The Republican Scrap Book
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Title:The Republican scrap book, containing the platformsand a choice selection of extracts, setting forth the real questions in issue, opinions of the candidates, the nature and designs of the slave oligarchy, as shown by their own writers, and the opinions of Clay, Webster, Josiah Quincy and other patriots, on slavery and its extension …

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Print Source:The Republican scrap book, containing the platformsand a choice selection of extracts, setting forth the real questions in issue, opinions of the candidates, the nature and designs of the slave oligarchy, as shown by their own writers, and the opinions of Clay, Webster, Josiah Quincy and other patriots, on slavery and its extension …

80 pl. 23 cm.

Boston,

J. P. Jewett & co.,

1856.

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THE REPUBLICAN S CRAP BOOK; CONTAINING THE PLATFORMS, AND A CHOICE

SELECTION OF EXTRACTS, SETTING FORTH THE REAL QUESTIONS IN ISSUE, THE

OPINEiNS OF THE CANDIDATES, T TE NATURE AND DESIGNS OF THE SLAVE

OLIGARCHY, AS SHOWN BY THEIR OWN WRITERS, AND THE OPINIONS OF CLAY, WEBSTER, J6SIAH QUINCY, AND OTHER PATRIOTS, ON SLAVERY AND ITS EXTENSION.

“But fool is he the yok.th*.ftings * O’er the unshackled sbulof man. ‘T is like a cobweb onhis breast, That binds the giant.While asleep; Or curtain hung upon the East, The daylight from the world to keep.”- HoGs. BOSTON’: P. JEW1ETT & CO. 1856. i 0 -0 Jo

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THE REPUBLICAN SCRAP-BOOK. INDEX. TM PLATFORMS, AND A CHOICE SELECTION OF

EXTRACTS RELATING TO THE THREE

PARTIES,……………………………………………. 3-16 EXTRACTS

SHOWING WHAT ARE THE REAL QUESTIONS IN ISSUE,………….16-45 f EXTRACTS

FROM MR. QUINCY,…………………………………….. 45-51

EXTRACTS FROM SOUTHERN STATESMEN AND WRITERS, EXHIBITING THE PRIN CIPLES

OF THE SLAVE OLIGARCHY……………………………… 51-58 EXTRACTS

FROM HENRY CLAY, SHOWING HIS HOSTILITY TO SLAVERY EXTENSION,59-60 EXTRACTS

FROM DANIEL WEBSTER, SiOWING THE #AMES………………. 60-67 THa KANSAS

LAWS ANALYZED,…………………………………….67-74 DOCfMENTS

RELATIVE TO THE BROOKS OUTRAGE, INCLUDING BROOKS’S RECENT SPEECH AT

COLUMBIA, S. C..-………………………………… 74-80 This pamphlet may be obtained by the quantity, for distribution, at the rate of 121 cents apiece Orders to be sent to the publishers. :T K a -6 sa . R.,4

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7 - -4 I, 3 45- - REPUBLICAN SCRAP-BOOK. This pamphlet has been prepared with a view to count very confidently upon preventing his preserving in a convenient form and keeping before election by the House of Representatives. thepeople certain facts and views that are of the In a long article which appears in the Washutmost importance in the present canvass. The ington Daily American Organ of yesterday, Platforms of the three parties are given, the nature the plan is stated very broadly, and in such a and designs of the slave oligarchy in their endea-manner as to commend it to the favor of those vor to elect Buchanan and’to divide the North, are who support the Cincinnati platform and its shown forth by extracts from their own writers. candidates. In substance it amounts to this - In opposition to the nefarious doctrines of the that the Buchaniers and the Know-Nothings plotters for slavery extension, that now control the are to act together in such a manner as to Democratic party, the views are here presented of collprevent the choice of Freoughont by the electoraln by our reaeststaesmn w~higto Jeferonncolleges, and having brought the election by our greatest statesmen, Washington, Jefferson, this means into the House of Representatives, Webster, Clay, Quincy, and others. Nothing can are to unite upon Mr. Breckinridge as Vicebe more instructive than the contrast thus exhib-President, leaving the Presidency vacant, ited. The reader’s attention is particularly called The executive chair would then be filled by to those extracts which show the anti-republican the Vice President, who would be expected, and oligarchic character of the slaveholding class, as a matter of course, to be suitably grateful and the debasing effect on the laborer of that slave to auxiliaries from the Know Nothing arty system which the Democratic party would extend by whose aid he was made the acting Chief into all our Territories. Magistrate. The plan is thus stated by the Editors of Fremont papers are especially desired American Organ. We preserve the italics of to examine the extracts here presented. Many the original: of them, it is believed, will bear republication, and “It is, we think, perfectly evident, that if a more general diffusion than they have yet had. there be no election by the people, through the electoral colleges, Mr. Breckinridge would be chosen Vice-President by the Senate, and From the N.Y. Evening Post for Sept. 5.

-t the Seate, and *ob m a de * M. lin the event of a failure by the House of Rep The e to be made of r. Fillmore. resentatives to elect a President, he would be The friends of Mr. Fillmore now rest what come the President-a lesser calamity, in our little hope is left them upon the House of judgment, than the election of Buchanan. The Representatives. There is no well-informed Richmond Enquirer may I’make the most’ of manamong them who does not fully under-this opinion. stand that there is no chance of his election by “We suppose we may safely assume, that the people. The policy now agreed upon by with all classes in the South, the election of the more knowing ones among them seems to Breckinridge as Vice President, and his accesbe simply this: to use his nomination as part sion to the Presidency, would be greatly preof the machinery for preventing Colonel Fre-ferred to the election of Buchanan as Presimont from obtaining a majority of the electoral dent. It being certain that the Democratic votes. If they should succeed in this, they Senate would elect Breckinridge as Vice Pres

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4 ident, and that, if no election were made by the pretended danger, if the election were thrown House, he would become the President, by into the House, is a transparent bugbear-a virtue of his election as Vice President, it fol-phantom which would not frighten half-grown lows that no Southern or conservative man can children. We hope that Fillmore may be reasonably object to having the election thrown elected by the electoral colleges, but if not, we into Con9ress. The failure of an election by shall not’ despair of the republic’ if the electhe people, under this state of the case, brings tion devolves upon the House. Far from it.” no increased danger to the South, or to any It is well said that none of us know portion of the country; for, the House would either elect Fillmore as President, or, there “To what base uses we may come at last.” being no election by the House, Breckinridge Mr. Fillmore, good, easy man, in the innocenwould become the President. cy of his heart, supposes that he is nominated * to be elected. No such thing; he is only “Mr.

Breckinridge is an honorable oppo-nominated to divide the North, to draw off nent - a high-minded and patriotic gentleman votes from Fremont, to help make John C. - a man of mind, of talents, and of integrity Breckinridge Vice President. The declara-he is young, too, with a future before him - tions with which the development of this plan he is without trainers and dependants - he is sweetened, that Mr. Fillmore will “
certaincould form his own associations-in all this ly” be elected by the House, if by proper manthere is hope. cevres a choice by the people can be prevent * ed, amount to nothing. The American party “We are not afraid of the House of Repre-is feeble in the House of Representatives and sentatives-we believe that Mr.Fillmore would the Buchanan party strong, and the compact be certainly elected by that body -
but if not, and well-drilled body who support the adminwe should have some consolation under our istration will not come over to the few and temporary defeat, in the considerations we have somewhat vacillating and irresolute members mentioned. calling themselves Americans, and give them “The advocates of Buchanan in the South all they ask by making Mr.

Fillmore Presihave sought to infuse a horror into the public dent. It is absurd to suppose them willing to mind at the bare idea of the election being make a losing bargain like this, when the thrown into the House, assuming that the elec-American Organ assures them in the same tion of Fremont might result from it. We breath that it is willing to give them an infihave heretofore shown that Fremont’s election nitely better one in conferring the Chief Magby the House is impossible. Every man who istracy on one of their candidates-Breckinunderstands the condition of parties in the ridge. The election of Fillmore by the House House, and who knows that each State has is, therefore, an impossibility. but one vote in the election of President by the Mr. Fillmore must be exceedingly flattered House, knows that the idea of Fremont’s elec-when he discovers the object for which he is tion by that body is simply ridiculous. The set up. The American Organ, it will be seen, advocates of Buchanan, however, dread the acknowledges that, if he were to retire from House of Representatives-they know that he the field, the triumph of the Republican cancannot be elected there-they know that the didate would be certain. “If,” says the Organ, Fillmore States hold the balance of power, and “the South should be induced to unite upon that they could give the Republicans their Buchanan, the country would be at once archoice, to permit Breckinridge to become the rayed in a sectional contest,-purely so; and in President, or to elect Fillmore to that position! such a contest, tendered by the South to the The argument, then, which has been used at North, and accepted by them, the result will the South, in favor of a union upon Buchanan, be the triumph of a Northern sectional party.” to keep the election out of the House, is decep-This is to say, Buchanan would be beaten in tious and Jesuitical.” any fair computation upon the ground which “It is more, - it is dangerous in the extreme; he and his followers have taken, the extension for if by such arguments the South should be of slavery. Make that the point in disputeinduced to unite upon Buchanan, the country as it really is-withdraw all topics got up for would be at once arrayed in a sectional con-the purpose of distracting the attention of the test,-purely so; and were such a contest to be people, - extinguish all false lights, and the tendered by the South to the North, and ac-Organ acknowledges that the people would cepted by them, the result would be the trigive their voice for Fremont. umph of a Northern sectional party. But the We do not know what Buchanan may say

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5 to this scheme of setting him aside, but one without a peer - without a rival. Several thing, at least, is clear, that if his friends do months since, he proclaimed that he marched not enter into some understanding with the with no party that did not’ carry the flag and Fillmore members of the House, Breckinridge keep step to the music of the Union.’ Always cannot be elected. They will have only to a Whig -at one time a Whig Senator in promise that the words of the Organ shall be Congress - he is now advocating the election duly fulfilled, that Breckinridge shall “form of Buchanan. his own associations,” this is to say, reward in “Coming further South, the eye rests on some manner those who vote for him. Per-such men as Randall and Reed, of Pennsylvahaps, while the negotiation is in progress, nia; Clayton, of Delaware; Pearce, Pratt and means may be found to persuade these pliant Reverdy Johnson, of Maryland; Burwell, of members to go a step further and vote for Mr. Virginia; Clingman, of North Carolina; PresBuchanan as President. We do not think ton, ex-Senator Dixon and James Clay, of that Mr. Buchanan would be particularly im-Kentucky; Senator Geyer, Caruthers, and practicable in an arrangement like this. He Oliver, of Missouri; Senator Jones and Watis not at all nice in his associations, as he has kins, of Tennessee; Jenkins, of Georgia; Perfully proved, and would as readily lie in the cy Walker and Judge Ormond, of Alabama; same truckle-bed with a Know Nothing as and Senator Benjamin, of Louisiana. How with a Democrat, provided there were any puny seem the arguments of our opponents personal advantage to be derived from it. It against Democracy, when opposed to the acts would be quite as easy, we fancy, to make the of such men as these. We ventureto say that arrangement, to which the Organ alludes, with never in the history of parties in America behim aswith his Kentucky associate on the ticket.

fore, was seen the spectacle of so many men Mr. Fillmore may now see, if he will open (those mentioned are but specimens) going by his eyes, the fate which is reserved for him. common impulse o the support of the candiHe is put up to be beaten, to amuse the North date of a party, to which, for a life-time, they while the South is accomplishing its ends, and had stood opposed.” then to be laid aside with-the old lumber of What Mr. Choate say. parties - with John Tyler and Franklin n Pierce, for neither of whom is there any fur- “While I entertain a high appreciation of the ther occasion. His pretended friends no long-character and ability of Mr. Fillmore, I do not er think of him as the probable President; the sympathize in any degree with the objects and eyes of those who manage the American party creed of the particular party that nominated at Washington are turned to the prospect of a him, and do not approve of their organization coalition with the administration party, by and their tactics. Practically, too, the contest which Breckinridge, under the name of Vice in my judgment is between Mr. Buchanan Presidents can be placed in the Executive and Col. Fremont. In these circumstances I chair. chair.

shall vote for Mr. Buchanan.” It is becoming more evident every day. that Fillm7re has no chance. See what the old OCUENTS RELTN TO TE DEOCRATIC

PARTY. Whigs thinks of it. Platform of the National Democratic Con From the N. Y. Evening Post, Aug. 1st. vention, 1856. One of the most extraordinary phenomena Resolved, That the American Democracy of the present political contest is the alacrity place their trust in the intelligence, the patriwith which a certain class of TVhigs, including otism and the discriminating justice of the some of the most bigoted of their party, enrol American people. themselves in the ranks of Buchanan’s sup-Resolved, That we regard this as a distinctive porters. The Savannah Georgian, in an ex-feature of our political creed, which we are ulting article, thus enumerates one of the most proud to maintain before the world as the great remarkable of these instances: moral element in a form of government spring “In Maine, we point to Evans, unquestion-ing from and upheld by the popular will; and ably the ablest statesman that commonwealth we contrast it with the creed and practice of has ever sent to the councils of the Republic. federalism, under whatever name or form, In Massachusetts, who is there that can be which seeks to palsy the will of the constituent, compared as an orator and advocate with Ru-and which conceives no imposture too monfus Choate? In all New England he stands strous for the popular credulity.

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6. Resolved, therefore, That entertaining these terests of the country, dangerous to our repubviews, the Democratic party of this Union, lican institutions and the liberties of the people, through their delegates assembled in a general and calculated to place the business of the convention, coming together in a spirit of con-country within the control of a concentrated cord, of devotion to the doctrines and faith of moneyed power, and above the laws and the will a free represented government, and appealing of the people; and that the results of Demoto their fellow citizens for the rectitude of their cratic legislation in this and all other financial intentions, renew and re-assert before the Am-measures upon which issues have been made erican people, the declarations of principles between the two political parties of the country, avowed by them when, on former occasions, have demonstrated to candid and practical in general convention, they have presented men of all parties, their soundness, safety and their candidates for the popular suffrages. utility, in all business pursuits. 1. That the federal government is one of-8.

That the separation of the moneys of limited power, derived solely from the Consti-the government from banking institutions is tution; and the grants of powers made-therein indispensable for the safety of the funds of the ought to be strictly construed by all the de-government and the rights of the people. partments and agents of the government; and 9. That we are decidedly opposed to taking that it is inexpedient and dangerous to exercise from the President the qualified veto power, doubtful constitutional powers. by which he is enabled, under restrictions and 2.

That the Constituition does not confer responsibilities amply sufficient to guard the upon the general government the power to public interests, to suspend the passage of a commence and carry on a general system of in-bill whose merits cannot secure the approval ternal improvements. of two-thirds of the Senate and House of Rep 3. That the Constitution does not confer resentatives, until the judgment of the people authority upon the federal government, direct-can be obtained thereon, and which has saved ly or indirectly, to assume the debts of the the American people from the corrupt and tyseveral States, contracted for local and inter-rannical domination of the Bank of the United nal improvements, or any other State purposes; States, and from a corrupting system of genenor would such assumption be just or experal internal improvements. dient.

10. That the liberal principles embodied by 4. That justice and sound policy forbid the Jefferson in the Declaration of Independence, federal government to foster one branch of in-and sanctioned in the Constitution, which dustry to the detriment of any other, or to makes ours the land of liberty, and the asylum cherish the interests of one portion to the in-of the oppressed of every nation, have ever jury ofanotherportionofourcommoncountry; been cardinal principles in the Democratic that every citizen and every section of the faith, and every attempt to abridge the privicountry have a right to demand and insist upon lege of becoming citizens and the owners of an equality of rights and privileges, and to soil among us, ought to be resisted with the complete and ample protection of persons and same spirit which swept the alien and sedition property from domestic violence or foreign laws from our statute books. aggression. V,And whereas, Since the foregoing declara 5. That it is the duty of every branch of tion was uniformly adopted by our predecesthe government to enforce and practise the sors in national conventions, an adverse politimost rigid economy in conducting our public cal and religious test has been secretly organaffairs, and that no more revenue ought to be ized by a party claiming to be exclusively raised than is required to defray the necessary American, it is proper that the American Deexpenses of the government, and for the gradual mocracy should clearly define its relations therebut certain extinction of the public debt. to, and declare its determined opposition to all 6. That the proceeds of the public lands secret political societies, by whatever name ought to be sacredly applied to the national they may be called. objects specified in the Constitution; and that Resolved, That the foundation of this union we are opposed to any law for the distribution of States having been laid in, and its prosperiof such proceeds among the States, as alike ty expansion and pre-eminent example in free inexpedient in policy and repugnant to the government, built upon entire freedom in matConstitution.

ters of religious concernment, and no respect 7. That Congress has no power to charter of person in regard to rank or place of birth; a national bank; that we believe such an in-no party can justly be deemed national, constitution one of deadly hostility to the best institutional, or i accordance with American

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7. principles, which bases its exclusive organization upon religious opinions, and accidental birthplace. And hence a political crusade in the nineteenth century, and in the United States of America, against Catholics and foreign-born, is neither justified by the past history or the future prospects of the country, nor in unison with the spirit of toleration and enlarged freedom which peculiarly distinguishes the American system of popular government. Resolved, Tha t we reiterate with renewed energy of purpose the well considered declarations of former conventions upon the sectional issue of d omestic slavery, and conc ernin g the reserved rights of the States 1. That Congress has no power, under the Constitution, to interfere with or control the domes tic institutions of the several States, and th at such States are th e s ole and proper judges of everything appertaining to their ow n affairs n ot prohibited by the Constitution; that all efforts of the ab oli tionists or others, made to induce Congress to interfere wit h questi ons of slavery o r to tak e incipient steps in relatio n thereto, are calculated to lead to the most alarming and dangerous consequ ences; and that all such efforts have an inevitable tendency to diminish the hawpiness of the people, and endanger the stability and permanency of the Union, and ought not to be countenanced by any friend of our political institutions. 2. That the foregoing proposition covers, and was intended to embrace the whole subject of slavery agitation in Congress; and, therefbre, the Democratic party of the Union, standing on this national platform, will abide by and adhere to a faithful execution of the acts known as the compromise measures, settled by the Congress of 1850; “the act of reclaiming fugitives from service or labor,” included; which act being designed to carry out an express provision of the Constitution, cannot with fidelity thereto, be repealed, or so changed as to destroy or impair its efficiency. 3. That the Democratic party will resist all attempts at renewing, in Congress or out of it, the agitation of the slavery question, under whatever shape or color the attempt may be made. 4. That the Democratic party will faithfully abide by and uphold the principles laid down in the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions of 1798, and in the report of Mr. Madison to the Virginia Legislature in 1799; that it adopts those principles as constituting one of the main foundations of its political creed, and is resolved to carry them out in their obvious meaning and import. And that we may more distinctly mee t the issue on which a sectional party, subsisting exs elusively on slavery a gitation, now relies toe tes t the fidelity of the Spe ople, North and South, to t he Constitution and the Un ion Res olved, That clai ming fellowship witb, and desiring the cooperation o f a ll who regard t he preservati on of the Union un der the g ionstitution a s the param ount issue-and repudiating all section al parties and platforms concerning domestic slavery which seek to embroil tphe States and incite to treason and armed resist - ance to law in the Territories; and whose avowed purposes, if consummated, must end i n - civil war and disunion-the American Deo cracy recognize and ad opt the principles eontained in the organic laws establishing the Territories of Kansas a nd Nebraska, a s embo dying the onl y s ound and safe solution of th e i slavery ques t ion,” upon which the grea t national idea of the people of this whole coun try ca n repose in its dete rmin ed conser vatism of the Uniona - NON-INTERFERENCE BY CONGRESS WITH

SLAVERY IN STATE AND TERRITORY, OR IN THE DISTRICT OF COLUUMBIA. 2. That this was the bais s of the ceomp romises of 1850-confirmed by both the Democ r at ie and Whig parties in na ti zonal conventions ratified by the people in the election of 1-852  and rightly applied to the organization of Territories in 1854. 3. That by the uniform application of this Democratic principle to the organization of Territories, and the admission of new States, with or without domestic slavery, as they may elect-the equal rights of-all the States will be preserved intact-the original compacts of the Constitution maintained inviolate-and the perpetuity and expansion of this Union insured to its utmost capacity of embracing in peace and harmony every future American State that may be constituted or annexed,, with a republican form of government. Resolved, That we recognize the right of the people of all the Territories, including Kansas and Nebraska, acting through the legally and fairly expressed will of a majority of actual residents, and whenever the number of their inhabitants justifies it, to form a Constitution with or without domestic slavery, and be admitted into the Union upon terms of perfect equality with the other States. Resolved, finally, That in view of the condition of popular institutions in the Old World, (and the dangerous tendencies of sectional agitation, combined with the attempt to enforce civil and religious disabilities against the rights of acquiring and enjoying citizenship, in our

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8 own land) a high and sacred duty is devolved, [Adopted, 199 to 56. Maine 1, Connecti with increased responsibility, upon the Demo-cut 2, Virginia, Maryland and Rhode Island cratic party of this country, as the party of the formed the principal nays.] Union, to uphold and maintain the rights of 4. That in view of so commanding an in every State, and thereby the Union of the terest, the people of the United States cannot States; and to sustain and advance among us but sympathize with the efforts which are being constitutional liberty, by continuing to resist made by the people of Central America to re all monopolies and exclusive legislation for generate that portion of the continent which the benefit of the few at the expense of the covers the passage across the inter-oceanic many, and by a vigilant and constant adher-isthmus. ence to those principles and compromises of [Adopted, 221 to 38. Rhode Island, Dela the Constitution, which are broad enough and ware, Maryland, South Carolina and Kentucky strong enough to embrace and uphold the voted nay.] Union as it was, the Union as it is, and the 5. Resolved, That the Democratic party will Union as it shall be, in the full expansion of expect of the next administration that every the energies and capacity of this great and proper effort be made to insure our ascendency progressive people. in the Gulf of Mexico, and to maintain a per [All of the above was adopted unanimously manent protection to the great outlets through by the Convention.] which are emptied into its waters the products 1. Resolved, That there are questions con-raised out of the soil, and the commodities nected with the foreign policy of this country, created by the industry of the people of our which are inferior to no domestic question Western valleys and of the Union at large. whatever. The time has come for the [Adopted, 229 to 30-last nearly as on prepeople of the United States to declare them-vious one.] selves in favor of free seas and progressive THE PACIFIC RAILROAD. free trade throughout the world, and by solemn The following resolution was reported by the manifestations to place their moral influence committee, as an appendage to, but not a part at the side of their successful example. of the platform: [Adopted, 234 to 26. Georgia, Maryland, Resolved, That the Democratic party reDelaware and North Carolina voted no.] cognizes the great importance, in a political 2. Resolved, That our geographical and and commercial point of view, of a safe and political position with reference to the other speady communication, by military and postal States of this continent, no less than the inter-roads, through our own territory between the ests of our commerce and the development of Atlantic and Pacific coasts of this Union, and our growing power, requires that we should that it is the duty of the federal government hold as sacred the principles involved in the to exercise promptly all its constitutional power Monroe doctrine; their bearing and import for the attainment of that object. admit of no misconstruction; they should be A motion was made to lay this resolution on applied with unbending rigidity. the table, and this was carried, yeas 138, nays [Adopted, 239 to 23.] 120. So the resolution in favor of a railroad 3. Resolved, That the great highway which to the Pacific was rejected. nature, as well as the assent of the States Subsequently a resolution was introduced most immediately interested in its maintenance, and passed, declaring it to be the duty of the has marked out for a free communication be-general government, so far as the Constitution tween the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, con-will permit, to aid in the construction of a safe stitutes one of the most important achieve-overland route between the Atlantic and Paments realized by the spirit of modern times cific coasts. and the unconquerable energy of our people. That result should be secured by a timely and Let the reader observe how cunningly the efficient exertion of the control which we have slavery resolutions are drawn up in the above the right to claim over it, and no power on platform so as to take away from Congress all earth should be suffered to impede or clog its power to forbid slavery in the Territories or progress by any interference with the relations it may suit our policy to establish between our even in a new State, and also to deny to the government and the governments of the States people themselves of a Territory the right to within whose dominions it lies. We can, un-forbid slavery there. Here every thing is conder no circumstances, surrender our prepon-ceded to the South. Observe how the infaderance in the adjustment of all questions arising out of it. mous Kansas code is endorsed; how that pre

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9 posterous and novel view of the Monroe doc-olutions constituting the platform of principles t r i n e, held by the Democratic party, i s asserted; erected by the convention. To this platform how the filibuster Walker i s taken b y the: intend to confine myself throughout the can vass, believing that I have no right, as the hand; and how the Ostend manifesto is adopt-candidate of the Democratic party, by answered into the party creed. Are the American ing interrogatories, to present new and differpeople readyfor all this t ent issues before the people.

* PLATFORM WHICH, ACCORDING TO THE The agitation on the question of domestic NEW YORK HERALD, OUGHT TO HAVE BEEN slavery has too long distracted and divided the ADOPTED BY THE D,MOCRATIC NATIONAL people of this Union and alienated their affecCONVENTION.- 1. Resolved, That niggers, tions from each other. This agitation has aspistols, bowie knives and bludgeons are the sumed many forms since its commencement, fundamental principles of the Democracy, as but it now seems to be directed chiefly to the re-constructed under the administration of our Territories; and judging from its present charwarlike FRANKLIN PIERCE, by our dear acter I think we may safely anticipate that it friends, the Southern nigger-drivers. is rapidly approaching a “finality.” The re 2. Resolved, That the freedom of speech cent legislation of Congress respecting domesis liable to abuses even in the United States tic slavery, derived, as it has been, from the Senate, abuses which can only be corrected original and pure fountain of legitimate politiby the application of gutta percha to the naked cal power, the will of the majority, promises head of the offending party as he sits in his ere long to allay the dangerous excitement. chair; and that in thus beating an Abolition This legislation is founded upon principles as Senator we are righteously vindicating the ancient as free government itself, and in actrue policy of the “unterrified Democracy.” cordance with them, has simply declared that 3.

Resolved, That the killing of a contemp-the people of a Territory, like those of a State, tible Irish waiter holding the position of a shall decide for themselves, whether slavery naigger, for neglect of duty or impudence to a stall or shall not exist within their limits. Democratic guest coming down to a late The Nebraska-Kansas act does no more than breakfast, is a proper warning to the whole give the force of law to this elementary prin Irish race, that they cannot longer expect ciple of self-government; declaring it to be to ride rough shod over the Democracy of “the true intent and meaning of this act not the Union. tolegislate slavery into any Territory or State, 4. Resolved, As the Constitution, as inter-nor to exclude it therefrom; but to leave the preted by our Southern teachers, the nigger-people thereof perfectly free to form and reg drivers, has already established African Sla-ulate their domestic institutions in their own very in all the Territories of the United States, way, subject only to the Constitution of the that “Squatter Sovereignty” is a humbug, that United States.” ““This principle will surely General Cass is a humbug considerably behind not be controverted by any individual of any the age, and that all Abolition or Free State party professing devotion to popular govern Squatters should be expelled from Kansas, ment. Besides, how vain and illusory would if necessary, by fire and sword, &c., &c., any other principle rove in practice in regard to the Territories! This is apparent from the fact admitted by all, that after a Territory shall Extracts from Mr. luchanan’s Letter of Ac-have entered the Union and become a State, ceptance.~ ~ no constitutional power would then exist which Wheatland, near Lancaster, could prevent it from either abolishing or June 16, 1856. establishing slavery, as the case may be, accord Gentlemen,-I have the honor to acknowl-ing to its sovereign will and pleasure. edge the receipt of your communication of the Most happy would it be for the country if 13th instant, informing me officially of my this long agitation were at an end. During nomination by the Democratic National Con-its whole progress it has produced no practical vention recently held atCincinnati, as the Dem-good to any human being, whilst it has been ocratic candidate for the office cf President of the source of great and dangerous evils. It the United States. has alienated and estranged one portion of the Union from the other, and has even seriously In accepting the nomination, I need scarce-threatened its very existence To my own ly say that I accept in the same spirit the res-personal knowledge, it has produced the im

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10 pression among foreign nations that our great and glorious confederacy is in constant danger of dissolution. This does us serious injury, because acknowledged power and stability always command respectamong nations, and are among the best securities against unjust aggression and in favor of the maintenance of honorable peace. acceptable to me at first, it is still more so now, since I have seen him and heard him speak. The Committee, of which I was one, waited on h im at his resid ence t o give him formal and official n otice of his nomination, and, in the nam e of t he N ational Democracy, to request his acceptance of it. We found him open, Trank, and wholly undisguised in the e xpres sion of his sentiments.

