxation. 1883.-Dodged vote on Considering 5 Cent Fare Bill. “.”.“‘Disagreeing with adverse report on”

Free Pass” Bill. ” “motion to lay on table the adverse report on “i’ree Pass” Bill. “…..” that “Free Pass” Bill have its third reading. ::.. I

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ii Dodged vote on Bill Extending 5 Cent Hours on. Elevated R.R. “. ” “

Incorporating Railway Trust Company. I.’ ” Storm King R.R. Bridge Bill.

Voted for Bill allowing R.R. Companies to Monopolize Lake Navigation.

against or dodged all propositions to regulate Convict Labor. to take’”

Storm King R.R. Bridge” Bill out of its order, so that it could have its third reading. NOTS.-It will be noted by the tabular statement that Senator Bauous was the champion dodger of the Senate, he being recorded “N.V.” on 22 measures out of 39. Senator Shepherd P. Bowen (Rep.), 19th District. 1882.-Voted to table resolution calling for names of R.R.

Attorneys and the recipients of Free Passes. ” against motion to sell Street R.R, franchises at Public Auction. Dodged vote asking Governor to return Bill Exempting Elevated R.R. from Taxation. 1883.-Voted against Consideration of ” Elevated R.R. 5 Cent Fare” Bill .. Disagreeing with adverse report on ” Free Pass ” Bill. for motion to lay’” Free Pass” Bill on table. against’ Free Pass” Bill having its third reading. Reconsidering the vote by which Propeller Bill was passed. Bill to Prevent Excessive Insurance Rates on Canal Traffic. all propositions to regulate Convict Labor. ” for “Storm King tR.R. Bridge” Bill. Dodged Bill Extending 5 Cent Hlours on Elevated R.R. Voted for General Street R. R. Bill. against Abolishing Canal Auditors’ Department. . ” Ordering Brooklyn Free Bridge Bill to third reading. Senator John W. Browning, (Dem.), 8th District.

1882.-Voted to table resolution calling for names of R.R. Attorneys and the recipients i’ of Free Passes. ” against motion to sell Street R.R.

franchises at Auction. against asking Governor to return Bill exempting Elevated R.R from Taxation. 1883.-Made motion and Voted against the Committee on “Corners” making a report in time to accomplish any reform.

Dodged vote on motion relative to thorough investigation of Elevated R.R.

Co. Voted against reconsidering the vote by which the Free Pass Bill had been reconmmtted to prevent its final passage. against consideration of Grain Elevating Bill even after it had been made a special order. for consideration of Grain Elevating Bill in absence of its friends. against Grain Elevating Bill on its final passage. for bill to allow R. R.

Corporations to monopolize lake navigation. ” against reducing rates of pilot mo:iopoly. Dodged vote on bill to prevent excessive insurance rates on canal traffic. Voted for’ Storm King Railroad Bridge*” Bill. ” to incorporate Railway Trust Co. with extraordinary powers. against considering “Primary Election” Bill. Dodged bill to tax Telegraph and Elecrric Light Lines. Voted against adding a seventh Aque,duct Commissioner. Dodged vote on motion to progress the Bill extending Five Cent hours on Ele vated roads. Senator Jas. W. Covert (Dem.), 1st District. 1882.-Voted to table resolution calling for names of R.R.

attorneys and the recipients of free passes. ” against motion to sell Street R.R. franchises at auction. against asking the Governor to return Bill exempting Elevated R.R. from Taxation. 1883.-Dodged vote on motion relative to Investigation of Corners., considering Elevated R.R. 5 Cent Fare Bill. “.”.”.reconsidering vote on Free Pass Bill. Voted againt disagreeing with adverse report on Free Pass Bill, ” ” Free Pass3 Bill hyving its third reading,

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12 Voted against Bill being considered to prevent excessive insurance rates on canal commerce. ” for “Storm King R.R. Bridge” Bill. Dodged vote on extending 5 cent hours on Elevated R.R. Voted against laying “Grain Elevating Bill” aside. .’ the Grain Elevating Bill. ” for General Street Railroad Bill. Dodged vote on Bill incorporating Railway Trust Co. with extraordinary powers. … on Bill assessing Telegraph and Electric Light Lines. Voted against consideration of Primary Election Law Bill. . “
providing a seventh Aqueduct Commissioner. Dodged or voted against all Bills to regulate Convict Labor. Dodged the vote on Brooklyn Free Bridge Bill. Senator David H. Evans (Rep.), 26th District. 1882.-Voted to smother R.R. Commission Bill. table resolution calling for names of R.R. Attorneys and the recipients of Free Passes. against motion to sell Street R.R.

franchises at auction. ” ” ordering 34th Street Ferry Bill to a third reading. 1883.-Dodged vote on considering Elevated R.R. 5 cent Fare Bill.

.“on motion to disagree with adverse report on Free Pass Bill. Voted against reducing the rates of Pilot Monopoly. ” for “Storm King R.R.

Bridge” Bill. ” Bill incorporating Railway Trust Co. ” against abolishing Caiial Auditor’s Department. ” ” all Bills to regulate Convict Labor.

Dodged vote on ordering Brooklyn Free Bridge Bill to a third reading. .“on ordering Bill extending 5 cent hours on Elevated R.R. to a third reading.

Senator Alexander M. Holmes (Rep.), 23d District. 1882.-Voted to table resolution calling for names of R.R. Attorneys and the recipients of Free Passes ” against ordering 34th Street Ferry Bill to a third reading.

1883.-Dodged vote on consideration of 5 Cent Fare Bill. ” “final passage 5

Cent Fare Bill. ” to take from table adverse report on Free Pass Bill. “

“on motion to disagree with adverse report on Free Pass Bill. ””.”.

General Street R.R. Bill. Voted for Bill incorporating Railway Trust Co. “
against abolishing Canal Auditor’s Department. Dodged vote relative to Brooklyn Free Bridge Bill. ” or voted against all propositions to regulate Convict Labor. Voted against providing for a seventh Aqueduct Commissioner. Senator John C. Jacobs (Dem), 4th District. 1882.-Voted to table resolution calling for names of R.R. Attorneys and the recipients of Free Passes, ” against motion to sell Street R.R. franchises at Auction.

1883.-Dodged vote making special order 5 Cent Fare Bill. on resolution authorizing R.R. Commissioners to make a thorough examination of Elevated R.R. ” “motion to reconsider vote by which “Free Pass Bill” had been recommitted. …”…” Storm King R.R. Bridge’ Bill. Voted for Bill allowing R.R. Companies to Monopolize Lake Navigation. against reconsidering vote on Bill allowing R.R. Companies to Monopolize Lake Navigation. “‘Reducing Rates of Pilot Monopoly. Dodged vote on Extending 5

Cent Hours on Elevated R.R. Voted against laying Grain Elevating Bill aside. Dodged vote on reconsidering vote by which “Grain’Elevating Bill”

was lost, Voted for General Street R.R. Bill. Bill incorporating Railway Trust Co. twice against Consideration of “Primary Election Law” Bill.

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Dodged Bills relative to Convict Labor Question. ” vote on Consideration of “Brooklyn Bridge” Bill. Senator Addison P. Jones (Dem.), 14th District.

1882.-Voted to table resolution asking for names of R.R. Attorneys and the recipients of Free Passes. ” against ordering 34th Street Ferry Bill to a third reading. 1883.-Voted against Confirmation of Hon. John O’Donnell for R.R. Commissioner. ” ” making a thorough investigation of Elevated R.R. by R.R. Com missioners. Consideration of Elevated R.R. 5 Cent. Fare Bill.

final passage of Elevated R.R. 5 Cent Fare Bill. ” the Committee on Corners making their report in time for accom plishing any reform. “
disagreeing with adverse report on “Free Pass” Bill. ” ” the “‘Free Pass Bill” having its third reading. ” for Bill allowing R.R. Companies to Monopolize Lake NavigationL against Consideration of Bill to Prevent Excessive Insurance Rates OD Canal Commerce. “.” Bill Extending 5 Cent Hours on Elevated R.R. ” Grain Elevating Bill. ” for General Street R.R.

Bill. Bill Incorporating Railway Truet Co. against Consideration of “Primary Election ” Law Bill, ” ” Consideration of” Brooklyn Free Bridge”

Bill. ” ” all Bills to Regulate Convict Labor Question. Senator John J.

Kiernan (Dem.), 2nd District 1882.-Voted against selling Street R.R.

franchises at Public Auction. ” ” ordering 34th Street Ferry Bill to a third reading. ‘ asking Governor to return Bill exempting Elevated R.R.

from taxation. 1883.-Voted against the Committee on Corners making a report in time for accom plishing any reform. disagreeing with adverse report on Free Pass Bill. the Free Pass Bill having its third reading. “
for “Storm King R.R. Bridge” Bill. ” against Grain Elevating Bill. ” 1”

reconsidering vote on Grain Elevating Bill. for General Stfiet R.R. Bill.

Bill incorporating Railway Trust Company. ” against consideration of “Primary Election Law” Bill. providing a seventh Aqueduct Commissioner. “
to postpone action on Pilotage Bill, and thereby help accomplish its defeat, Senator Joseph Koch (Dem.), 10th District. 1882.-Voted against selling Street R R. franchises at auction. ordering 34th Street Ferry Bill to a third reading. ” ” askinA_ Governor to return bill exempting Elevated R.R. from taxation. 1883 -Voted to postpone the report of Committee on Corners. against having a thorough investigation of Elevated R.R.

Companies by R.R. Commissioners. Dodged vote to reconsider the vote by which Free Pass Bill was recommitted. disagree with adverse report on Free Pass Bill…on motion that “Free Pass Bill” should have its third reading. Voted to allow R. R. Companies to monopolize Lake Navigation.

Dodged vote on motion to consider “Scalpers”’ insurance Bill. Voted against Grain Elevating Bill. “.” reconsidering vote on Grain Elevating Bill. for “Storm King R.I. Bridge” Bill. General Street R.R. Bill. ” “Bill incorporating Railway Trust Company. ” against making “Primary Election”

Bill a special order. - -‘ ” ordering Brooklyn Free Bridge Bill to a third reading. C 13

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14 Senator Abrahamn Lansing (Demn.), 17th District. 1882.-Voted to table resolution calling for names of R.R. Attorneys and the recipients of Free Passes ” against ordering 34th Street Ferry Bill to a third reading.

1883.-Opposed confirmation of Hon. John O’Donnell for R. H. Commissioner.

Voted to postpone the Report of Committee on Corners. ” against consideration of Elevated R.R. Five-Cent Fare Bill. against “Elevated R.R

Five-Cent Fare” Bill. in Committee to make an adverse report on “Free Pass Bill.” ” against “Free Pass” Bill having its third reading. Dodged the vote to order Scalpers’ Insurance Bill to a third reading. Voted against ordering the Bill Extending Five-Cent hours on Elevated R.R. to a third reading. Dodged vote on final passage of Bill Extending Five. Cent Hours on Elevated R.R. Votea for general Street Railroad Bill. “. ” Bill incorporating Railway Trust Co. Dodged vote abolishing Canal Auditor’s Department. Voted against making special order of “Primary Election” Bill.

Dodged vote on Bill to “Assess Telegraph and Electric Light Lines.” Voted against all Bills to regulate “Convict Labor” question. Senator Geo. P.

Lord (Rep.), 28th District. 1882.-Voted to Smother R.R. Commission Bill.

table Resolution calling for names of R.R. Attorneys and recipients ot Free Passes. ” against motion to sell Street R.R.frauchises at auction. “

” ordering 34th Street Ferry Bill to a third reading. 1883.-Voted to postpone report of Committee on Corners. ” against consideration of 5 Cent Fare Bill. reconsidering vote by which Free Pass Bill had been recommitted. ““Free Pass” Bill having its third reading. to allow R.R.

Companies to monopolize Lake Navigation. against reconsideration of Lake Propeller Bill. reducing rates of Pilot Monopoly. ” ” ordering “Scalpers’”

insurance Bill to a third reading. ” for Storm King R.R. Bridge Bill. “
against laying aside Graiu Elevating Bill. ” ” reconsidering the vote by which the Grain Elevating Bill was lost. Dodged vote on General Street R

R. Bill. Voted for Bill to incorporate Railway Trust Co. wii Extraordinary Powers. against abolishing Canal Auditors’ Department. all Bills to regulate Convict Labor. Senator Dolphus S. Lyilde (Rep.), 20th District.

1882.-Voted to smother R. R. Commission Bill in the R. R. Committee. Voted against motion to’ sell Street R.R. franchises at auction. 1883.-Voted to make an adverse report on “Free Pass” Bill. Voted against Free Pass Bill having its third reading. Dodged vote on reducing rates of Pilot Monopoly.

Voted against ordering Scalpers’ insurance Bill to a third reading. for “

Storm King Railroad Bridge” Bill. Dodged vote extending 5 cent hours on Elevated R. R. ” ” incorporating Railway Trust Co. with extraordinary power. all votes on “G rain Elevating” Bill. Voted against abolishing Canal Auditor’s Department. ” against ordering Brooklyn Free Bridge Bill to a third reading. ” against all Bills to regulate Convict Labor. Senator Chas. L. MacArthur (Rep.), 16th District. 1882.-Voted to smother R.R.

Commission Bill in the R. R. Committee. to table a resolution calling for names of railroad attorneys and the recipi. ents of free passes. against motion to sell Street Railroad franchises at auc ion. ‘ ” ordering 34th Street Ferry Bill LO a third reading, 0

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15 1883.-Voted to postpone report of” Committee on Corners.” against making special order of “Elevated R.R. Five Cent Fare Bill.” ” ” final passage of Elevated R.R. Five Cent Fare Bill. ” ” motion to take from table adverse report on Free Pass Bill. ” ” “. disagree with adverse report on Free Pass Bill. .” Free Pass Bill having its third reading. lo allow R.R. Companies to monopolize lake navigation. against reconsidering vote on Lake Propeller Bill. ” ” ordering Scalpers’ insurance Bill to a third reading. Dodged all votes on Grain Elevating Bill. Voted for General Street Railroad Bill. ” “bill to incorporate Railway Trust Company with extraordinary powers against Bill abolishing Canal Auditor’s Department.

making special.order of “Brooklyn Free Bridge” Bill. ” ” providing a seventh aqueduct commissioner. ” ” Bill reducing rates of Pilot-Monopoly.