Mr. Buchanan said, in the presence of all who had assembled,- and they were from the North and the South, the East and the West,  that he stood upon the Cincinnati platform, and endorsed every part of it. He was explicit in his remarks on its slavery features, saying that the slavery issue was the absorbing element in the canvass. He recognized to its fullest extent the overshadowing importance of that is sue; and, if elected, he would make it the great aim of his administration to settle the question upon such terms as should give peace and safe ty to the Union, and security to the South. He spoke in terms of decided commenda tion of the Kansas bill, and as pointedly depre cated the unworthy efforts of sectional agitation to get up a national conflagration on that ques tion. After the passage of the compromise measures of 1850, the Kansas bill was, he said, necessary to harmonize our legislation in refer ence to the Territories; and he expressed his surprise that there should appear anywhere an organized opposition to the Kansas bill, after the general acquiescence which the whole .country had expressed in the measures of 1850. After thus speaking of Kansas and the slavery issues, Mr. Buchanan passed to our foreign policy. He approved in general terms of the Cincinnati resolutions on this subject; but said, that, while enforcing our own policy, we must at all times scrupulously regard the just rights and proper policy of other nations. He was not opposed to territorial extension. All our acquisitions had been fairly and honorably made. Our necessities might require us to make other acquisitions. He regarded the acquisition of Cuba as very desirable now, and it was likely to become a national necessity. Whenever we could obtain the island on fair, honorable terms, he was for taking it. But he added, it would be a terrible necessity that would induce me to sanction any movement that would bring reproach upon us, or tarnish the honor and glory of our beloved country.

After the formal interview was over, Mr. Buchanan said playfully, but in the presence of the whole audience, ” IF I CAN BE INSTRUMENTAL IN SETTLING

THE From the N. Y. Evening Post. Bachanan’s very latest opinion on Kansas and Cuba. The Buchanier p resse s at the North are in the habit of insinuating that Mr. Buchan an is cons erv ative in his no tions; that be does not r eally appr ovet of the policy of the adminis tration in Kansas; that he did not mean what he said in the Ostend circular, and that in his foreign policy, if elected, he would be entirely pacific. The Journal of Commerce is in the habit of playing this tune among its commercial read ers, and there are some who are charmed by it. We have always maintained that this was a delusion; tbat.Buchanan is now what he always was; that he is led by the same desperate class of men as formerly, and that no more faith can be placed in his principles of his professions now, than when he told General Jackson of the bargain between Henry Clay and President Adams, in the existence of which he afterwards admitted he had no faith.

That he is the same man he always was; that he has pledged himself to the nationalization of slavery; that he still sticks to the highwayman’s plea set up at Ostend; and if elected, would esteem it among the contingent duties of his position to take Cuba by force, happily does not rest now upon presumption nor inference merely. He has stated his opinions upon both these doints most explicitly, and evidently with the intent that they should be made public, to Senator Brown, of Mississippi, who has given an account of the interview to one of his constituents. Here is the letter.

Will the Journal of Commerce please give its commercial readers an opportunity of reading it, and of becoming as enlightened about Mr.

Buchanan’s opinions as the Mississippian constituents of Mr. Senator Brown. LETTER FROM HON A. G. BROWN. WASHINGTON CITY, June 18. My dear Sir, I congratulate you on the nomination of your favorite candidate for the Presidency. If the nomination of Mr. Buchanan was

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SLAVERY QUESTION UPON THE to the South, but he endeavored to carry them TERMS I HAVE NAMED, AND THEN intQ effect. His is not a dead record of votes, ADD CUBA TO THE UNION, I SHALL but’ a living record of acts, which vindicate IF PRESIDENT, BE WILLING TO GIVE the honesty of the votes. Thus, Mr. Buchan UP THE GHOST, AND LET BRECKIN-an exhorted the North to a faithful and cheer RIDGE TAKE THE GOVERNMENT.” ful fulfilment of the obligations of the fugitive Could there be a more noble ambition? You slave law. He protested against the prohibi may well be proud of your early choice of a tion of tho jails in Pennsylvania to federal offi candidate, and congratulate yourself that no cers for the confinement of captured slaves. adverse influences ever moved you an inch He denounced the Wilmot Proviso. He ap from your stern purpose of giving the great proved the Clayton Compromise of 1847. Pennsylvanian a steady, earnest, and cordial And, to sum up in a single sentence, he has at support. In my judgment HE IS AS WOR-all times and in ailpiaces exerted the authority THY OF SOUTHERN CONFIDENCE of his high character and great talents to uphold - AND SOUTHERN VOTES AS MR. CAL-the Union, defend the Constitution, and protect HOUN EVER WAS; and in saying this I the South.

do not mean to intimate that Mr. Buchanan To recapitulate: - has any sectional prejudices in our favor. I 1. In 1836, Mr. Buchanan supported a bill only mean to sy that he has none against us, to prohibit the circulation of abolition papers and that we may rely with absolute certainty through the mails. on receiving full justice, according to the Con-2. In the same year he proposed and voted stitution, at his hands.

for the admission of Arkansas. Knowing your long, laborious and faithful 3. In 1836 7, he denounced, and voted to adherence to the fortunes of Mr.

Buchanan, I reject petiti6ns for the abolition of slavery in have thought it proper to address you this let-the District of Columbia. ter, to give you assurance that you had not 4. In 1837, he voted for Mr. Calhoun’s fa mistaken your man, nor failed in the performous resolutions, defining the rights of the mance of a sacred and filial duty to the south. States and the limits of federal authority, and In doing so I violate no confidence. aftirming it to be the duty of the government to To Hon. S. R.

ADAMS. with Southern Senators against the considera This statement of the views and purposes of tion of anti-slavery petitions. Mr. Buchanan, gives new importance to the 6. In 1844 5 he advocated and votedforthe celebrated Ostend Manifesto, from which the annexation of Texas. 7. In 1847 he sustained the Clayton Com following is an extract:.oe “After we shall have offered Spain a price 8. In 1850, hepropomised and urged the exten for Cuba far beyond its present value, and this sio n of the Missouri Compromise to the Paci shall have been refused, it will then be time to so of the Missouri Compromise to the Pacfic consider the question, Does Cuba, in the pos-9. But he promptly acquiesced in the Com session of Spain, seriously endanger ou r inter-. s i nl peace and the existence of our cherished promise of 1850, and employed all his influ nal peace and the existence of our cherished ence in favor of the faithful execution of the Union? Should this question be answered in Fugitive Slav e Law. the affirmative, then by every law, human and 10. In 1851, he remonstrated against an divine, we shall be justifeinwetnitfo 10. In 1851, he remonstrated against an divine, we shall be justfied in wres ting it from enactment of the Pennsylvania Legislature for Spain if we possess the power.” obstructing the arrest and return of fugitive slaves. Or.

Buchanan’ ][iecolrd. *.. r. Buchanan’s ecord. 11. In 1854, he negotiated for the acquisi The Richmond Enquirer thus endorses Bu-tion of Cuba.

chanan: - 12. In 1856, he approves the repeal of the m”In private as well as in public, Mr. Buchan-Missouri restriction, and supports the prin an has always stood on the side of the South. ciples of the Kansas-Nebraskca Act. The citizen and the statesman are one and the 13. He never gave a vote against the inter same individual. He supported the rights of ests of Slavery, and never uttered a’word which the South when in office; he vindicated and could pain the most sensitive Southern heart. maintained those rights when out of office. The prominent facts of Mr. Buchanan’s re He not only voted for all measures of justice cord touching slavery are thus grouped into a it .11

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single view; so that a person of the least pa tience in research, may ascertain at a glance how the Democratic candidate stands in respect to the great issue of the canvass. In this succinct statement, we give not detached passages and isolated acts; but we bring the whole history of a long life to bear upon the popular mind with the irresistible force of truth. This rapid retrospect discloses a consistency and efficiency of service to the South, which flattery can claim for no other living man.

Mr. Buchanan is not only vindicated from calumny; he is not simply shown to be exempt from just reproach and worthy of confidence; he is promoted to his proper position, in advance of any and every statesman of the North, in the confidence and affection of the people of the South. He demands not a mere recognition of his attachment to the Constitution, but unbounded applause for such service in the interest of the South as no other man can boast. Against the captious criticism of a desperate adversary, refining upon technical distinctions and skulking among quibbles, the Democracy oppose this incontestable attestation of their candidate’s fidelity.” And again. “,We challenge the Whig to cite a single instance of a clear and unequivocal struggle between North and South, in which Mr. Buchanan did not espouse the interests of the South.” Gein. Sam eHouston on the Presidency. WASHINGTON CITY, July 21, 1856. My dear Sir,-

Your letter of the 27th of June ult., addressed to me at Huntsville, did not reach me until my arrival here. I thank you for your kind senti ments, an d I assure you I reciprocate all that yo u hav e expressed. Any apology was u nne cessary fo r ad dressing me on political subjects, as they are now so interesting to the public, a s w ell as to indivi duals. I thank you for your views and sug gestions, and will render mine with per fect freedom and fidelity. You say, i n speaking of yourself, that “havingaa be en rea r e d a lmost be neath the s ha des of the Hermita ge, and in every sense a Democrat, I feel all the reverence and confidence in the principles and integrity of the motives that actuated Gen. Jackson in his political course that I should do. The issues formerly dividing th e old Whig and Democratic parties m ay no longer b e said to exist; yet th ere is a diffbrence in principle, arising out of the interpretation of the i erret of e Constitution of the United States, thatu t must contin ue to exist as long as o ur present form of govern ment continues.” Now, let us reflect for a moment, and ob serve that I too, if not reared “1 beneath the shades of the Hermitage,” was ta ught under the pure, vigorous, and national Democratic teachings of the revered and brave old chief, whose wis do m broug ht hones ty, purit y, an d vigo r into the public service, with strength, love of union, honor, and renown to the whole country. I marched with that old chief, and kept step with his Democracy, throughout his public life; and, since he departed, l have never deviated for a moment from his principles;  and, I tell you, you can say most truly that not only the issues formerly dividing the old Whia and Democratic parties can no longer be said to have any practical existence, but that those parties themselves have no distinctive character. They have faded, become extinct, and expired. One, the Whig party, lives only in the memory of its great name, its great abilities, and its great failures to accomplish practical results; the other, although it retains the name of De-i mocracy, has no memories to which the present organization can refer without a blush of shame. The Democracy of to-day is a ” compound ” of heterogeneous materials; it has dwindled down to mere sectionalism, and is now but a faction. But after all his subs erviency, Buchanan is not likely to be elected, if we may believe that r ank pro-slaver y sheet, the St.

Louis Intelligencer, which says: “Buchanan has scarcely the shadow of a prospect of beating Fremont. He cannot do it. Buchanan is a doomed and defeated man. As surely as Cass was borne down and defeated in 1848, so will Buchanan be defeated now. He will never sit in the Presidential chair. Buchanan will not get a single New England State. He will lose New York and Ohio by nearly 100,000 minority. His stronghold of Pennsylvania is torn from him, and nothing is more certain than his inglorious defeat in his own State. In all the Northwest Buchanan is as dead as an Egyptian mummy, buried a thousand years ago. He will not get a single State north of the Ohio river or west of the Lakes. He will be overwhelmingly defeated in the Northwest. His own partisans there feel it and know it. The Southern States are Buchanan’s only hope; but the South, unaided, cannot elect him, and, what is more, they do not care to elect h]im. The South does not re 12 spect or trust Buchanan. They have no confidence in him.”

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13 It has lost the princip!e of cohesion, and boasts no longer a uniform policy. When it followed with us the flag of the “old chief,” it had a consistency of principle and firmness of purpose which always accompany a clear conviction of right. It had clear heads, patriotic hearts, and clean hands, ever ready in its support. It spoke wisdom and quiet at home, and every section rejoiced in our general prosperity; it announced its foreign policy, and negotiations abroad were no farther necessary than to communicate that announcement. Where is that Democracy to-day? Swallowed up in unmitigated squatter sovereignty - in sectional bickerings and disputes-in disregarding compacts between the different sections of the Union, the repeal of which has led to insurrection in Kansas - in getting up Indian wars wherever Indians could be found, as a pretext for increasing the regular army, the estimated expenses of which, at this time, are $12,000,000 per annum, when $300,000, judiciously expended, would secure peace with every Indian Tribe on the continent, and induce them to embrace the arts of civilization. The foreign policy of the present Democratic President has been far from creditable to our government. It, too, has shown a disposition to courtan alien influence to sustain it, while it has declared and practised relentless proscription against native-born American citizens. I will pursue this point no further. To ruminate upon it is painful enough for a man who loves his country, but when called upon by friends, I feel it due to them to express my sentiments plainly. You and I, and tens of thousands of old Democrats who were the true covenanters under Jackson, wash our hands of these absurdities, follies and evidences of culpable mismanagement. hostility to the propagation of slavery is inten se, a nd who yet vote wit h the South.

There are other Representatives of similar districts who often vote perversely, as if they sought to favor the plans of the slaveholders by getting up little factions of their own among the friends of freedom in the Territories. There is consequently but a bare majority for the right side in the House, a majority which lies at the mercy of accident, or of a subtler and still more potent cause than accident-corruption. In a body of men where the majority to overcome is so very small, and so many members of which have already proved faithless to their constituents, the chances of succeeding by corruption would seem to a politician who makes no scruple of resorting to such methods, well worth trying. Suppose, then, Mr. Buchanan accomplishes the object of getting the election into the House of Representatives, what steps will be taken to secure its vote?

What terms will he propose, what offers does he stand ready to make, to shift the majority over to his Side? The reply is to be found in Mr.

Buchanan’s past history. We will not judge him by any suspicions of our own, but by his past conduct, and Andrew Jackson shall be our witness. The following letter of General Jackson, which we have already laid before our readers, but which is important enough to bear republication, and the original of which is in the hands of the editor of the Nashville Banner, informs us by what means Mr. Buchanan will seek to operate upon the House of Representatives. ” HERMITAGE, February 28, 1845. “Your observations with regard to Mr. Buchanan are correct. He showed a want of moral courage in the affair of the intrigue of Adams and Clay-did not do me justice in the expose he then made, and I am sure about that time did believe there was a perfect understanding between Adams and-Clay about the Presidency and the Secretary of State. This I am sure of. But whether he v iewed that there was any corruption or not, I know not, but one thing I do know, that he wished me to combat them with their own weapons-that was, to let my friends say if I was elected I wouldl make Mr. Clay Secretary of State.

This, to me appeared gross corruption, and I repelled it with that honest indignation as (which) -I thought it deserved.” From the New York Evening Post. How Buchanan hopes to get in. At present it is pretty manifest that Mr. Buchanan and his friends are thinking to throw, or rather thrust, the election of President into the House of Representatives. If they can succeed in preventing an election by the people, it is as much as the shrewder ones among them, we are persuaded, allow themselves to hope. The House of Representatives is singularly constituted. The majority represent a constituency strongly hostile to the extension of slavery, but the representatives, as is often the case in public bodies, are not all in agreement with their constituents. There are men in Congress representing districts where the We do not republish this letter for the sake of recalling the memory of feuds which are now forgotten. The recollection of what General Jackson in this letter calls ” the intrigue of Adams and Clay” may well be allowed to sleep. Adams was a virtuous man, capable of confronting any danger, and making any

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-14 sacrifice in what he esteemed a good cause. Clay was a man of noble and generous nature, and it may well be that General Jackson’s suspicions of an improper understanding be tween them arose from his first hearing from Mr. Buchanan the proposal that he should puschase Mr. Clay’s support and influence by a promise to make him Secretary of State, and finding Mr.

Clay afterwards appointed to that office by Mr. Adams. The bare suspicion of that “bargain,” as it was called, greatly prejudiced both those eminent men in the opinion of the public, and affected their pop ularity for years. Against Mr. Buchanan, un fortunately for him, there is something more than suspicion-he gave directly and distinct ly the advice that General Jackson should make the very arrangement with Mr. Clay, which both Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay always indignantly denied that they ever made with each other. If General Jacksen, instead of repelling this base suggestion with that honest warmth which was natural to his character, had listened to it, Buchanan was ready to con vey the offer to Mr. Clay. He saw nothing in it to shock his moral delicacy, whatever Gen. Jackson or Mr. Clay might. No politician once corrupted, is ever weaned from his bad courses by time. The cheek that has once learned not to blush never blushes again.

Years of association with such creatures as Mr. Buchanan’s political agentsamong them it is known are some of the most profligate of men-have not given him a more sensitive conscience. If he was ready to enter into a corrupt bargain in 1824, he will, of course, have no scruple now; and if instruments are wanted to work upon the House of Representatives, he has them already in his service. If place and emolument can buy votes in that hoy, they will be bought. One man will be offered a foreign mission, another a place in the Cabinet, another a collectorship, and half a dozen bribes of that kind, if members can be found to take them, who will do the business. The course of Mr. Buchanan, if, by any skill of his partisans, the election should be devolved upon the House of Representatives, is clearly foreshadowed in the suggestion which he made to General Jackson, and which gave that great and honest man a bad opinion of him for life. We know from it what Buchanan will do if he is one of the candidates before the House; and if he should succeed in obtaining a majority of the votes, we shall know to what means the success is owing. From Correspondence of the Was hin gton Organ, Aug. 11. Oen. Jaekson and Mr. Buchanan. THE

BARGAIN AND INTRIGUE SLANDER OX MR. CLAY. NASHVILLE, August 5, 1856. In the Republican Banner, of this city, of the 22d of June last, there appeared an able editorial fixing upon Mr. Buchanan the authorship of the bargain and intrigue slander which wrought so much injury upon Henry Clay.

In the article the following extracts of a letter from Gen. Jackson to Major William B. Lewis, an old and revered friend of the departed chieftain, were quoted to show in what light Mr. Buchanan’s conduct was regarded by Gen. Jackson: GEN. JACKSON TO MAJOR W. B. LEWIS. ” HERMITAGE, February 28, 1845. “Your observations with regard to Mr. Buchanan are correct. He showed a want of moral courage in the affair of the intrigue of Adams and Clay, did not do me justice in the expose he there made, and I am sure about that tine did believe there was a perfect understanding between Adams and Clay about the Presidency and the Secretary of State.

THIs I AM SURE OF. But whether he viewed that there was any corruption in the case or not, I know not; but one thing I do know, that he wished me to combat them with their own weapons; that was, to let my friends say, if I was elected 1 would make Mr. Clay Secretary of State. This to me appeared deep corruption, and I repelled it with that honest indignation as I thought it deserved… 1.A~NDREWT JACKSONq.” This letter fell with crushing effect upon the Buchanan Democracy here, and notwithstanding all their efforts to break its force, it is still doing mischief to them and the cause of Mr. Buchanan. In their extremity they called in the aid of Andrew Jackson, Jr., who intimated that the letter did not express the real sentiments of Gen. Jackson -that he wrote it under ” irritation,” &c.

The question then arose, what was it that could have so “irritated” the General that he deliber ately put on record what his adopted son declares is not his real opinion of Mr. Buchanan? What was it that made the old chief belie, in the opinion of his adopted son, the honest sentiments of his heart? The American party had no means of knowing-they had no copy of Major Lewis’s letter to Gen. Jackson; but the Patriot, one of the American papers here, succeeded, after inflicting a terrible lashing on the adopted son, in drawing the desired information from him!

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‘15 In the Nashville Union and American of the 9th of July, Andrew Jackson, Jr., appeared in a long letter, and introduces the following: LETTER FROM MAJOR W. B. LEWIS TO GEN. JACKSON. ” WASHINGTON, February 17, 1845. “My dear General: Your two confidential and very interesting letters of the 4th and 5th instant have been received and disposed of as requested. I am happy to say that I am entirely satisfied, and so is Mr.

Blair, with the gentlemen who it is supposed will constitute the new Cabinet. Mr. Blair and myself both think it doubtful, however, whether Mr.

Buchanan will accept upon the terms proposed, (he should not be appointed unless he does,) as he is full of the idea as stated to you in my previous letters, of being a candidate for the succession. If he should not accept, I suppose the State Department will then be offered to Mr. Stephenson.

With or without Mr. Bu chanan, however, I think the Cabinet will be an able one, and fully entitled to, and doubtless will receive, the confidence of the nation. ” The truth is, General, I have never had any very great respect for Mr. Buchanan, and of late I have even had less than formerly. He did not come out upon the subject of that 4 bargain, in trigue andcorrup tion’ charge up on Messrs. Clay and Adams in 1825, as he ought to have done, and as was expected of him. Besides, I have heard him say, not more than a month ago, that he did not, and never had, believed there was any truth in the charge. This occurred at Mr.‘s dinner table, and the remarks were addressed to Judg e Mangfum, the President of the Senate. But having taken place at the time and place when it did, I have said nothing about it to any one. * ,, W. B. LEwIs.” With this letter before the public, Gen. Jackson’s “irritation” is very easily accounted for. No doubt he was indignant, excessively indignant, when he learned that Mr. Buchanan, upon whose authority he had made the charge of bargain and intrigue against Mr. Clay, had declared he “did not and NEVER HAD

BELIEVED there was ANY TRUTH IN THE CHARGE!” But indignant as he might have been, who will believe that he, in his letter above to Major Lewis, wrote what were not his honest sentiments? Unable to meet and confute the damnina evidences of Mr. Buchanan’s guilt, furnished by Gen. Jackson, attempts have been made to discredit the authenticity of the letter to Major From the Washington Union of July 19, 1856. GENERAL JACKSON AND MR.

BUCHANAN. “The most disreputable attempt th at has been made to injure Mr.

Buchanan, is that which seeks to make the impression that General Jackson lacked confidence in him on account of h is conduct in t he unfortunate difficulty as to the charge of’ bargain and comrption’ which grew out of the election of. l et in Ar. A dams in 1825. We have already publihbed two letters from Gene ra l Jackson’s son, Andrew Jackson, in wh ich he triumpha ntly vindicates the memory of his father, and entirely refutes the allegation that Mr. Buchanan did not enjoy his entire confidence. It will be remembered that Andrew Jackson was. induced to appeal to the public in consequence of the disgraceful violation of all decency and propriety of the publication of certain confidential letters of his father. One of these private letters, an extract of which was so published, purported to bear date, late in February, 1845,. and in this extract General Jackson alludes isn terms of dissatisfaction to the conduct of Mr. Buchanan in the affair before referred to. ” We now have information from Nashville, Tennessee, that the person who has thus violated General Jackson’s confidence, and furnished for political effect what purports to be an extract from one of his private letters, is Major W. B. Lewis. The gentleman who gives us this information was one of the most intimate of General Jackson’s friends, and a member of Mr. Polk’s Cabinet. In regard to the alleged extract he says:‘I shall not believe that he (Gen. Jackson) ever so expresl himself until I see the letter in his own handwriting. Such tricksters could easily add to or erase a word which would entirely change the whole meaning of a sentence.’ As we understand the matter, the whole credit to be given to the extract rests upon the assertion of Major Lewis, that he has furnished the copy of it for publication. Bv the very fact of thus abusing the confidence reposed in him by General Jackson, he forfeits all claim to cred, ibility. ” The fact that he has suppressed the reddue of the letter furnishes strong.

evidence that the extract is either not genuine, or that it is garbled and altered so as to pervert its

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16 of the Bank of Tennessee, where he (Johnson) spends his days, and he, together with all other Democrats, have a standing invitation to call and read it. In response to his intimation, I will say that the letter is in the handwriting of Gen. Jackson, that there is neither an erasure or an interlineation in it, and that it has been examined by honorable Democrats, who admit its genuineness, while they lamert its existence.

Under these circumstances, the attempt of Cave Johnson and A. O. P.

Nicholson to create the impression that the letter has been “garbled” or is a “forgery,” is in the highest degree discreditable to them as honorable men. By lending themselves to such an unworthy artifice to impose upon the people, they descend to the level of the ballot-box stuffers, and render themselves objects of contempt and derision. In conclusion, your correspondent would admonish all who expect to relieve Mr. Buchanan from the odium of his position as an accomplice in the conspiracy to destroy Mr. Clay, by throwing doubts upon the authenticity of Gen. Jackson’s letter, that the thing is impossible. The “Old Buck” has been brought to bay, and in November his antlers will be hung up as an evidence of his guilt, and of the justice of the great masses of Mr.

Clay’s countrymen. MACON. DOCUMENTS RELATING TO TIHE REPUP LICAN PARTY.

The Republican Platform. true meaning. Every honorable mind is jus tified in pronouncing it a probable forgery, unless Major Lewis produces the whole letter, in General Jackson’s own handwriting, and, togewther with it, the letter of his own to which it was an answer. The gentleman before al luded to, not only asserts, as a fact susceptible of proof, that Gen.

Jackson appro ved the se - lection of Mr. Buchanan by Mr. Polk, as a member of hi s C abin et be fore the appointment was made, but that, after it was made, and af ter the date of th e pr eten ded letter to Major Lewis, Gen. Jackson wro te to Mr. Polk ex pressing his cordial satisfaction at the appointment of Mr. Buchanan. This letter is in existeifce, and its contents are so directly contradictory of the pretended extract, that it strongly corroborates the conclusion that the extract is a forgery.” Now the chief object of this communication is to expose this base attempt at imposture on the part of the Union. It is true that Andrew Jackson, Jr~, has written two letters, in which he speaks of the letter to Major Lewis, but in neither does he dare to question the authenticity of the extract. On the contrary he admits its genuineness, but suspects if the whole letter were published it might not be so hard on Mr. Buchanan. He copies the extract in one of his letters, preceding it with the remark:” The following extract from one of my father’s private and confidential letters.” Again, he says: “I say furthermore, that the above paragraph (the extract from the letter to Ma’. Lewis, given above) was called forth by irritation, produced,” &c. In no instance does he dare to throw a doubt upon the extract as a veritable production of Gen Jackson. The ” paragraph” contains all that is said in the letter upon the subject of the slander on Mr. Clay; and, of course, the publication of the whole letter could not alter its sense in any way. [If the letter contained a word or an idea which would benefit Mr. Buchanan, we suppose of course his friend, Andrew Jackson, Jr., would publish it.-Ed. Am.

Organ.] The Cabinet officer alluded to in the Union is Hon. Cave Johnson.

He intimates that the letter is not in General Jackson’s handwriting -that words or sentences may have been erased, &c. These are grave imputations upon the honesty of gentlemen in every respect the peers otHon. Cave Johnson. It would have been more honorable had he, instead of making them, examined the letter and satisfied his doubts, if he really had any doubts.

The letter is at the Banner office, within a stone’s throw This convention of delegates, assembled in pursuance of a call addressed to the people of the United States, without regard to past political differences or divisions, who are opposed to the repeal of the Missouri Compromise; to the policy of the present administration; to the extension of slavery into free territory; in favor of the admission of Kansas as a Free State; of restoring the action of the Federal Government to the principles of Washington and Jefferson; and for the purpose of presenting candidates for the offices of President and Vice President, do 1. Resolve, That the maintenance of the principles promulgated in the Declaration of Independence, and embodied in the Federal Constitution, is essential to the preservation of our Republican institutions, and that the Federal Constitution, the rights of the States, and the union of the States, shall be preserved. 2. Resolved, That, with our Republican fathers, we hold it to be a self-evident truth that

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17 all men are endowed with the unalienable right of life, libqrty, and the pursuit of happi ness; and that the primary object and ulterior design of our federal government were to se cure those rights to all persons within its ex clusive jurisdiction; that as our Republican fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all our national territory, ordained that no person should be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law, it becomes our duty to maintain this provision of the Constitution against all attempts to violate it for the purpose of establishing slavery in the United States by positive legislation, prohibiting its existence or extension therein; that we deny the authority of Congress, of a Territorial legislature, of any individual or association of individuals, to givwe legal assistance to slavery in any Territory of the United States, while the present Constitution shall be maintained. 3. Resolved, That the Constitution confers upon Congress sovereign power over the Terri tories of the United States for their govern ment, and that in the exercise of this power it is both the right and the duty of Congress toprohibit in the Territories those twin relics of barba rism, polygamy and slavery. 4. Resolved, That while the Constitution of the United States was ordained and established by the people in order to “form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, and secure the blessings of liberty,” and contains ample provisions for the protection of the life, liberty and property of every citizen, the dearest constitutional rights of the people of Kansas have been fraudulently and violently taken from them. Their territory has been invaded by an armed force: Spurious and pretended legislative, judicial, and executive officers, have been set over them, by whose usurped authority, sustained by the military power of the government, tyrannical and unconstitutional laws have been enacted and enforced: The rights of the people to keep and to bear arms have been infringed: Test oaths of an extraordinary and entangling nature have been imposed as a condition of exercising the rights of suffrage and holding office: The right of an accused person to a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury has been denied: The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, has been violated: They have been deprived of life, liberty, and property, with out due pr ocess of law:t That the freedom o f spe ech and of the pres s has been abridged: The right to choose their Representatives has been made of no effect: Murders, robberies, e a nd arsons, have been instigated and e nco ur aged, a nd the offenders have been a llowed to go u npunish ed. That all these’things have been done with the knowledge, san cti on, a nd pro cure ment of the present ad ministration, and that for this high crime against the Co nstitution, the Union, and humanity, we a rraign that administration, the President, his adviser s, agents, supporters, apologists, and accessories, either before or af ter the facts-before the country and before the world; and that it is ourfixed purpose to bring the actual perpetrators of these atrocious outrages, and their accomplices, to a sure and condign punishment hereafter. 5. Resolved, That Kansas should be immedi ately admitted as a State of the Union, with her present free constitution, as at once the Eost effectual way of securing to her citizens the enjoyment of the rights and privileges to which they are entitled, and of ending the civil strife now rafing in her Territory. 6.

Resolved, That the highwayman’s plea that might makes right, embodied in the Ostend Circular, was in every respect unworthy of American diplomacy, and would bring shame and dishonor upon any government or people that gave it their sanction. 7. Resolved, That a Railroa(d to the Pacific Ocean by the most central and practical route, is imperatively demanded by the interests of the whole country, and that the Federal Government ought to render immediate and efficient aid in its construction, and, as an auxiliary thereto, the immediate construction of an emigrant route on the line of the railroad. 8. Resolved, That appropriations by Congress for the improvement of rivers and harbors, of a national character, required for the accommodation and security of our existing commerce, are authorized by the Constitution, and justified by the obligation of government to protect the lives and property of its citizens. 9. Resolved, That we invite the affiliation and cooperation of the men of’ all parties, however differing from us in other respects, in support of the principles herein declared; and believing that the spirit of our institutions as well as the Constitution of our country guaranteesj liberty of conscience and equality of rights, among citizens, we oppose all legislation impairing their security. 2 0

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18 LETTER OF ACCEPTANCE-COL. FREMONT the civilized world. An honest, firm, and TO THE COMMITTEE OF THE PEOPLE’S open policy in our foreign rejtions would com CONVENTION. mand the united support of the nation, whose NEW

YORK, July 8, 1856. deliberate opinions it would necessarily reflect.

GENTLEMEN: You call me to a high re-Nothing is clearer in the history of our insponsibility by placing me in the van of a stitutions than the design of the nation in asgreat movement of the people of the United serting its own independence and freedom, to States, who, without regard to past differences, avoid giving countenance to the extension of are uniting in a common effort to bring back Slavery. The influence of the small but cornthe action of the Federal Government to the pact and powerful class of men interested in principles of WASHINGTON and JEFFERSON. Slavery, who command one section of the Comprehending the magnitude of the trust country, and wield a vast political control as a which they have declared themselves willing consequence in the other, is now directed to to place in my hands, and deeply sensible to turn this impulse of the Revolution and reverse the honor which their unreserved confidence its principles. The extension of Slavery across in this threatening position of the public af-the continent is the object of the power which fairs implies, I feel that I cannot better respond now rules the Government; and from this spirit than by a sincere declaration that, in the event have sprung those kindred wrongs in Kanses so of my election to the Presidency, I should en-truly portrayed in one of your resolutions, ter upon the execution of its duties with a which prove that the elements of the most arbisingle-hearted determination to promote the trary governments have not been vanquished by good of the whole country, and to direct sole-the just theory of our own. It would be out of ly to this end all the power of the Govern-place here to pledge myself to any particular ment, irrespective of party issues, and regard-policy that has been suggested to terminate the less of sectional strifes. The declaration of sectional controversy engendered by political principles embodied in the resolves of your animosities, operating on a powerful class bandConvention expresses the sentiments in which ed together by a common interest. A practical I have been educated, and which have been remedy is the admission of Kansas into the ripened into convictions by personal observa-Union as a Free State. The South should, in tion and experience.

With this declaration my judgment, earnestly desire such a consumand avowal, I think it necessary to revert to mation. It would vindicate the good faith-it only two of the subjects embraced in the reso-would correct the mistake of the repeal; and lutions, and to those only because events have the North, having practically the benefit of the surrounded them with grave and critical cir-agreement between the two sections, would be cumstances, and given to them special impor-satisfied, and good feeling be restored. The tance. measure is perfectly consistent with the honor I concur in the views of that Convention of the South, and vital to its interests. That deprecating the foreign policy to which it ad-fatal act which gave birth to this purely secverts. The assumption that we have the right tional strife, originating in the scheme to take to take from another nation its domains be-from free labor the country secured to it by cause we want them, is an abandonment of the a solemn covenant, cannot be too soon disarmhonest character which our country has ac-ed of its pernicious force. The only genial quired. To provoke hostilities by unjust as-region of the middle latitudes left to the emi sumptions would be to sacrifice the peace and grants of the Northern States for homes can character of the country, when all its interests not be conquered from the free laborers, who might be more certainly secured, and its ob-have long considered it as set apart for them in jects attained by just and healing counsels, in-our inheritance, without provoking a desper volving no loss of reputation. ate struggle. Whatever may be the persis International embarrassments are mainly tence of the particular class which seems ready the results of a secret diplomacy, which aims to hazard everything for the success of the to keep from the knowledge of the people the unjust scheme it has partially effected, I firmly operations of the Government. This system believe that the great heart of the nation, is inconsistent with the character of our insti-which throbs with the patriotism of the free tutions, and is itself yielding gradually to a men of both sections, will have power to over more enlightened public opinion, and to the come it.

They will look to the rights secured power of a free Press, which, by its broad dis-to them by the Constitution of the Union, as semination of political intelligence, secures in their best safeguard from the oppression of advance to the side of justice the judgment of the class which-by a monopoly of the soil t 

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19 and of slave labor to till it-might in time re-? retentel duce them to the extremity of laboring upon BY THE CITIZENS OF CHARLESTON the same terms with the slaves. The great TO LIEUTENANT-COLONEL body of non-slaveholding freemen, including J O H N CH A R L E S F R E M ON T.

those of the South, upon whose welfare Sla-A MEMORIAL OF THEIR HIGH

APPRECIATION very is an oppression, will discover that the OF THE

GALLANTRY AND SCIENCE power of the General Governmenet over the HE HAS

DISPLAYED IN HIS public lands may be beneficially exerted to ad-SERICES

IN OREGON AND CALIFORNIA. …. ~~~~~~~SERVICES IN OREGON AND CALIFORNIA.

vance their interests and secure their independence. Knowing this, their suffrages wil[ not SWORD BELT FROM THE CHARLESTON WOMEN. be wanting to maintain that authority in the From the Charleston, S. C., Mercury, Sept.

27,1847. Union which is absolutely essential to the We regret to learn that Col Fremont, maintenance of their own liberties, and which whose departure for Aiken we noticed a few has more than once indicated the purpose of days since, did not reach that place to see his disposing of the public lands in such a way as mother alive. She died but a few hours bewould make every settler upon them a free-fore his arrival. He accompanied her remains holder. the next day to this city, and after witnessing If the people intrust to me the administrathe last sad rites, left here the evening followtion of the Government, the laws of Congress ing for Washington. In this affliction, renderin relation to the Territories will be faithfully ed [doubly poignant by his deep disappointexecuted. All its authority will be exerted in ment in not receiving her parting look of reaid of the national will to re-establish the peace cognition after his long and eventful absence, of the country on the just principles which he has the sympathy of our entire commuhave heretofore received the sanction of the nity. Federal Government, of the States, and of the ” The marked and brilliant career of Col. people of both sections. Such a policy would Fremont has arrested general attention and leave no aliment to that sectional party which admiration, and has been watched with lively seeks its aggrandizement by appropriating the interest by his fellow-citizens of South Caronew Territories to capital in the form of Sla-lina. Charleston particularly is proud of him, very, but would inevitably result in the tri-and the reputation which he has at so early an umph of Free Labor-the natural capital which age achieved for himself, she claims as soneconstitutes the real wealth of this great coun-thing in which she too has a share. But for try, and creates that intelligent power in the the melancholy circumstance attending his masses alone to be relied on as the bulwark of visit, our city would have manifested by suitfree institutions. able demonstrations their respect for him, and Trusting that I have a heart capable of their continued confidence in his honor and comprehending our whole country, with its va-integrity. It will require something more ried interests, and confident that patriotism ex-than mere accusation to sully them in the ists in all parts of the Union, I accept the nom-minds of the people of Charleston.

Some ination of the Convention, in the hope that I months since a sword was voted to him by our may be enabled to serve usefully its cause, citizens, the individual subscriptions to which which I consider the cause of constitutional were limited to $1; it now awaits his accepFreedom.

tance at a suitable opportunity. We are hap Very respectfully, your obedient servant, py to learn that the ladies of Charleston pro J. C.

FREMONT. pose, by a similar subscription, to furnish an appropriate belt to accompany the Sword, an SWORD FROM SOUTH CAROLINA. evidence that they too can appreciate the gal The citizens of Charleston, S. C., at a pub-lantry and heroism which have so signally lic meeting, in 1846, after passing resolutions marked his career, and have thrown an air of romance over the usually dry detail of scientihighly eulogistic of Col. Fremont’s services in fic pursuits.” Oregon and California, voted him a sword, limiting the subscription for the same at one LETTER FROM BARON HUMBOLDT.

dollar to a person. The sword is costly and To COL. FREMONT, Senator:-It is very agreeable to me, sir, to address you these ines~ elegantly wrought, of gold, silver mounted, in agreeable to mesir, to address you these lines by my excellent friend, our Minister to the a scabbard of gold, and bears the following United States, N. de Gerold. After having inscription: given you, in the new edition of my “Aspects

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20 Dr. Roberton is still living, and is now eng aged in teaching in the city of Philadelphia. In the preface to one of his school-books, published in 1850, he exhorts his pupils to attention to their studies, and thus sets before them the example of Fremont: “For your further encouragement, I will here relate a very remarkable instance of patient diligence and indomitable perseverance: “In the year 1827, after I had returned to Charleston from Scotland, and my classes were going on, a very respectable lawyer came to my school, I think some time in the month of October, with a youth apparently about sixteen, or perhaps not so much (fourteen), of middle size, graceful in manners, rather slender, but well formed, and upon the whole, what I should call handsome; of a keen, piercing eye, and a noble forehead, seemingly the very seat of genius. The gentleman stated that he found him given to study, that he had been about three weeks learning the Latin Rudiments, and (hoping, I suppose, to turn the youth’s attention from the law to the ministry) had resolved to place him under my care, for the purpose of learning Greek, Latin, and Mathematics, sufficient to enter Charleston College. I very gladly received him, for I immediately perceived he was no common youth, as intelligence beamed in his dark eye, and shone brightly on his counte nance, indicating great ability, and an assurance of his future progress. I at once put him in the highest class, just beginning to read Cesar’s Commentaries, and although at first inferior, his prodigious memory and enthusiastic application soon enabled him to surpass the best. He began Greek at the same time, and read with some who had been long at it, in which he also soon excelled. And whatever he read, he retained. It seemed to me, in fact, as if he learned by mere intuition. I was myself utterly astonished, and at the same time delighted with his progress. I have hinted that he was designed for the Church, but when I contemplated his bold, fearless disposition, his powerful inventive genius, his admiration of warlike exploits, and his love of heroic and adventurous deeds, I did not think it likely he would be a minister of the Gospel. He had not, however, the least appearance of any vice whatever. On the contrary, he was always the very pattern of virtue and modesty. I could not help loving him, so much did he captivate me by his gentlemanly conduct and extraordinary progress. It was easy to see that he would one day raise himself to eminence. of Nature,” the public testimony of the admiration which is due to vour gigantic labors bet een St. Louis, of Missouri, and the coasts of the South Sea, I feel happy to offer you, in this little token of my existence (dans ce petit signe de vie), the homage of my warm acknowledgment. You have displayed a noble courage in distant expeditions, braved all the dangers of cold and famine, enriched all the branches of the natural sciences, illustrated a vast country which was almost entirely unknown to us.. A merit so rare has been acknowledged by a soverei n warmly interested in the progress of physicgal geography; the king orders me to offer you the grand golden medal destined to those who have labored at scientific progress. I hope that this mark of the Royal good will will be agreeable to you at a time when, upon the proposition of the illustrious geographer, Chas. Ritter, the Geographical Society at-Berlin has named you an honorary member. For myself, I must thank you particularly also for the honor which you have done in attaching my name and that of my fellow-laborer and intimate friend, Mr. Bonpland, to countries neighboring to those which have been the object of our labors. California, which has so nobly resisted the introduction of Slavery, will be worthily represented by a friend of liberty and of the progress of intelligence. Accept, I pray you, sir, the expression of my high and affectionate consideration. Your most humble and most obedient servant, A. VON HUMBOLDT. Sans Sotici, October 7, 1850. On the envelope thus addressed: To Colonel Fremont, Senator, With the Great Golden Medal For Progress in the Sciences. BARON HUMBOLDT. Testimony of Fremont’s Teacher, given in 1850, – Six Years before he was Nominated.

Young Fremont, after attending school for some time in Norfolk and Charleston, at about the age of thirteen entered the law office of John W.

Mitchell, Esq., in Charleston. Mr. Mitchell was a man of exemplary character and of high standing in the community. He took a fancy to Fremont, and invited him to enter his office and prepare himself, ultimately, for the practice of the law. Here Fremont continued about a year, when Mr. Mitchell sent him to the school of Dr. Roberton, a Scotchman of good classical acquirements, and particularly skilled in the ancient languages.

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At the end of one year, he entered the from my associations with him, that his reli Junior Class in Charleston College triumphant-gious opinions were and still are those’ of the ly, while others who had been studying four Protestant Episcopalians. years and more, were obliged to take the Independent of this, I will state that the Sophomore Class. His career afterwards has only Prayer Book in our tent at the Blue b e e n one of heroic adventure, of hair -breadth Ridge was owned by John C. Fremont, with escapes by flood and field, and of scientific his name inscribed on the cover, which was explorations, which have made h im world-the Common Prayer Book used by all Epis w i d e renowned. copalians, and the same kind that I had from Su ch, my young friends, is but an imperfect boyhood been accustomed to use. This cir s k e t c h of my once beloved and favorite pupil, cumstance is strongly impressed upon my n ow a Senator, and who may yet rise to be at mind from the fact that there was among our the head of this great and growing republic.” number a son of the Episcopal Bishop of Bal timore, a strict disciplinarian, who, in the From the New York Evening Post. hurry of preparation for camp, neglected to Fremont’s Opinions on Slavery in 1837. His bring his Book of Prayers, which produced in ]Early RMeligious Views. arly Religious Views. our company no slight degree of amusement The following interesting correspondence at his expense. If Mr. Fremont is now a ~~~~1 this rexpense.ifMr trkemnisno pace has recently taken place: Roman Catholic he must certainly have become LETTER FROM JOHN M. WELCH, ESQ. so since his nomination. HUDsoN, August 30, 1856. In reply to your question of slavery, I will R. F. Livingston, Esq.: introduce a short extract from the journal kept Dear Sir: Knowing that you, some years by me at the time spoken of, in 1837 since, had a personal acquaintance with John regard to the characC. Fremont, and that you were a companion ter of my companion, Fremont. The most taciturn, modest man I ever mt eidn of his in several Exploring or Engineering t aciturn, modest man I ever met, reminding expeditions, I write you a few lines for the me of William C., and, like him, is not readily purpose of obtaining your understanding of drawn into conversation, looking at times as if purpose heoer oetaining your uderscutandbemingo Mr. Fremont’s views with reference to slavery he were resolving some difficult problem in extension: and also to ascertain from you Eucl id! itOne week has passed..-I whether he was, at the time you were with feeeas a i him, a pro-slavery man and a Roman Catholic. am greatly fatigued by the lastfew days’ laboriIf you will have the kindness to give me the ous duties. Buncome is truly a rough country. information I ask for, you will confer a great That young man, Fremont, is a genius-a favor. diamond of the first water-a person of no Respectfully yours, JOHN

M. WELCH. ordinary capacity. Such application, coupled with such indomitable perseverance-such a LETTER FROM ROBERT F. LIVINGSTON, ESQ.

determination to surmount every obstacle-a LIVINGSTON, Columbia county, }

patient investigation unsurpassed.” - September 2, 1856. * “A month has elapsed. Mr. John AI. Welch: We are camping in the most primitive of Dear Sir: Your note of the 30th of August, forests. Our caterer brings in a deer; our addressed to me, soliciting my understanding taciturn man is more communicative lately. of Col. John C. Fremont’s religious tenets and He is loved, respected and admired by us all. views of human slavery, I am pleased to com-First impressions of persons are generally the ply with. I have been personally acquainted best. It is mine that Fremont will, at some with him for nearly twenty years. In the future day, be distinguished; such energy, year 1837 we were for several months asso-such perseverance, such application and talent, ciated in the same corps of engineers, serving cannot escape notice, and will not go unrein North Carolina. We camped together, ate warded. I am, in a measure, his confidant, and slept together in the deep ravines of the conversing with him freely on all subjects, inBlue Ridge, far removed from any habitation.

eluding that of slavery. He does not conceal From our daily intercourse and intimacy it his opinions of the institution. He condemns might very naturally be inferred, ” as the fact it much, even in the presence of our compar,is,” that we became pretty conversant with ions. I am more cautious.” each other’s opinions and characters. I have This is from myjournal nearly twenty years no hesitation in declaring, from the knowledge ago. I believe from what I have heard Mr I then obtained of him, and have since obtained Fremont say of the demoralizing effects of 21

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slavery, that he hates it, but would not advise interference with it in the States where it is established. He is opposed’to its extension. I have been in Col. Fremont’s company in Kentucky, Cuba and California, and on the Isthmus of Panama. His views on this question of human slavery, are what all good men desire. Of his Protestantism there can be no doubt.

Believing that this will satisfy you upon the several points alluded to, and trusting that you will, ” as I certainly shall,” cast your vote for Fremont and Freedom, I remains yours, &c., ROBT. F. LIVINGSTON. mystery in due season will be fully. explained. We only repeat, for the present, weth a knowledge of the circumstances, that ha d Fre mont, when applied to by a Democratic committee, consented to swallow the Kansas-Nebr aska bil l, he would h ave put the n ose of Mr. Buchanan out of joint as the Democratic nominee.” Wha t a Patriot ic American Politician thinks. Chauncey Schaffer, Esq., formerly’district attorney of New York, has been a much re spected and promin ent me mber of t he American party, but has recently given his support to Fremo nt. A paragraph rec ently appea re d in the It haca Ci tize n, stating that he had returned to the support of Fillmo re and Donelson, because he was con vinced that Fremon t was a Cathol ic. M
r. Schafer has written a spicy letter in reply to this “roorback.” iee says that, as an Ame rican, ‘he is not bound by the action of the Philadelphia convention, an y more than his brethren of C Oassachusetts of f Co nnecticut, and o f e very New England Sta te. That conven tion, he says, was not an ” Amer ican convention.” As far as the North was concerned, it was a Silver Gray Whig convention; as far as the South was concerned, it wa s a convention for the propa gation of human slavery; and the resu lt was the nomination of two men, one of whom glories in being the owner of a hundred slaves, and the other (Mr. Fillmore) in beingi a most subservient instrument of the slav e power. He says: b I have not’ r eturned to the hearty sUo port of Fillmore and Donelson,’ nor will I do any act or thing tending to sanction the outrages of pro-slavery, nullification, border-ruffians, who in addition to their outrages in Missouri and Kansas, of themselves sufficient to turn the cheek of darkness pale have, from 1852 until now, wrested the high powers of the nation from their legitimate purpose, to the strengthening of the slave oligarchy. ” There are other objections to my supporting Mr. Fillmore, founded upon the fact stated by the Citizen, that I belong to the Methodist Church. ” The church owes slavery no particular good will, for slavery has rent that churchin twain; has imprisoned women for teaching the slave to read the Bible, and has sought in every way to destroy that church, as being the opponent of slavery most to be feared. Let facts speak. Last winter, a minister of the Methodist Church, in Missouri, was arrested while in the pulpit, by a gang of men (who, ]Hils Views in 1856.

LETTER FROM COL. FREMONT. NEW YORK, April 29, 1856. Gentlemen: I have -to thank you for the honor of an invitation to a meeting this evening, at the Broadway Tabernacle, and regret that other engagements have interfered to prevent my being present. I heartily concur in all movements which have for their object to “repair the mischiefs arising from the violation of good faith, in the repeal of the Misso uri C omp r omise.” I am opposed to slaver y in the abstract, and upon principle sustained and made habitual by long settled convictions. While Ifeel inflexible in the belief that it ought not to be interfered with where it exists under the shield of Stale sovereignty, I AM AS INFLEXIBLY OPPOSED TO ITS EXTENSION ON THIS CONTINENT

BEYOND ITS PRESENT LIMITS. W~ith the assurance of regard foryourselves, I am, very respectfully, yours, J. C. FREMONT. To Messrs. E. D. Morgan and others, Committee, &e. What the Democrats thought of Fremont. We find the following curious statement in the New York Herald, and publish it with a remark that we have before heard a similar intimation from a Democratic source: ” This idea of running Fremont for the Presidency originated with the Democratic party, or with some of its managers, which is the same thing. Less than a year ago, had Fremont consented to ride the Nebraska bill, he would in all probability have been adopted as the Democratic candidate for the Presidency, upon the superior claims of a higher and more extended personal popularity than any other living man in the United States. ,, We know what we say; and the whole Z2

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slavery propagandists. As proof of this he cites the fact that two sets of delegates appeared from the State’Of Louisiana, one Protestant and the other Roman Catholic, both demanding admission. The Roman Catholic delegation was received, and the Protestant delegation was rejected. He concludes his letter as follows: ” I believe upon the election or defeat of Col. Fremont will depend the questions whether or not the black column of slavery will be pushed to the Pacific Ocean; whether or not the African slave trade, the sum of all wickedness, will be revived; and whether or not ractical slavery shall be forced upon the Free States under the decisions of Federal Judges, appointed as Mr. Fillmore sought to appoint and did appoint some of his Judges; and in short, whether this country shall have a constitutional government for the slave oligarchy; whether or not we shall recover our lost national honor, and go on in peaceful progress to the climax of human greatness; or whether we shall be destroyed by the aggressive system of the slave power.” Further ]Expression of Euglish Opinion on Colonel Fremont. From the London Times, July 29. Among a large portion of the English public ther e has been too strong a tendency to regard competing politicians in the e United States as men r ea dy to profess an opni n any opinion, echo any cry, flat ter any prejudice, or pander to any dominant passion, for the sake of obtaining or retaining office; and some instances might be cited to justify such an impression as this. But, troue as it doubtless is in cer ta in cases, i t is not true that all who are candidates for the highest off ices of Ameri can govern ment and for the approbation of the majority of the people by whom they are bestowed, are liable to such criticism. We lately extracted from the American papers a political address which is worthy of any people and any statesman. It is the reply in which Colonel Fremont conveys to those partisans who have nominated him for the Presidential chair his willingness to accept it. Colonel Fremont is a man of action in a country where action inspires greater admiration than cultivated taste or philosophical reflection; and the events in which he has taken a conspicuous part cannot fail to exercise a great influence over the fortunes, not only of the American States, but the whole civilized world. Too little is known in Europe of the geography and recent history of the New W~orld for if they live, will probably vote for Mr.

Fillmore), who wantonly and falsely charged him with horse stealinlno; and without allowing him time to put on his overcoat, mounted him on a horse, drove him some seventeen miles (the weather being intensely c old), threw him into a cheerless room, with o ut fire, there left him to die, and there he died! ” My informant is a Bishop of the Methodist Church, and spoke of his own knowledge. ” Another ins tance: The Rev. Mr. Wil ey, and ab out thirty other min isters of the Methodist Church, have b ee n assaulted in their churches, and driven from plac e to place, like beasts of prey, their lives being every day in imminent peril. ” Another instance: In Kansas, a Methodist minister was whipped, tarred and feathered, tied to a log and se t afloat on the Missouri river. “Ano ther i nstance: Very recently, a Metho. dist minister in Missouri, whil e preaching, wtas dragyged from his pulpit and ta rred and feathered; while an old Methodi st l ayman, for th e c rime of expostulatiousat against such conduct, was shot; and it is a notorious fact, and one which will not admit of controversy, that a minister of my church cannot preach Floe n the Go spel inori, the State of Missouri, or the Territory of Kansas, but at the peril of his life! and yet I find no reproof of these outrages either in the Philadelphia platform or in any of the speeches of M r. Fi llmore.” He further say s-that h e h as ex ami ne d all the evidence in relation to Col. Fremont’s religious creed, and exhausted the weans of information within his reach, and has arrived at the following conclusions: Wt. That Mr. Fremont’s father was a French Huguenot, and his mother an American Protestant lady. 2d. That Col. Fremont was born a Protestant, baptized a Protestant, married a Protestant lady, has had his children baptized by a Protestant clergyman, educates them in the Protestant faith, while he is a Protestant in practice in all the relations of life. 3d. I conclude that Alderman Fulmer’s statement is altogether untrue. Col. Fremont was not in Washington at the time Fulmer says he conversed with him, nor within several months of that time. Mi.