Senator James Mackin (Dem.), 13th District. 1882.-Voted to table resolution calling for names of R.R. Attorneys and recipients ol Free Passes. against motion to sell Street R.R. franchises at Public Auction.

1883.-Voted ” Confirmation of Hon. John O’Donnell for R.R. Commissioner.

to postpone report of Committee on Corners. ” against making special order of 5 Cent Fare Bill. ” ” final passage of 5 Cent Fare Bill. a thorough investigation of Elevated R.R. by R.R.Commissioners. to make an adverse report on Free Pass Bill. against Free Pass Bill having its third reading.

to allow R.R. Companies to Monopolize Lake Navigation. ” return Lake Propeller Bill to Assembly before its character was fully investigated.

Dodged( vote to Reduce Rates of Pilot Monopoly. Voted for “Storm King R.R.

Bridge” Bill. against Bill Extending 5 Cent Hours on Elevated R R. laying aside Grain Elevating Bill. final passage of Grain Elevating Bill. ” for General Street R.R. Bill. “Bill Incorporating Railway Trust Co. with Extraordinary Power. Dodged vote to assess Telegraph and Electric Light Lines. Voted against making special order of” Primary Election” Bill.

Dodged vote on “Brooklyn Free Bridge ” Bill. Voted against the Bill regulating Convict Labor. Senator Dennis McCarthy (Rep.), 25th District.

1882.-Voted to smother R.R. (commission Bill in the R R. Committee. to table resolution calling for names of R.R. attorneys and recipients of Free Passes. ” against motion to sell Street R.R. franchises at auction.

1883.-Opposed confirmation of Hon. John’ O’Donnell for R.R. Commissioner, Voted against consideration of “Elevated R.R. 5c. Fare” Bill. ” ” taking from table adverse report on “Free Pass” Bill. ” disagreeing with adverse report on “Free Pass” Bill. ““Free Pass Bill” having its third reading. “
to allow R.R. Companies to monopolize Lake Navigation. ” against reconsidering vote on Propeller Bill. Dodged vote reducing rates of Pilot Monopoly. Voted for Storm King R.R. Bridge Bill. Dodged vote incorporating Railway Trust Company with extraordinary powers Voted against abolishing Canal Auditor’s Department. Dodged vote assessing Telegraph and Electric Light Lines. Voted against making special order of “Primary Election”

Bill. ” ” ordering ” Brooklyn Free Bridge” Bill to a third reading. “
providing seventh Aqueduct Commissioner. ”’ bills to regulate Convict Labor.

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16 Senator HEomer A. Nelson (Dem.), 15th: District. 1882.-Voted against resolution calling for names of R.R. attorneys, and the recipients of Free Passes. ” ” ordering 34th Street Ferry Bill to a third reading.

1883.-Opposed confirmation of Hon. John O’Donnell as R.R. Commissioner.

Voted to postpone report of Committee on Corners. against consideration of 5c. Fare Bill. ” ” final passage of 5c. Fare Bill. a thorough investigation of Elevated R.R. by R.R. Commissioners. ” ” disagreeing with adverse report on “Free Pass” Bill. I”I Free Pass” Bill having its third reading. ” to allow R.R. Companies to monopolize Lake Navigation. “
against motion to reconsider “Lake Propeller” Bill. Dodged vote on ordering “Scalpers”’ insurance Bill to a third reading. Voted against Bill extending 5 cent hours on Elevated R.R. laying aside ” (rain Elevating”

Bill. “. final passage of “train Elevating” Bill. for General Street R.R.

Bill. ” ” Bill to incorporate Railway Trust Company with extraordinarypowor against Bill to assess Telegraph and Electric Light Lines. “. ordoing Brooklyn Free Bridge Bill to a third reading. .” all Bills regulating Convict Labor. Senator Henry C. Nelson (Dem.), 12th District. 1882.-Voted against resolution calling for names of R.R.

Attorneys and the recipients of Free Passes. Voted against motion to sell Street R.R. franchises at Public Auction, ” ” resolution asking Governor to return Bill exempting Elevated R.R. from taxation. 1888.-Voted to postpone report of Committee on Corners. against consideration of ” 5 Cent Fare” Bill. ” ” a thorough investigation of Elevated R.R. Co’s. by R.R.

Commis sioners. Dodged vote on motion to disagree with adverse report on “Free Pass” Bill. ” ” on Free Pass Bill haying its third reading. Voted to allow R.R. Companies to Monopolize Lake Navigation. against reconsideration of Lake Propeller Bill. ” ” reducing rates of Pilot Monopoly. Dodged vote on ordering Scalpers’ Insurance Bill to a third reading. Voted for Storm King R.R. Bridge Bill. against Bill Extending 5

Cent Hours on Elevated R.R. laying aside Grain Elevating Bill. I final passage of Grain Elevating Bill. ” for General Sreet.R. t. Bill. Dodged Bill incorporating Railway Trust Co. with extraordinary powers. Voted against making special order of “Primary Election” Bill. Dodged vote Assessing Telegraph and Electric Light Lines. .“on Bills relative to Brooklyn Free Bridge. Voted against all Bills regulating Convict Labor.

Senator Edmund L. Pitts (Rep.), 29th District. 1882.-Voted to smother R.R.

Commission Bill in the Committee. against resolution calling for names of R.R. Attorneys and the recipient of Free Passes. 1883.-Voted to postpone report of Committee on Corners. ” against Consideratiop of 5 Cent Fare Bill. “.” reconsidering vote by which Free Pass Bill had been recommitted.

Dodged vote to take from table adverse report on “Free Pass” Bill. ” “to lay on table all consideration of Free Pass Bill, Voted against reconsideration of Lake Propeller Bill. to return to Assembly Lake Propeller Bill before its character was fully investigated. Dodged second vote to reconsider Lake Propeller Bill. Voted for General Street R.R.

Bill. ” for Bill incorporating Railway Trust Co. with extraordinary powers. Dodged vote on Brooklyn Free Bridge Bill. ” or voted against all Bills regulating Convict Labor. I

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17 Senator Chas. H. Russell (Rep.), 3rd District. 1882.-Voted against resolution calling for names of R.R. attorneys and recipients oD Free Passes. against motion to sell Street R.R. Franchises at Public Auction. “
against ordering Bill reducing 34th Street Ferry rates to a third reading.

1883.-Dodged vote on motion to consider Five Cent Fare Bill…” on final passage of 5 cent Fare Bill. Voted against reconsidering vote by which Free Pass Bill had been recommitted against ordering “Scalpers’” insurance Bill to a third reading. against laying asidA’ Grain Elevating” Bill.

against final passage of Grain Elevating Bill. ” for Bill incorporating Railway Trust Co. with extra; rdinary powers. Dodged vote abolishing Canal Auditor’s Department. Voted against Bill relative to Brooklyn Free Bridge.

” against Bills regulating Convict Labor. Senator Edward B. Thomas (Rep.), 24th District. 1882.-Voted to smother R.R. Commission Bill in the R.R.

Committee. table Senator Boyd’s resolution calling for names of R.R.

attorneys and recipients of Free Passes. against motion to sell Street R

R. franchises at public auction. . ” reducing the fare on Utica and Black River R.R. 1883.-Opposed confirmation of Hon. John O’Donnell for R.R.

Commissioner. Dodged vote on having a thorough investigation of Elevated R.R. by R.R, Commissioners. Voted against reconsideration of vote by which Free Pass Bill had been recom mitted. ” ” reducing rates of Pilot Monopoly ” ” ordering “Scalpers”’ insurance Bill to a third reading. ” for Storm King R.R. Bridge Bill. Dodged vote on bill extending 5 cent hours on Elevated R.R. Voted for “General Street R.R.” Bill… ” bill incorporating Railway Trust Company with extraordinary powers Voted against abolishing Canal Auditor’s Department. to allow R.R. Companies to monopolize Lake Navigation. against laying aside Lake Propeller Bill until testimony taken by Hepburn Committee relative to it, could be furnished the Senate. .” making special order of “Primary Election” Bill. ” ” bill submitting Convict Labor question to the people. ordering Brooklyn Free Bridge Bill to a third reading. providing for seventh Aqueduct Commissioner. to take Storm King R. R. Bridge Bill out of its order that it might have its third reading. Senator Rob)t. C. Titus (Dem.), 31st District. 1882.-Voted to table Senator Boyd’s resolution calling for names of R. R. attorneys and recipients of Free Passes. against motion to sell Street R.R. franchises at public auction. ” against ordering Bill reducing 34th Street Ferry Rates to third reading. 1883.-Dodged Vote on making special order of 5 Cent Fare Bill. Voted against a thorough investigation of Elevated R.R. by R.R. Commissioners. Dodged Vote on motion to disagree with adverse report on Free Pass Bill. Voted against calling Lake Propeller Bill back from Assembly for investigation. against laying aside Lake Propeller Bill to get Hepburn Committee’s testi mony relative to it.

against reconsidering vote by which Lake Propeller Bill was passed. “
against reducing rates of Pilot Monopoly. against ordering’ Scalpers”’

insurance Bill to a third reading. ” against laying aside ” (rain Elevating” l{ill. against final passage of “Grain Elevating” Bill. ” for General, Street R.R. Bill. Dodged Vote abolishing Canal Auditor’s Department. Voted against making special order of “Primary Election” Bill Dodged Vote on Bills regulating Convict Labor.

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18 Senator Frank P. Treanor (Dem.), 11 th District. 1882.-Voted against Boyd’s motion to sell Street R.R. franchises at public auction. .gainst ordering Bill reducing 34th Street Ferry Rates to a third reading. against Bovd’s resolution asking Governor to return Bill Exempting Ele vated R.R.

Taxes. 1883.-Voted to postpone report of Committee on Corners. Dodged Vote on motion that “Free Pass” Bill should have its third reading. Voted against reducing rates of Pilot Monopoly. Dodged Vote on ordering “Scalpers” insurance Bill to a third reading. Voted for “Storm King”

Railroad Bridge Bill. against laying aside Grain Elevating Bill. ” against final passage of Grain Elevating Bill. Dodged Vote on General Street R.R.

Bill. .“on Bill incorporating Railway Trust Co. with extraordinary powers.

Voted against making special order of “Primary Election” Bill. to allow R.R. companies to monopolize Lake Navigation. against calling Lake Propeller Bill from the Assembly for investigation. against ordering Brooklyn Free Bridge Bill to a third reading. ” against providing for Seventh Aqueduct Commissioner. A few Good -Mea.su?res for the Defeat of which the Senate is Responsible. 1ST.-THE FREE PASS BILL. The fairness of the proposition that as our public highways are operated under fran.

chises granted through the votes of all, all citizens are entitled to travel on like terms, is too palpable to admit of dispute Public opinion is therefore overwhelmingly in favor of a bill prohibiting free passes.

The bill under consideration was asked for by petitions from every Senatorial District in the State. It was passed to a third readingin the Senate without opposition, then upon the motion of Senator McCarthy it was recommitted to the Railroad Committee for the hearing of “parties interested.” The N. Y C. & H. R.R., as usual, led the opposition; Chauncey M. Depew appeared, and, strange to say, strenuously opposed the enactment of a bill which would relieve them from carrying persons free of charge. A majority of the Railroad Committee, consisting of A. Lansiny, Chairman, with Messrs. Baldwin, Lynde and Mackin reported the bill unfavorably, but under the strong pressure of public opinion this report was disagreed with and the bill reported to the ” Committee of the Whole” with the intention, however, as the future disclosed, of keeping it there indefinitely, for the Senate refused by a vote of 15 to 9, as will be seen by the accompanying table, to give it its third reading, and, after the same bill had been passed by the Assembly, it was killed through the arbitrary parliamentary ruling of Lieut.- Gov. Hill, then presiding, which ruling was tamely acquiesced in by the Senate. If the Senators who pretended to favor this bill were really in earnest, the result would probably have been different. The Senate had so changed the rules that 17 votes were sufficient to pass any bill at any time, yet with this change still in force Lieut.-Gov. HIill volunteered the statement that a single objection would prevent the consideration of this bill, and of course the railroad Senators Mackin and McCarthy at once objected, and Mr. Grady, who had charge of the bill, quietly acquiesced in this extraordinary decision. The NV. Y. Sun, of May 5th, openly accuses Mr. Grady in the following words “To fitly crown the end the spectacle “was presented of Senator Grady grinning like a buffoon and making a sham pretense 6f trying to get the Anti-Free Pass Bill read. It died of course, as hlie intended it should.”