Schaffer says that if he should refuse to vote for Mr. Fremont because of his being a Roman Catholic, he could not vote for Mr. Fillmore; and for the reason, that the Convention which nominated Mr. Fillmore was controlled by Roman Catholics as well as by 23

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Colonel Fremont’s real merits to be appreciated through the haze of exaggeration. But as the leader of the pioneers whose courage first forced a path for western adventure over the fastnesses of the Rocky Mountains to the treasures of California, he is fairly entitled to take his rank among those benefactors of mankind who have brought moral and physical hardihood to the performance of works suggested by science and accomplished by perseverance. Such a man must have many admirers amongs his own countrymen, yet few Englishmen, judging by the tone of the American papers, and the speeches of American legislators, were prepared to find that a man distinguished rather by his past career than his present partisanship, was popular enough to command a nomination to the Presidential chair; and fewer still to find that, when solicited to compete for the honor, he could address to his fellow-citizens a reply so little vulgarized by the passions of the day, so little tainted by the epidemic fever of jealousy and violence. But if, as a Republican addressing Republicans, he is freespoken on the subject of American aggressiveness, he is no less freespoken, when, as a Southerner, he remonstrates with the Southern States against the extension of State slavery. In this point his words will find divided sympathy there, but universal sympathy here; and we suspect that even in the United States his sentiments will ere long command the adhesion of the majority. He does not express himself to his followers in the language of cant or exaggerated humanity. He seizes on that which, to a practical man, is the blot of the system which would allow the admission of more Slave States into the Union. He denounces its glaring inconsistency with the principles on which the Constitution of the republic is based, and with the material~of prosperity of that large class of free citizens whose subsistence depends upon the correspondence between soil and employment. abroad, cannot give a heart y as sen t to the spirit of national institutions at home. Whatever policy, therefore, te nds to multiply the slaveholders or those interested in slavery, tends also to fost er a race who can only be half-republicans at heart. Colon el Fremont’s language on this point is as sound as it is honest: ” It would be out of place here to pledge myself to any particular policy that has been suggested to terminate the sectional controversy engendered by political animosities operating on a powerful class band ed together by common interes ts. A practi cal remedy is the admission of Kansas into the Union as a Free State…. That fatal act which gave birth to this purely sectional strife, originating in the scheme to take from free labor the country secured to it by a solemn covenant, cannot be too soon disarmed of its pernicious force. The only genial region of the middle latitudes left to the emigrants of the Northern States for homes cannot be conquered from the free laborers who have so long considered it as set apart for them as an inheritance, without provoking a desperate struggle.” W~e have seen other addresses lately which’ certainly did not meet this awkward q uestion in so bold a strain, but which coquetted with it, played with it, and rang the changes on the ” federal union,” the “preservation of our institutions,” and the “merging of particular theories in the safety of the Republic.” We trust that the citizens of the States will know how to appreciate a courage which will neither patter with a momentous question nor seek to base the safety of the Republic upon a timid compromise; and if, by his courage and his ability, Colonel Fremont secures the obje*of his patriotic ambition, we certainly shall congratulate the States and this kingdom on the elevation of a man who seems to reconcile patriotism with regard for the rights of others, and the resolution to do great things with the graceful abstinence from bragging of them. To create new Slave States is to increase the numbers of a population which conscious’power may some day arm for the vindication of outraged feelings and violated rights. But it is something more; it is to deprive thefree citizen of that employment for his labor which is his only property; it is to create that monopoly of territorial possession which is so obnoxious to republican equality and simplicity. With every new Slave State there is a fresh accession of strength to a party which, however patriotic it may be in its support of the national honor From the N. Y.

Evening Post. ]Fremont in the South. STATE oF OPINION IN VIRGINIA. It is truly said that the re is a much larger numbe r of persons in th e Sla ve States who do not favor the extension of slavery, and who would be very glad to see an end of the nstitution among themselves, than is revealed by any external indications. In many cases they make no secret of their opinions in conversation, but they do not express them by any mode of publication through the press, or in t 24

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25 public meetings, or in any political organiza-Our readers may judge for themselves, from tion. We have lately had the means of in-the political silence and inaction in which the forming ourselves concerning the feeling of more liberal-minded part of the people of Virthe population of those counties of Virginia ginia are held by the slaveholders, how inwhich lie among the Alleghanies in regard to compatible is the slavery of the black race the great question of the day. In conversa-with the perfect freedom of the white race. tion with an intelligent native Virginia from Although the press and professional politi that quarter, he remarked that he was in favor cians represent the people of Western Virginia of the election of Fremont, and that if his to be loyal to the institution of slavery, yet vote would make him President, he would give I do know that if the question should be fairly it in a moment. “Your doctrine,” he said, laid before the voters of this city, a very large “that slavery in the States must be left to the and respectable majority would be found opaction of the States, but that its introduction posed to the extension of slavery. And more into the Territories should be resisted, ought to than this; when Toombs and his followers atsatisfy any reasonable man at the South, and tempt to carry out their threat, the South will does satisfy me and the greater number of my secede in case of Fremont’s election; they will neighbors. The policy of excluding slavery find that Western Virginia, at least, will not from the Territories is older than the Constitu-be with them. Here will be found an undition, and it is a policy which we do not wish vided people, true to the Union. And should to see superseded.” that day ever come, it will be found that the So far as we can learn, there are parts of Republican party, North and South, is the true Virginia, along the Alleghanies, near the union party.

T. J. Southern frontiers of the State, in which two thirds of the inhabitants entertain the same VIRGINIA TYRANNY. - An Jinteresting sentiments with those expressed by the gen-letter is published in the Buffalo Republic tleman to whom we refer. As you go North-from Mr. J. C.

Underwood, the Virginia refward they become still more general. The ugee.

He says that Charles Stetson, the noonly reason why those who think thus donot ble-hearted landlord, would take nothing from form a political organization, is the wish to him while he was at the Astor House. This live in peace. The slaveholding influence is case of Mr. Underwood’s expulsion from Virso powerful, so intolerant, and so despotic, that ginia, for quoting Jefferson, is the most astona Fremont electoral ticket nominated in Vir-ishing fact of the kind in American history.ginia would be the signal of angry feuds, which He says:would not stop short of violence.i would not stop short of violence. “My expulsion from home was most unex In the meantime, however, this influence of peeted. I knew there was intense feeling in the slaveholders rests on a somewhat insecure favor of extending slavery, and the hope of a foundation. The greater part of the white large increase in the price of slaves resulting population is composed of persons who do not from the extension of the slave market.

Gov. owilaves. “What would you do,” said a Wise had just inflamed this avarice by saying, gentleman to a crowd of people, principally of substantially, in his ratification speech at this class, assembled during the sittings of the Richmond,‘elect Buchanan and spread slavery court in one of the Virginia interior counties, over the Western Territories, and you will “what would you do if it became necessary to increase the price of slaves from $I 000 to from fight the North in defence of the right of the $3000 to $5000.’ But I had no idea of the slaveholders to the persons of the work-peo- madness which the Governor’s extravagant ple?” “We should let those who own the declaration had produced. Besides, we had, niggers fight for their right to keep them,” not long ago, a transaction which I bad sup was the instant answer. It is one of the dan-posed had produced some calmness, reflection, gers of slavery, that the slaveholders are in a and even moderation on the part of our prominority, and that public opinion, in no eoun-slavery men. try, and least of all in ours, is constant in one ” The case I refer to was this. One of the purpose, and that it.may easily happen that most worthy men of which any country can the prejudices on the one side, and the fears boast, Samuel M. Janney, a Quaker minister, on the other. by which the oligarchy in the residing near me in Loudon County, Virginia, Slave States is now supported, may, in some had been indicted for what was deemed a sepeculiar conjuncture, lose their force, and the ditious publication in one of our newspapers. slaveholders find themselves at the mercy of But it was found, on examination, that the those whom they now hold in awe. words complained of were almost literal quo

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tations of Jefferson and John Wesley, and the Commonwealth’s attorney became very willing and anxious to enter a nolle prosequi and let the Quaker go. Having this case before me, I confined myself, in my Philadelphia Convention remarks, to quotations from Jefferson, and I studiously avoided even his harsher expressions. You know he says,’ if the slaves should rise in arms against us, the Almighty has no attribute which could take sides with us in the contest.’ I certainly said nothing that could compare with this. “1 I have just received a letter from a poor neighbor, asking, when I will return, and promising an armed and mounted escort of at least fiftyof my neighbors, from the railroad depot to my farm, a distance of ten miles.. I can hardly resist the strong inclination I feel to go home. But I have thus far yielded to the advice of friends, and the unqualified remonstrance of my wife. who believes it would be rushin-upon certain destruction. She points to our little children, and claims her riafht to my aid in their care and education, and that appeal is irresistible. ” I have written a great many letters home to try and allay the excitement, and my wife has, through Gen. Spinner, appealed to Gov. Smith, an old friend of her family, and the representative in Congress of -the district where the most violent proceedings aaainst me have been held. The General in’forms that he presented the letter to Gov.

Smith, who, in returning it, the General says, seemed, in common with other Virginians, to be poswessed with the idea that I had forfeited my right of residence in Virginia, and that where there was no statute law to meet the case, they had a right to rely on comnon law.What common law is meant, I don’t know; perhaps it is the’ higher law,’ though I am rather inclined to believe it must be a lower pstlaw. 1UElWB as Ixesae should ise in rms aganst -us the Alig~ty,From the Boston Journal. has no attributewhic ol aesdsW t IKY FUEMON’T HEAS 1VO’r A that could compare with this. Fremont has no party at the South, and, “I have just received a letter from a poor therefore, he is sectional, say the Northern neighbor, asking when I will return, and prom-supporters of Buchanan. Those who read the ising an armed and mounted escort of at least account of the Fremont meeting in Wheeling,, fifty of my neighbors, from the railroad depot Va., the lynching of the principal speaker, to my farm, a distance of ten miles. I can and the approving comments of the press of hardly resist the strong inclination I feel to go that city, designed to prevent a similar gathhome. But I have thus far yielded to the adering, will readily understand why Fremont vice of friends, and the unqualified remon-has no party at the South. It is not because strance of my wife. who believes it would be he has not plenty of friends in that section, rushing upon certain destruction. She points’but that system of intimidation which the to our little children, and claims her right to slave power is now trying upon the freemen my aid in their care and education, and that of the North, effectually represses freedom of appeal is irresistible. speech and of action. The Fremont electoral “I have written a great many letters home tickets which have been put up in Kentucky, to try and allay the excitement, and my wife Maryland, and other Southern States, would has, through Gen. Spinner, appealed to Gov. get twenty votes where they now will one, if Smith, an old friend of her family, and the every man were free to express his own opinrepresentative in Congress of the district ions. The New York Mirror well says: where the most violent proceedings against “We sincerely and honestly believe, that if me have been held. The General informs Mr. Fremont’s principles and platform were that he presented the letter to Gov. Smith, thoroughly understood and the embargo onpubwho, in returning it, the Genera] says, seemed, lic demonstrations in hisfavor removed, a large in common with other Virginians, to be pos-and gallant Southern party would rally to his sessed with the idea that I had forfeited my support. As the matter now stands, the ulright of residence in Virginia, and that where traists require as much submission from the there was no statute law to meet the case, moderate thinkers among them as they have they had a right to rely on common law.- previously extorted from the North. In Act, What common law is meant, I don’t know; they have grown more exacting. Formerly, perhaps it is the’ higher law,’ though I am a man who manifested no disposition to interrather inclined to believe it must be a lower fere with slavery in the States was considered law.” *

‘sound;’ now the test of orthodoxy is, that no Southern man shall oppose its extension; and VIRGINIA FREEDOM.-We recently an-the 347,000
slaveholders require of the 500,nounced the formation of a Republican Asso-000 non-slaveholding voters, not merely a ciation at Wheeling, Va.

From the Wheel-pledge to make no attempt to replace slave laing papers we learn that a meeting of the As-bor by free labor, but a concurrence in the sociation was held on the evening of the 15th ignominious, unjust and fraudulent Territorial inst., which ended in a fight. An address was policy of the Pierce administration.” delivered by Dr. G. P. Smith. No particu-The Wheeling Times, in its comments upon lar disturbance appears to have taken place this riotous demonstration, acknowledges that during the meeting, but afterwards Smith was “there ar-e many men in our midst who think attacked by a crowd in the street, and he was slavery an evil, more on account of the white taken to jail in order to prevent being lynch-man than the negro, and favor a system of ed. Although Smith’s friends did not partici-wise, peaceable and gradual emancipation. pate in the fight, yet he defended himself Such men are to be found in abundance in bravely, and severely wounded two o his as-the South.” 26 sailants.

The Wheelina, press comment in se ll vere terms upon the organization, composed, as they assert, of Northerners, and threaten its i-nembers with dire plunishment if they attempt to hold another meeting. It remains to be seen whether free speech can thus tiumn,aarily be supressed in the Old Dominion.

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Translated from the Staats-Demokrat, August 12. prove that the Republican cause has its sym LOOK AT MISSOURI.-Germans in the Free pathizers, and even active supporters, at the States who lend themselves to aiding the slave-South: ry extensionists must blush when they see ” Some seven years agfo, William S. Bailey, their brothers in the Slave States battling a hard-working, ingenious mechanic of New ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~, ~ against the.

enemy of freedom. St. Louis, port, Ky., a machinist by trade, with a large the metropolis of Missouri, has spoken, and her family, and a hatred of slavery such as only German population have joined in the cry an experience of its unspeakable oppressions which makes the party of the reaction trem-on the white mechanic as well as the negro ble. can engender, resolved to speak out, with such The Freesoiler Blair, who openly condemned education as he has been able to pick up, the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and through types of his own. In a Slave State, declared for free speech, free labor, and free where such men as Birney and Cassius M. Kansas, is elected to Congress from the St. Clay had been frustrated in their efforts to esLouis district. The votes of German citizens tablish an anti-slavery press, the attempt of a aided to achieve this victory. mere mechanic was looked upon as hopeless. All honor to the German population of St. But he procured press and types, taught his Louis. Though residing in a Slave State, they own family to print, and went ahead. His panevertheless remain true to freedom. per met with favor among men of his own class. The slaveholders set on ruffians to mob MIssouiL-.-A St. Louis correspondent of him, but with his own workmen and friends the Chicago Tribune asserts that the Benton he defended his printing apparatus successfulvote of Missouri would have been much larger ly. They got up opposition papers and lost had it not been for the silent but effectual in-their money. Bailey having a machine shop, timidation of the slaveholders. There are 125,- with a good many hands in his employ, put his 000 votes in Missouri, but only 90,000 were press and types in the upper story, and when cast. He thinks the inference not unfair, that the ruffians came to attack his paper, the sturthe thirty thousand silent voters would votefor dy workers in the metals were ready to pitch free Kansas. The writer says: into them. Finding no other way to subdue “A gentleman who witnessed the voting in him, about four years ago, they set fire to his an up-the-river district, described the follow-shop and burnt down the whole. There was ing scene and made these statements:-When-no insurance, and his loss, about $6000, made ever a German came forward to deposit his him a poor man. vote, the rabble around the polls, who were “By straining every nerve and stretching his armed with side arms, would shout-‘ Stand credit, he procured printing materials and reback - make way for this wolly-head.’ When-vived his paper. It is now printed weekly ever a known Benton man of peaceable char-and daily bears the flag of Fremont and acter appeared, the same -lang,uage was made Dayton-having all its types set by the prousmef. prietor’s own family of ten children-and is This intimidated hundreds in that country. the only daily paper in Kentucky out of LouIt is a serious matter to be ” spotted” by the isville.

It is a fixed, living fact. It has a conruffians, especially when one lives among stituency. It is a political power in Kenthem. Quiet men, who wished to live at peace tucky. It has opened the eves of tens of thouamong their neighbors, but who are opposed sands - they are poor whites to be sure, but to ruffian sovereignty, remained at home. many of them will vote the Freedom ticket at The Atchison Democrats had tickets of a the risk of becoming poorer. Mr. Bailey is peculiar kind-I mean up the river. They now in this city, and assures us that he verily were issued on fine note paper, with a fly leaf; believes if Kentucky could be stumped for a blue ribbon was attached to the sheet, and Freedom, and the mode of voting were such pro-slavery mottoes-as, for example, ” This that the non-slaveholders could vote their true ticket is sound on the goose” - were printed wishes without jeoparding their livelihood, around the names of the candidates.

the State would give a decided majority for Unorganized decency had no chance against Fremont and Dayton. organized ruffianism. “With such a power in his hands, and such a prospect before him, this brave mechanic finds From the Boston Chronicle. himself burdened with a debt of some $500, The following statement of facts, which we and without means to renew his worn type. take from the Boston Chronicle, will serve to We have seen a letter from Cassius M. Clay, 27’

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28 fully admitting, that if he would abandon his “The result of such a course will be to unite paper, he might, by his mechanical skill, at the German voters at the coming election. once surround himself with comfort.

But he “I must, however, beg you to forward to is determined to make Kentucky a Free State, me a formal written guaranty to accept and and deliver the white non-slaveholders from abide by my stipulations before 12
o’clock M., their cruel bondage.” this day. If, up to that hour, such a guaranty is not received, I shall act, and you must then From the Mobile Advertiser. F bear the consequences. “There are men here in Alabama, and in “Respectfully y’rs, C.F. HEUNISCH. this county, who are not ashamed to own a pre- “Notary’s Office, 97 Exchane place.” ference for Fremont, or any other abolitionist, to Buchanan. How can the South ever ex-From the Chicago Tribune. pect to maintain her self-respect, or obtain her PENSACOLA, Leae Co, v- ~~~~~~~PFSACOLA, Leake Co., just rights, if she even endures such persons on Miss., July 2,1856. her soil, much less permits them to occupy in-Editors Chicago Tribune: fluential positions within her borders.” * I, in common with many South From the New York Post. ern men, feel a deep interest in your success MoreShuttingofthe Eyes to See in the South. in the Kansas struggle, as well as in the ensu The telegraph announces the expulsion from ing Presidential election; but we dare do Mobile of Wm. Strickland and E. Upson, nothing, as we should thereby expatriate ourcomposing the firm of Strickland & Co., book-selves, or suffer intolerable persecution from sellers and stationers, in that city, for selling the slaveholders and those under their influbooks of what are termed an “incendiary ence. I long, however, to mount the stump character.” and tell my Northern friends what many A committee of five was appointed by some-Southern men really do think of public affairs body to wait upon them, and tell them to leave in the present crisis. But we are tongue-tiedwithin five days. They left without delay. speechless, and dare not open our mouths in They were large dealers in books, and Mobile defence of equal rights and free labor, without will miss them seriously. falling under the merciless displeasure of the “Oligarchy,” as you Northerners correctly The Terrorism of the Press in New Orleans. call them. Yet many of us would brave their The following communication appears in a anger and malevolence, but for our families German paper published in New Orleans, and relations that would suffer on our account which is slightly tinged with Freesoilism: the ruthless vengeance of the public oppressors “To the Editors of the Deutsche Zeitung: of our fair land.

“Gentlemen: The course which yourjour- nal has pursued within the last few months is Many a silent but earnest prayer will be undoubtedly calculated to bring disgrace and uttered for your completp success in Novemdishonor upon all citizens of German extrac-ber, by true-hearted patriots south of Mason tion, who, because supporting such a sheet, and Dixon’s line, who will work and vote for are denounced as abolitionists. This state of Fillmore as the least of two evils, trusting that things must have an end. I have, therefore, their thraldom may be overthrown by the sucprepared some extracts from your journal, cess of Fremont. He is our hope and mornwhich will prove it to be a stumbling block ing star. If he sets in darkness, our last hope that cannot be tolerated in this section; and expires, and leaves us in gloom. May God in these extracts I shall send to an Anglo-his mercy avert such a calamity from our land. American paper for publication. You will His success will -revive the smouldering fires readily perceive that the further existence of of freedom in the breasts of tens of thousands your journal, after such exposure, will be of non-slaveholders by compulsion. Before out of the question Before having recourse his four years end there will be a powerful to this extreme measure, however, I will give gradual-emancipation party organized in all you timely warning. I now tender the follow-the Northern Slave States on Clay’s plan, while ing propositions: we farther South in the cotton and sugar region, “1. Hoist the Democratic flag immediately, will conjure the right of Free Speech, and of and publish the entire Democratic ticket until subscribing to, and receiving such newspapers after the election. as we please. Work and pray for Fremont; “2. Advocate publicly and purely the Dem-but be sure and work whether you pray or ocratic principles. not. Yours truly, **

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29 Free Speech and Fremont In Texas. s” You are, therefore, explicitly and peremn If any one wishes to know why delegates torily notified, that, in your speech, you will from the Southern States were not more gen-not be permitted to touch, in any manner, on erally in attendance upon the convention that the subject of slavery, or your opinions therenominated Col. Fremont, and why electoral on, either directly or indirectly, or by way of tickets in his favor will not be generally run explanation or otherwise. Under the pretext in the South, they may have their innocent of the personal right of self-defence, you will eyes opened by reading the following report not be tolerated in any attempt to defend your of th e proceedings of a public meeting held course in the Legislature on this subject, which t h e other day at Galveston, Texas. was an aggression on the rights, and an out From the Galveston News. ragfe on the feelings of the State of Texas, and Proceedings of a Public leeting in Galves-much more on those of the people of Galves ton, Texas. ton, whom you misrepresented, than on any At a meeting of the citizens of Galveston, other. convened to take into consideration. the pro- ” The entire subject of slavery, in all its conpriety of permitting Lorenzo Sherwood to ad-nections, is forbidden ground, which you shtall dress the people in defence of his course in the not invade. last legislature, Col. M.

Williams was called “Your introduction of it in any manner will to the chair, and Alfred F. James appointed be the prompt signal for consequences to which secretary, when, after explaining the object of we need not allude. the meeting, it was “It has been asserted that you have some Resolved, That the following letter, pre-supporters in this community on that subject. pared and read by Mr. Ballinger, be addressed We trust not.

But if so, and if they have sufto Mr. Sherwood as embracing the views and ficient presumption to undertake to sustain sentiments of this meeting, in relation to the you in any further discussion on this subject, contemplated address: before the people, they will make this evening “GALVESTON, Monday, July 7, 1856. the occasion for the definite and final settle “Lorenzo Sherwood, Esq., - Sir: At a ment of that issue, both as to you and to them. public meeting of the citizens of Galveston, “We trust, however, that you will confine convened this morning at the court-house, in yourself to matters of legitimate public interest consequence of your public notice that you and discussion, and will not hereafter, either in would make an address this evening in de-public or private, further abuse the patience fence of your course in the last Legislature, it of a people with whom, on that question, you was unanimously resolved to notify you of the have no congeniality, and whom you wholly well-considered sentiments and resolute deter-misunderstand. mination of the people of Galveston, as fol- “This communication will be read to the aslows: sembled public before you proceed with your “That your right, in common with every speech; and you will clearly understand, is not other citizen, to free opinion, free discussion, to be the subject of any animadversion by you.” and the largest liberty of self-defence, is fully The meeting was addressed by Messrs. W. recognized, and will be respected. (?) P. Ballinger, P. R.

Edwards, H. Stuart, T. M. “, But there is one subject connected with Joseph, B. C. I1’ranklin, S. M. Williams, F. your course in the Legislature-that of slavery M. Merriman, O. Farish, M. B. Menard, N. -on which neither you, nor any one entertain-John, and J. J. Hiendly. ing your views, will be permitted to appear be-Col. S. M. Williams, Judge B.

C. Franklin, fore the community in a public manner. That Wm. P. Ballinger, Esq., and Col. E. McLean your views on that subject are unsound and were appointed a committee to deliver to Mr. dangerous, is the fixed belief of this comnuni-Sherwood a copy of the letter addressed to ty, caused by your own speeches, writings and him by this meeting. acts. On motion of Mr. Hamilton Stuart, Esq., “We are aware that either actually or seem-all those opposed to the action taken by this ingly, you wholly misapprehend the real views meeting were requested to withdraw, whereof the people of Texas, and suppose that, by upon Messrs. Joseph J. Hendly and Stephen explanation and argument, you can make your Van Sickle retired.

anti-slavery theories and plans inoffensive and The meeting then adjourned to meet again acceptable. How far this should be attribu-this evening at the place appointed by Mr. ted, on your part, to delusion, and how far to Sherwood to deliver his address. design, is not material. The slavery subject is SAMUEL M. WILLIAMS, Chairman. not one which is open to you before us. A. F. JAMES, Secretary.

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30 In addition tothe foregoing, the reader will selves, or which would be to others. Our beremember the recent indictment of a man in lief is, or, speaking more candidly, our fear is, Arkansas for circulating Sumner’s speech. that if there should be any election by the people, Fremont will be elected. Also the violent breaking up of a meeting convened at Baltimore, September 11th, for nom-wIo ARE THE DISUlIONISTS t inating a Fremont electoral ticket for Mary-The following extracts are selected from auland. The Republican party a geographical thentic records of opinions expressed by men, tyWhose fault is it that the South does all of whom are now prominent supporters of parWhsefaut is i aBuchanan or Fillmore: not go for him? BY SENATOR YULEE, OF FLORIDA. “What the South thinks of Fremont’s Chance. For my part, I am ready to proceed to ex The editor of thike Georgia Tleqraph, a Bu-treme measures, even to the dissolution of the The editor of the Georgia Telegraph, a Bu-Union.”

chanan paper, has recently visited New York, BY SENATOR BROWN, OF

MISSISSIPPI. and writes from that city, July 10, as follows, with regard to the political prospects: A 11 If the Wilmot Proviso is adopted, it will with regard to the political prospects: The Cren of loating opinion he raise a storm that will sweep away this Union, “4The current of floating opinion here is and I pray God devoutly it will do so.”’ most decided that Fremont will carry, without and I pray God devoutly it will do o.”

difficulty, every non-slaveholding State, even BY MR. MORSE, OF LOUISIANA.

Pennsylvania. I have just seen a friend who “The Southern man who will stand up and returned yesterday from the rural districts in say that he is for the Union,’ now and forevPennsylvania, and he says the drift is all for er,’ is more dangerous to the people he repFremont, so far as he could see. So west-resents than those who are in open hostility. ward, I hear, all the indices of the popular If California he trammelled with a preamble feeling are for Fremont. I saw yesterday a declaring the Territory now free, I am willing Southern friend who has been locomoting to dissolve the Union.” around Vermont and the strongest abolition BY MR. STANTON, OF

TENNESSEE. regions of New England-a talking and oh- “When the Wilmot Proviso is adopted, I servingfriend, and a” dyed-in-the-wool’ Dem-and the South are ready to walk out of the ocrat. He said he found only three Buchan-Union.” an and one Fillmore man in those parts. In BY SENATOR

BUTLER, OF SOUTH CAROLINA. the city here, which is naturally rather liberal “I do not make the salvation of the Union and cosmopolitan in opinion, the Free Soil the paramount question.” ticket rules the roost.

The most moderate of BY IENATOR MASON, OF VIRGINIA. the old Whig party are going for Fillmore, ” It is time the yoke was thrown off and the but the bulk of that party is going for Fre-question settled.” mont. The first classification named compre-BY MR. COLCOC, OF GEORGIA…>.,,… B~~~~~Y

MR. COILCOCX, on! ~EORGIA. hends all of the more modern political devel-If the Wilmot Proviso should pass in any l )pentf Krow othnais, wich lr F”If the Wilmot Proviso should pass in any opment of Know Nothingism, which Mr. Fillmore seems likely to get. Buchanan’s vote, form, I will introduce a bill for the dissolution so far as can be judged, is confined to the reg-of the Union.” ular Democracy, shorn of the more Free Soil-BY

MR. EAD OF VIGINIA. ish and fishy portion of the same.” “If you exclude us, I am not willing to sub mit. We intend to have the land The New Orleans Bulletin cautions its peaceably if we can, forcibly if we must.”

friends not to be deceived or misled, for BY MR. MCWILLE, OF MISSISSIPPI.

“No honest journal will gainsay the fact “The people of the South know their rights, that the cause of Freesoilism is gaining ground, and will maintain them at all hazards, even and the election of Fremont is not an improb-should disunion result. * The South able contingency.” must defend their rights at the expense of blood.” From the N. O. Courier, August 22. The following resolution was adopted at a As to the chances of the several candidates, Congressional caucus of Southern Democrats we expect we know just as much as any one held in Washington, January, 1849: else, fully as competent to judge, and just as “Resolved, That the dissolution of the much entitled to credit and confidence. We Union is preferable to the submission of the can arrive at no conclusion satisfactory to our-South to the Wilmot Proviso.”

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31 The following toasts were drank at a Demo-From the “South Side (Va.) Democrat,” Aug. 29. cratic 4th of July celebration at Atchison A STRANGE

POSITIOX. - We regret that City, in Kansas: there is a newspaperxin Virginia which holds “Di/union: - By secession or otherwise - such language as the following:a beacon of hope to an oppressed people, and “

The election of Fremont, whatever it may the surest remedy for Southern wrongs. [En-lead to, certainly will not in itself be a violathusiastic cheers.]” tion of the Constitution; nor are we to take it “The City of Atchison: - May she, before conclusively for granted that the Constitution the close of the year‘57, be the capital of a must needs suffer violence under his adminisSouthern republic. [Cheers.]” tration. It will be time enough for the most ultra secessionists and disunionists at the South LISTEN TO THE FATHE OF MODERN DEMOCRACY. LIST T ME Calhon todc ito thec to call out for extreme measures when the In 1835, Mr. Calhoun introduced into the exigency shall arise.” Senate a bill, “to prohibit the circulation in The Norfolk Herald is responsible for this/ the Slave States of any publication or picture sentiment. We think it will not increase its” touching the subject of slavery,” through the circulation, or render itself more popular in U S. mails. In support of this bill, whic the estimation of its readers, by making such U.S. malls. on support of thi s bll, whch an avowal. The Herald must know and bewas opposed by Mr.

Webster and Mr. Clay lieve that THE SOUTH WILL NEVER SUBMIT and never passed, Mr. Calhoun uttered the TO BE GOVERNED BY THE BLACK REPUBfollowing audacious doctrine: following audacious doctrine: LIGAN PARTY. This paper has already been Should s uch be your decision by refusing to quoted by the New York Evening Post as ass this bill, shall say to the people oftheSouth, talking “sensibly” in relation to the election pass this ill shal.say to the people oftheut Adof Fremont; and we hope, for the sake of Look to yourselves-you have nothing to hope Virginia and the w hole S
outh, that it may be from others. But I must tell the Senate, be more guarded abou t this matter. We hae no your decision what it may, the South will nev-idea that the vener able editor of the Norfolk . S…. ~~~idea that the venerable editor of the Norfolk er abandon thze principles of this bill. If you re-Headdsirso xet eeetofsc fuse cooperation with our laws, and conflict a fellow as Fremont; but we submit that such . h u l.nu btenyuanoula, tea fellow as Fremont; but we submit that such should ensue between your and our law, the language as the above is not calculated to lesSouthern States will never yield to the supe-sen his chances. riority of yours. * Let it be fixed, let it be riveted in every Southern mind, that MR. FILLMORE PATTING THE SOUTHERN the laws of the Slaveholding States for the pro-DISUNIONISTS ON THE BACK! EXTRACT tection of their domestic institutions are para-FROM HIS ALBANY SPEECH. mount to the laws of the general government in regulation of commerce and the mail, and “Sir, you have been pleased to say that I that the latter must yield to the former in the have the union of these States at heart. [‘ You event of conflict; and that, if the government have, you have, sir.’] This, sir, is most true; should refuse to yield, the States have a right for, if there be one object dearer to me than to interpose, and we are safe.” any other, it is the unity, prosperity, and glory of this great republic [great cheering]; and I From the “Boston Journal.” confess frankly, sir, that I fear it is in danger. WHO ARE THE DISUNIONISrTS?- Gov. I say nothing of any particular section, much Wells, of MIaine, in a late speech at Rockland, less of the several candidates before the people. enunciates the following entirely characteristic I piesume they are all honorable men. But, sentiment: - sir, what do we see? An exasperated state “If Fremont should be elected, the South of feeling between the North and the South will secede, and the Democratic party of the on the most exciting of all topics, resulting in North will sustain the South. Shall the Demo-bloodshed and organized military array. But crats of the North be ruled by the Republi-this is not all, sir. cans? No, never.” “We see a political party presenting candi This is but another way of saying that the dates for the Presidency and Vice-Presidency, Northern Democrats, who are now so loud-selected for the first time from the Free States mouthed in their professions of devotion to alone, with the avowed purpose of electing the Union, will help to break up this glorious these candidates by suffrages of one part of confederacy, if they find themselves, as they the Union only to rule over the whole United are likely to, in a minority at the approaching States. [Cries of’ Shame!.hame I’] Can election. it be possible that those who are engaged in

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such a measure can have seriously reflected men who eagerly bj)elieve it, and retail their upon the consequences which must inevitably convictions to a too credulous public. The follow, in case of success? CAN THEY HAVE

North not anti-slavery! THE MADNESS OR THE FOLLY TO BELIEVE ” We have one consolation at least, and that THAT OUR SOUTHERN BRETHREN WOULD is that we can and will outlive the degradation SUBMIT TO BE GOVERNED BY SUCH A of Fremont’s election. It w 11 unite us. It/,A CHIEF MAGISTRATE?… will hasten that event (a Southern confederacy’ “These are serious, but practical questions; embracing Cuba, Nicaragua, and Mexico)’ and, in order to appreciate them fully, it is which many regard as inevitable, by presentonly necessary to turn the tables upon our-ing an issue in which the South will unite to selves, and suppose that the South, having a a man. The insult of such an election of such majority of the electoral votes, should declare a man, on such a platform, will not be borne that they would only have slaveholders for by the Southern people. It will be a blow in President or Vice-President, and should elect the face!” such by their exclusive suffrages to rule over Whether the attempted organization of a us at the North, -do you think we would Southern republic will be advanced or retardsubmit to it? [Cries of’ No.’] No, not for ed by the election of Fremont is a matter of one moment. And do you believe your opinion. We differ from the writer, and will Southern brethren less sensitive on this sub-state the grounds for our belief that the triject than you are, or less jealous of their umph of Fremont would save the Union. The rights? [‘ No, no.’] If you do, let me tell establishment of a Southern confederacy is a you, you are certainly mistaken. And there-scheme which has long been entertained by fore you must see, that, if this sectional party the Southern secessionists; and the policy of succeeds, it leads inevitably to the destruction the Democratic administrations, which they of this beautiful fabric, reared by our forefa-control, has unmistakably tended to ripen it. thers, cemented by their blood, and bequeathed The annexation of Texas was the first step to us as a priceless inheritance!” towards the accomplishment of this notable scheme. Then followed the Mexican war, From the ” Boston Journal.” with its territorial acquisitions, extending still further our Southern frontier. The Taylor A SOUTHERN CONFEDERACY. - The and Fillmore administrations were not conWashington correspondent of the New Or-trolled by the secessionists, who returned to leans Delta indirectly lets out some of the power with Pierce, and re-commenced their secrets of the Nicaragua and Cuba move-work. One of their first measures to promote ments. We ask attention to the closing para-the carrryin, out of their scheme, under the graph in the following extract, in which the existing administration, was to obtain by purpurpose of forming a Southern confederacy, chase another large slice of territory from embracing Cuba, Nicaragua, and Mexico, is Mexico, including a route for a Southern railfrankly avowed: - road to the Pacific. They have already esta “Fremont is gaining ground daily. There blished a foothold in Nicaragua, and expected is no doubt of it. There is the greatest anxiety to acquire Cuba during this administration, here. The wildest alarm is manifested by the but have failed to find a plausible pretext for political managers. The long slumbering sen-a war with Spain.

The acquisition of Cuba timnent of the Northern people, so long sup-is therefore deferred until the anticipated elecpressed and hidden from the South by political tion of Buchanan, who is pledged to make this party-hacks, and diverted from its course by a leading object of his administration. the compromise of the Constitution, is out at The election of Fremont will defeat for a last in the open day. There is no disguise time, and perhaps for ever, this notable scheme now. The irresponsible and radically uncon-of the Southern secessionists. It is no part of stitutional masses of this Northern Free So-their purpose to secede until their plans are ciety are upon us. The wolf is in our path. fully ripe; and we predict that there will be no The crisis which Mr. Calhoun predicted is at open movement to establish a SoutUtern conhand. There is only one single hope on which federacy until Cuba is acquired, and a Southern A to hang a faith in our success. It is that the railroad is built with the federal money. Then larger majority of the Northern people are not not all the labors and self’sacrifices, the movactually and conscientiously opposed to slavery. ing appeals and patriotic genuflexions, of the There are people here from the North who Unionsavers of the North, will prevent the stoutly assert it. There are plenty of Southern Southern conspirators from making an attempt .32

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33 is not pledged to the lips in favor of disunion. We have had enough of the’ Glorious Union.’ The association, on our part, has long been dishonorable; now, what with genteel scoundrelism, exhibited in fashionable bankruptcies, foreign and free negro riots, open and professed infidelity, &c., &c., the connection has become actually disreputable. A thoroughly organized disunion party is the desideratum; and, until such be formed at the South, all time devoted to political discussion will be time wasted.” Still another Buchanan paper, the New Orleans Delta, incautiously avowed, some two or three weeks ago, that there was a design to form a Southern confederacy, embracing Cuba, Nicaragua, and Mexico. Would it not be well for the intense Unionloving (?) orators and journals of the Buchanran party of the North to denounce the Richmond Enquirer. the Charleston Mercury, the New Orleans Delta, and those members of Congress who are ” pledged to the lips in favor of disunion,” before they attempt to arraign as traitors public men and presses who have never given utterance to an unpatriotic sentiment, and whose motto is, “Liberty for the sake of the Union “? to dissolve the Union. We may defer the evil day by check-mating the schemes of the se cessionists; but we are only hastening it by helping them to build up an overshadowing power South of M
aso n an d Dixon’s line. F rom the ” Boston Journal.” Th e Richmond Enquirer, one of the ablest and most influential of the Southe rn jou rnals that support Buchanan, do es n ot hesitate to avow that it seeks disunion, and that it advoceates Mr. Buchanan’s election because it strengthens the disunion party. The following extracts from a n artic le i n the Enquirer show the ul ter ior objects of the Southern slaveholders: “The election of Mr. Buchanan may, and prob ably will, originate a reaction in public opi nion that will enc ourage the extension of the .conservative institution of s lavery, and the extension of the B ritish and Southern European r ac es, for the purpose of stemming and turning back the torrent of infidelity, materialism, sensuality, agrarianism, and a narch y, that thre atens to overwhelm us from the prolific hive of No rthern Europe. ” The election of Mr. Buchanan would be a reactionary movement in favor of slavery and co ns ervatism. ”’ F o rewarned, forearmed.’ We s ee the numb ers, the character, the designs of our enemies. Let us prepare to resist them, and drive them back. im Let the South present a compact and und ivided front. Let her show to the bababarians that her sparse population offers little hopes of plunder; her military and self-reliant habits, and her mountain retreats, little prospects of victory; and her firm union and devoted resolution, no chances of conquest. LET HER, IF POSSIBLE, DETACH PENNSYLVANIA AND

SOUTHERN OHIO, SOUTHERN INDIANA AND SOUTHERN ILLINOIS, FROM THE NORTH, AND

MAKE THE HIGHLANDS BETWEEN THE OHIO AND THE LAKES THE DIVIDING LINE. LET

THE SOUTH TREAT WITH CALIFORNIA, AND, IF NECESSARY, ALLY HERSELF WITH

RUSSIA, WITH CUBA AND BRAZIL. “A common danger from without, and a common necessity (slavery) within, will be sure to make the South a great, a united, a vigilant, and a warlike people.” The Charleston (S. C.) Mercury, another Buchanan paper, bluntly avows the same object: - ” There is not a single public man in her limits (South Carolina), not one of her present Representatives or Senators in Congress, who SOUTH CAROLINA SCRIPTURE. -

We have heard a good deal of late from the Rufus Choates, and such other wandering political stars of the geographical party who propose to go for Col. Fremont, and who lay it down as the cardinal principle of their platform, that they do not league together against the Union. The leading journal of Charleston, S. C., has the following most extraordinary and revolutionary sentiments: li THERE IS NOT A SLINGLE PUBLIC MAN IN HER

LIMITS, NOT ONE OF HER PRESENT REPRESENTATIVES OR SENATORS IN CONNGRESS, WHO IS NOT PLEDGED TO THE LIPS IN FAVOR OF DISUNION. Indeed, we well remember that one of the most prominent leaders of the cooperation party, when taunted with submission, rebuked the thought by saying, that, in opposing secession, he only took a step backward to strike a blow more deadly against the Union.” If this sentiment was made at the North by a Fremont journal, it would be paraded at the head of all the Democratic papers, as a reason to go for Buchanan. But when it is made in a Democratic organ in another State, that happens to be (it could be no worse) a Slave State, it attracts no attention from them. It seems the South Carolina members of Congress 3.

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34 and injustice which have roused the indignation of all the Free States during the past few years; it will also paralyze the efforts of the few who are disposed to interfere unlawfully with the tenure of slave property within the States. On the other hand, the election of Buchanan will be construed into a popular approval of the pro-slavery policy of the late administration, and will invite further agressions, which will, of course, be followed by a still more violent agitation. We were informed only this morning, by a Democrat of many years’ standing, that he meant to vote for Buchanan as the quickest way of bringing the question of freedom or slavery, civilization or barbarism, in this country to a crisis. He said, that, if Buchanan was elected, he would not carry on his administration four years without abolitionizing the country. We incline to think that he was correct in his logic, though we do not see so clearly the wisdom of the course of action to which it guides him. Fremont is the conservative candidate in this campaign; and his election, we confidently believe, would promptly put an end to the sectional agitation which has left the country, for years past, a prey to demagogues and noodles. Let it be observed that the ultra Abolitionists, who avowedly seek the dissolution of the Union, go for Buchanan, as the surest way of accomplishing their end. THE ABOLITIONISTS AND BUCHANAN.We have already published Garrison’s avowed preference f or th e election of Buchanan over that of Fremont, and now we find his followers taking the same ground. Parker Pillsbury, a prominent Garrisonian, in a speech at Framingham on the 4th of July, declared his preference for the election of Buchanan, “because it would tend to promote and influence the anti-slavery agitation, while that of Fremont would tend to a cessation of it.”, So also H. N. Smith, an earnest disciple of Garrison, writes from the West, that, if Fremont is elected, “
the Union will be strengthened, and he fears made permanent; ” but that Buchanan’s election will produce such fierce and continued agitation in Kansas and all over the country, that the Union can’ hardly last through his term of office. ” For these reasons,” says Mr. Smith, ” 1, AS A CONSISTENT OPPONENT OF ANY UNION WITH SLAVEHOLDERS, EARNESTLY DESIRE THE

ELECTION OF MR. BUCHANAN; FOR THAT, I THINK, WILL BRING THE UNION TO A SPEEDY CLOFE.” -Portland Advertiser. From the ” New York Post.” The Way to quiet Slavery Agitation. The Anti-Slavery Standard is opposed to the Republican movement, because it will stop slavery agitation, and ” will, in its benumbing and satisfying in?fluence, retard the movements of the slaves’ redemption.” No doubt the election of Fremont will have both these tendencies. It will stop slavery agitation, because it will put an end to the fraud From the New Bedford Mercury. What are the Real Questions in IssueI The present political contest differs from all previous ones IN ITS

DIRECT BEARING UPON THE INTERESTS OF THE LABORING CLASS. Other important issues which have from time to time been presented, have borne more directly upon capitalists and corporations. Though a wise political economy teaches us that no one link in the great chain of industrial pursuits can be broken without seriously affecting the rest more or less remotely, it has required a close train of reasoning, and large field of illustration, to prove the ultimate effect upon the great mass of the people. In the present campaign, however, the issue is forced upon us with the most unmistakable distinctness. It is the great question of the supremacy of free over slave labor. It is a question which appeals to the self-interest no less than the self-pride of the laborer. Every man who is in favor of the present remunerative rate of wages at the 1North, who wishes to preserve for himself an honorable independence, to whom the dignity of labor is dear, should ask himself the question whether he, is ready to stultify himself by voting for that party candidate whose avowed policy it is, to bring slave labor into direct competition with are pledged, absolutely pledged, to disunion, - that the Keitts and Broolcses, if they can, will strike deadly blows at the Union. So their leading organ declares. Thsacredness of South Car -olina we cannot see; still less because it happens to be a Slave State. Does that make -South Carolina a sainted community? Does treason there grow to be as sacred as the Scriptures? Do tho Choates and Curtises go for South Carolina, because its chief men in Congress are striking deadly blows at the Union”.? They go for Sout Carolina, - why, it is more than is in our power to discover. -

New Bedford Mercury.

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that of the freeman. The triumph of FRE-plains his repudiation of Mr.

Buchanan. Read MIONT and DAYTON will be the victory of it, citizens, adopted and native; it will do you freedom over slavery-of the sacred rights good. It is a noble and manly letter. It has which have descended to us from the Revolu-been furnished us by J. F. Donaldson, Esq., of tion, over the vile squatter sovereignty of this place, to whom it is addressed: Douglas and the Democratic party who uphold BUFFALO, July 15,1856. him, and who believe the Declaration of In-DA S r h t dependence to be only enthusiastic declama-Dear Sir: I have to acknowledge the retion. ceipt of your letter asking me to visit the connties of Tio-,a and Lvcomlin. 1 have de The Democratic party is so only in name. conties of Tioga and Lycoming. 1 have deIts Democracy is a lie, a cheat, and a delu-layed answering this invitation, because I sion. It is the party which has been the obe-hoped to be able to accept it; but I am sorry dient slave of the aristocratic oligarchy of the to say that my present engagements are such South, which would have the twenty millions that I cannot fix upon any time for visiting of freemen surrender their dearest privileges Pennsylvania. Sometime in the autumn at the ipse dixit of 347,000
slaveholders, may be able to, and if so I will inform you. which has sought to enforce, by the bayonets of IT Is THE SPECIAL DUTY OF FOREIGN
the United States soldiers, the iniquitous laws BORN CITIZENS TO VOTE THE

REPUBLICAN of Kansas, and which turned a deaf ear to the TICKET. Most foreigners come here, as I did, eloquent appeals of her unhappy children with no other wealth than the strength of for protection from the pro-slavery ruffians. their hands. They have todepend upon their No laboring man who has not either a very labor for all their hopes of future comfort, No lborno,manwhohasnoteiter’ vusefulness and dignity.,Of all the bless’ng weak head or a very bad heart, will vote for usefulness and ligity. Of all the blessings James Buchanan, the representative of the which American liberty promises them, the Democratic Platform. To attempt to shirk most valuable is the assurance it gives offreethat responsibility by voting for Fillmore, is dom to work, and security for their earnings.

unworthy of a high-minded freeman, since it They can part with all other privileges-the is only an idle farce so far as any chance of elective franchise-eligibility to office-rather his election is concerned. Let the laboring than this one. men of the North remember, that Fremont SLAVERY

DEGRADES THE WORKING MAN. can only be elected by the united efforts of IT

REDUCES HIM TO THE LEVEL OF THE the North. Already, the small corporal’s guard SLAVE. No Know-Nothing proscription can of Filmore men in North Carolina, have voted be so effective as that which excludes free lato throw their votes for Buchanan, feeling bor from slave soil. From all that soil, comcertain that the contest must be between the prising more than one half the territory of Democratic and the Republican parties. Let the States, foreigners are to-day banished by them consider that divided counsels and a wav-laws more positive than any legislative enactering policy is the most suicidal course that ment, and it is now the purpose of a large and they can adopt. Never before were such vital powerful party to banish them from the praiinterests at stake. Let them see to it that they ries of the West. Those regions belong to all are not false to their trusts, false to their hon-of us, to the Southerner and Notherner, the or and every interest which is near and dear foreigner and native; and it is that each man to them. may have his share, and enjoy his rights, that the Republican party enters the fight this cam From the Wellsborough (Pa.) Agitator. paign. Letter from Hon. Philip Dorsheimer. You say, sir, that most of the Germans in We take great pleasure in publishing the your neighborhood have hitherto been Demofollowing letter from the Hon. Philip Dorshiem-crats. This is the very reason why they should er, of Buffalo, N. Y., so pertinent is it to the be Republicans now. For more than thirty question at issue, and soon to be pronounced years I have been a Democrat, never voting upon at the ballot-box. Mr. Dorshiemer, as any other ticket, and that is what makes me a will be seen, is an adopted citizen, a German, Republican. The Republican policy is the Demand one of many of his distinguished country-ocratic policy, a policy which was carried out men who have declared for Fremont and Day-by the administrations of Jefferson, Monroe, ton. With him Democracy is something more Jackson and Polk; which received the apthan a name-it is a greatprinciple; and that proval of Democratic statesmen like Van Buprinciple being found in the Republican, and ren, Silas Wright and Cass; and the constitunot in the so-called Democratic platform, ex-tionality of which was never, until within a 35

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36 few years, called into question by any Democrat, not even by such doubtful and unsteady Democrats as John C. Calhoun and James Buchanan.

This new policy of the extension of slavery is not Democratic at all. It was not thought so by its author until after he bad left the Democratic party and entered the Cabinet of a Whig President. Its chie f supporters from the South are renegade Whigs. Every foreigner ought to be a Republican, but if he is a Democrat as well as a foreigner, I cannot see how he can refu se to b ecome one. Besides, sir, we adopted citizens ought to do all in our power to put down this sectional agitation, and to preserve the Union of these States, upon which our prosperity and the prosperity of all citize eens depend. For this, what c ourse is left open to us? On the one side we see a party which has reopened s ectional agitation; revived the slavery dispute; and which proposes td aggrandize one portion of the country at the expense of all others. This party is now represented by an administration, the most influential members of which, and whose chief supportersin Congress are, Southern secessionists, open and avowed disunionists. These men do not seek to preserve the Union; while in it they use the power of the government, so that Southern territory will be larger when they go out of it. On the other hand, we see a party, fortunately neither laroe nor powerful, which besides being fully committed to these sectional schemes of disunion, seeks to destroy the harmony of our society by drawing distinctions between men of different races and creeds. I have no choice left except to go with the only truly national party, the great Republican party, by which the whole country, both North South, and all citizens,Catholic and Protestant, native and foreigner, will be protected in every right, privilege and liberty; and in whose hands the federal government will be safe against all enemies at home or abroad. We are singularly fortunate in our candidate. I know Colonel Fremont to be an honest man, with ability more than sufficient for any duty which may be required of him. His whole career, all his associations, show him to be a truly national man. He is the son of a foreigner, he is a Southerner by birth and education, his life has been spent in the service of the whole country, he has done more for her than any living American, and he is conscientiously in favor of that time-honored policy which protects slavery where it exists under’State laws, and prohibits its extension into territory now free. A SIMPLE TRUTH

FOR LABORING MEN. If you vote for Millard Fillmore or James Buchanan, you vote to deprive yourself and your children of a just and equitable return for your labor, of the advantages to be derived from the exhaustless wealth of our Western Territories, and the inestimable privileges of general education. And why? Because Millard Fillmore and James Buchanan are the representatives of 346,524 slave owners; because they are pledged to their interests; and because those interests are dependent upon the degradation of all labor. Mechanics of the North! working men of the North! are you ready to make these sacrifices for the aggrandizement of a miserable minority? Are you ready to bow your necks that these Southern task-masters may place their ruthless feet upon them? If not, record your names upon the roll for Fremont.-Newark Mercury. From the N. Y. Post. A Few Plain Statemments. Newspapers, like preachers, are sometimes censured for being too much afraid of reiterating plain and elementary statements of facts which the people need to comprehend. They are apt to take too much for granted, and suppose that what had once been made plain to their readers, every one has read and thoroughly digested. Whereas in truth, it is only at certain favored moments that ideas obtain a productive lodgment in men’s minds, so as to become available as motives to action. We take it for granted that a multitude of our readers are now awakened, in an unusual degree, to political questions, and are in a state of mind sure to welcome the repetition of a few plain statements, which they either have not heretofore distinctly appreciated, or have allowed to slip away in some measure from their recollection. Let it be observed, then, that the leading issue in thi.- campaign, is that of freedom in Kansas. The administration is seeking to establish slavery in Kansas, and to do it by the most unjust and oppressive measures, and in opposition to the known wishes of a very large majority of the resident citizens there. The principle on which we have started is that of a union of all who are in favor of freedom in Kansas. And we have nominated such men

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37 as by their character and history are worthy have allowed and encouraged the rights of the to be relied on to secure this end, and such as settlers to be overborne by violence. we judge will get us the largest vote, because The people of the Free States considered we need all the votes of all who agree with us that they had still as good a right as ever to on this question. We do not ask men what go and settle in Kansas. They went there are their opinions on other matters; many of to gratify an enterprising disposition, to secure the most zealous in our cause voted for Presi-a home and some land, to avail themselves of dent Pierce, and have been disappointed by the advantages of pre-emption, with a chance him. Several of our leading men voted for of time for making payment for their land. the Nebraska bill, or advocated it among the And they settled here and there, as each man people, and are disgusted with the manner in thought for his own interest, and as he had a which it has been carried out. We do not right to do. They expected to take their call them to account, nor expect to be called to chance as to making Kansas a Free State, acaccount by them. Those who themselves cording to the will of the majcrity of settlers would be willing to meet the slaveholders on when they should come to vote. They wished a much broader and more comprehensive it to be free, because they knew that was but issue, are so sensible of the importance of pre-for their own interest, and but for the prosperserving Kansas at this time, that they cheer-ity of the State where they intended to make fully forego all other demands, and trust to thleir homes. They were pursuing a lawful the future and to the will of the people to set-end only by lawful means, all open and abovetle other questions some other time. It is a board, taking the Nebraska bill as it appeared union of honest men for patriotic purposes, to on the face of it, and according to the pledges establish justice towards Kansas, and to save of its friends. But it soon appeared that the the country from a great calamity. Every administration, the authors of the Nebraska man who approves of our object can act with bill, and the slaveholders, had a very different us and we with them, without any violation of idea of the intention and effect of that bill. principle or sacrifice of honor on either side. The slaveholders have assumed that by the bill On the Kansas question, let it be remem-Kansas was given to them, it was theirs, that bered that when the proposal first came up, they had an absolute right to make it a Slave four years ago, of organizing a territory west State and nothing else, and that those who of the Missouri river, it was opposed by Atchi-went there hoping to make it a Free State were son and other slaveholders in Congress, because intruders and trespassers, whom it was right to the Missouri Compromise prohibited slavery resist in any and every way; to overpower by there. Two years ago, Douglas proposed to force, to expel and to kill, just as many white repeal the prohibition, but said it was only to people treat Indians who stand in their way.

conciliate the South by humoring their wishes, And the administration too, have sustained the while it would make no difference in the prac-slaveholders to the fullest extent, in all their tical result, because it was impossible that demands, and in all their outrages, showing Kansas should ever become a Slave State. He that it was their original intention that Kansas also said it was more Democratic to have all should be made a Slave State at all hazards, these questions settled by the inhabitants, and and that the pretence that the Free States had the favorite doctrine of popular sovereignty an equal right in Kansas was a deception, was appealed to and dwelt upon in every form made for political purposes.

Thus, the free of speech that could be thought of. Multi-settlers were deceived; going there under the tudes of people at the North believed this pre-expectation that the government would protect tension, and so acquiesced in the measure, them, and give them just an even chance, they and it was passed as a concession to popular have found the administration using its whole sovereignty. And those in the Free States power to defeat or to crush them, and to give who opposed the repeal of the prohibition, re-the control int6 the hands of a minority, and solved to make the best of it after it was to keep up a civil war if slavery requires it. passed, in the expectation that the new act Such being the state of the case, it is eviwould at least secure the rights which were dent that there can be no hope of justice for expressly guaranteed by it, of deciding the Kansas, without a change of administration. question of slavery by the votes of the settlers This administration is fully resolved to push it in Kansas; and they expected to abide by the through, and make Kansas a Slave State.

The decision of the settlers in good faith. It is no Cincinnati Convention pledged itself to carry fault of theirs that they have been disappoint-ont the design, and its candidates were norned, but through the treachery of those who inated and are solemnly bound to the same

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38 policy. Mr. Buchanan’s administration will be but a prolongation of Mr.