THE SANDY HOOK PILOTAGE BILl,. For several years the merchants of the port of New York have been endeavoring to procure a reduction in the exorbitant rates of pilotage charged at the port of New York. In 1865, in consequence of the reduced value of our paper currency at that time, rates of pilotage were increased 50 per celnt. After the return of specie payments, however, the merchants asked that the rates be again reduced. This was resisted by the pilots who, by contributing an enormous’” Legislation fund,” and subscribing liberally toward the “election expenses” of certain Senators, have succeeded in continuing to levy their enormous fees upon the commerce of the port of New York for more than

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19 ten years longer than justice would dictate. The following comparison of rates in the principal ports of the world will illustrate the exorbitant character of our pilotage charges. PILOTAGE IN AND OUT ON A VESSEL DRAWING 21 FEET IN, 23 FEET OUT. At New York………………$253

75 London (long distance)………$147 55 Philadelphia………………

147 62 Havre and Hamburg………… 125 00 Baltimore (long distance)…….. 205 00 Bremen (in Summer)………… 55 85

Boston…………. 186 50 ” (in Winter)………… 88 79

Liverpool………………. 67 44 The New York pilotage ground being by far the shortest of all these ports. The bill under consideration proposed to reduce the fees of New York pilots a little less than one-third. The men who are responsible for the defeat of this just measure can be seen by referring to the vote in the tabular statement, but it should be stated that Senators Jacobs and Grady were the especial champions of the pilot monopoly. The result in this case illustrates that merchants must take some interest in public affairs and in who is nominated and elected to office or they must expect to be preyed upon by every monopoly, large or small, which may be formed, and which will contribute a portion of the tax it levies on the community, to perpetuate its monopoly. THE GRAIN ELEVATOR

CHARGE BILL. This bill, which has been before the Legislature for two yeaIs, is an effort on the part of the canal interests of the State to obtain relief from the excessive charges levied by a combination of elevator proprietors constituting a close monopoly. The position is well stated in the following from the N. Y. Times of April 26th, 1883: REGULATION OF ELEV’ATOR CHARGES. k The bill regulating the charges of elevators used in connection with canal transportation in this State was the subject of an animated discussion in the Senate yesterday. Senator Titus made himself the special champion of the elevator monopoly of Buffalo, and pleaded that the capital invested in elevators was private property with which the State had no right to interfere. The investment he said, had been made under the implied promise that private property should not be vexatiously interfered with or taken without due process of law. It is not proposed to take property without the due process of law nor to interfere with it in a manner that can be vexatious to anybody but a greedy combination of Buffalo capitalists. The owners of the elevators, says Mr. T”itus, are not corporations, and the State has granted them no right beyond those given to private citizens. As to the principle affecting the case, the honorable Senator would do well to study a decision of the Supreme Court of the United States refidered in 1877 in what are known as the Illinois Granger cases. He will then find that it makes no difference whether the elevators are owned by corporations that have received special privileges or not. The nature of the business and the use to which the property is devoted determines the right of the State to interfere. This is the language of the learned Chief Justice in the Illinois case: ” When, therefore, one devotes his property to a use in which the public has an interest, he in effect grants to the public an interest in that use, and must submit to be controlled by the public for the common good to the extent of the interest he has thus created.” Again he said. “When private property is devoted to a public use, it is subject to public regulation” and “the right to establish the maximum of charge as one of the means of regulation is implied.” It is to be remembered that grain elevators and warehouses were the very property involved in that case, and the court showed in language peculiarly applicable to the Buffalo concerns that it was devoted to a use in which the public had a very important interest. Of the power and right of the Legislature to pass this bill there is no doubt. The only question open to discussion is that of the expediency of exercising the right and the justice of the manner in which it is proposed to use it. If men who have devoted their property to a public use do not wish to be interfered with they must use that property in a manner that does not interfere with the rights and interests of the public. It is notorious that the Buffalo elevator men have not only combined to maintain exorbitant charges, but have multiplied elevators far beyond the needs of that port, and distributed their cpmmon revenues without regard to the share of business done by each. Some of them have been paid to remain idle. This fact alone is conclusive proof that their charges are too high. They stand at the gateway to the canal which the State hashmde free, and claim the right to levy any toll upon transportation, which they can collect. They have no such right as against the interests of the State. Had they been content with fair competition and legitimate profits nobody would have moved for an exercise of the power of the State to regulate their charges; but they can

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20 not be permitted to establish a monopoly at the entrance to the Erie Canal and levy tribute at will upon transportation.” The vote by which this bill was defeated appears in the tabular statement. Another bill in the interest of canal commerce known as the” Scalpers’ Bill,” to Prevent Exorbitant Charges for Canal Insurance, and which had been passed by the Assembly, was also killed in the Senate. The Senate is also fairly chargeable with the failure of the passage of the Brooklyn Free Bridge Bill. Also, for not passing the Thirty-Fourth Street Ferry Bill. Also for the killing of the Butts’ Bill to Regulate Prison Labor. Also the Bill to Regulate the Price of Gas, which was passed by the Assembly, but reported adversely by the Committee on Cities (Senator Grady, Chairman), and allowed to die without protest. Among the sins of commission with which the Senate may fairly be charged are the passage of the bill known as THE

LAKE PROPELLER BILL which, if it had been passed by the Assembly and become a law, would have permitted the great railroad corporations to largely monopolize the lake commerce and have tended to restrict the limited competition which now exists between our through lines of transportation. It also passed what was known as THE RAILWAY TRUST CO

BILL, conferring extraordinary powers upon a corporation known as the Railway Trust Co., but this bill was killed in the Assembly. It passed THE

GENERAL STREET RAILROAD BILL, embodying features so detrimental to the public interest that it has been vetoed by even a corporation governor like Governor Cleveland. And the same may be said of what was known as THE

STORM KING R.R. BRIDGE BILL, which was vetoed by Governor Cornell last year because of its objectionable features. The Senate also refused to deal vigorously with the investigation of corners. This, was the fault of Senators Browning and Pitts, who failed to sustain Senator Boyd, the Chairman of the Committee, in his effort to compel witnesses to answer questions put to them.-For particulars see “Legislative notes.” Among its good acts were the confirmation of ex-Senator O’Donnell as Railroad Commissioner.; the passage of Senator Daly’s bill to prevent stockwatering, and the passage of a few good bills most of which originated in the Assembly, such as the Civil Service Reform Bill, Bill Regulating Political Assessments, Bill Relating to Primary Elections, and the Bill to Establish a Bureau of Labor Statistics. THE ASSEMBLY. The Assembly began its work under exceedingly favorable auspices. Agood Speaker was selected in the person of Mr. Chapin, and the committees were more fairly constituted than usual as regards the public interest. Its work as a whole was a vast improvement on previous years, as is evidenced by its passage of THE FREE PASS BILL; THE N. Y. PILOTAGE BILL; THE GRAIN

ELEVATOR CHARGE BILL; THE RECEIVERSHIP BILL; THE CO-OPERATIVE INSURANCE

BILL; THE POLITICAL ASSESSMENT BILL; THE CIVIL SERVICE REFORM BILL; PRIMARY ELECTION BILL; SCALPERS’ INSURANCE BILL; THE BILL TO REGULATE THE

PRICE OF GAS; THE BUTTS’ BILL FOR REGULATION OF PRISON LABOR; THE BILL TO

PREVENT THE MANUFACTURE OF HATS IN STATE PRISONS; THE BILL TO ESTABLISH A BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS and THE FIVE CENT FARE BILL; although their action in passing this bill in the first place was marred by the refusal of the members to again pass it over the Governor’s veto, which was based on utterly fallacious and untenable grounds. The Assembly is also entitled to great credit for killing a number of bad measures which originated in the Senate, such as the LAKE PROPELLER BILL and the RAILWAY TRUST CO.

BILL. There were comparatively few bad measures passed by the Assembly, among which may be mentioned the STORM KING R. R. BRIDGE BILL and GENERAL

STREET RAILROAD BILL. Among the Assemblry’s sins of omission was the failure to pass the bill extending the 5 cent hours on Elevated Roads; the failure to add a seventh commissioner in the Aqueduct Bill; bill to compel telegraph companies in cities to put their wires under ground; the bill recommended by the Railroad Comnmittee of the Assembly limiting pasenger charges on Long Island Railroad to 2+ cents per mile; the failure to pass

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21 Senator Daly’s bill (Senate No. 11) to prevent stockwatering; the Independent Newspaper Bill and the Bill to Equalize Taxes. Whiile there were a considerable number of venal members, they were Kept in the background aud forced to be more circumspect than usual. The tabular statement annexed to this report will show the action of each member of the Assembly upon 34 measures involving in a greater or less degree AntiMonopoly principles. A careful inspection of this table shows a wide range in the degree of conscientiousness with which members fulfilled their duty to their constituents, and a considerable number evidently preferred to serve corporate interests rather than those of the public.

The following recapitulation will indicate these: r, x - 7c U. Assembly Votes on I S o 34 Measures, with 3 i <I names arranged in order ofgood votes. e n a d ,5O I A i A o Assembly Votes on 34 Measures, with names arranged in order of good votes. Ass emblyr Votes on 34 Measures, with names arranged ill order of good votes. Crane 3………. Roesch. 5

Bejmn-….1 Trme-. - 18 -i4 ) Henry……….. 6 Tuttle……….. 7

Haggerty…….. 1 8 Butler……….. 9 McManus….. 9 Briggs………..

1 10 Hodges 10……….. 10 Smith…….. 100 Clement………. 1…….

Hall i 1 vl 1 11 House*…………, | 11 Hunt…………..,1 11 D.

Lindsay……. 1: 11 Oakley……’…J i1 Quinn………..; 11 Van Allen………11 Armstrong…….. 12 Berry…………. 12 Cleary……

12 Farrar….. 12 T. Maher……….. 12 Mullaney……… 1 12 M. C.

Murphy…..-, 12 Taylor…….12 Townsend……. 12 Williams……….. 12

Allanson……….. 13 Ferris………… 13 Hamlin………. 13

Howland…….. i.13 Johnson………. 13 G. H. Lindsay…. 13 E. A.

Maher…. 13 J-. Murphy…….., 13 H. D. Nelson…… 13

O’Neil……….. 13 Price…..)…….! 13 Rogers…. 1 c13

Schwarz………… 13 Weed..Tos…… 1 3 o A 18 18 19 19 19 19 19 19 20

20 20 20 20 21 21 21 21 21 21 21 21 22 22 23 23 23 23 23 23 24 24 25 25

2.5 25 26 27 27 27 29 32 Those having a star (*) opposite their names were unavoidably absent a portion of the time by reason of sickness. t The Speaker voted but twice on the above thirty.nine measures; the propriety of this may well by questioned, for his constituents are thus, in a measure, disfranchised, and as he occupies a position of great influence.

his vote is powerful for good, many inexperienced members looking t9 himi for an infw cation of what their own vote on a measure should be.’ I 8. I h I RECAPITULA N. .i ,z 0 ;z 4 .I. b,o 410 A I ‘o 0 W. M. Thomson..

Tremper…….. Bailey………… Childs………. Corbett……….

Donohue……… Hoag…… Wilcox………. Bartlett*……..

Ely………….. Hawley………. Page………… Werfelman…….

Derrick………. Hoyt… Kelley….. Locke………. Scliermerhorn*…

S)ieridan…….. Winne………. Boynton……… Craig………..

Beckwith…….. Benedict……… Haiiiilton……. Jackson……….

Poucher……. -. Searl………… Geddes……… Nichol..

Church*……… Dimmick……… Emans……….. Miller……….

Clapp……….. Cary……….. Deland……….. Keyes. McElroy Scott*.

Speakert.. Welch.:””””, Benjamin…….. Campbell….. Clarke………..

DeWitt………. Ernst………… Mulholland……. Murray……….

Roosevelt…… Barns………… Cleveland…….. Earl………….

Hard………… J. F. Higgins…. McCarren…….. Sanderson…….. J.

C. Nelson…., Snyder.. Spinola………. Bliss…………. J. W’

Brooks…. Consalus…….. Decker. J. W. Higgins… Hotchkiss……..

Odell………… Rice*………… E. Brooks……. Bulmer……,…

G[oddard…… Howe………. Northrup……… O’Connor,……..

Schoonmaker…. Sweet..,, W H. Thompson., 13 14 14 14 14 14 14 14 14 14 14

15 15 15 15 15 15 15 16 16 16 16 16 16 16 17 17 17 17 17 17 17 17 17 18 18

18 18 18 18 18 18 18 ,.“i

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A FEW BAD VOTES-IN THE ASSEMBLY. For the purpose of convenient reference we also group some of the bad votes of those members who failed to vote right half of the time. Edwin Bailey (Dem.), Suffolk County. Voted against passage of 5 Cent Fare Bill over veto. . Grain Elevating Bill. ” for Storm King R.R. Bridge Bill. against substituting the AntiMonopoly for Monopoly Free Pass Bill. final passage of Free Pass Bill. .” selling Street R.R.

franchises at auction. for final passage of General Street R.R. Bill. “
against Independent Newspaper Bill. ” ” Seventh Aqueduct Commissioner. “
for Broadway Underground R.R. Bill. Lewis C. Bartlett (Dem.), Broome County. Voted for Storm King R. R. Bridge Bill. .” Bill allowing R.R.

Companies to secure Monopoly of Lake Navigation. against selling Street R.R. franchises at auction. for final passage of General Street R.R. Bill.

” against Independent Newspaper Bill. ” ” Seventh Aqueduct Commissioner. “
for Broadway Underground R.R. Bill. Not voting on ten important votes although not absent when all were considered. M. D. Beckwith (Rep.), 2d St. Lawrence County District. Voted against abolishing Manufacture of Hats in State Prisons. . “. submitting Convict Labor Question to vote of the people. … ordering Free Pass Bill to Committee of the Whole for consideration. . ” substituting Anti Monopoly for Mfonopoly “Free Pass”

Bill. i Bill to prevent accident by Street Cars, &c. Dodged thirteen important votes. Thos. E. Benedict (Dern.), 3d Ulster District. Voted to postpone action on 5 Cent Fare Bill. against passage of 5 Cent Fare Bill over Governor’s veto. ” abolishing Manufacture of Hats ip State Prisons.

to incorporate Railway Trust Company with extraordinary powers. against Bill to prevent accidents by Street Cars, &c. ” against substituting AntiMonopoly forMonopoly Free Pass Bill. Made motion and voted to substitute Monopolv for AntiMonopoly Free Pass Bill. Voted against final passage of “Free Pass” Bill. ” ” selling Street R.R. franchises at public tuction. 4’ for General Street R.R. Bill. ” against Independent Newspaper Bill. for Broadway Underground R.R. Bill. N. C. Boynton (Rep.), Essex County. Voted against 5 Cent Fare Bill. ” reduction of Fare onUtica &

Black River R.R. from 4c. to 3c. per mile. . abolishing Manufacture of Hats in State Prisons. ‘ “… Grain Elevating” Bill. A Bill to Prevent Accidents by Street Cars, &c. a.substituting AntiMonopoly for Mo7,opoly Free Pass Bill. ‘. final passage of “Free Pass” Bill. * for General Street R.R Bill. ” against Independent Newspaper Bill. for Broadway Underground R.R. Bill. against Bill regulating Quality and Price of Gas in N.Y. City and Brooklyn. ” submitting Convict Labor Question to vote of the people.

22 a

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23 K Brooks (Dem.), Richmond County. Voted against 5 Cent Fare Bill. “
abolishing Manufacture of Hats in State Prisons. ” “train Elevating” Bill.

” Bill to Prevent Accidents by Street Cars, &c. for” Storm King R.R.

Bridge” Bill. against substituting AntiMonopoly for Monopoly Free Pass Bill. ” against final passage of ” Free Pass” Bill -” Enquiring into Encroachments by Elevated R.R. George E. Bulmer (Dem.), 2d1 District, Queens Counity. Voted against Investigation of Encroachments by Elevated R.R. Progressing “Grain Elevating” Bill. ” for “Storm King R.R, Brid-ge”

Bill. against substituting AntiMonopoly for Monopoly Free Pass BilL “
selling Street R.R. franchises at auction ” for General Street R.R. Bill.

” against Independent Newspaper Bill. . ” Seventh Aqueduct Commissioner.