Pierce’s. He himself so declared, and there is not a word to the contrary to be heard. There is no peace nor security for the Free State men of Kansas under either. They will continue to be held as enemies and outlaws who may be robbed or killed, as they are now, and no judge, attorney, jury or marshal appointed by the administration, thinks it worth while to inquire who did it. They are treated as of less account than Indians or slaves, for no wrong inflicted upon Free State men has been investigated or brought under legal notice in a single case. The affair has been so complicated by the mismanagement of the admiinistration, and such an exasperation of feeling has been cherished and authorized among the Missourians in the interest of slavery, that it would be very difficult, if not impossible, even for a just and energetic administration to quiet the controversy, and preserve peace and order, so long as a possibility is left open to the ruffians of effecting anything by their invasions. It is now impossible to secure an equitable ballot in the choice of a new territorial legislature, or of a constitutional convention, or on the adoption of a constitution protecting the rights of the people of Kansas, free from the intern ference of citizens of Missouri. There is no way to get out of the difficulty but by admitting Kansas as a State under the Topeka constitutionr. That is a good constitution; its provisions are wisely arranged, its principles are republican, and there is ample proof that it is acceptable to the great majority of actual settlers. There have been no irregularities in its formation greater than have been often overlooked in other cases; and the legislature and people have conducted throughout with singular wisdom and moderation, the more to be commended, from the trying and unus ual circumstances in which they have been placed.

There can be no doubt of their capacity for self-government, and to do honor to the Union as a sovereign State. No other State has commnenced its history with a more worthy class of settlers. Her admission as a State will at once cure all defects and establish perfect peace, not only in that territory, but throughout the country, and nothing short of this will do it. The people of Kansas are not to be taken in by the specious schemes of Mr. Douglas; they know him and his plans too well. Neither are they of the sort to acquiesce in the violation of their rights. Kansas is their home; they have made it a Free State, and they will never cease to agitate, in all lawful ways, till thpy, have their riyhts. It is plain, then, that there are only’ two sides to this question. He that wishes to vote for freedom in Kansas, for justice to Kansas, for peace and a,(,,ainst civil war, let him vote for Fremont and Dayton. If we elect them, we have secured all. If’ we fail, we have done our duty to our country, let what will follow. He that votes against Fremont, votes for slavery and oppression in Kansas, andfor civil war in the country, whether he votesfor Fillmore orbuchanan’ There is very little to choose between them on any account, and not a particle of difference as far as Kansas is concerned. From the N. Y. Post. What makes a Sectional Candidate I General Houston has changed his mind since his late visit to Texas, and has concluded not to run for the Presidency this time. He means to support Fillmore instead. The party with which be acted, be says, 11 although it retains the name of Democracy, has no memories to which the present organization can refer without a blush of shame. It lias dwindled down to mere sectionalism, and is now but a faction.” The Republican party, on the other band, is -ectional in its character, and he 11 cannot conceive bow anv man, lov)ng the Union, can support a ticket fraught with such disastrous consequences to the whole country as its success would be.” He therefore avows his intention to support Mr. Fillmore, who combines in himself, in a pre-eminent degfee, the objections raised to both the others. If the old Wbio, party has any memories to which its present organization, under Fillmore, can refer without a blush, then it is because its members have not sensibility enou,h left to feel as they should, in contemplatinfr one of the most hideous nbases ot I intolerlnc, bizotrv and imposture 0 age. In regard to sectionalism, which is the spcific objection to the Cincinnati and Philadelphia candidates, we do not see in what respect the General betters himself by supporting Fillmore. If either of the three candidates is sectional, Millard Fillmore is that candidate. He was nominated by a Convention, from which the great body of the representatives of every Fre State had withdrawn. He was nominated by the delegates from Slave States alone, assisted by a few minorities of their respective delegations from’ two or three of the Free States, not one of which, however, is likely to give Mr. Fillmore an electoral vote.

But General Houston does not need to be

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39 taught, at this late day, that it is not the nomi-agree with the Northern States upon the can nation, but the popular vote at the election, didates or policy which they respectively sup that determines whether a candidate is sec-port, so much the worse for the weaker can tional or national. A man may run upon his didate, whether of the North or South; but we own nomination, as the General did, for a have yet to learn that the vote of a Free State month or two, without being sectional; but if for President is not worth just as much as that he is supported only by a particular topical of a Slave State, or that a minority of slave interest, by the slavery interest, for example, holders ought to have more weight in the or the manufacturing interest, and is defeated, choice of a chief magistrate than a majority then he is a sectional candidate. If he gets a of non-slaveholders. A constitutional majority majority of the legal votes, from whatever is all that a candidate requires to make him a States, between whatever degrees of latitude national and constitutional President; whether or longitude, he is the constitutional choice of that majority come frbm the North or the the American people, and no more a sectional South of the Potomac, or from the East or the candidate than every candidate is who gets West of the Alleghanies. less than a unanimous vote. Now, it is not In what sense of the word, then, can Colo probable that either Fillmore or Buchanan can nel Fremont be called a sectional candidate? get, both together, five-Free States. The best His mother belonged to one of the oldest and their friends expect for either, is, that they most influential families in Virginia; he him may defeat an election by the people, and self was born in Georgia, he was educated in have a chance for victory, the one in the South Carolina, and resided in Slave States House and the other in the Senate. There exclusively till he was over thirty years of age. are some more sanguine as to results, but very His wife is the daughter of a Virginia lady; few who suppose that either can carry more her father was born in North Carolina; and Free States than there were Southern States she herself always resided in Slave States or represented in the Philadelphia Convention. Territories, until within a few years. Col. Fre Vill General Houston pretend that there is mont is, in every reputable sense of the term, any probability of the Republican candidate a Southern man. He has no prejudices in occupying a more sectional position than this? regard to slavery which he did not acquire at But in what, we beg to ask, consists the the South, nor has he any, so far as we know, sectionalism of the Republican party in the unfriendly to the best interests of the South. eyes of the Texan Senator?

By the terms He was nominated, on the other hand, by of the call of the Philadelphia Convention all delegates representing every Northern State, who were opposed to the repeal of the Mis-and is supported with a greater unanimity at souri Compromise, to the Kansas policy of the the North, apparently, than either of the other administration, and to the nationalization of candidates is at the South, whence they exslavery by Congressional or Executive action, pect almost exclusively their support.

were invited to send delegates to it. No State It is idle to call a candidate thus descended, or Territory, North or South, East or West, educated, associated, nominated and confirmed, was deprived of the privilege of representa-a sectional candidate. Of course, we did not tion. In what, then, consists its sectional expect Senator Houston to support Fremont character? There was nothing, we believe, or any other Republican so long as he has any in the principles avowed by it, not entirely political aspirations of his own ungratified, for accordant with the principles entertained by such a course would not be tolerated by his General Houston himself. He has said as bad, constituency at present; but we must say that, if not worse, things of the Douglas legislation like a distinguished citizen of our own State, in Congress; he has not disguised his oppo-recently, he has irrevocably lost a most splensition to the extension of slavery, and his did opportunity of keeping silent. friends in the North pressed him with great earnestness as a candidate, upon the ground Extract from a Sermon by lev. D. &. Tynrg, of his well-known sympathies with the Free of Philadelphia. State party. Did the Republican party sec-Slavery degrades bodily labor. It makes a tionalize itself in the eyes of the Texan man’s bodily strength and manual skill less Senator by avowing doctrines which they availing for his own profit and elevation.

It might have learned from his lips? If so, then thus diminishes and takes away his inherent is every party sectional which avows any dis-property in himself. It lessens his pecuniary puted opinions. reward, and shuts up the door of promotion. If the Southern States do not happen to The question is, therefore, between the right of

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40 one man to the muscles of his neighbor and the right of thousands to the full benefit of their own muscles. It is whether one man is to leave his slave behind him, or whether a thousand white citizens are to be enslaved if they go. The rights of all our laboring classes, ten thousand to one slaveholder, are invaded in the a ttempt at the violent subjugation of Kansas. Mor eov er, there are many methods of r emunerative la bor of mor e intellectual character that are available only i n a free commun ity. In f act, ther e i s scarcely a department o f ingenuity or power, which the history and present state of our country do not show to be circum sc ribed and d epreciated by the presence of slavery. The intellectual, literary, and inventive, as well as the bodily powers of man, become less available for individual and social prosperity. Every man, therefore, who is not himself a slaveholder, is interested for himself, his children, his relatives and friends in the exclusion of slavery. WHO OUGHT TO RULE IN A, NATION OP 27,000,000? o THE 20,000,000

FREEMEN OF THE NORTH, OR THE. SLAVEHOLDING OLIGARCHY OF 350,000 AT THE

SOUTH? LET THE FOLLOWING EXTRACT ANSWER FROM AN ARTICLE BY “CECIL” IN THE

PHILADELPHIA NORTH AMERICAN FOR JULY 31. The repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and the introduction of these new doctrines of constitutional law, are consequences of a struggle for power between the North and the South. The South is afraid to trust the protection of slavery to the Constitution. It thinks that slavery can only be protected by extending it, by gaining new States for it, and thus securing more political power for it. By the regular constitutional action of the government, the South cannot do this without the consent of the Northern States, which it cannot be sure of obtaining. Southern politicians have therefore determined to alter the Constitution or disregard it, by force of votes, and it seems now, also, to seize on new territory by force of arms. Whether they are likely by these means to secure the safety they seek, is worth considering. THERE IS ONE GREAT FACT OUT OF WHICH THIS CONTROVERSY HAS

ARISEN, AND WHICH MUST.GOVERN IT TO ITS END, WHATEVER THAT END MAY BE, AND

THAT IS THE SUPERIOR POWER OF THE NORTHERN STATES. The difference between the North and South, in all the elements of power, now so vast, is growing greater’every day. This is a stern, inexorable fact, remediless, irresistible, but which does not seem to have its due influence upon the minds of our Southern neighbors. Power has certain qualities and laws, sure and punctual in their action, which cannot with safety be disregarded, and which, therefore, it is wiser to study and obey, than to deny and resist. This is a government of the people. The Union is a Union, not of the States, but of the people. The great fundamental principle of our institutions is, that the majority of the people shall govern the country by their representatives, in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution. On what ground then, can the South claim political equality with the North? Political power is the consequence of super ior numbers, and the North has the majority of the population by six millions. A s a consequence, it has a majority of votes in Congress. It is entitled then, not to equality with the South, but to superiority over it. In all questions about which there is disagreement between the North and the South, the North is entitled to govern the country. Slavery is one of those questions. The North cannot interfere with slavery in the States where it exists,because it is there protected by the Constitution. But the Territories belong to the whole people, andCongress represents the whole.

The government, the absolute control of the Territories, for this reason is in Congress. If the North has the majority in Congress on any question relating to the Territories, as to that question, the North has rightful power over the Territories. This power, moreover, is trust power; it is coupled with duty and responsibility of the most solemn nature, which concern not the present only, but a wide and mighty future. If, therefore, the people of the North, having rightful power over this question, believe slavery to be an industrial, social and political evil, they are bound to interfere and prevent this evil from being imposed upon any portion of the country under their control. They owe this duty to their own convictions of right, and they owe it to humanity; for the power to do good implies, from its very nature, the obligation to do good, and the greater the power, the stronger the obligation. Political power results, necessarily, from superiority of numbers in a government where a majority rules.

Something more, however, than mere numbers is wanting, to add moral sanction and influence even to legal power. If the North has superiority of population, it has in even greater degree superiority in wealth, in intellectual and moral culture, in diffused knowledge and comfort, in all industrial arts and improvements, in everything that

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41 constitutes civilization. What measure the South really has of these things no American surely shbould wish to deny. All that it is and all that it has, and it is and has much that is great and worthy, are part and parcel of our country. But in arguing questions like the present, arithmetic and statistics cannot be omitted, and as facts will rule in practice, they must not be disregarded in speculation. The superiority of the North, not merely in numbers but in every other element of national strength, is beyond dispute. It is only necessary to ask, where are the chief seaport cities, the great inland towns; where are the factories and-ships, the machinery and merchandise, and money capital; where the thriving villages and cultivated farms; where the colleges and schools of literature and art and science; where the leading journals, the great publishing houses, the writers who influence the mind of the nation, and give it literary reputation abroad? As well compare Spain or Italy with England, as the South with the North. If any one wishes to appreciate Southern weakness, let him read Mr. Olmstead’s Tour through the Seaboard Slave States. It is an interesting book, written with graphic power and evident truthfulness, in a lively, animated, dramatic style, is full of anecdote and adventure, and contains a series of deeply instructive daguerreotype pictures, painted by the light of a clear intellect, from real life. The view of Southern society given in this work is not a pleasant one for a catholic American to look at. It reveals a state of things very surprising, hitherto unsuspected by most persons in the North, probably by most in the South. It would be well for Southern people who wish to understand their real position, to read this book, if its circulation has not been prohibited by some Kansas law or Lynch law, by General Pierce or Mr. Brooks. There is another element of moral power in the Northern States, also positive and real, undeniable and unchangeable, which cannot be evaded or resisted, and which must always influence this question, whatever aspect it may assume. That element is the opinion of the civilized world on the subject of slavery. In morals, in religion, as in literature and the arts, there are no national boundary lines.

Scientific truth, the productions of genius, political reforms, social ameliorations, nobler and higher views of life and duty, wherever they originate, are a common property. Opinion rules the world, and opinion is modified by advancing culture, so that the maxims and habits of one age become barbarisms in the next. Thence the progress of civilization, thence the difference between Christian Europe to-day, with its liberty, its so(cial security, its wealth, its literature, its arts, its intellectual culture and activity, its elegance and refinement, and the Europe (.f former ages. Of that Christian European civilization, we form a part. We are in daily contact with it, are joint heirs of all it has done, copartners of all it is doing. Its opinion is part an(d parcel of our opinion, and its suffrages, thoug,h not put in our ballot boxes, do, and must of necessity, influence our action and our destiny. That opinion has condemned slavery-those suffrages have been given unanimously in sympathy with the anti-slavery party in this country. Whether right or wrong, the superior mind of the most enlightened countries of Europe has declared this institution to be inconsistent with the present state of civilization, and to belong to the barbarism of the past. This opinion, therefore, influencing, as it must, opinion here, giving support, encouragement, intellectual aid and moral weight to Northern sentiment and purposes, is an important element of Northern power. It is with this power, so founded on numbers., wealth and intelligence, so guaranteed by law, so buttressed and sustained by the opinion of the civilized world, that the South claims equality, and claims it by reason of the very cause which has produced weakness in the South and strength in the North. It claims equality of representation where there is no equality in the thing represented. It claims equality of power where it has a minority of votes.

It claims the right to gain this equality by fastening upon vast regions of boundless resources, and the unborn millions to inhabit them, the very institution that has withered its own energies and retarded its own-progress. Such a claim is founded neither in the law of the land, nor in justice, nor in the nature of things. It cannot permanently succeed, and its triumphs will not endure. Whatever shape it may assume, of thought or act, of argument or practice, of revolutionary doctrine or revolutionary deed, it is destined to be confronted and defeated by the controlling fa3ct of Northern power, which must in the end prevail, because it is an inherent attribute of power to govern. There is only one sort of equality that it is wise for the South to desire, or possible for it to attain, and that is, what it has alreadyequality before the law. This is the great maxim of free society. Equal rights to unequal things. This is the only principle that can

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42 protect wealth from poverty, or poverty from wealth; the mental cultivation of the few from the brute force of the many, or the ignorance of the. many from the superior intelligence of the few. All other kinds of equality are impossible, because contrary to the laws of man’s nature, and this alone enables all other kinds to live together, side by side, in harmony and order, uniting all talents, labors and powers, for the common good. This principle can and does give security to the South. It is one of the great principles of our Constitution and our Union, and only under its guardianship can Southern weakness find safety in the neighborhood of its inseparable companionNorthern strength. The South has for its protection, for the protection of the institution on which its repose, its prosperity, its existence depend, but against which is banided in formidable array the opinion of civilized nationsthe provisions and guarantees of the Constitutioni. These have proved so far an efficient protection. The sphere of slavery has not been narrowed, but enlarged. The South has greatly influenced, not to say controlled, the legislation of the country, and still does so. But whether sufficient or not, the Constitution is the only protection that slavery has in the world. Take away that, and the whole world is united against it. While the Constitution lasts, this great Northern strength, which is, and must forever remain, the close neighbor of the South, is also its brother and friend. Party arrangements, commercial interests, iamily ties, easy intercourse, above all, love for the Union and a sense of its benefits, combine to make the relations of North and South safe for the South and a blessing to both. But, destroy the Union and the Constitution, then Northern strength becomes at once the enemy of Southern weakness, and, with the North for an enemy, where will the South find a friend? Is it not madness, then, in this passionate and foolish South thus to kick against the pricks, to resist facts which are like rocks and mountains, steadfast, immovable, and which shatter all opposition into spray and foam? Was it not unwise in Southern politicians to violate the Missouri compact, which, if it was a barrier to them, was also a barrier to their enemies? Is it not imprudent in them, by ingeni,us quibbles and subtle repinings, and false constructions, and insinticere pretexts, to undermine the plain, well-settled principles of the Constitution, when that Constitution is their only protection; to make a breach in their only wall of defence? Is there no danger that such arts may return to plague their inventors? Are there no constitution a l provisios for the ir safety, whose plain meaninsc may be tortured and twisted, and explained away by these attorney-like tricks? Above all, is it not infatuated folly in the South to alienate the feelings and rouse the indignation of its powerful neighbor, by Kansas invasions, and burnings, and slaughter, by tampering with weak Presidents, in whose official authority the North has an equal share and interest, by Brooks assaults in the Senate House, by threats, and insults, and violence, by open, avowed violations of law and the rights secured by law? The time may come when it will invoke in vain the defences of the Constitution it is now attempting to cast down; when it will ask in vain for Northern votes to resist Northern majorities; when it will look in vain for Northern help to save it from dangers more terrible than Northern majorities. There is one plain path out of these present troubles, and that is to go back to the Constitution. If Mr. Clayton’s plan had provided for the repeal of the Kansas Bill, had set aside entirely the spurious Kansas legislature, and all its deedIs of darkness, re-enacting such of its laws as are necessary for the moment, includin,g those protecting slaves now in the Territory; then, under his bill. the future legislature of Kansas might immediately or hereafter refuse or accept slavery as part of their system, and such action would be subject, as it ought to be, to the revision and control of Congress. Should the result prove that the majority of the people of this country solemnly refuse to sanction the further extension of slavery, it would still have the Constitution for its protection where it now exists, and it would be the duty of the South to submit, because obedience to the law is always a duty, and its policy also, for its only safety would lie in submission. Rebellion would be treason, and Northern strength can put down and punish treason. Even successful rebellion, after civil war, ending in disunion or treason consummated, would not help the South. Would slavery be safe durinog civil war? Would it be safer after disunion, with this great Northern strength still by its side, but no longer as a brother? Thus this great fact of superior and rapidly increasing Northern power, governs this ques-, tion, looming up from the horizon like some towering Chimborazo mountain, meeting the eye from whatever point it looks. That there is danger to slavery in these days it is vain to deny.

It is behind the age; it is an isolated institution; it is inconsistent with any high

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43 standard of national civilization and culture. It is doomed to recede, not to advance; and, finally, to be greatly modified or to perish. Whether this fate is to arrive peacefully and gradually, or suddenly and violently, depends wholly on the action of the South. There is security for the South, living as it must always do by the side of Northern strength, only in the Constitution and the friendship of the North. The Constitution is wise, and every departure from it proves its wisdom. It has shown i,self hitherto sufficient for the protection of slavery. The Northern people are loyal to the South. The vast majority yield willingly, zealously, all the constitutional rights of the South. They love the Union and the Constitution, and their country, and the South as part of their country. They are slow to wrath and easy to be entreated; they will endure many things, but not all things. Kansas massacres, General Pierce, and Mr.

Brooks, are among the things they will not endure. CECIL. since its establishment. And where did we then stand? Wre w ere laughed at and told that we were t re ated just as we deserved to be treated. Now, gentlemen, a pretty smart man, with his eyes well open, may be cheated once, but e he is a fool if he is cheate d a second time. [Great laughter and applause.]

But they tell us w e are to dissolve the Union. Pray, how i s this to be a ccomp lishe d? Is the North goin out of the o th inoo t Uni o n? No; the North is w ell contented where she is. Did you eve r hear a Nort hern man say he was going out t? [A voice-Milard Fillmore.] M illard Fillmore, I grant is an e xception. But, aside from him, the North is not going out.

Is the South going out? You c ould not coax them out-you could not kick th e m out. What l the South leave the treasury-the Post Office Department-the Custom House! Has the South lost its appetite? and is it going out of the Union because it has got tired of being supported at the public crib? No; te re i n ane o lngs there is no daner, so l ong as ther e is a treasury left with a stiver in it. [Gre at applause.] It is time for the North to assert itself-not to injure the South-but within the pale of the Constitution, I say the North is called upon to utter its owIn honest convictions. The convictions of the North are against the institutions of slavery, and in favor of free territories. We have just as good a right to that opinion as the South has to theirs. This is a government of majorities, and if a majority of the people are in favor of our sentiments, the South must yield. If they have the majority, we must yield, but I deny that they have any rights superior to ours, and that we have less a right than they to utter our convictions upon this subject.

Perhaps the North will sub’ mit-perhaps it is made of putty, and will have its courage knocked out of it with a gutta-percha cane; but I do not believe it. We have declared our principles, and I believe we shall stand by them if we have to fight to the last ditch. And I assure you, gentlemen, that though I am an old Untionsaver, and have spent many sleepless nights watching over it, these are my sentiments to the day of my death. [Great applause.] From the N. Y. Post. What an Old Democrat thinks. At a meeting recently held at Chatham, Columbia County, in this State, to give utterance to the feelings of the citizens on the expulsion of Mr. RAY from Virginia, for having From the N. Y. Post. What an old Is Union Saver” thinks. Mr. Van Cott, the first speaker, announced himself as an old” Union Saver,” who had followed in the footsteps of Daniel Webster, and worked for Henry Clay through every Clay campaign. When the Omnibus bill of 1850 passed, he was one of the men who honestly believed in the efficacy of the measures embraced in it, to lay the ghost of agitation; and he endorsed the “finality” platform of 1852 in good faith. But in advocating these measures, Daniel Webster sacrificed himself, and the South had not the gratitude to reward him. The members of Congress who voted for the Missouri Compromise in 1821 sacrificed themselves; and why?

It was because the people felt that ours was a free country, and that the extension of human slavery, or a compromise with it, was at w ar w it h the genius of our institutions. And, gentlemen, I, for many years, was an old line Whig. I was once anxious about the Union. Many a long night have I sat up rocking the cradle and watching over the Union, and what came of it all? We have ourselves been utterly betrayed and sacrificed by the South, as was Mr. Webster, the leader of the Union section. The moment he made these concessions, for the sake of ending slavery agitation, the South turned around And repealed a great measure, which had been held as a most solemn and sacred obligation

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44 spoken in favor of Freedom, the following It has been said that in this country.” Cotton letter was read from C. H. BRAMHALL, Esq., is King.” That it rules the foreign policy and of this city, heretofore a leading member of every department of our domestic administrathe Democratic Party: tion is, alas! too true. Let us inquire by what LETTER FROM C. H. B13RAMHALL.

right this power is exercised. The census of NEW YORK, June 10, 1856. 1850
shows that the entire market value of the 3 0 ‘a I Cotton crop of that year was -.-$136,000,000 ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~oac -. 1,0,0

CALHOUN is the father of sectionalism in SuTobacco….. 1935,35000,000
this country. He first tried to unite the South Sugar…………………. 35,350,000 against the North on the Tariff; failing in that Rie.10,000,000 he tried it on Slavery, and succeeded. And Total……………..$200,350,000 from the day when CALHOUN was made Sec-Indian Corn………….. $360,300,000 retary of State under President TYLER, the Wheat….. 247,400,000 slave power has been the paramount, ruling Hay and Fodder…………..160,000,000 power of the nation. From that day to this, Pasturage…………143,000,000 all the powers of Government, in all its de-Milk, exclusive of that used for Butpartments, executive, legislative, judicial and ter and Cheese -.. - *.100,000,000
administrative, have been executed in abject From this it will be seen that the crop of Inand cringing subjection to the Slave Oligarchy. dian corn alone is worth nearly three times From that day to this, every candidate for pub-the Cotton crop. of the South and $160,lic honors, of high or low degree, has basely 000,000 more than the aggregate of the four bowed the neck, and bent the knee, in fawn-principal crops of Cotton, Tobacco, Sugar and ing sycophancy to the power behind the Rice. The Wheat crop is nearly double the throne. Cotton, and $47,000,000 more than the Cot And what, it may be asked, is this Slave Oli-ton, Tobacco, Sugar and Rice. The Hay and garchy, that it should assume to rule this na-Fodder, $20,000,000 more than the Cotton. tion of 25,000,000 of men claiming to be free-The Pasturage is $7,000,000 more than the Cotmen? It consists of 347,000 slaveholders, ton - and in short, the entire Cotton crop of owning 4,000,000ofhuman beings as property, the South is worth but!ittle more than the and constituting a despotism more absolute and surplus milk of our cows, exclusive of that more revolting than any known to the world, used for butter and cheese. civilized or uncivilized, in any period of its Such, in brief, are a few of the characterisknown history-selling men, women and lit-tics of Slavery and the Slave Power, which tle children upon the auction block-separat- in the brief period of our young history, has ing forever husband and wife, parent and child grown from diminutive stature to gigantic -and degrading the white race, in point of magnitude -from extreme weakness t6 overcivilization and humanity, to the level of the powering strength-until it is now prepared slave. to combat with Freedom for the mastery of To say nothing of the black race, it degrades Empire. In 1848 Slavery laid her black and and demoralizes the white. If we compare brawny hand upon the North, and commanded the Free States with the Slave States, the silence and the North resolved not to agidisastrous effect of Slavery upon the social, tate. In 1850, in compliance with the demoral and political condition of the white race mands of the Slave Power, the Fugitive Slave will be at once fully realized. If we contrast bill was passed, in plain violation of the ConNew York with Virginia, Massachusetts with stitution-in open disregard of humanitySouth Carolina, or Michigan with Arkansas, and in defiance of the law of God. In 1852 in the number of Schools and Churches, the the Slave Oligarchy again commanded silence facilities, the efficiency and results of educa-at the North, and was obeyed. In 1854, in tional, moral and religious training -in the submissive obedience to the same power, the progress made by each in the elements of ma-solemn compact of Freedom, entered into terial prosperity, in the arts of peace and civ-thirty-four years before, was repealed, and the ilization - and the amount and value of the pro-door of Western Empire was again opened to ducts of human industry, the results cannot Slavery. And yet again the insolent man but carry conviction to the minds of all. date goes forth from the South to the North I prefer to leave every one to institute the _-be silent I A Northern Democratic Presicomparison for himself; and fortunately the dent, and his Northern followers, repeat the census taken every decade, places the neces-shameful mandate-be silent! Then goes sary information within the reach of all. I

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45 forth the decree of Judge KANE, the American Jeffries, pliant tool of power, that the slaveholder may bring his human property into the Free States, in spite of our Constitutions and Laws, and hold them as property, and with all the attributes of property, as long as he pleases, in transitu. Then the drunken, brutal, savage hordes of Slavery pour over the western borders of Kansas, with whisky, bowie-knife, and revolver; drive the peaceful settlers from the polls; seize the ballot boxes -elect a Pro-Slavery Legislature, of non-residents-and establish a code of laws for the people of the Territory, disfranchising every man who is less brutal or inhuman than the perpetrators of these outrages. To refuse obedience to these monstrous usurpations is declared by the President, and his Chief Justice, LECOMPTE, and by the assembled wisdom of the Democratic Party at Cincinnati, TREASON. Be silent! While the wail that is borne to our ears on every Western breeze, tells us of brothers murdered, and sisters outraged, on the plains of Kansas. Be silent! WVhile Northern men are driven out from Kansas and from Virginia, and Northern Senators ruthlessly stricken down in the National Capitol, for daring to refuse obedience to the insolent mandate. Against outrages so monstrous-crimes so infamous-treason against God and man so shameless and unblushing, words of reason and conciliation are out of place. It is no time to pass iesolutions. It is the time for action-immediate, united, resolute and determined action is imperiously demanded. The issue is forced upon us, and we must meet it manfully. We must make our election between FREEDOM
and SLAVERY, and make it Now. It is not a question of the Abolition of Slavery-but the Abolition of Freedom. Shall Freedom live? Or shall it die?