Dodged eight important votes. Charles S. Cary (Dem.), 1st Cattaraugus District. Voted against investigating Elevated R.R. Encroachments. to postpone action on 5 Cent Fare Bill. ” against Grain Elevating Bill.

consideration of the Free Pass Bill. substituting AntiMonopoly for Monopoly Free Pass Bil final passage of Free Pass Bill. ” ” Bill to Prevent Accidents by Street Cars, &c. Independent Newspaper Bill. Seventh Aqueduct Commissioner. ” for Broadway Underground Railway Bill. ” against Civil Service Reformn Bill. to allow R.R. Companies to get control of Lake Navigation. ” for General Street R.U. Bill. Geo. B. Childs (Dem.), Sullivan County. Voted to postpone action on 5 Cent Fare Bill. ” for Storm King R.P. Bridge Bill. ” to kill Bill preventing accidents by Street Cars, &c. Dodged vote on General Street R.R. Bill. a.on final passage Bill to prevent accidents by Street Cars, &c. ” “Incorporating Railway Trust Co.

on Broadway Underground Railway Bill. “.”.”.Bill abolishing Manufacturing of Hats in Prisons. ”’” 5 Cent Fare Bill. ” “Bill regulating Quality and Price of Gas. ” four other important votes. Louis K. Church (Dem.), 1st District, Queens County. Voted against Bill to prevent Manufacture of Hats in State ” “. substituting AntiMonopoly for Monopoly Fr Dodged vote on final passage Free Pass Bill. “.”.”.Independent Newspaper Bill. ” final passage of General Street R.R. Bill. ” “selling Street R.R franchises at Auction…”.”.Storm King R.R. Bridge Bill. Not voting on fourteen other votes, some of which may his absence home-sick. Benjamin D. Clapp (Rep.), Clinton County. Voted against enquiring into Elevated R.R. encroachments.

” ” passage of 5 Cent Ftre Bill over veto. .” II reduction of Fare on Utica & Black River R. R. from four to three cents Der mile. 4* have occurred during

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24 Voted against Grain Elevating Bill. ” for Storm King R.R. Bridge Bill.

against substituting Anti-.ioznopo]y for Monop,oly Free Pass Bill. ” final passage of Free Pass Bill. ‘ to kill Bill to prevent accidents by Street Cars, &c. < or General Street it.R. Bill. ” against Independent Newspaper Bill. “.” all Bills to regulate’Convict Labor. ” for Broadway Underground Railway Bill. Dodged twelve important votes. Charles HI. Corbett (Dem.), 1st District, Chautauqua ((unty. Voted against enquiring into Encroachments by Elevated R.R. ” to postpone action on 5 Cent Fare Bill.

against Grain Elevating Bil l. consideration of Free Pass Bill.

substituting AntiMonopoly for Monopoly Free Pass Bill. final passage of Free Pass Bill. for Storm King R.R. Bridge Bill. ” to allow R. R.

Companies to monopolize Lake Navigation. for General Street R.R. Bill. “
against Independent Newspaper Bill. ” for Broadway Underground Railway Bill. Andrew B. Craig (Demn.), 2d Steuben District. Voted against enquiring into Encroachments by Elevated R.R. for Bill incorporating Railway Trust Company with extraordinary powers Storm King R.R. Bridge Bill. ” against substituting AntiMonopoly for Monopoly Free Pass Bill.

final passage of Free Pass Bill. Bill to sell Street R R. franchises at auction. ” for General Street R.R. Bill. against Independent Newspaper Bill. ” for Broadway Underground Railway Bill. Dodged nine other important votes. Levi J. DeLand (Dem.), 1st Monroe District. Voted against investigating into Encroachments by Elevated R.R. ” passage of 5 Cent Fare Bill over the Governor’s veto. i ” 1 resolution relative to Dissolving Manhattan Railway Company. ” ordering Bill abolishing Hat Making in Prisons to a third reading. ” ” Bill submitting Convict Labor Question to the people. ” for resolution progressing Broadway Underground Railway Bill. Not voting on 22 important votes. Rich’d A. Derrick (Rep), 2d District Rensselaer County Voted against 5 Cent Fare Bill… a ordering Grain Elevating Bill to a third reading. Dodged vote on final passage of Grain Elevating Bill. Voted for Storm King R R. Bridge Bill. against final passage of Free Pass Bill. . selling Street R.R. franchises at auction.

for final passage of General Street R.R. Bill. against Independent Newspaper Bill. ” for Broadway Underground Railway Bill. ” against submitting (‘onvict Labor Question to the people. Dodged eight other important votes. Jacob IH. Dimmick (Dem.), 2d Orange County District Voted for Bill incorporating Railway Trust Company with extraordinary powers. “
against recommitting Storm King R.R. Bridge Bill to give boatmen a hearing. Dodged vote on final passage of Storm King R.R. Bridge Bill. 6” “

Bill giving R.R. Companies a monopoly of Lake Navigation.

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25 Voted to kill Bill preventing accidents by Street Cars, &c. ” against motion to sell Street R.R. franchises at auction. for final passage of General Street R.R. Bill. “. ” Broadway Underground R.R. Bill. Dodged thirteen other important votes. Cornelius Donohue (Dem.), 1st Erie, District. Voted against resolution relative to Dissolving Manhattan R.RI Ca ..” Grain Elevating Bill. Dodged vote incorporating Railway Trust Co.

with Extraordinary POwe Voted for ” Storm King R R. Bridge” Bill. II Bill allowing R.R. Companies to Monopolize Lake Navigation. against substituting AntiMonopoly for Monopoly Free Pass BilL .. ” final passage of Free Pass Bill. ” motion to bell Street R.R. franchises at auction. “
for General Street R.R Bill. ‘ against providing for Seventhi Aqueduct Commissioner. ” for Broadway Underground Railway Bill. W. Caryl Ely (Dem.), 1st Otsego District. Voted against resolution dissolving Manhattan Railway Co. … Bill to Prevent Accidents by Street Cars, &c. for” Storm King R.R. Bridge” Bill. ” against substituting AntiMonopoly for Monopoly Free Pass Bill. for motion to substitute Moi;opo/y for AntiMonopoly Free Pass Bill. against final passage of Free Pass Bill. against motion to sell Street R R. franchises at auction. for final passage of General Street R.R. Bill. against providing for Seventh aqueduct Commissioner. ” ” Bill to regulate Quality and Price of Gas. Storm Emans (Dem.), 1st District Dutchless County. Voted against Enquiring into Encroachments by the Elevated R.R. . “. Orderinig Grain Elevating Bill to a third reading.

Dodged vote on final passage of Grain Elevating Bill. Voted for Bill incorporating Railway Trust Co. with Extraordinary Powers. against Bill o10 Prevent Accidents by Street Cars, &c. for ” Storm King R.R. Bridge”

Bill. against substituting AntiMonopoly for Monopoly Free Pass Bill. for substituting Monopoly for AntiMonopoly Free Pass Bill. against final passage of Free Pass Bill. ” ” motion to sell Street R.R. franchises at auction. ” for General Street R.R. Bill. James Geddes (Rep.), 1st District Onondaga County. Voted to postpone action on 5 Cent Fare Bill. Dodged vote on final passage of 5 Cent Fare Bill. Voted for Bill incorporating Railway Trust Co. with Extraordinary Power “.”” Storm King R.R. Bridge” Bill.

against substituting AntiMonopoly for Monopoly Free Pass Bill. ” final passage of Free Pass Bill. for General Street R.R. Bill. against Bill regulating charges of Pilot Monopoly. for Broadway Underground Railway Bill. ” against submitting Convict Labor Question to vote of the people.

Dodged eleven important votes. Abel Goddard (Rep.), 1st St. Lawrence County District. Voted against Bill preventing accidents by Street Cars, &c. ” for Storm King R.R. Bridge Bill against motion to sell Street R.R.

franchises at Auction. ” for final passage of General Street R. R. Bill.

.4 {‘… ” Broadway Underground R.R. BiL Dodged nine important votes. II A

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26 Josiah H. Hamilton, (Demn.,) 1st Cayuga County District. Voted against enquiring into encroachments by Elevated R.R. to postpone action on 5 Cent Fare Bill. ” against resolution to dissolve Manhattan R.R. Co. to incorporate Railway Trust Co. with extraordinary powers. ” for Storm King R.R. Bridge Bill. against consideration of Free Pass Bill. substituting AntiMonopoly for Monopoly Free Pass BilL final passage of Free Pass Bill.

” for General Street R.R. Bill. against final passage of Independent Newpaper Bill. -“providing for Seventh Aqueduct Commissioner for Broadway underground Railway Bill. against all Bills regulating Convict Labor. ” “

Bill to prevent Political Assemsments. Elias S. Hawley (Rep.), 3d Erie District. Voted against Grain Elevating Bill. consideration of Free Pass Bill. substituting Ahti-Monopoly for Monopoly Free Pass Bill ” ” final passage of Free Pass Bill. ” for Storm Kingr R.R Bridge Bill. Bill allowing R.R. Companies to Monopolize Lake Navigation .“final passage of General Street R.R. Bill. against Independent Newsl,aper Bill. ” for Broadway Underground Railway Bill. Dodged six important votes. Byron Helm (Rep.) 2nd Oswego District. Voted to postpone action on 5 Cent Fare Bill.

” against final passage of 5 Cent Fare Bill. Bill abolishing Manufacturing of Hats in Prisons. .” consideration of Free Pass Bill. ” ” final passage of Free Pass Bill. fo(r Storm King R.R. Bridge Bill. against Independent Newspaper Bill. ” for Broadway Underground Railway Bill. against all Bills regulating Convict Labor. . ” Bill to prevent Political Assessments. John Hoag (Dem.), 3d Westchester District Voted against Grain Elevating Bill.

for incorporating Railway Trust Company with extraordinary powers. “
against Bili to prevent accidents by Street Cars, &c. ” for Storm King R.R. Bridge Bill. against selling Street R.R. franchises at auction. ” for General Street PR.R. Bill. ” against Bill regulating charges of Pilot Monopoly. to substitute 4Moropoly for AntiMonoply Free Pass Bill ” for Broadway Underground Railway Mill. Dodged vote on Bill regulating Quality and Price of Gas. ” six other important votes. Walter Howe (Rep.), 11th New York District. Voted to postpone action on 5 Cent Fare Bill. ” against final passage of 5 Cent Fare Bill. a” ” Bill abolishing Manufacture of Hats in Prisons. ” Grain Elevating Bill. ” Bill to prevent accidents by Street Cars, &c. substituting AntiMonopoly for Monopoly Free Pass Bill.

for substituting Monopoly for AntiMonopoly Free Pass Bill. against final passage of Free Pass Bill. ”” ” Independent Newspaper Bill. Bill amending Penal Code. ” ” Bill regulating Quality and Price of Gas. ” ” Bill submitting Convict Labor Question to vote of the people.

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27 Friend Hoyt (Demn.), Lewis County. Voted against enquiring into encroachments by Elevated R.R. ” to postpone action on 5 Cent Fare Bill. , ” 4 to hasten action on Broadway Underground R.R. Bill. for Storm King R.R

Bridge Bill. against substituting AntiMonopoly for M2onopoly Free Pass Bill. ” final passage of Free Pass Bill…” Independent Newspaper Bill.

Dodged eleven important votes. Timothy W. Jackson (Dem.), 4th Erie District. Voted to postpone action on 5 Cent Fare Bill. Dodged vote on final passage of 5 Cent Fare Bill Voted against Grain Elevating Bill. “
for Storm King R.R. Bridge Bill. ” for Bill to allow R.R. Companies to Monopolize Lake Navigation. against substituting AntiMonopoly for Monopoly Free Pass Bill. i final passage of Free Pass Bill a.motion to sell Street R.R. franchises at auction. ” for General Street R.R. Bill.

against Independent Newspaper Bill. providing for Seventh Aqueduct Commissioner. ” for Broadway Underground Railway Bill. Warreni S. Kelley (Dem.), 2d Albany District. Voted to postpone action on 5 Cent Fare Bill.

” against Grain Elevating Bill. i’. ” consideration of Free Pass Bill.

Dodged vote on final passage of Free Pass Bill. Voted against motion to sell Street R.R. franchises at auction. ” for General Street R.R Bill.

against Bill regulating Quality and Price of Gas. II providing for Seventh Aqueduct Commissioner. Dodged vote on Railwav Trust Co. Bill. ‘i iStorm King R.R. Bridge Bill. a.Lake Propeller Bill. .” “Independent Newspaper Bill…”.’.Amending Penal Code. Edwin R. Keyes (Dem.), 1st Westchester District. Voted to postpone action on 5 Cent Fare Bill. against final passage of 5 Cent Fare Bill. Grain Elevating Bill. ordering Bill regulating Convict Labor to a third readcing. for Bill incorporating Railway Trust Co. with Extraordinary Powers against consideration of Free Pass Bill. H substituting AntiMonopoly for Mo)nopoly Free Pass Bill.

Dodged vote on filal passage of Free Pass Bill. Voted against Bill to Prevent Accidents by Street bars, &c. ” for Storm King R.R. Bridge Bill.

Dodged vote on Lake Propeller Bill. Voted against selling Street R.R.

franchise at auction. ‘ or General Street R.R. Bill. Dodged vote on Pilotage’Bill. Voted against Independent Newspaper Bill. for Broadway Underground Railway Bill. ” against Bill regulating Quality and Price of Gas. Lorenzo R. Locke (Rep.), Warren County. Voted against Bill prohibiting Manufacturing of Hats in Prisons. .’ ordering Bill regulating Convict Labor to a, third reading. “.’ Bill to Prevent Accidents by Street Cars, &c. ” for Storm King R R. Bridige Bill ” against substituting AntiMonopoly for Monopoly Free Pass Bill.

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28 Voted against final passage of the Free Pass Bill. …’ motion to sell Street R.R. franchises at auction. ” for General Street R.R. Bill.

Broadway Underground Railway Bill. Dodged vote on Grain Elevating Bill. “

“to Regulate Fare on Utica and Black River R.R. ” ” on submitting Convict Labor to vote of the people. regulating Quality and Price of Gas. .“on Independent Newspaper Bill. Jacob F. Miller (Dem.), 22d New York District.

Voted against resolution Enquiring into Encroachments by Elevated R.R. “
to postpone action on 5 Cent Fare Bill. Dodged vote on final passage of 5

Cent Fare Bill. … “on resolution to dissolve Manhattan R.R. Co. Voted against Grain Elevating Bill. .” Bill to Prevent Accidents by Street Cars, &c. ” for Storm King R.R. Bridge Bill. ” against substit -ting AntiMonopoly for Monopoly Free Pass Bill. ” to substitute Monopoly for AntiMonopoly Free Pass Bill. Dodged vote on final passage of Free Pass Bill. .Voted for General Street R.R. Bill. ” against Independent Newspaper Bill. Dodged vote on Bill regulating Quality and Price of Gas. Abolishing the Manufacturing of Hats in Prisons. submitting Convict Labor Question to vote of the people. ” several other important votes. Robert W. Nichol (Dem.), Genesee County. Voted against enquiring into encroachments by Elevated R.R. ” to postpone action on 5 Cent Fare Bill. ” against Grain Elevating Bill. ” for Storm King R.R. Bridge Bill. against substituting AntiMonopoly for Monwopoly Free Pass Bill. .{‘ a selling Street R.R.

franchises at auction. ” for General Street R.R. Bill. ” to kill Bill preventing Accidents by Street Cars, &c. ” against Independent Newspaper Bill. Dodged ten important votes. George Northup (Dem.), 2d Washington County District. Voted to postpone action on 5 Cent Fare Bill. ” against resolution Dissolving Manhattan Railway Co. ‘ ” ordering Grain Elevating Bill to a third reading. Dodged vote on final passage of Grain Elevating Bill. Voted to make special order of Broadway Underground Railway Bill Dodged vote on final passage of Broadway Underground Railway Bill. Voted to incorporate Railway Trust Co. with Extraordinary Powers. ” for Storm King R.R. Bridge Bill. ” for Bill allowing R.R. Companies to Monopolize Lake Navigation. against Free Pass Bill. ” selling Street R.R. franchises at auction. ” for General Street R.R. Bill. Jeremiah J. O’Connor (Dem.), Chemung County. Voted to incorporate Railway Trust Co. with Extraordinary Powers. for Storm King R.R. Bridge Bill. against substituting Anti Monopoly for Monopoly Free Pass Bill. ‘ final passage of Free Pass Bill. “
for Broadway Underground Railway Bill. Dodged nine important votes.

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29 Henry N. Page (Rep.), Wyoming County. Voted to postpone action on 5

Cent Fare Bill. Dodged vote on final passage of 5 Cent Fare Bill. Voted against Bill abolishing Manuitfacturing of Hats in Prisons. Grain Elevating Bill. ” to allow R.R. Companies to Monopolize Lake Navigation.

against substituting AntiMonopoly for Monopoly Free Pass Bill. final passage of Free Pass Bill. ” recommitting Storm King R.R. Bridge Bill to give boatmen a hearing. ” to kill Bill to Prevent Accidents by Street Cars, &c. against Bill regulating Quality and Price of Gas. . ” Bill submitting Convict Labor Question to vote of the people. Wm. A. Poucher (Dem.), 1st Oswego District. Voted against resolution enquiring into encroachments by Elevated R.R. to postpone action on 5 Cent Fare Bill. “
against Grain Elevating Bill. . a Bill to prevent Accidents by Street Cars, &c. ” for Storm King R.R. Bridge Bill. against final passage of Free Pass Bill. ” i - Independent Newspaper Bill. ” for Broadway Underground Railway Bill, Dodged vote on Bill regulating Quality and Price of Gas.

.“final passage of General Street R.R. Bill…Bill allowing R.R.

Companies to Monopolize Lake Navigation. Bill Incorporating Railway Trust Co. with extraordinary powers. “. “.5 Cent Fare Bill. Abram L.

Schermerhorn (Dem.), Columbia County. Voted to postpone action on 5 Cent Fare Bill. for Storm King R.R. Bridge Bill. ” against Free Pass Bill. for General Street R.R. Bill. Dodged vote to sell Street R.R. franchises at auction. ” “. on Lake Propeller Bill. Not recorded on twelve other important votes. Was sick at home a portion of the time. Elijah R.

Schoonmaker (Rep.), 2d Cattaraugus District. Voted to postpone action on 5

Cent Fare Bill. ” for Storm King R.R. Bridge Bill. … General Street R.R.

Bill. against abolishing the Manufacturing of Hats in Prisons.

consideration of Free Pass Bill. substituting AntiMonopoly for Monopoly Free Pass Bill. final passage of Free Pass Bill. ” for Broadway Underground Railway Bill. Dodged nine important votes. Orange S. Searl (Dem.), 1st Steuben District. Voted against resolution enquiring into Encroachments by Elevated R.R. “I “.. to dissolve Manhattan Railway Company. ” to make special order of Broadway Underground Railway Bill.

Dodged vote on final passage of Broadway Underground Railway Bill. Voted to incorporate Railway Trust Company with extraordinary powers. ” for Storm King R.R. Bridge Bill. against substituting Anti Monopoly for Monopoly Free Pass Bill. final passage of Free Pass Bill. ” for General’

Street R.R. Bill. against Independent Newspaper Bill. providing for Seventh Aqueduct Commissioner…Bill to assess Telegraph and Electric Light Lines. Dodged seven other important votes.

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30 Thomas J. Sheridan (Dem.), 5th liKings County District. Voted against resolution to Dissolve Manhattan Railway Co. .” Grain Elevating Bill. “
for Storm King R.R. Bridge Bill. against consideration of Free Pass Bill.

” ” making special order of Free Pass Bill. ” substituting AntiMonopoly for Monopoly Free Pass Bill. final passage of Free Pass Bill. selling Street R.R. franchises at auction. ” for General Street R R. Bill. against providing for Seventh Aqueduct Commissioner. ‘for Broadway Underground R.R

Bill. Rufus Sweet (Dern.), 3d Rensselaer District. Voted against enquiring into Encroachments by Elevated R it. ” to postpone action on 5 Cent Fare Bill. ” against Grain Elevating Bill. ” for Storm King R R. Bridge Bill.

against substituting AntiMonopoly for Monopoly Free Pass Bill. ” ” final passage of Free Pass Bill. ” for General Street R.R. Bill. ” “. Broadway Underground Railway Bill. William I. Thompson (Dem.), Rockland County.

Voted against Grain Elevating Bill. for Bill incorporating Railway Trust Co. with Extraordinary Powers. ” “Storm King R.R. Bridge Bill. against substituting Anti Monopoly for Monopoly Free Pass Bill. selling Street R.R. franchises at auction. ” for General Street R.R. Bill. against Independent Newspaper Bill. ” ” providing for Seventh Aqueduct Commissioner. ” for Broadway Underground Railway Bill. Dodged six important votes. William M. Thomson (Dem.), 2d Jefferson District. Voted against resolution Dissolving Manhattan Railway Co ” ” ordering to a third reading Bill Abolishing Hat Manufacturing in Prisons. Dodged vote on final passage of Bill Abolishing Hat Manufacturing in Prisons. Voted for Bill incorporating Railway Trust Co. with Extraordinary Powers. against Bill to Prevent Accidents by Street Cars, &c. ” for Storm King R.R. Bridge Bill.

against motion to substitute AntiMonopoly for Monopoly Free Pass Bill.

for motion to substitute Monopoly for AntiMonopoly Free Pass Bill.

against final passage of Free Pass Bill. ” ” Bill to regulate Quality and Price of Gas. Bill submitting Convict Labor Question to vote of the people. Thos. H. Tremper (Rep.), 1st Ulster District. Voted to postpone action on 5 Cent Fare Bill. against Bill prohibiting Manufacturing of Hats in Prisons. ‘ ” final passage of Grain Elevating Bill. Bill to Prevent Accidents by Street Cars, &c. . ” substituting AntiMonopoly for Monopoly Free Pass Bill. ” ” final passage of Free Pass Bill. ” “‘Independent Newspaper Bill. .” Submitting Convict Labor Question to vote of the People. Dodged vote on Bill Regulating Quality and Price of Gas. “..”

Pilotage Bill. “a ~ General Street R.R. Bill.

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81 Geo. H. Werfeltnan (Rep.), 8th New York District. Voted against Grain Elevating Bill. ” for Storm King R. R. Bridge Bill. ” against selling Street R.R. franchises at auction. for General Street R.R. Bill. ” against Bill Regulating Pilot Monopoly. Dodged vote Submitting Convict Labor Question to vote of the People. on Bill Prohibiting Manufacturing of Hats in Prisons. thirteen other important votes. David J. Wilcox (Dem.), 5th Erie District. Voted to postpone action on 5 Cent Fare Bill. ” against Grain Elevating Bill. for Storm King R.R. Bridge Bill. for Bill to allow R.R Companies to Monopolize Lake Navigation. ” against substituting AntiMonopoly for Monopoly Free Pass Bill. to substitute the Monopoly for AntiMonopoly Free Pass Bill. against final passage of Free Pass Bill ..

selling Street R R. franchises at auction. ” for GCeneral SLreet R.R.

Bill. . Broadway Underground Railway Bill. Dodged five important votes.

Daniel P. Winne, (Dem.), 1st Albany District. Voted against resolution Dissolving Manhattan R.R. Company. … i ordering Grain Elevating Bill to a third reading. Dodged vote on final passage of Grain Elevating Bill.

Voted against considei-ation of Free Pass Bill. substituting Anti-Moinopoly for Monopoly Free Pass Bill. ” ” final passage of Free Pass Bill. sel l ing Street R.R. franchises at auction. for General Street R.R.

Bill. ” against Independent Newspaper Bill . ” pro,viding for Seventh Aqueduct Commissioner. Dodged vote on final passage of Five-Cent Fare Bill. Grain Elevating Bill. Bill regulating Quality and Price of Gas. “
six other important votes. J. W. Brooks* (Rep.), Putnam County. Voted against enquiring into Encroachments by Elevated R.R. to p )stpone action on 5 Cent Fare Bill. ” against abolishing Manufacturing of Hats in State Prisons. ” ” substituting Anti Monopoly for Monopoly Free Pass Bill. to Substitute Monopoly for Anti Monopoly Free Pass Bill. ” against final passage of Free Pass Bill. )Dodged vote on Incorporating Railway Trust Company. Bill to Prevent Accidents by St eet Cars, &c. .”. Broadway Underground R.R. Bill. ” seven other important votes. *It will be observed that Mr. J. W. Brooks voted right just half the time, but his sympathies were so evidently on the side of monopolies and against the interest of the masses, that M e place his name in this lest. The lowness of the standard we have established (voting right half the time) i9 a striking illustration of how influential moneyed interests are in politices, and how large a proportion of legislators are either unable or unwilling to understand and advocate the interest of the masses. There is 1no10 good reason why other members of Assembly should not have made as good a record as that of Mr. Crane, who stands at the head of the tabular list of good votes in the Assembly.

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LEGISLATIVE NOTES. The following notes of occurrences bearing upon important measures will be found interesting and instructive, as illustrating the control of some members by corporate interests, and how legislation is influenced in the interest of the few and against the many.

HISTORY OF THE ” FREE PASS” BILL IN THE ASSEMBLY. After the AntiMonopoly League bad prepared the Free Pass Bill, the question arose who would be the best man to introduce and take charge of it in the Assembly. The committee at once reverted to the members whose past record would be a guaranty of the fidelity and earnestness necessary to success, in putting through this important measure. As the previous record of Assemblyman Benedict had been good, and he was now Chairman of the Assembly Committee on Railroads, he was asked if he was in sympathy with the Bill, and if he would introduce and take charge of it; he without hesitation said he was in full accord with it, or, as he expressed it, “I am with you on that;”

and after reading the Bill, consented to introduce and take full charge of it. This was in the earlier part of the session, and no doubt Mr. Benedict intended to act in good faith and push the measure to a successful termination; but his subsequent action furnishes a good illustration of how railroad corporations can exert their influence over even those whom the public would not expect to be affected thereby. Mr. Benedict has been considered one of the few men who could not be controlled by corporations, but it is impossible to examine his record of this year, and compare it with that of the three previous years without concluding that in some manner a great change has been wrought in his convictions of what was due the public at large, and what the railroad corporations; certainly his action on the Free Pass Bill was such as to indicate that the AntiMonopolists had made a mistake in asking him to take charge of it. The Bill was referred to the committee of which he was chairman, and there held for several weeks before any report was made; then.the bill was reported in such an emasculated form as hardly to be recognized, and none of the committee were more antagonistic to the original Bill than Mr.

Benedict, and no member tried as hard, by the use of the parliamentary devices at his command to defeat it, than did this same man who had said he was in full accord with the measure as proposed by the League. After it was plainly seen that Mi. Benedict had proven unfaithful, it became necessary to find some member who could be relied upon, if possible, to move to substitute the original Bill for the emasculated Bill reported from the Railroad Committee, and then prevent its defeat through want of care and attention. As Major Haggerty, of New York County, was a member of the Anti.Monopoly League, it seemed appropriate for him to undertake this work, which he consented to do. Inas much as nearly all the members of the Assembly were the recipients of free passes, and every week placed themselves under obligation to some of the railroad companies of the State by traveling at their expense and soliciting passes for others, it is not surprising that the bill did not advance more rapidly, when in addition to this it had the opposition of the railroad corporations, and Mr. J. D).

Johnson, the free pass agent and lobbyist of the N.Y. C. & H. R. RR. who was on hand to keep a sharp watch upon it. After the bill had remained in the-Comnmittee of the Whole for some weeks, Mr. Haggerty was induced to offer a resolution to have the bill placed in the first Committee of the Whole not full, which was carried with only a few dissenting votes. One week elapsed, when the friends of the bill discovered that other bills which had been ordered to the first Committee of the WThole at the same time as the Free Pass Bill had been reached in their order, but were surprised to learn that the Free Pass Bill at the Clerk’s Desk did not show that anythinq had been done to advance t from its or7iginal position.

Mr, Haggerty was urged to call the Assembly’s attention to the disposition manifested a. 8 L)

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the Clerk’s Desk to smother the bill, and demand its being placed where it had been ordered, so that it might have a chance of being reached before adjournment, and a vote taken upon it to show what members were opposed to it. Mr. Haggerty said he would make a statement to that effect, and would put every man on record, although he observed that it made a member very unpopular to call the ayes and noes upon a motion. The motion was never made, but he offered another resolution making the bill a special order for May 2nd. When the question was under consideration to substitute the AntiMonopoly or original bill for the one reported from the R. R.