‘Very respectfully, yours, &C. C. H. BRAMHALL. edly for nearly fifty years, by two arts by buyinpg in the Free States what was corrupt, by ldviding in them what was sound. Be on your.guard. There issno intermission in the ir cunning. Pay no regard to names o r influences.

Whoever is put up in oppo sition t o Fremont and Dayton is put up in conjunction with the slaveholders. The object will be to divide the Free States, to throw the final question from the people into Congress, where the slaveholders are masters. Be firm and united. ” Now is the time, now the hour.” The events of the time cannot be misunderstood. The slaveholders mean to continue to govern this Union hereafter, as they have done heretofore -rby dividing and corrupting. If they succeed, after the demonstration they have given of character and purposes, the free States are slaves, and deserve to be, to the worst of all possible masters.

Heaven never fails to punish with severe retribution, a people who are negligent or faithless to the opportunities it puts into their hands. God and your country are with you, my young, friends. Both will bless you.

Yours, JOSIAHT QUINCY. P. S.-I send you thirty dollars, to aid in defraying the expenses of your organization. If that is not my proportion, let me know what is, and I will transmit it. ]Extract s f ro m his Address o n t he “salture and Pow er of the Sla ve States, and the Duties of the Free States.” “DEDICATED TO THE PEOPLE OF THE FREE STATES, WHO ARE

ENTREATED TO CONSIDER T HE VIEWS AND STATEMENTS IT PRESENTS. ” The question to be decided at the ensuing Presidential election, is, Who shall henceforth rule this nation, -the Slave States, or the Free States? All the aspects of our political atmosphere indicate an approaching hurricane.

Whether it shall sweep this Union from its foundations, or whether it shall be prosperously weathered, depends, under Heaven, on the man whom the people shall choose to pilot them through the coming storm. In myjudgment, that man is JoHN CHARLES FREMONT. I have not, and never had, any connection with the party that selected him. Personally, I know him not; but I have read the history of his life, and believe him to be a man as much marked out by Providence for the present exigency of our nation as Washington was for that of our American Revolution. He comes, from whence great men usually do come, from the mass of the people. Nursed in difficulties, practised in surmounting them; wise in council; full of resource; self-possessed Extracts from Josiah Quincy. His letter to the “

Young America Fremont Club” of Boston. GENTLEME N:-I rejoice in your organization. I thank God the palsy of death is not yet upon the liberties of the Free States. The young, blood begins to move. The question depending is-are the slaveholders or the free States henceforth to govern this Union. If the Free States are united, their success is certain. Be on your guard. The slaveholders have governed this Union almost uninterrupt

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46 in danger; fearless and foremost in every useful enterprise; unexceptionable in morals; with an intellect elevated by nature, and cultivated in laborious fields of duty, - I trust he is destined to save this Union from dissolution; to restore the Constitution to its original purity; and to relieve that instrument, which Washington designed for the preservation and enlargement of freedom, from being any longer perverted to the multiplication of Slave States and the extension of slavery. JOSIAH

QUINCY. QuINcY, July, 1856. In early life, from 1805 to 1813, I served as Representative in the Congress of the United States from the town of Boston. I was an active member of the Federal party formed by Washington, and have never belonged to any other, Though sympathizing in feeling with Free Soilers and Abolitionists, I have never concurred in the measures of either. My heart has always been more affected by the slavery to which the Free States have been subjected, than with that of the negro. Placed successively, since 1820, in the offices of Judge of the Municipal Court, of Mayor of Boston, and of President of Harvard College, I have abstained from all connection with politics for thirty-four years, except by voting; and now I come, at your request, to offer views and opinions on the present crisis of public affairs, derived fromn the light of history, and from the counsels and advice of Washington. The blow on the head of Sumner was not intended for him alone. It was struck at Liberty herself, in one of her most sacred temples. It was a public notice and declaration to every man in the Free States, that liberty of speech no longer existed in Congress for him or for his PRepresentative; that whoever coming from theFree States dare to utter a word in opposition to the views, or in derogation of the power of slaveholders,will speak at the peril of life.

There is nothing new in this system of intimidation. Fifty years ago it was an approved practice of slaveholders. In that day, men from the Free States, who were open opponents to the administration, often carried pistols in self-defence. Others, urged by their friends to do it, declined; being unwilling, under any circumstances, to have the life of a fellow-being on their consciences. The only difference between our times and the past is this; heretofore they brandished the bludgeon; now they have brought it down. Formerly the bowie-krife was only seen in its sheath, or half-drawn by way of terror; now it is seen glistening in their hands, or steeped in the blood of freemen in Kansas. This stat e of thi ngs naturally leads thought ful minds to refl ect on th e actua l condition of this Union, - of Sl av e States politically united with Free States. Those living under th e former are in a perpetual conscio usn ess of danger. It cannot be o th er wise, however they may attempt t o con ceal it fr om others and from themselves. It is impossible that three hundred thousand whites, who are the maste rs, su rrounded by three million of blacks, who are slaves, can live otherwise than under a never-ceasing sense of dan g er. The mode of maintaining the subjection of their slaves is, therefore, the constant object of their thoughts. In the Free States, on the contr ary, from twenty to twenty-five millions of whites exis t, with proportionate superior ity in wealth, activity, and physical power, without any ca re of or danger fiom slaves. This difference of condition in the two species of States produces unavoidably, in slaveholders, a continual sense of danger from within, and of prospective danger from without. The immense superiority of physical power in the Free States, combined with a knowledge of their own inherent weakness, creates in their minds a belief that their own political existence, and that of their slaves, depend upon obtaining and keeping the control of the Free States. Nature, in the human as in every other animal, compensates positive or comparative weakness by some quality which is equivalent for defence. In the case of the Slave States, she supplies the want of strength by art. The operation of this, in effecting their great object of obtaining and keeping the control of the Free States, it is my purpose briefly to illustrate from the history of this Union. The art by which, for more than fifty years, the Slave States have subjugated the Free States, and vested in their own hands all the powers of the Union, they call policy. Its proper name is cunning; that “left-handed wisdom,”

as Lord Bacon calls it, which the Devil practised in the garden of Eden, — “divide and conquer.” By this, they established the seat of national government in a slave country, and thus surrounded Congress with an atmosphere of slavery, and subjected the Free States to its influences, in the place where the councils of the nation are held, and where the whole public sentiment is hostile to the principles of the Free States; and where, in case of collisions resulting in actions at law and indictments, slaveholders are judges, jurors, and exequtioners. This location of the seat of gov

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ernment has been one of the most potent causes of that dominion over the nation which they have acquired. Again: bv cunning, they inserted Louisiana int. the Unioii, not only without the concur rence of the Free States, but without so much as asking it,- a measure which has been the Pandora’s box of all our evils. Another of their arts is a rroganc e, or a n in s olen t assumption of superiority. T his, though a resul t of their conditio n as masters of slav es, is of great power. a Like boldness,* it is the c hild of ignorance and vanity; yet it fascinates, and bin ds, hand and foot, those that are shallowindent o ea in judgment or weak in courage, and prevaileth even with wise men at weak times. It hath done wonders in popular States.” In Slave States, slaveholders are sovereigns, and deem themselves entitled to govern everywhere. In them, with few inconsiderable ex. ceptions, they are proprietors of all the lands; which few persons can afford to hold, except owners of slaves. As the rate of wages is regulated by the expense of supporting slaves, it is, of course, the least possible. Of consequence, slaves are the successful rivals of the white poor; being more obedient, and the expense of supporting them being less. Thus the white poor, in the Slave States, are reduced to a state of extreme degradation; in some respects, lower than the negro. They cannot dir; for field-labor to a white person is there a disgrace. To beg, they are ashamed; and they have no master to whom they can look for support. Having no land, they have no political power: the value of their labor is below that of the slave; and their actual condition comparatively that of extreme wretchedness. One-half of the white population of the Slave States are said to be in that condition. In the vocabulary of slaveholders, liberty means only that planters should be independent, and have no superiors. Fifty years aoo, there were two classes of slaveholders in Congress; the one, generous in spirit, polished in manners, true to the principles of liberty and the Constitution, uniting, heart and hand with the Representatives from the Free States in objects and policy; of the same type and character as George WVashington, John Marshall, William Pinckney, Henry W. Dessaussure, John Stanley, Nicholas Vandyke, Philip Stuart, Alexander Contee Hanson, and a host of others, too numerous to be recapitulated, in principle and views coincident with the Constitution, desti tute of all desire to establish the supremacy of slaveholders. They spoke of slavery, like Patrick Henry, as ” a curse,” which blighted the prospects and weakened the strength of the Slave States, with him deplored the necessity of holding men in bondage, declaring their belief that the time would come when “an opportunity will be afforded to abolish this lamentable evil;” like Governor Randolph, they regarded themselves “oppressed by slavery, and treated with disdain the idea that the Slave States could stand by thems elves;”* with Judge Tucker, of Virginia,t they thought, as he declared, that posterity “would execrate the mnemory of those ancestors, who, having the power to avert the evil of slavery, have, like their first parents, entailed a curse on allfuture generations.”

These men, far fiom threatening to go out of the Union, regarded and spoke of it as a main hope of dependence against their own slaves.’ They encouraged and supported every man from the Free States who met the violence of the insolent class with appropriate spirit. They saw and lamented the character and conduct of the lower and baser slaveholders, who, coarse in language, overbearing in manner, caring nothing for the principles of liberty and the Constitution, came to Congress for the purpose ofgetting office or place, and, to that end. were as subservient to every nod of the administration as any slave to that of his master. The nobler class of slaveholders foresaw and foretold that the effect of the language and course of conduct of this Violent class would gradually wear away the affections of the Free States, and lead to a dissolution of the Union. These higher spirits could not submit to use the arts and language to obtain power to which the baser sort condescended, and, of consequence, lost their influence in their respective districts; to which these political filibusters succeeded, and came to Washington, some to follow and some to direct the course of the administration, by whom they were rewarded according to their talents, their violence, or their subserviency. In 1810, John Randolph, in whose mind Virginia included all the South, said to me, “Virginia is no longer what it once was. The spirit of the old planters is departed or gradually wearing away: we are overrun by time-servers, office-hunters, and political blacklegs.” In a letter to me, dated “Richmond, *.See Debates in the Convention of Virginia. ~ See Tucker’s Commentaries on Blackstone. 47 * Lord Bacon’s Essay on Boldness.

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48 the present actual condition of the Constitution, as it iscalled, of the United States. The admission of Louisiana into the Union, without asking or having the consent ofthe people of the States or of the States themselves, was undeniably a stupendous usurpation. The passagle of the Louisiana Admission Bill was effected by the arts which slaveholders well know how to select and apply. Sops were given to the Congressional watch-dogs of the Free States. To some, pro m ise s were made, by way of opiates; an d th ose whom they could neither pay nor drug were publicly treated with insolence and scorn. Threats, duels, and violenee wer e at that day, as now, modes approved by them to deter men fro m awaken ing the F ree Stat es to a sens e of their danger. From the moment that act was passed, they saw that the Free Sta tes were shorn of their streng th; that they had obtained space to multiply Slave States at their will; and Mr.

Jefferson had confidentially told the m, that, from that moment, the “Constitution of the United States was blank paper; ” but more correctly, there was “no longer any Constitution.” a The slaveholders from that day saw thev had the Free States in their power; that they were masters, and the Free States slaves; and have acted accordingly. From the passage of the Louisiana Bill until this day, their policy has been directed to a single object, with almost uninterrupted success. That object was to exclude the Free States from any share of power, except in subserviency to their views; and they have undeniably, during all the subsequent period of our history (the administration of John Quincy Adams only excepted,) placed in the chair of state either slaveholders, or men from the Free States, who, for the sake of power, consented to be their tools,“Northern men with Southern principles;” in other words, men who, for the sake of power or pay, were willing to do any work they would set them upon. In the times of non-intercourse and embargo, I had frequent intercourse with John Randolph, and for many years a correspoiadence with him. During the extreme pressure of those measures upon the commerce of the Northern States, I said to him, “Mr. Randolph, these measures are absolutely insupportable. You Southern men will, at this rate, put an end to parties in the Northern States, and we shall come down upon the South in one united phalanx.” I shall never forget the half-triumph and half-sneer with which he replied, “You are mistaken, sir; you 22d March, 1814,” after giving a melancholy description of a visit he had just made to ” the seat of his ancestors, in the maternal line, at the confluence of the James and Appomattox Rivers,” he adds, “The curse of slavery, however, an evil daily magnifying, great as i/ al-. ready is, embittei s many a moment of the Virginian landholder, who is not duller than the clod under his feet.”

Slaveholders have been for fifty years, a few only excepted, the political masters of these States. Rampant with long-possessed authority, in the natural spirit.f the class, they have now put on the lash, and are getting ready for use their fetters and manacles. Let the Free States understand that the crisis has come. Their own fate and that of their posterity depend upon the fact, whether, in this crisis, they are true or false to themselves. The extension of slavery has been, from the days of Jefferson, the undeviating pursuit of the slaveholders. Hitherto by cunning, intrigue, and corruption, and now to plant it forever among the Southwestern States, compromises have been violated, the ballot-boxes broken, the votes of freemen destroyed, and free citizens massacred and their houses plundered by mobs, encouraged by a slaveholder’s administration, and supported by the military arm of the United States. If this tissue of events do not rouse the Free States to united and concentrated action, nothing will. Their destinies are fixed. They are doomed slaves. Their liberties are gone. Their Constitution gone. Nothing is left for them but to yoke in with the negro, and take the lash, submissively, at the caprice of their masters. But everybody asks, ” What is to be done to throw off this slaveholders’ yoke?” The first step is to have a spirit and will to be free. If there is a will, the spirit of freemen will soon find a vay. It is not the slaveholders’ strength, but );our folly. It is because they wake, and ) ou sleep; because they unite, and you divide; because they hold in their hands the means of corruption, and half of you perhaps are willing to be corrupted. This is bold laniguage, it will be said. Boldness is one of the privileges of old age.

When can a man have a right to be bold, if it be not when be is conscious of being prompted by truth and duty alone, and when a long life is behind him, and nothing before him but a daily-expected summons to the highest and most solemn of all tribunals? I now proceed to trace the political power of these slaveholders from its origin, and show

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49 are mistaken, sir. THE SOUTH ArE AS SURPE OF YOUR DEMOCRACY AS THEY ARE

OFr THEIR OWN NEGROES.” Let any man examine the history of the United States, from the reign of Thomas Jefferson to that of Franklin Pierce, and he will find, that, when the slaveholders have any particularly odious and obnoxious work to do, they never fail to employ the leaders of the Democracy of the Free States. This fact speaks volumes to the Free States.

In all estimates of their future duties, it should never be forgotten, that every act by which their in terests have been sacrificed, and the power of slaveholders increased, has been effected by the treachery of members of the Free States. It is manifest to the Free States, that a monstrous usutrpation has been effected, and is intended to be enlarged and perpetuated. The warning voice of Washington, in this state of things, is, “LET THERE BE NO CHANGE BY USURPATION.” He adds, “CHANGE BY USURPATION

IS THE CUSTOMARY WEAPON BY WHICH FREE GOVERNMENTS ARE DESTROYED.” Again: Washington advises, “RESIST WITH CARE THEa SPIRIT OF INNOVATION UPON THE

PRINCIPLES OF THE CONSTITUTION. THE SPIRIT OF ENCROACHMENT TENDS TO

CONSOLIDATE THE POWERS OF ALL DEPARTMENTS IN ONE, AND TO THUS CREATE A REAL DESPOTISM.” The Free States are then, undeniably, at this day, in that very state of things in which the warning voice of Washington declared ” RESISTANCE TO BE THEIR DUTY.” During more than forty years, the spirit of a continued series of encroachments has established over them the worst of all possible despotisms, - that of slaveholders. The manner in which this duty of resistance, so distinctly advised by Washington, is to be performed in the spirit which he advised, and which his life exemplified, is at this time the subject of earnest and solicitous consideration by the people of the Free States. It will be my endeavor to throw some light on their duties, and on the course to be pursued in performing them. Many years ago, John Quincy Adams related a conversation which he once had with John C. Calhoun on this very subject. CalhGun said to him, that the broad principles of liberty which Mr. Adams had been advocating, were just and noble; but that in the Southern country, whenever they were mentioned, they were always understood as applying only to white men. Domestic labor was confined to the blacks; and such was the prejudice, that if he, who was the most popu 4 lar man in his district, were to keep a white servant in his house, his character and repu tation would be irretrievably ruined. Mr. Adams said, that this confounding servitude and l abor was one of the bad effects of slavery. , Mr. Ca lhoun thought it was a ttended with ma ny e xcellent consequences. It did not ap ply to all sorts of labor, - not, for example, to holding the plough; he and his father had often done that: nor did it apply to nianufac turing and mechanical labor; these were not degrading: but to dig, to hoe, to do work either in the field, the house, or the stable, these were menial labors, the proper work of slaves. No white man could descend to that.

Calhoun thought that it was the best guaran ty of equality among the whites. It pro duced among.them an unvarying level. It did not admit of inequalities a,,on, whites. Mr. Adams replied, that it was all perverted sentiment, mistaking labor for slavery and dominion for freedom. And, in stating it in conversation, Adams remarked, that this dis cussion with Calhoun had betrayed to him the secret of their souls. In the abstract, they admit slavers to be an evil; but, when probed to the quick, they show, at the bottom of’ their Souls, pride and vainglory in their very coidition of’ masterdom. They fancy themselves more generous and noble-hearted than the plain flreemen that labor for subsistence. They look down on the simplicity of New-England manners, because they have no habits of overbearing like theirs, and cannot treat negroes like doffs. It is among the evils of slavery, that it taints the very sources of moral principle. It establishes false estimates of virtue and vice; for what can be more false and heartless than this doctrine, which makes the first and holiest rights of humanity depend on the color of the skin? It perverts humans reason, and reduces man, endowed with logical powers, to maintain that slavery is sanctioned by the Christian religion; that slaves are happy and contented in their condition; that there are, between master and slave, mutual ties of attachment and affection; that the virtues of the master are refined and exalted by the degradation of the slave; while, at the same time, thev vent execrations on the slave-trade, curse Great Britain for having given them slaves, burn at the stake negroes convicted of crimes, for the terror of the example, and writhe in agonies of fear at the very mention of’human rights as applicable to people of color. After reading and weighing the opinions of this great and good manl, and reflecting on the

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50 facts which he states, can any one doubt the From the identity of the interests and fears incompatibility of the essential character of of slaveholders results identity in policy of the slaveholders with the government and man-members of the whole class. Their studies, agement of the affairs of freemen? Can they thoughts, counsels, are absorbed and directed who regard lator as servitude be the fit guar-to two objects,-
how to keep their negroes dians of the interests of men who regard labor in subjection; and, as subsidiary to this end, as their honor, and its successful exercise their how to keep the control of the Free States. duty and glory? By this control, they present to the fears of Mr. Jefferson, in his “Notes on Virginia,” their slaves the arm of the Union, ever in graphically exhibits “the unhappy influence readiness to keep them in subjection, and also on the manners of slaveholders by the exist-relieve themselves from the apprehension that ence of slavery. The whole commerce be-that arm might be extended for the relief of tween master and slave is a perpetual exer-their slaves. cise of the most boisterous passions; the most unremitting despotism on the one part, and raet from Mr.

Quncy’s’emarks on degrading submission on the other. Our chil-Mr. Cs ]er dren see this, learn to imitate it; for man is Mr.Choate’s Letter.’ an imitative animal. This quality is the germ “The whole letter of Mr. Choate is founded of all educution in him. From his cradle to on an assumption which has no basis in truth. his grave, he is learning to do what he sees’

A great crisis,’ cried Mr. Choate,’ exists in others do. If a parent could find no motive, the political affairs of our country. There is either in his philanthropy or self-love, for res-a new geographical party formed, which must training the intemperance of passion towards be defeated and dissolved.’ his slave, it should always be a sufficient one “Now in truth the only question at this time that his child is present; but, in general, it is in the political field, is between slaveholders not sufficient. The parent storms; the child and freemen who are not slaveholders. * looks on, catches the lineaments of wrath, puts The assertion and doctrine of Mr. Choate is, on the same airs in the circle of smaller slaves, that inasmuch as slaveholders exist in only one gives a loose rein to his worst passions, and, quarter of the Union, the party opposing them thus nursed, educated, and daily exercised in and their projects is geographical. How?

tyranny, cannot but be stamped with odious Do slaveholders include all the inhabitants of peculiarities. The man, then,must be a prod-the Slave States? Is it not notorious and delgy who can retain his morals and manners monstrable that there are not, substantially, undepraved by such circumstances.” more than one hundred thousand slaveholders After such testimony, given by the greatest in all of them? Is it not undeniable that these and most idolized of all slaveholders, as to the owners of slaves form an oligarchy, which not qualities which are the necessary results of only holds in bondage three millions of negroes, their education from childhood of his whole but also oppresses with an iron sceptre three or class, will the people of the Free States trust four millions, at least, of white freemen living them longer with the care of their Union? Is within those States? * Slaveholders it wonderful, that in every year, from the days are a class, and not a geographical section. If of Thomas Jefferson to the present, such men slaveholders constitute a geographical party, as Brooks, Keitt, and Butler should, in one because they only exist in one quarter of the uninterrupted succession, have appeared on Union, the manufacturers at Lowell, for the the floor of Congress? same reason, also form a geographical party. Without enumerating other qualities inher-Like them slaveholders make, hold and sell ent in slaveholders, and incompatiblewith the articles for enjoyment and livelihood. At liberties of the Free States, I proceed to ex-Lowell they raise the warp, feed the woof and amine the nature of that power which slave-sell cotton cloth, when it is of full length. In holders have wielded over this Union for half Carolina and the other Slave States, they raise, a century. feed and sell black men and women, when This power of slaveholders has its origin, - they are of full growth and sometimes babies.” as has been already intimated, -first from a “After this, he (Mr. Choate) goes on to deconcentration of interests and fears in the scribe what a noble ship the Un on is, intibody of slaveholders; second, from a total mates the value of her cargo, declares she is want of concentration of interests among the’ within half a cable’s length of a lee shore of people of the Free States, combined with an rock, and that our first duty is to put her out entire want of all apprehensions of danger and crowd her off into the deep open sea. owing to their unquestionable supeliority in All this is very graphic and very true. But physical power.

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51 the first natural inquiry of the people of the “Let the people beware of that political Free States will be, how this noble ship got in-party organized on the principle of hostility to this perilous state; and the next will prob-to slavery, which must of necessity be a sec ably be, whether the men whose incompetency tional party, constantly tending to alienate or iniquity has placed her in such an awful one section from the other. Be not deceived predicament, are the men to be chosen’ to by the specious pretext, that it is only to preput her about and pilot her into the open sea,’ vent the spread of slavery. They can only or whether every man of them shall not be sent prevent the spread of slavery by such a course into the forecastle, and never again be permit-of sectional and hostile action as will most likely ted to show their heads upon the quarter-provoke collision, resulting in the rupture of the deck.” Union.”

This is the backbone of Mr. Choate’s elabo Mr. Choate’s Letter. rate rhapsody to the “Whigs of Maine.” If From the Boston Journal. you resist the spread of slavery, you “provoke The Washington Union takes exception to collision,” and the “result” is a “rupture of the sentence in Choate’s Letter in which he the Union.” Therefore, says the Journal says, “It is in part because the duty of pro-man-therefore, says Mr. Choate-it is your tection to the local settler was not performed duty to desist from all opposition, and let that the Democratic party has already, by the slavery “pour itself, unobstructed, from ocean action of its great representative convention, to ocean.” If the North is readyfor this logic, resolved to put out of office its own adminis-it has only to rally to the support of Buchantration.” The Union, with many fulsome an, who represents exactly that view of the praises of Choate’s let er, says he ” shows him-question at issue. We shall see what freemen self well qualified to give counsel to his Whig have to say to the authors of such abject counfriends, and to teach them by his example a sel. lesson of wisdom,” but expresses its regret that he undertook to develop the motives In Mr. Choate’s great speech in support of which actuated the Democratic party in the Gen.

Taylor, made at Salem in 1848, he said: selection of its candidate. It savs:* “In this matter of slavery, we have always “It will be remembered that the convention, differed from ouir friends of the South; and in with entire unanimity, and with enthusiastic cor-re_ard to it we propose simply, TO VOTE diality Fappromvhed Boond enournl te ct te slTeIEM DOWN.

-” dlt y, appovdatdendo]Letther corate s of T E1 nOW.” policy of the present administration; and we y poe have no hesitation in affirming that no part T R ofAND ANTI-REPUBits policy received a more earnest and hearty LICAN CHARACTER OF SLAVERY, approval than that which embraced its Kansas AS SHOWN BY THEIR OWN Policy. STATESMEN. The Post copies the article from the Union, which administers this gentle rebuke to Mr. Extracts from a pamphlet entitled “A Plain Choate, and adds to it the following significant Statement to Honest Democrats.” thDmoniction: c. WATKINS

LEIGH, VA. ” It seems very convenient fo e n I er i ryu r thevery one, 7esires to put o ut of.o.ice In every citlihzed country under the sun, who desires to grathy past or presenthpremaces ome there must be who labor for theirdaily against the Democratic party, to east imputa-bread,- men who tend the herds, and dig the tions upon one of its ablest, bolldest, and soilse e shal at f defenders, the esiento the UnitdL who have no real nor personal capital of truestn their own. and who earn their daily bread by ltaesso owido,but texrse itsregre In Mr.S Choat’ gareaspechiuprt of States. Bute the history of his public career the sweat’of their brow. I have as sincere will redeem his character from the aspersions {a 0 7 7- *
as leeleions of regard for that teotle as any man of either malice or ignorance.“1t v of< ~ ~ i, *hmi ri rc who lives among them. But I ask gentlemen to say, whether they believe that those who From the New York Post 1…., depend on their daily labor for their daily sub-m The Issue Stated. p a. A writer in the Journal of Commerce, who sistence, can, or do, ever into political affairs? laborsunder the logical infirmity common to They never do, never will, never can.“the champions of submission to slavery aggres-Speech in Virginia Convention, 1829. sion, has stumbled upon an avowal of the true F. W. PICKENS, S. C. state of the case now on trial before the grand “All society settles down into a classificatribunal of the people. He says: tion of capitalists and laborers. The former

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52 will own the latter, either collectively through street sweepers, are white negroes instead o the government, or individually in a state of black. Where will be the independence, domestic servitude, as exists in the Southern the proud spirit, and the chivalry of the Ken States of this confederacy. If laborers ever tuckians then?”-Speech in Kentucky. obtain the political power of a country, it is in But little comment is needed upon the atro fact in a state of revolution.”-Speech in Concious doctrines of these slaveholding gentry, gress, January 21, 1837. which they have so openly stated and boldly CHANCELLOR IIARPER, S. C. avowed.