Committee or the Monopoly Bill, the following members took part in the discussion: Messrs. Haggerty, Benedict. E. Brooks, J. W. Brooks, DeWitt, Ely, Erwin, Farrar, Haw. ley, Page, Roosevelt, Spinola and Van Allen; of these only the latter spoke earnestly in favor of the substitution, and the speech of Major Hiaggerty was of such an extraordinary character for a member in charge of the bill that lest we should do him injustice we give it in full in order that the public may judge how much Mr. Haggerty desired the passage of the AntiMonopoly Bill. Mr. Haggerty’s speech as furnished by the official stenographer: “So far as I am concerned, Mr.

Chairman, I disavow any intention of casting the slightest reflection upon any gentleman upon the floor of this Ho)use. I recognize the cowardice of the average legislator and there is no man upon this floor at this moment who feels it more than I do. The Legislator who makes a promise,f what he will do or will not do before he comes here, is a coward.* Those who exact it of him are no better. There is a limit to all forbearance. There is a limtnit to insolen; dictation on the part of parties or on the part of the press. I was asked how I would stand on this free pass business this last year, and I declined to say how I would stand on it, but that in general terms I thought it was a bad scheme, better observed in the breach. A year ago,when I first found myself elected, to my utter astonishment, a member of this House, I found myself under an obligation not to accept a free pass, as iit the acceptance of a free pass was g lug to corrupt the body and soul. I was a main of limited financial means and the $6.20 I spent every Friday a year ago this last winter was of some moment to me. But I was under an obligation that I would not travel upon a free pass. I kept that political obligation, and last year I did not enter upon it. and I took the courtesy that was extended to me from the N. Y. C. & H. R.R.R.

Co., and I have ridden upon it to my entire satisfaction the whole of the past Winter. And I do not feel that any gentleman upon this floor can say that I have given any vote upon the floor of this House that would characterize me as an unmanly man or an insincere legislator. This is a confession I suppose, in part. I have often used as a simile upon the floor of this House because there is some considerable meaning in it.

“They strain at a gnat but they swallow a camel,” in a grosser form. A man who comes here and can be corrupted can be corrupted, and I do not know that it should characterize to any very dangerous extent a man who travels upon a free pass. I suppose I am thoroughly understood. I have the profoundest regard for the gentlemen at the head of the AntiMonopoly party, but I have no regard for the blackmailers who get into the employ of this party and characterize men insolently by private letters and false representations. I think it is a brutal piece of insolence,Mr. Chairman, that any man shallcome into this House and call upon members and wag their heads at them as being derelict in duty if they do not live in their little go-cart of methods and political motives. + Now, having said this much and clearing myself from ever again being put into a position where any whipper-snapper can dictate to me as a gentleman and as a legislator upon this floor, I hope a good note will be made of it that I am really and honestly, of my own purpose, in favor of abolishing free passes., Why?

Because if there is any benefit to be derived from them to the individual legislator there is great hurt to the legislatorbecause of the lnuner of letters he receives antd the pleadings on behalf of parties to procure for them free passes. I have no doubt, Mr. Chairman, but the railroads have exercised a very large charity in giving passes to poor people. I have myself gone to headquarters and asked for a pass for a poor man, his wife and his children who were out of employment, and yet could be cared for down here in one of the counties of the State could they only reach it. I could not put my hand in my pocket and give them the money, but I could do this and if they had a mind to exercise a charity towards * How can the people tell who to vote for if Legislators do not say what they will do on such questions. t This part of M]r. Haggerty’s speech is entirely imaginative. 11 38

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34 these poor people they certainly were doing a good action, and I say before God they were not corrupting me. It will be necessary, Mr.

Chairman, that my speech shall be published as I have uttered it here; and necessary, also, that lily friends in this body shall see to it that I am not characterized falsely in what I have said here to day. I mean it; and now enough of that. Let nme say that I think, as a general thing, free passes -should be abolished, and secondly, I think that those who impertinently dictate to Legislators here and instruct them as to their duties ought also to be abolished if we could bring in a )ill for that purpose, but I think it is late in the session and I do not suppose it could be done. I have myself been affronted by ugly looks and misrepresented by others. So, gentlemen, let us if we can conscientiously and consistently abolish the whole system. As regards public men and(
public officers I think that this free pass system ought to be abolished entirely and I am in favor of it. I will not move that the Committee do now rise and report this bill to the House, as some others may desire to speak upon the measure. It would seem from the reading of Mr. Haggerty’s remarks that they were more for the purpose of convincing the Assembly that he was not opposed to the bill he liad be.come sponsor for, than it was to advocate it and show the Assembly wilJy they should vote for it.

The AntiMonopoly Bill finally passed the Assembly, nqt because of the zeal displayed by the members having it in charge, but because of the public sentiment that was behind it and which will yet enact a similar measure into a law. The emasculated bill reported by the Assembly R. R.

Committee, and which Mr. Bene. dict endeavored to have substituted for the AntiMonop)oly Bill, touched but a very slight part of this ulcer. It prohibited legislators, a few State officers, andi the judges of the Supreme Court, but permitted railroads to grant passes to All other judges; To the friends of members of the Legislature; To Editors, Clergymien and others who are influential in shaping public opinion; To Coroners, Tax Assessors, Aldermen, District Attorneys, and other otficials; To shippers as a meanis of discriminating in freight rates, and in short, with the exceptions noted, to any and everybody who desires to travel free at the expense (,f the rest of the community, and who can-convince R.R. officials that they can render an equivalent-for even railroad managers admit that passes are only granted to such persons. Tlle pretence of “charity” is too flimsy for serious consideration. Can poor persons generally get a pass? Not unless the request is made by a legislator, a judge, an editor, or some person who the railroad company desires to put under obligation in order that it may in due time call upon them for an equivalent. If railroad men desire to be charitable they can pay the fare of poor people, just as other charitably disposed people are constantly doing. It is noticeable that all those who spoke in favor of voting for the bill reported from the R.R. Committee which only prohibited the members of the Legislature, a few State officers and part of the judges of the State from accepting a pass, when it cfame to a vote on the final passage of tit, original bill voted agaiiist it, which would seem to indicate that they were not in favor of any real measure of reform which would limit the power and in. fluence of R R. corporations. (Legislative Notes.) ASSESSMENT AND TAXATION. The Democratic party, which had control of both branches of the Legislature, as well as of the Executive Departments, placed in their platform, made at Syracuse, it clause relative to taxation, as follows:” The Laws should be so revised that taxation nuay be reduced as far as possible, and that personal andl corporate, property may severally pay their fair proportion of taxes.”

What measure can Democrats point the heavily-taxed real estate owner to that, in any manner, attempts to redeem this pledge? The only measure proposed to equalize assessments for taxation was the one prepared by the AltiMonopoly League, providing for the exemption from taxation of thej ust debts owing upon real estate, the same as is now provided by law for personal property. Thlis Bill never reached a point beyond the Committee of the Whole in the Assembly, while a similar Bill

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35 in the Senate met with an adverse report, and was laid upon the table.

A-Bill passed the Legislature that had for its object the relief of real estate, by assessing telegraph, tele. phone, and electric light lines, but was vetoed by Governor Cleveland, and so failed to becotie a law. This Bill was introduced by Senator Holmes, a Republican, and what credit there is attached to the measure cannot be given to the party in power, especially as their representative in the Governor’s chair has since prevented it being put into operation. The only conclusion possible to arrive at is, that at present platforms are only intended for use before elections to capture votes, and no serious intention exists to have the policy expressed therein carried out. The only way to remedy this is for the people to hold parties and individuals to a strict fulfillment of pledges made in platforms, and if the farmers of the State and real estate owners generally expect any relief by the enactment of laws that will more evenly distribute the burden of taxation, they must elect the right kind of men to make laws, regardless of party. (Legislative Notes.) THE

INVESTIGATION OF CORNERS. One of the most important measures which the Legislature had under consideration was the investigation of corners.

Early in the session of 1882 Senator Boyd introduced the following resolution: Whereas, The cornering of grain and other articles has become a prominent feature of modern business transactions, and it is alleged that it not only unduly enhances the price of articles of prime necessity, but interferes with legitimate business and fosters a spirit of gambling; and Whereas, On the other hand, it is alleged by those who indulge in this practice that their methods are in accordance with legitimate commercial principles and not opposed to public policy; and Whereas, It is desirable that this important question should be considered with deliberation, so that there may be no injustice done to the general public or to the special interests therein concerned; therefore, Resolved, That a select committee of three Senators be appointed by the President of the Senate, whose duty it shall l)e to investigate the whole system of making corners and dealing in futures, with reference to its effect upon commerce and its influence upon the public welfare; said committee to sit during the present session at such tines and places as they may deem necessary, and to report to the present session of the Legislature what, if any, legislative action is necessary for the protection of the public interest.

This was finally passed, and Senators Boyd, Browning and Pitts were appointed as a committee with power to sit during the interval between the two yearly sessions of the Senate. Senator Pitts, however, studiously avoided being present at the sessions of the committee, and when Senator Browning developed a desire to suppress a full investigation, Senator Pitts joined him in preventing the Senate compelling witnesses to testify concerning their participation in someof the worst corners and combinations in existence. This is perhaps best illustrated by the following extract from a preliminary report made to the Senate by Senator Boyd: Whtereas, Tlhe committee heretofore appointed by the Senate to investigate the whole system of making corners and dealing in futures-with reference to its effect upon commerce and its influence upon the public welfare, have reported that Leonard Hazeltine, Henry M. Flagler, Benjamin Brewster.and John 1). Rockefeller, have each refused to answer certain proper questions in the matter of such investigation, put to them by counsel under the direction of the Committee; and Whereas, It is essential to the investigation with which such Committee is charged, and for the protection of the public interest, that all of such questions should have been and should now be answered; therefore be it Re,Rolied, That in refu,sing to make answers to the questions so propounded to them Leonard Hazeltine, Henry M. Flagler, Benjamin Brewster and John D.

Rockefeller have been guilty of a contempt of the Senate. Re,,ol)ed, That the Sergeant-at-Arms of the Senate be and he is hereby directed to bring before the bar of the Senate forthwith the said Leonard Hazeltine, Henry M.

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36 Flagler, Benjamin Brewster and John D. Rockefeller, and that they be then and there required to show cause why they should not answer said questions or be punished for contempt, or otherwise dealt with as the Senate shall deem proper. JOHEN G. BOYD, C/tai?-man. This is not the first time that the notorious Standard Oil Co. has escaped investigation. An article in the Atlantic Monthly of March, 1881, says: “Just who the Standard Oil Company are, what their capital is, and-what are their relations to the railroads, nobody knows except in part. Thieir officers refused to testify, before the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, the late New York Railroad Investigating (Hepburn) Committee, and a committee of Congress. The New York Committee found there was nothing to be learned from them, and was compelled to confess its inability to ascertain as much as it desired to know’of this mysterions organization, whose business and transactions are of such a character that its members declined giving a history or description, lest their testimony be used to convict them of crime.’ The Legislature of New York has now failed in a second attempt to elicit information necessary to the public welfare. What means are employed to thus control public men and public bodies may be inferred from the undisputed facts given elsewhere. (Legislative Notes.) STEALING OR

MANIPULATING BILLS. The advent of a reform Assembly did not do away with this vicious practice. Much good legislation has been prevented, and bad legislation accomplished in the past, by appointing to clerkships in either House, deputy lobbyists who are able to manipulate and juggle bills out of their places, or change the wording so as to mean something different from the Bill as passed, and in some instances stealing them outright. It has been said that a clerkship in the Engrossing Department was of more value than any position in the gift of the State. The following from the New York World, of May 30th, shows to what extent the practice of stealing Bills was indulged in at the last session: ALBANY, May 29.-Stealing of bills has always been more or less practised during the session of the Legislature. It is one mode resorted to for the purpose of defeating measures. When practised during the closing hours of a session it accomplishes its purpose, but when practised earlier a new bill can be introduced, and the fact that the original measure was stolen insures its passage. There were several bills stolen, or spirited away, at the late session. There was the County Co-operative Fire JInsurance Bill; a new bill was introduced and passed the Senate but did not get through the Assembly. There was the Act to repeal the law which authorized the removal of the Forty-second Street Reservoir. It passed the Senate, was ordered to a third reading in the Assembly, when all of a sudden it took wings and flew, or legs and walked away-no one ever knew whi,-h. Its mysterious disappearance was discovered in time to introduce a new bill in the Senate, pass it there andisend it to the Assembly with a body-guard to watch it until it passed there and was deposited in the Executive Chamber.

The Act for the assessment of telephone, telegraph and electric light wires and poles, passed the Senate, was ordered to a third reading in the Assembly and then vanished. Disappeared like an electric spark. The Senator who introduced it originally produced a copy from his desk, had that engrossed and the Assembly passed it. In the argument before the Governor, the opponents, or those who do not want it signed, put in the plea that the bill did not pass but one House. The original measure that passed the Senate having been lost, the new bill was only acted upon by the Assembly and is not a Legislative act. Such is the argument to prevent taxation of these poles and wires. The significance of the disappearance of this bill, arises from the fact that if the telegraph and telephone companies can escape the tax, they could afford to pay for legs for the bill to walk away on. A HATFUL OF MONEY. The Act to make the Brooklyn Bridge free to foot passengers is at present the most talked about among the mysterious disappearances of the session. That took wings, or

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37 legs, so late in the session that there was no time to draw up and present a new bill. Its loss was not discovered until the expiring hours of the session. Before it vanished there were reports in circulation that the ferry companies had a hatful of money here to defeat it. It may be that the money and bill went in the same direction. This bill was put through the Assembly by Colonel Mike Murphy and sent to the Senate. There it was held in Grady’s committee until the last day, reported and ordered to third reading, and soon after vanished. VWho helped it off and compelled the charge of one cent for walking across the bridge is a mystery. Several wise people believe they know who did it, and privately name their man. HOW CORPORATIONS CONTROL LEGISLATION. A careful study of this subject has developed the following facts: 1st. That corporations habitually contribute money to control nominations and elections. Mr.

Gould openlXy. testified to this fact during the investigation of his management of the Erie Railroad, and we have had ocular evidence of the effect of this practice in every Legislature since. Any venal candidate can have his election expenses paid by applying to the corporations of our State, all of whom endeavor to elect enough representatives to hold the balance of power in both our State and National Legislatures. The use of money in politics has made running for office so expensive that a poor and honest man can hardly afford to accept a nomination, and the honest and independent element in our political life is thus so weighted in the-race that it seldom comes to the front. Legislators who are venal in one respect are usually so in others, and while it is possible for a railroad representative to be a good legislator on all matters in which corporate rights are not involved, experience has shown that in order to accomplish their objects they are ready to sacrifice the public interest in all ther matters. As a result the whole tone of our legislation is lowered, and the effect of corporate influence in politics has been to greatly lower the standard of public honesty and public morals. LAWYERS IN POLITICS. A SIGNIFICANT VOTE IN THE SENATE. The great railroad companies make it a point to retain every leading attorney along their routes. A resolution introduced in the Senate of 1882 by Senator Boyd, that railroad corporations should report the names of their attorneys, together with the names of all persons who were the recipients of free passes, was most emphatically tabled by the following vote: Senators Allen. Baldwin. Bowen.

Browning. Covert. Ells worth. Evans. Holmes. Jacobs. Jones. A. Lansing.

Senators Boyd. Fitzgerald. Grady. F. Lansing. Treanor. Lor d. MacArthur.

Mackin. McCarthy. H. A. Nelson. H. C. Nelson. Pitts. Roberts. Russell.

Thomas. Titus. ABSENT ORt DODGING. Senators Daly. Kiernan. Koch. Lynde.

NOT YET ELECTED. Baucus. It is not too much to say that the legislation of the last two or three decades has been largely shaped in the interest of incorporated capital by the means of retaining the best legal tslent in both parties. The “Field Codes” which have been enacted by the last two Legislatures it is weil known are the work of a prominent corporation lawyer, and wherever it has been possible to interpret the law so as to favor capital and corporations, in both the Penal and Civil Codes, it has been done. Indeed, the report to the New York Bar Association upon this subject gives specific instances of this, and in some cases AyEs. NOES.

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38 to an extent which amounts practically to new legislation under the pretense of codification. Every good citizen is interested in having the law respected; upon the feeling that the law is the best means of securing justice depends in a great degree the tranquility and welfare of society; no such feeling can exist in the minds of the people concerning the Field Codes, and the Legislature should repeal the entire work of this man, and if codification of the laws is necessary it should be done under the supervision of a committee fairly representative of the various localities and interests in the State as well as of corporate interests. When we state that not one in ten of the Legislators who voted for the Field Codes ever read them through, much less studied them carefully, the public can appreciate the necessity of this and the influence which corporation lawyers exert in shaping our laws. Of course lawyers are necessary and useful members of society, and they have as good a right to enter political life as any other class of citizens, but it is for the people to decide how large a legal element is desirable in our Legislatures and to what extent that element ought to be under corporate control. Public opinion at present condemns a judge who tries a case in which he is interested; jurors are challenged for the same cause, and yet it is no uncommon thing for lawyers who are members of the Legislature to accept a retainer and to vote and work to pass bills which in many cases are in the interest of corporations and in which the public welfare is entirely a secondary consideration. As long as public opinion permits this feature to exist’in legislation just so long we may be certain that laws will be made in the interest of a few rather than of all THE FORMATION OF COMMITTEES.

One of the important things which corporations look after, is the organization of the Legislature. It is a great point for them to secure the presiding officers and through them the appointment of their friends upon the committees. The power of a Chairman of a committee to advance or retard legislation is very great, hence the importance of having good men in these positions. LOBBY INFLUENCE& These may be divided into the regular or professional lobbyist and the occasional. The professionals reside at Albany during the session of the Legislature, and “influence” legislation in their own peculiar manner. This class is represented by such men as A.D. Barber, of Utica, Wiley, of Buffalo, Edwards, of Albany, who was indicted for bribery at the same time as Ex-Senator Sessions, who paid Assemblyman Bradley two thousand dollars to vote for a railroad candidate for the United States Senate, but whose trial the leaders of both political parties are evidently trying to prevent, and whose friends openly boast will never be convicted because he “knows too muck about things in both parties.” Another class of lobbyists may be styled “Occasionals.” These are usually attorneys, many of them are Ex-Members and attorneys who labor legitinmately before the committees and. with individual members in behalf of their employer’s interests. Some newspaper correspondents alse use their position to do lobby business and their opportunties are, of course, great. The great railroad corporations also have their permanent representatives at Albany, who work, through a variety of influences, to secure their ends. Money is seldom directly used by these men to buy votes, but the influence of Members is obtained and perpetuated by “contributions” at+. election time, by the distribution of free passes, and by social attentions of various kinds. Mr. James D.

Johnson, who Mr. Chauncey M. Depew, of the New York Central Railroad, styles his “clerk,” is a prominent representative of this class. Formerly an agent of the Associated Press, hlie obtained a wide acquaintance with men and things at Albany, and now under the thin guise of a newspaper correspondent he has free access to the floors -of both Houses of the Legislature. He distributes the favors of the New York Central Railroad to Members and their friends in the shape of free passes and, endowed with the majesty of that great corporation, is permitted to have a private key to the Senate waiting rooms and is often seen at the clerk’s desk handling

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39 the bills, which certainly none but the officers of the Senate should be permitted to touch. Every week when the usua1 Friday adjournment is reached, Mr. Johnson produces his free pass book and all Le%islative emrployees, newspaper correspondents. and the large circle of politicians constantly in attendance at Albany are tendered the “courtesies” of the N.

Y. C. & H. R.R. It is not too much to say that Mr. Johnson is fast becoming as “popular” at Albany as his chief, Mr. Depew, and by the same means. Another lobbyist who has had free access to the floor of both Assembly and Senate, has been Eugene Woods, who is known as the deputy of the notorious lobbyist, A. D. Barber. So far as we are aware no word of complaint has been uttered by any member against the presence upon the floor of these two representatives of thie lobby; but Senators Thomas and McCarthy denounced as “lobbyists,” members of the AntiMonopoly League, who visited Albany at their own expense to advocate measures in the interest of the public; and Mr. Ridgeway, a reputable lawyer and the representative of the New York commercial bodies, who was trying to secure a reasonable reduction in the rates of the Pilot Monopoly, was removed from the floor of the Senate to appease the wounded dignity of Senator Jaccbs, who has long been considered the special attorney of the Pilot Monopoly. In the Assembly several Members evinced great sensitiveness at the presence of a representative of the Anti-MNonopoly League, who was sent to Albany to look after measures which were purely in the interest of the public, and who had conducted himself in a gentlemanly manner in accordance with the rules of the Assembly. It would seem that if the privilege of the floor was extended to any one it should be to persons who are combatting monopoly encroachments upon public rights, rather than to those who are engaged in maintaining corporate encroachments thereon, and the state of legislative public opinion above noted is perhaps the strongest illustration of the strength of monopoly influence in our public affairs, and how far the canker of corruption has progressed. “Birds of a feather flock together,” and members who are on friendly terms with lobbyists and other representatives of corporations may justly be classed as being identified with those interests. THE INFLUENCE OF PARTY LEADERS.

This is decidedly the most important of all, and hence the corporations endeavor to control, not only the chief executive and judicial officers of the State, but also the men who are in charge of the party machinery. As a rule they prefer men who are not known as corporation men, but who have interests in that direction, or if not thus interested inducements are soon provided; if lawyers, they are at once “retained” as counsel; if contractors or manufacturers or shippers, they are given contracts, or are interested in so,)me way in lucrative corporate enterprises; valuable charters are frequently granted by the Legislature and sold to syndicates of capitalists; positions as bank presidents are provided for desirable men, illustrations of which are found in Hon. Daniel Manning, President of the “National Commercial” Bank of Albany; Hon. Thomas L. James, President of the Vanderbilt Lincoln National Bank; and Hon. A. B. Hepburn, who it is announced has been tendered and hlas accepted the presidency of the new Vanderbilt savings bank, known as the “Columbia.” The former of these gentlemen is also interested in a number of other Corporate enterprises, and, as is well known, is Chairman of the Democratic State Committee. It is also interesting to note that the Chairman of the Democratic State Executive Committee is Hon. Edward Cooper, a manufacturer of ste,l rails; while Hon. Augustus Schell, another influential member, is a director in the Vanderbilt roads, and a majority of the others are safe men from a corporate roint of view. Monopoly interests are also fully represented in the Republican State organization, and the controlling spirits in the comtnittee having in char(ge the recent reorganization of the party in New York City were Chauncey M. Depew, who as the representative of the New York Central road has probably done more than any other man in this State to corrupt legislation; Whitelaw Reid, editor of the -New York Tribune, the journal f

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40 founded by Horace Greeley, and which formerly voiced public opinion, but is now devoted to Monopoly interests; and Henry J. Scudder, an estimable man personally, but the attorney of the Standard Oil Co. The money to run both party machines is largely contributed by persons interested in corporate enterprises; hence their influence in public affairs. OTHER INFLUENCES. A great variety of influences are brought to bear upon legislators, such as the “log rolling,” “You vote for my Bill and I’ll vote for yours!” Contracts for building or repairing railroads, the furnishing of supplies, advertizing patronage to editors, and special freight contracts at low rates to merchants, manufacturers, and produce dealers, who happen to be members, all exert a potent influence. Social influences are brought to bear; during the past season several receptions and entertainments were given by Seniators, each costing more than a senator’s salary for a yea!. “Presentations” and “testimonials” are of frequent occurrence, and indicate an abundant supply of easily obtained money at the seat of legislation. This practice is illustrated by the following from the N. Y. Tribune of May 5: ALBANY, May 4.-The present Democratic Legislature notoriously has been of a transcendently incorruptible character. Its purity is only equaled by its generosity.

From the limited amount left them of their salaries of $1,500, the Senators and Assemblymen have had the kindness to make the following generous gifts: To John W. Vrooman, Clerk of Senate, diamond ring…………………$1,000 To Maurice F. Holahan, Deputy Clerk of Senate, diamond ring………. 1,000 To J. D. Johnson, New York Central lobbyist, gold watch and chain…… 1,000 To Joseph Koch, Senator, one gold pencil…………………………… 50 To Senator John C. Jacobs, dinner at Delmonico’s, in New York……….. 5,000 To Walter H. Bunn, Clerk of the Assembly, gold watch and chain……….500

Total…………………………………….. $8,550 The Albany Argus of May 4 also says: At the Kenmore, late last night, the friends of James D. Johnson, presented him, through Senator Pitts, with a handsome gold hunting Swiss chronograph repeating watch. The time-piece records one-fifth seconds, strikes the hours, quarters and minutes, and on one side of the case is a monogram, “J. D. J.,” while the reverse bears the legend, “Presented to James D. Johnson, by his friends in the Legislature of the State of New York, May 3, 1883.” Attached to the watch is an appropriate fob chain and a richly carved double-headed eagle-Masonic charm of the Thirty-second degree. It would be interesting to know who contributed toward this presentation; but one thing is certain, until public opinion makes it disreputable and dangerous for a legislator to associate with the agents of corporations, but little honest legislation in behalf of the people can be expected. THE REMEDY. The remedy which is almost always named by persons first considering these evils, is a new party. While this may become necessary, it behooves us to consider whether there is not a better and surer method. Corporations have obtained their dominant influence in this country by first securing a foothold in our legislatures, gradually obtaining legislation in their interest locally, and growing up to a national influence. By the simple process of rewarding their friends and punishing their enemies, they have gradually made it appear to public men that the royal road to wealth and honor was under corporate management. They have not interfered with local or other prejudices, except as they ran counter to their interests. Mr. Gould testified in the Erie investigation that “in a Democratic district he was a Democrat, in a Republican district a Republican, in a doubtful district he’ was doubtful, but in every district and at all times he had always been an Erie man.” In point of fact corporations are for high tariff in a protection locality, for low tariff in a free trade section, for prohibition or license, for civil service reform or otherwise, just as the candidates are available for corporate purposes. It

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41 will be exceedingly difficult to create a party which will not be split upon some of these issues, and we may well question whether the people will not have to adopt the same tactics used by the corporations-onlyv putting an honest, patriotic purpose against their corruption funds, organizing the independent voters upon this issue, and throwing a non-partizan vote against candidates with a bad record, and for those with good records, until all find it safer to espouse the public interest rather than that of those who seek to encroach thereon. A small balance of power thus wielded can accomplish great results upon both State and National legislation. So far as our own State is concerned, every citizen should make it his business to see or write to party leaders in the various Senate and Assembly districts, the representatives of which have a bad record, and endeavor to prevent their renomination and re-election.

They’have betrayed the interests of their constituents, and should be held up to their neighbors as political Benedict Arnolds, who are unworthy of any position of trust or honor. Where corporations seek to return such men, as they surely will, by the expenditure of money, their movements should be watched, and when bribery is detected every good citizen should endeavor to aid in securing its punishment; and no candidate should be supported who will not promise if elected to support the objects and principles of the AntiMonopoly League, which are in brief those guaranteed by the Constitution. It is only by such non-partizan, patriotic work that we can hope to maintain our free institutions. The state of things in this country to-day, as is shown elsewhere, strikingly reminds us of the state of things in the great Roman Republic when its decadence began. The question now is, can American citizens turn back this tide of corruption which threatens the welfare of the republic? President Lincoln said that “a government of the people, for the people, by the people, shall not perish from the earth,” and the ancestors of men who established such a government, together with our adopted fellow citizens who fled from class tyranny in other lands in order that they and their children might enjoy its blessings, ought nowto be able to meet this new danger, and put it down, as they have heretofore put down attacks upon their constitutional rights and liberties. As has been well expressed by the editor of the Brooklyn Eagle: “There is a pretty general feeling that the Continent of America was not discovered by Columbus and civil liberty established by the Fathers of the Republic, to the end that fifty millions of people might be made tributary to a band of railroad magnates, or that farmers. artisans and merchants might, by hard work and keen competition, raise up a dozen Vanderbilts, with each several hundred millions of dollars. Those who entertain this feeling have become persuaded that the time has arrived for the industrious masses of this country to protect themselves, if they ever intend to do so. It will certainly not be easier after the adversary has grown stronger. In this contest every delay is to the disadvantage of the people. Let the issue be deferred for a few years, and nothing but a miracle or a revolution as violent as that of France will overthrow the oppression. Of all misleading delusions, there is none more mischievous than the notion that popular suffrage and popular power are synonymous. Given the means of bribing multitudes, of intimidating others, of wrecking opponents, coupled with actual possession of the Government, and adverse sentiment must be paralyzed. If the suffrage is to be our salvation, it must be applied sharply while there are still odds on the side of unbought and unterrorized manhood.” NOTE.-Poverty and crime go hand in hand; will good and moral and patriotic citizens-men whose forefathers abolishjed the laws of primogeniture and entail-stand idly by and permit forces which were not then known to make this a nation of the few rich and the many poor? .. I.. ,.,. I.

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STRAWS. When John Quincy Adams entered the House of Representatives, he owned several shares of the United States Bank, bot HE IMMEDIATELY SOLD

THEM ON THE GROUND THAT NO REIPRESENTATIVE SHOULD HAVE AN INTEREST IN ANY

MATTER THAT MIGHT COME BEFORE THIE HOUSE FOR LEGISLATION. Timtes ]ave changed since then; 10ow a large number of our Representatives (are sent to our rational arid State Legidlatures by corporations, in which they are interested, or by whom they are’ re tatned,” either to make laws in their interest, or to prevent the people from making laws protecting the public interest; in short, to protect’ class iiterests-taxing the many,fo} tihe benefitt of the few. Has not the tiute comue for the passing a law or another amendment to the Constitution providing that no Representative shall vote upon a question in which he is pecuniarily interested? From the N. Y. Evening Post. All this, we may be sure, is not a summer c’oud that can overcome the community without causing either special fear or wonder.

It betokens a real,a menacing, a present danger. It itl1)lies that a time lias come when the forces of public opision must be set at work in earnest to breast a d bear back a grievous calamity. Sal,inene.is will not answer.

T,, clo.e our eyes and stop our ears will not answer. A moment has arrived when we must change all that; a inotment when legislators and tht, se who bribe them mustcrylialt;‘“c,)mli,ers” and “cotlsolidators”and all otherplotters against thecommon weal in the interest of corp)orate monopoly must be told i trumpet to,nes, and in something muore than words if need be, “‘I’hus far shall ye go and no further.” Ptomr the N. Y. Daily Graphic. If we ever have a conflict between capital and labor in this country, it will be because of tle injustice done the mnasses by corporate monopolies. It, therefore, behooves all classes of citizens, and particularly those who have property, to sustain the efforts now being maie bty reasonable and intelligent citizens to limit the power of ment who, to use the words of a committee of the United States Senate, “recognize no principle of action but personal and corporate aggrandizement.” From? t,e N.. Times. Nobody questions the value of railroads to the public, or the necessity of the corporate organizations.

by which they are owned, but unless they are brought under the wholesome, control of law, whleret)y the rights of individual citizens and of the community at large can be secured, sooner or later a conflict will come between their power and the might of the people which will shit,ke the very foundation of law and order. From the San Frailci.‘co Chroaicle. If the past may be accepted as a fair index of what -s to come, it will be but a few years at furthest before the railroad m,n,,polists will dictate the laws and control alike the legislative, judicial and executive departments of the Government, own ihe territory, and fetter the w)rkin)g classes with the shackles of peola(ge. Already some of the.-e corporati,ns clo)sely approximate that measure of power. and, unless their arrogatce is signally rebutked, their aggressiveness checked, and ihey are forced to deal justly and res pect the lights of tie people, the existing form of government will collapse, and on its ruins will be reared an oligarchy of wealth. Friom thle American Dairyman. All intelligent citizens must appreciate the fact that tariff, transportation, telegraph, trade, and patent monopolies are fast concit,trating the wealth of tlhe nation in the hands of a favored fe.w, and that if the present system continues much longer we will have in this country an aristitcracy and a peasantry with lines as distinctly drawn as they are in the older countries of the world.

Fi,om the Bo.ston Journal of Commerce. The tendency of rapid accumulation of property, or what represents property, in the hands of a few, is on,>
of the greatest measures of subversion of sound principles of Government, and has provedl itself so in the history of nations, and, as a few become richer, the masses of the people become poorer in an inverse ratio. From the Portsmouth (Va.) 2 imes. Trouble, serious trouble, will just as surely grow out of the present state of affairs, and be precipitated by unjust railroad management and discrimination, and the exercise of the power an(l i, fluence of railroad monopolies in State and National elections, as that day follows night. P’rom the -New York Journal of Commerce. Sooner or later the people will understand their rights and will maintain them, if this is their Government and not one of railroad pools and rings. From the Omaha Bee. Railroad millionaires are already a menace to free institutions, and the country will not stand it to have many more ot them created. From the Cincinnati Gazette. Honest railroad management is what is needed in this country; and it is needed badly. k.,.:: : - -‘: I -

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WHAT COAL OUCHT TO COST. Document No. 12. PUBLISHED BY THE ANTIMONOPOLY

LEAGUE. The following is an itemized statement of the approximate cost of mining and deliver ing anthracite coal in New York at the present time with profits included. By varying the items and distance, the rightful cost can be calculated at any point: Royalty* to land owner 12+c. to 25c………………………say 25c. Paid to miner per 2,850 lbs., 65c., yielding when prepared and placed on cars, say 2,500 lbs., or per ton of 2,240 lbs……… say 58*c Expense of preparation and placing on cars, maintenance of mine, profit of operator,

&c………………………………. say 55c. Tiansportation to tide water, say 120 miles at Ic. per ton per milet say 90c. Lighterage from R.R. terminus to New York……………say 22P. Discharging from lighter………………………………..say 14c. 2.65c. Less difference between gross ton (2,240 lbs.) and net ton (2,000 lbs.), say 10
per cent…………………………………. 26c. 2.39c.

Cartage…………………………………………….. 30c. Profit of retail dealer……………………………………say 75c.

Waste………………………………………………..say 5c.

3.49c. If delivered from yard, or in small quantities, it would cost a little more, but most of it is delivered direct from boat, and at above figures full weight of coal can be afforded in New York on the sidewalk of the consumer and pay every person connected with the business a fair profit. The difference between this price and what consumers of coal are now paying represents the tax paid to monopoly. If the law against pooling and combinations was enforced and the coal roads obliged to observe their duty as common carriers, coal would not be selling above this estimate, for there are plenty of operators and dealers who would be glad to work for above figures if they could get their coal transported for a fair price. Instead of carrying for three-fourths of a cent per ton per mile, or other lair and specific charge, the roads say to operators,’ We will take your coal and give you 50, 40 or 30 per cent.,” as the case may be (gradinz their offer according to what they think the operator can bear), of what coal is selling for at tidewater. Landowners, operators and miners are all completely at their mercy. Without transportation the richest mines are valueless. If the operators are not obsequious they cannot get cars. The miners are obliged to take what is given them, and much of the time are kept on half time or incited to strikes in order that competition may be abrogated and consumers obliged to pay artificial prices. For considerable periods during 1878 and 1879 coal sold at an average of $2.25
per ton of 2,240 pounds at the railroad termini, or say $3.25 per ton of 2,000 pounds delivered to the consumer. The coal roads formed a pool and prices were nearly doubled. The Legislature ordered an investigation. The evidence showed that $3.25 to $3.50 was a fair price for coal, and that the coal roads had watered their stocks so that it was not reasonable to expect that ordinary dividends could, with justice to the public, be paid upon the enormous mass of obligations outstanding. The words of the committee referring to this were as follows: “During the receipt of these enormous profits many of the coal corporations, as was the case with railroads not engaged in the coal carrying trade, unable, under their charters, or for other reasons, to declare dividends upon their stocks that would absorb their unexpended surplus, issued additional stock to the stockholders, for which they paid nothing, inaugurated what is commonly known as stockwatering, or a capitalization of surplus earnings, which is in substance exacting money from the people, creating an indebtedness representing the same, and making this the basis for forever asking the public to pay interest upon their own money so exacted.” Yet owing to railroad influence in the Legislature nothing was done to put a limit to extortion. *Most of the railroad companies own their own land, bought at low prices, and practically make the royalty. t On-half cent per ton per mile on a large coal traffic will pay. II I

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PRICE LIST OF DOCUMENTS PUBILISHED BY THE ANTI-MONOPOLIY ]LAGI-E. The following publications of the AntiMonopoly League will be sent, postage paid, on receipt of price, by FRANK S. GARDNER, SECRETARY N. Y. STATE

ANTIMONOPOLY LEAGUE, 55 Liberty Street, NewYork, or JUSTICE PUBLISHING

CO., P.O. Box, 610, New York. THE IMPENDING CRISIS. Document No. 14-20
pages. A collection of notable utterances by the press, and from official and other documents indicating an impending political revolution. 10
copies for………….. 12 cents. 50 “……………36 cents. 100

“………….. 60 cents. 500 “…………….. $2.50 1000

“…………$4.50 CORRUPTION. Document No. 15-16 pages. Showing the different ways in which bribery is accomplished, acid how our Elections, Legislatures and Courts are corrupted by monopolies, and giving a facsimile of a free pass issued by the N. Y. Central R.R., “fo) account of the Supreme Court.” 10 copies for…………… 9 cents. 50

“………….. 27 cents. 100 “………….. 45 cents. 500 ” I……….

$1.80 1000…………….$3.00 THE ABC Of the Railroad Question. Document No. 9-8 pages. A conversation between a citizen and a railroad official, illustrating and meeting the arguments put forward by the monopolists to justify their abuses. 10 copies for………….. 6 cents. 50

“…………. 18 cents. 100 “………………30 cents. 500

“………….$1.20 1000 “…………..$2.00 WHAT COAL OUGHT TO COST. 4
pages (English or German.) An itemized statement of the cost of mining and shipping coal, showing the enormous tax levied by the railroads upon this article. 10 copies for…………… 3 cents. 50 “…………. 9 cents.

100 “………….. 15 cents. 500 “…………… 60 cents. 1000

“…….. $1.00 ANOTHER NEW ROAD, 4 pages (English or German.) A gilt-edged dream of monopoly-How our modern highways are built Improved Law and Finance. An amusing and inistructive document. Document No. 17-4
pages. Showing how monopolies manipulate political parties for their own profit. 10 copies for………….. 3 cents. 50 “……… 9 cents. 100

“………….. 15 cents. 500 “……………60 cents. 1000

“,…………. $1.00 DOES MIGHT MAKE RIGHT? The tables turned. A hackman who understands the rules of railroad tariffs. A good illustration of the workings of the new theory of ” What the traffic will bear.” (A newspaper slip.) 10 copies for……………… v 3 cents. 50 “………… 6
cents. 100 “…………. 12 cents. 500 “………….. 45 cents. 1000

“………….. 75 cents. MEMBERSHIP ROLLS. For obtaining signatures of members. Contains platform and principles of the AntiMonopoly League. 5
copies for………. 6 cents. 10 “………….. 9 cents. 25

“…………. 18 cents. 50 “…………. 33 cents. 100 ” 60 cents.

“.9Suggestions how to organize Branch Leagues, with simple form of Constitution and By Laws, sent free on receipt of stamp. Every citizen who believes in preserving the Principles upon which our Government was founded should help “spread the light.” Remit by stamps or P.O 0. order, -4 …………. 3 cents. …………. 9 cents. ………….. 15 cents.

……….. 60 cents. ………….. $1.00 -CHIPS FROM A MONOPOLY

WORKSHOP.

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Principles and Objects of the AntiMonopoly League. The AntiMonopoly League earnestly call attention to the relations of corporate and public rights as the most important question before the American people at this time. Steam, electricity and machinery, controlling factors in the industrial and commercial world, have been largely monopolized and the public taxed unduly for their use. Corporate life, practically immortal in its duration, wielding these great powers, has assumed an importance never before known or contemplated, and it is not only rapidly concentrating the wealth of the nation in few hands to the detriment of the masses, but to perpetuate this state of things it has sought political power and corrupted our elec tions and legislation to an extent that not only imperils public morals but endangers our free institutions. That this is true is known of all men. Official investigations have demonstrated it; our everyday life has proven it. We therefore declare that organization of the people is necessary to maintain the following principles: AntiMonopoly PRINCIPLES. We advocate, and will support and defend, the rights of the many as against privileges for the few. Corporations, the creation of the State, shall be controlled by the State. Labor and capital-allies, not enemies; justice for both. OBJECTS. In accordance with the general principles before enumerated, we will endeavor to secure, among others, the following specific results: Fii‘8t-Laws compelling transportation companies to base their charges upon the cost and risk of service,” with a fair profit added, instead of the new theory advanced by themn-” what the traffic will bear.” Seconid-Laws to prohibit the establishment, through construction companies or other devices, of a fictitious cost for works of a public nature; and prohibiting unjust discrimination against both citizens and localities. Third-Railroad Commissions, State and National, which shall have adequate powers to see that thes.e laws are enforced, and which commissions should be non-partisan in their character. Fourth-A liberal policy toward our waterways, which, during the season of navigation, are potent in preventing exorbitant charges by railroads. PFifth-A prohibition of free passes and more efficient laws against the crime of bribery, and for the protection of’the purity of the ballot, and securing full power to the people over nominations at primary elections. Sixth7-A public service in all its departments founded wholly upon honesty and capability.

Seventh-Equal rights and equal taxation for all, so that every citizen and every corpo0 +ion, association or company, shall have the full protection of the laws, and bear an equl.’-le share of the burdens of government.

Eig., -Public Lands, the common inheritance of the whole people, shlould be reserved for actuti settlers. Ninth-Currency, the measure of values, whether metallic or paper, should be equal to coin, and be issued and controlled by the Government only. Tenth-The known benefits of the postal systems of other countries to be adopted in the United States; including the postal savings bank, and the postal telegraph and telephone.

Eleventh-A free, unsubsidized press. This bulwark of our free institutions must be maintained in its purity. Journals which may have been purchased by monopolists must be distrusted, and those which are not thus subsidized must be sustained by the people. METHODS OF PROCEEDING. To influence, so far as possible, the nomination by existing political parties of candidates who will support our principles. Where such candidates are nominated, the League will notify its members of this fact, and in such case leave each member free to consult his individual or party preference: but where one candidate will and another will not support our principles, then all party affiliation to be laid aside by members of the League, and a solid vote cast for the candidate endorsed by the League. If neither party presents a candidate favoring our principles, then the League will nomlinate and support a candidate, and this will be done in all cases where the action of the League would be embarrassed by dielay in making nominations. Suggestions how to organize branch leagues, with simple form of constitution and by-laws, sentfre onreciptof tam. 4~resF. S. QARDN itR, S~ecretary, F.. ARDN iERTY STEET, Secretary, 55 L,IBER4TY STREET, N.,Ti I I Z-1 I I 11 I I ,-I

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