For these sentiments were not whis “Would you do a benefit to the horse, or pered in secret, but “proclaimed from the the ox, by giving him a cultivated understand-house-tops.” It will be noticed that not one ing, a fine feeling? So fa-r as the mere la-of these witnesses makes any allusion whatever borer has the pride, the knowledge, or the as-to color or race, except the last But slaves piration of a freeman, he is unfitted for his sit-and laborers are spoken of in the same con uation. If there are sordid, servile, laboriou nection, and as belonging to the same class.

offices to be performed, is it not better that Both are denied the right of voting, or of tak offies o b perormd, s i notbeter h.~in, any part whatever in political affairs. there should be sordid, servile, laborious beings any part whatever in political affairs. 11 lThos’e innocent -Norther~ners, who have sup to perform them? Odium has been cast upon Those innocent Northerners, who have sup our legislation on account of its forbidding the posed that none but “black negroes” ever elements of education being communicated to were, or are ever to be, subjected to the lash slaves. But, in truth, what injury is done of slavery, will find themselves most egregious them by this? Ile who works during the day ly mistaken. Mr. Leigh tells us that those with his hands does not read in the intervals of who depend on their daily labor for their sub leisure, for his amusement, or the improvement sistence “never do, never will, never can” of his mind; or the exception is so very rare “enter into political affairs.” And Mr. Pick as scarcely to need the being provided for.”- ens adds that, if “laborers ever do obtain Southern Literary oessednger. political power, the country is in a state of Sout*er Lrevolution.” And Mr. McDuffie declares that, GEORGE M’DUFFIE. where those who “discharge all the different “If we look into the elements of which all offices of society, from the highest to the low political communities are composed, it will be est,” are allowed to vote, “a dangerous ele found that servitude in some form is one of the ment is introduced by the body politic.” And essential constituents. In the very nature of Mr. Pickens further says, in the same speech: things, there must be classes of persons to dis- ” Hence it is, that they must have a strong f-charge all the different offices of society, from federal government to control the labor of the the highest to the lowest. Where these offices nation. But it is precisely the reverse with are performed by members of the political com-us. We have already not only a right to the miunity, a dangerous element is obviously intro-‘ proceeds of our laborers, but we own a class of duced by the body politic. Do-laborers themselves. But, let me say to gen mestic slavery, therefore, instead of being an tlemen who represent the great class of capi evil, IS TIlE CORNER-STONE OF OUR REPUB-talists at the North, beware how you drive us LICAN EDIFICE.” 3essage to the S.

C. Leg-into a separate system, for, if you do, as cer islatture, 1835.

tain as the decrees of Heaven, you will be ROBERT WICKLIFFE, KY. compelled to appeal to the sword to maintain “Gentlemen wanted to drive out the black yourselves at home. It may not come in your population, that they may obtain white negroes day; but yotr children’s children will be cover in their places. White negroes have this ad-ed with the blood of domestic jactions, and a vantage over black negroes, they can be con-PLUNDERING

MOB contending for power and A’rted into voters; and the men who live upon conquest.” the sweat of their brow, and pay them but a The plain English of which is, that if “la dependent and scanty subsistence, can, if able borers “-in other words, those who create to keep ten thousand of them in employment, and diffuse all the wealth of society-are al come up to the polls, and change the destiny lowed to vote and exercise political power, they of the country.” they will so direct the affairs of government, ” How improved will be our condition when as to secure a just share in the products of we have such white negroes as perform the ser-their own toil; and the only way in which vile labors of Europe, of old England, and he “capitalists” can prevent this, and safely plun wouldc add now, of New England; when our der the laborer, so as to get the “lion’s share,” body servants and our cart drivers, and our is to rob him of both his vote and himself to

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53 gether: in other words, make a slave of him. And “capitalists at the North” are warned that they can never enjoy anything like repose until they not only “have a right to the proceeds of the laborers,” but “own”

the laborers themselves. It was doubt less this view of the case, which drew out that remarkable declaration from ter bothisie the responsibil i ti es and th e liabilities which the relation imposes.” Mr. J. C.

UNDERWOOD, who was recently prohibited from returning to Virginia, in con sequence of a speech which he made at the Philadelphia Convention, addressed a Fre mont meeting in New York on Thursday even ing, July 17.

Referring to the domestic slave trade, which has been created as a result of the law of 1808 declaring the foreign slave trade piracy, Mr. Underwood said that the number of slaves no w annually sold in Virginia was be -
tween 20,000 and 25,000, and th price the y brought was from $20,000,000
to $25,000,000. The traffic iens attended, too, by horrors as great as any that marked the African slave trade. Of the condition of the white laborers of Vir ginia, Mr. Underwood drew the following sad picture: “He would ask, what were the influences of slavery upon t he white man? and upon this subject he could nothelp feeling more for his own count ryme n th an fo r t he poor children of Africa. He h ad white laborers aro und him in Virginia -the familie s of eight pdoor white, men -sober and industrious tenants. He had employed them because he preferred the m to slaves. He could have i nherited slaves if he had but said the word; but upon hi s first re - flections he had resolved that the sweat of no slave should moiste n his fiel ds. [Great appl ause.] ” What did they think were the wages’ of laboring men in Virginia? They only received from eight to ten dbllars a month, with the exception of a little time in harvest-some fifty cents a day; and the fare allotted to them was far inferior in every respect to that furnished by the farmers of the North to their laboring men. The white laborers in Virginia were not invited to the great house to take their meals, but they must take them under the shade of a tree, sometimes-in the same group with the slaves, and sometimes in a little group by themselves. The white laborer at the South did not get from his employer tea, coffee, sugar, butter, wheat bread, or anything of the kind, fbr his support. He would tell them some of the other disadvantages under which the white laborers of Virginia were placed. They were not permitted to enjoy the advantages of district schools. It was true, there was a small fund for common-school education, but, before any man could be allowed to have a participation in it for the benefit of his children, he must be willing to acknowledge himself a pauper, and ask for his share of the fund upon the ground of his poverty. “,We regard slavery as the most safe and stable basis for free institutions in the world. It is impossible with us that the conflict should take place between labor and capital.

Every plantation is a little community, with the master at its head, who concentrates in himself the united interests of capital and labor, of which he is the common representative.” That such sentiments are not confined to the South, and the class technically called “slaveholders,”

will be shown by the following brief extract from the* NEW YORK DAY BOOK, A journal which aspires to the leadership of the Democratic forces of the entire country. In its issue of June 21, 1856, in an article on “Sewardism,” occurs the f;llowing, among other passages of similar impo t: “2N~qro’slavery’ is the basis of American DEMOCRACY; or the subordination of an in ferior race has secured, and always will secure, the equality of the superior race.” In i ts campaign prospectus, of the same date, occurs the following portentous announcement: “We have enlisted for the war against abo litionism and its impostures, and we do not in tend to stop until we’ subdue’ them.” The following article, in relation to the late murder at Willard’s IHotel, Washington city, bears upon the point just stated, that slavery knows nothing of race or color; that condition is the only ground on which it bases all its arrogant assumptions of superiority.

It is from the JOHN C. CALHOUN. CIIARLESTON (S. C.) STANDARD. I-IERBERT

AND K]EATING.-Aiiy provocation that may have been given for the assault upon him by the body of waiters, was at the most a provocation of words, and such a pr vocation as a servant should not have a ri-aht to resent; and, if white men accept the ofcces of menials, it should be expected that they will do so with an apprehension of their relation to society, and the disposition quietly to encoun

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54 They all had heard the maxim that pride and that prolific monster which greeted Satan on menof Virgina we too pLu to acct of’-Seemed woman to the waist, and fair, the fund upon such terms, and the result was But ended foul in many a scaly fold that there were seventy-five thousand men Voluminous and vast, a serpent armed and women in Virginia unable to read and With mortal sting: about her middle round write. These were some of the consequences A cry of hell-hounds never ceasing bark’d resultin to the white laborers at the South With wide Cerberean mouths full loud and many resulting A hideous peal: yet when they list would creep, from the influences of slavery; and the ques-If aught disturbed their noise, into her womb, tion for Northern laboring men to decide was, And kennel there; yet there still barked and howled whether such influences should be extended Within unseen.’ over the territories of the great West-whether “

But the worst of all these abominationsthe white men who go there shall fare like the because, when once installed, it becomes the slave laborrs of the South, or whether like the hotbed propagator of all-is the modern system white laborers of New York, they shall be per-of free schools. We forget who it is that has mitted to enjoy the rights of freemen, the right charged and proved that the New England of education for their children, and a reason-system of free schools has been the cause and able compensation for their labor.” prolific source of all the legions of horrible in fidelities and treasons that have turned her From the Richmond Enquirer. cities into Sodoms and Gomorrahs, and her fair The Slaveholder’s View of the North and Its land into the common nestling-place of howl Institutions. “The relations between the North and South ng bedlamites. We abominae the system beare very analogous to those which subsisted cause the schools are free, and because they between Greece and the Roman Empire after make that which ought to be the reward of the subjugation of Achaia by the consulMum-toil, and earnest, ardent, and almost supermius. The dignity and energy of the Roman human individual efforts, cheap, commoncharacter, conspicuous in war and in politics, place, prizeless, and uninviting. As there is were not easily tamed and adjusted to the arts no royal road to learning, o there ought to of industry and literature. The degenerate be no mob roadto learning. and pliant Greeks, on the contrary, excelled to” A’little learning is a dangerous thing’in the handicraft and polite professions. We to the individual, to society, to learning itself, learn, from the vigorous invective of Juvenal to all conservatism of thought and all stability that they were the most useful and c apable of in general affairs. The sole function of the servants, whether as pimps or professors of free school is to supply that’little learning;’ rhetoric.

Obsequious, dexteraous, ano roea, and thus it is charged to the brim with incenrhetoric. Obsequious, dexterous, and ready,………eresis..ad.al th explosive…… elthe versatile Greeks monopolized the business diarisms, heresies, and all the explosive eleof teaching, publishing, and manufacturing, in ments which uproot and rend and desolate the Roman Empire-allowing their masters society. the Roman Empire allowing their masters society. ample leisure for the service of the State, in .the senate or in the field. The people of the From the New York Post. Northern States of this confederacy exhibit The Pre,en, Southern Doctrine on Slavery the same aptitude for the arts of industry. and the Slave Trade.

They excel as clerks, mechanics, and trades-Te other day we gave a sample of the men an thy hve onoolied he usiessThe, other day we gave a sample.

of the men, and they have monopolized the business manner in which the administration journals of teaching, publishing, and peddling in this quarter speak of the slave trade. In their approval of this traffic they are, of From the Richmond Examiner, Dec. 28, 1855. course, supported by the administration jour “We have got to hating everything with nals of the South. The Richmond Enquirer, the prefix free-from free negroes down and of the 9th inst., has an article precisely in the up, through the whole catalogue of abomina-same tone, from which we give an extract. tions, demagogueries, lusts, philosophies, fan-The zeal of Mr. Pierce’s friends in behalf of ~“anticism, and follies, free farms, free labor, free the “domestic institutions of the South” car1 niggers, free society, free will, free thinking, ries them to lengths from which a few years free love, free wives, free children, and free since they would have shrunk with something schools, all belonging to the same brood of like horror.

When Mr. Tyler was Chief damnable isms whose mother is Sin and whose Magistrate he sent a message to Congress, daddy is the Devil-are all the progeny of dwelling upon the enormity of that execrable

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55 Great Britain, while it has failed to accomplish its object, infinitely aggravates the sufferings of the negro, and prevents the supply of African labor from keeping pace with the growing demands of an agriculture which is essential to the wants of civilization. For these reasons, we say abrogate the convention. “But the demands of civilization are not evaded with impunity. The world must have a supply of tropical productions, and there can be no tropical productions without compulsory labor. The obstructions thrown in the way of the African slave trade have not arrested the traffic, but they have reduced it until it is altogether inadequate to the wants of mankind.” traffic, as he called the foreign slave trade. Such views of the subject are now old-fashioned in Virginia.

There is no enormity which t he friends of slavery are not prepared to defend, provided it shall seem necessary to t rs s f th insison he interests of their institution. The friends of Mr. Pierce’ s administration are in a particular ma nner re solved to out-do a ll former zeal of the friends of slavery. He re is th e passage f rom the Richmond Print: - “The convent ion between the U nit e d States and Great Britain, in virtue of which the slave trade was deno unced as piracy, and obstructed by the vigilance of a j oint squadron on the coast of Africa, only stimulated the ingenuity of th e Ya nkee merchant to the invention of expedients by which to escape the halter, and to p rosecute hi s traffic w ith u ndiminishe d profits. In both these objects his sagacity has achieved signal success. Instances o f the capture and con demnation o f Yankee slavers are so rare as not to stop the trade, yet are frequent enough to justify an increase of price to cover risks. So the business of kidnapping and enslaving the poor negroes by Yankee adventurers has flourished, despite the penalties of piracy and the activity of ships of war. “1 The convention with Great Britain was a triumph of English abolitionism over the goodnatured stupidity of the American government. At the foundation of the treaty lies the principle that negro slavery is an iniquity and an outrage against human and divine law. If slavery be morally right, and a social benefit, then there can be no impropriety, much less guilt, in extending it. If slavery violates the laws of God, outrages the instincts of human nature, and contradicts the ends of political society, then the slave trade is a crime which government should suppress by adequate penalties. The accusation against slavery involved in the convention with Great Britain, was seized upon as an advanced position whence abolitionism might discharge its battery against the guaranties of the institution, and is the remote origin of the violent abolition agitation of the present day. ” We do not propose the revival of the slave trade, for, as the slave trade has never been suppressed, it needs no revival. We only protest against the principle of a treaty, which is based on an assumption that slavery is an evil in politics and a crime in morals. The accidental evils of the slave trade are a legitimate subject of international convention, and may be corrected by regulations which shall afford adequate protection to the personal seeurity of the negro.

The convention with The ]Htiehmond Enquirer is confessedly the most able and influential journal south of ” Mason and Dixon’s line; ” it is, also, a powerful supporter of both Slavery al Democracy, and a zealous advocate of the election of Mr. Buchanan to the Presidency. It talks (of the Kansas question) in this strain: / “The South once thought its own institutions wrongful and inexpedient. It thinks so no longer-nand will insist that they SHALL NE T, PROTECTED AND EXTENDED BY THE ARM OF THE

FEDERAL GOVERNMENT, EQUALLY WITH THE INSTITUTIONS OF THE NORTH.” From the Richmond (Va.) Enquirer, of June 16. The True Issue. The Democrats of the South in the present canvass cannot rely on the old grounds of defence and excuse for Slavery; for they seek not merely to retain it where it is, but to extend it into regions where it is unknown. Much less can they rely on the mere constitutional guaranties of Slavery, for such reliance is pregnant with the admission that Slavery is wrong, and but for the constitutional argument for Slavery, standing alone, fully justifies the Abolitionists. They are clearly right, if Slavery be morally wrong, for to get rid of it under the Constitution, or by amending the Constitution, is confessedly impracticable. In truth, the Constitution cannot help Slavery, if it be a violation of the laws of God and of morality. In that case, the Constitution should be changed, or the Free States should secede, rather than continue to guarantee what they consider immoral and profane. The Constitution cannot help Slavery, for another reason. That institution, extending through fifteen States, and inter-ramified with the interests, the feelings, and the very existence of many millions of men, is much stronger than I -i 17

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56 the Constitution. It would be far easier to course of the last few weeks. He no longer change or violate the Constitution, than to denounces and defies the people of the North; abolish Slavery. Besides, Slavery is older but he appeals, apologizes and argues the slavthan the Constitution, existed before it, and ery question with them, like a brother returnindependently of it. We derive no right to ing to a reasoning frame of mind. He shows our slaves from it, and weaken our cause by what territories the South has sacrificed to the seeming to rely on it. North for the sake of peace and harmony, and Nor will it avail us aught to show that the earnestly pleads that “the repeal of the Misnegro is most happy and best situated in the souri restriction was not intended as a measure condition of Slavery. If we stop there, we of slavery extension, but of atonement to the weaken our cause by the very argument in-Constitution for an outrage upon its spirit, and tended to advance it; for we propose to intro-to the South for a violation of its rights and duce into new territory, human beings whom we dignity.” It is not slavery that the South deassert to be unfit for liberty, self-government, sires to establish in Kansas, but an abstract and equal association with other men. We constitutional right. Give the South the abmust go a step farther. We must show that straction, and the North may have the territoAfrican Slavery is a moral, religious, natural, ry if they can get it. That’s all; and we and probably in the general, a necessary insti-have no objection in the world to this arrangetution of society. This is the only line of argument.

ment that will enable Southern Democrats to But how are we to account for this change maintain the doctrines of State equality and in the tone of our Richmond organ, from blusSlavery extension. tering defiance to sober reason? We find in For if Slavery be not a legitimate, useful, the Richmond Enquirer of June 16, an article moral, and expedient institution, we cannot, on” The True Issue,” in which the editor dewithout reproof of conscience and the blush of clares that “the Democrats of the South, in shame, seek to extend it, or assert our equality the pending canvass, cannot rely on the old with those States having no such institution.

grounds of apology and excuse for slavery; for Northern Democrats need not go thus far. they seek, not merely to retain it where it is, but They do not seek to extend Slavery, but only to extend it into regions where it is unknown. agree to its extension, as a matter of right on Much less can they rely on the mere constituour part. They may prefer their own social tional guaranties of slavery, for such reliance system to ours. It is best that they should. is pregnant with the admission that slavery Our friends are conservatives at home, and is wrong, and but for the Constitution should conservatives of the Union - conservative of be abolished.” What then? Why, says our religion, of marriage, of property, of State in-Richmond philosopher, “we must go a step stitutions, and of Federal institutions. But farther. We must show that African slavery whilst they may prefer theirown social system, is a moral, religious, natural, and probably, in they will have to admit in this canvass that the general, a necessary institution of society. ours is also rightful and legitimate, and sanc-This is the only line of argument that will enationed alike by the opinions and usages of ble Southerners to maintain the doctrines of mankind, and by the authority and express in-State equality and Slavery extension.” junctions of Scripture. They cannot consist-Here is the plain announcement that the ently maintain that Slavery is immoral, inex-South seeks not merely to retain slavery pedient, and profane, and yet continue to sub-where it is, ” but to extend it into regions mit to its extension.

where it is unknown; ” and if” the repeal of We know that we utter bold truths. But the Missouri compromise was not intended as the time has now arrived when their utterance a measure of slavery extension,” where does can be no longer postponed. The true issue our Richmond philosopher propose to extend should stand out so boldly and clearly that none it? The simple fact is, that since the 16th of may mistake it. June our Richmond cotemporary has be ~- ~ come alarmed at the tremendous popularity of After reading the above article LET THE Fremont, and convinced of the fact that, upon READER GIVE HIS PARTICULAR ATTENTION the direct sectional question of slavery or no slavery in Kansas, Mr. Buchanan runs the TO THE FOLLOWING, from the New York Her-hazard of a signal defeat. This article, thereald: fore, of the Enquirer, which we copy to-day, A great change appears to have come over denying the soft impeachment of” slavery exthe mind of our Virginia cotemporary in the tension,” is intended for Pennsylvania con

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57 sumption, just as the late letter of Governor Wise to Rochester was intended for the pe culiar Democratic climate of Northern and Western New York. Our fierce Richmond champions of Southern rights are backing down.

They have discovered that in making this campaign upon Kansas a strictly sectional fight upon slavery or no slavery, they are in danger of being ingloriously beaten, and so they are beating a retreat. But this Virginia Democratic plea for Penn sylvania opens the doors of the Old Dominion to Fremont. If the South do not seek to ex tend slavery into Kansas, where can be the ob jection to a Fremont electoral ticket in Vir ginia, and in every other Southern State? Our Richmond organ may be playing a des perate trick. Its fears may have overruled its judgment; but we are entirely satisfied from our Southern correspondence that there is a large body of sensib;e men in the South, with whom the extension of slavery into Kansas is a matter of indifference compared with the higher object of a wholesome and general re form in the government, and in the politics of the country.

We are satisfied that our blus tering secessionists of the school of Mr.

Toombs have been leading Mr. Fillmore and Mr. Buchanan astray, and that this cry of secession, shouild Kansas be admitted, fairly or unfairly, as a Free State, is all moonshine. Here is the last article of the Enquirer, re f e r r e d to above, which the reader must com - pare with that of June 16. The False Issues of the Canvass. Of all the fictitious issues which a ready in genuity could suggest, the Black Republican leaders have invented the very issue which is best adapted to their wicked purpose. It was essential that the principle for which they profess to contend should be of kindred nature with the principle really involved in contro versy; or’they would not be able to confound the issues of the canvass in the popular appre hension. It was also necessary that the plat form on which they pretend to stand should embody the anti-slavery prejudices of the North, without announcing the extreme views of the abolition party It was important, more over, that they should contrive to place the South in an attitude of aggressive usurpation, so as more fiercely to inflame the jealous pas sions of their section. Now, the distinctive principle of the Black Republican platform provides for all’these necessities, and responds to all these conditions of success. The issue which the Black Republican party presents to the country has all-the captivating graces of a beauti ful fiction. Black Republicanism affects all respect for. the legal safeguards of slavery. It does not propose to impair the security of the institutions of the South. It protests the utmost regard for the Constitution and the Union. It even disclaims a sectional character, and avows itself the champion of conservatism. Yet, it appeals to the fanati cal prejuplies of t he North, and th us enlists the abolition e lement in its service, while it retains the adhesion of more moderate men by its professions of nationality. The Black Republican party contrive to secure this strong position by representing themselves to be the champions of freedom, and the South as the propagandist of its peculiar institutions.

The principle for which they qffect to contend is, the restriction of slavery; the principle which they claim to combat is, the extension of slavery. This is the fictitious issue which they present to the country, and employ as the a,dency of sectional aggrandizement. With so favorable a basis of operations, they conduct the campaign with wonderful skill and spirit. They accuse the slaveholders of oligarchic usurpation, of aristocratic selfishness, of despotic cruelty. They represent the South to be possessed with the ambition of extending its institutions over the continent, and as engaged in a conspiracy to subjugate the Free States to its sway. To encourage the North in resistance to so criminal an enterpris~, they expatiate on the imaginary evils of slavery, from the tribune, from the pulpit and in the fascinating pages of fiction. To rouse and organize a party subservient to its purposes, Black Republicanism has recourse to all the arts and agencies of popular agitation. Perversions of history, hyperbole of rhetoric, the machinery of a venal ambition and a corrupt conspiracy, are all employed to support the grave indictment against the South. Black Republicanism is in so frantic a humor that it is questionable if its victims are accessible to any appeal of truth and reason. But there are men ia the North who are neither sworn to the support of an imposture nor incapable of appreciating an honest statement.

To them we would submit a few words in refutation of the charge against the people of the South. The Black Republican party misrepresent the issues of the canvass, in that they impute an imaginary purpose to the South, and claim a false credit for themselves. The South cherishes no ambition of sectional aggrandize I

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58 ment, and has conceived no hostile enterprise ment of the motives of the South. If we against the interests of the North. We ask revert to the speeches of the supporters of nothing of the federal government but protec-the Kansas-Nebraska bill, we find a distinct tion in the enjoyment of our indisputable and emphatic disavowal of any aggressive rights. le do not desire lo impose our pecu-purpose on the part of the South. The repeal liar social system upon anly other community. of the Missouri restriction was not intended We do not ask the North to aid us in the extenas a measure of slavery extension, but of atonesion of slavery.

This is our position: we have ment to the Constitution for an outrage upon a compact with the States of the North by its spirit, and to the South for a violation of its which we are bound to respect the States of rights and dignity. All the South contended the South as co-equal sovereignties, and to for in the support of the Kansas-Nebraska render them a certain specific service. We bill was a recognition of its equality under the demand the fulfilment of the obligations of Constitution; and all the South now claims is, the Constitution, and e demand nothing more. that its people shall not be driven from the These obligations are too distinct for fiiscon-common territory by the Sharp’s rifles of emiceptlon. The South claims no infefential ad-grant aid societies. The South simply demands vantage and no constructive privilege. It that the fair and legitimate expansion of its stands upon the strict letter of its right. social system shall not be repressed by the ar So far from convicting the Slave States of bitrary and unconstitutional action of the an ambition to extend their institutions and to federal government, and that its institutions assert a supremacy over the Free States, the shall be adopted or excluded only by the peohistory of the country is but one consistent ple whom they are to affect. Is there anyrecord of Southern compromise and Southern thing of slavery propagandism in this princoncession. The area of slave territory has ciple? Is there anything of sectional ennot been extended a single acre. On the croachment in this position? Yet this is the contrary, an empire of slave territory has position which the South occupies, and this is been converted to free soil, and that too by the only principle for’which the South conthe voluntary act of a Slave State. Virginia tends.

If Black Republicanism is to triumph set the example of concession by the ordin-in this issue, the South must despair of the ance of 87. The Missouri Compromise of protection of its rights and honor under the 1820
operated another large reduction of present system of government. slave territory; and the Texas Compromise In contrast with the modern dtrine of aof 1850 converted still another vast region of nry Extensiontrat, read with the modern dotrne o a .,, ~~~~~~~very E~xtension, read what Washington slavery into free soil. We repeat, not an acre saidI of territory which was originally free soil, is ” I can only say that there is not a man livsubject to slavery now; but by the act of the ing, who wishes more sincerely than I do to Slave States themselves, an immeasurable ex-see a plan adopted for the abolition of it (slatent of country has been taken from the very). AND THIS. SO FAR AS MY South and added to the dominion and power SUFFRAGE WILL GO, SHALL NOT BE WANTof the Free States. To these conce sions on ING.”-Letter to Robert Morris.

the-part of the South we must add its consent ie. to the abolition of the slave trade in the Dis-Patrk enry’s e. trict of Columbia; and as another instance of “I believe a time will come, when an opits moderation, we may mention the fact that portunity will be offered to abolish this lamentthe South never objected to the emancipation of able evil. If not, let us transmit to our desslavery in the Northern States. Yet the South c endants, together with our slaves, a pity for has as much right to object to emancipation in their unhappy lot, and our abhorrence of slathe North as the North has to complain of slavery.”-Letter of Patrick Henry to R.

Pleasvery in the South-nay, more, for emancipation ants, January 18, 1773.

endangers the security of the South, but slavery in the South does not injuriously affect The voice of the South now, and of the Dem the interests of the North. ocratic party, is that the general government It is easy to anticipate the reply to this vin-shall adopt as its policy the extension and perdication of the character of the South. Black petuation of Slavery. Republicanism pretends to find in the repeal Let us set opposite to this the counsel of ou of the Missouri restriction incontestable proof et s set opposite to tis the counsel of ou of the sectional ambition and aggressive spirit greatest statesmen, Mr. CLAY and Mr. WEBof the South. This is another filse impeach-STER.

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59 MR. CLAY. t-ion, they must do wmore than put down the be nevolent efforts (of this Society. They must go Extract from Colton’s Life of H[enary Clay, back to the era!f our liberty and independence, showing his views in early 11fe, p. 1$~. ho g h’ and muzzle the cannon which thunders its an “In common with many eminent patriots of nuaal joyous return. They must restive the slave the Slaveholding States-such as Washington, trade, with all its train of’ atrocities. They Jefferson, Madison, Marshall, Mercer, and a must blow out the moral lights around us, and host of others -Mr. Clay has ever regarded extinguish the greatest torch of all which Amerslavery in the United Slates, not less as a so-ica presents to a benighted world, pointing the cial wrong, than a great political evil-as a way to their rights, their liberties, and their hapsore on the body politic - demanding the piness. And when they have achieved all these greatest consideration of the wise and good, purposes, their work will yet be incomplete. for the discovery and application of a constitu-They must penetrate the human soul, and eraditional remedy. His entrance on the theatre of cate the light of reason and the love of liberty. public life in Kentucky, was as an emancipa-Then, and not till then, when universal darktionist, in 1798, the year after he removed to that ness and despair prevail, can you perpetuate State, where he appeared first, in a series of slavery, and repress all sympathies, and all articles published at Lexington in the Ken-humane and benevolent efforts among freemen tucky Gazette over the signature of ScGvoLA; in behaf of the unhappy portion of our race and soon afterward he took the field more doomed to bondage.”

openly, and headed a party of emancipationists during the agitation of remodelling the ils Views in 1lS29. State constitution, proposing and advocating Etract fro a eech delivered by i. Extract fromn a speech delivered by Jl’r. the introduction of an article for the gradual and ultimate abolition of slavery in the corn-Claybefore the Kentucky Colonization Society, monwealth. Though he ardd his coadjutors at Frankfort, Dec. 17, 1829. failed of their object, they nevertheless made “

More than thirty years ago an attempt was an earnest and bold push, leaving a lasting made, in this commonwealth, to adopt a sysimpression on the public mind. Notwithstand-tom of gradual emancipation, similar to that ing it exposed him to obloquy, and from that which the illustrious Franklin had mainly conperiod has been politically injurious to him, in tributed to introduce, in 1780, in the State the State of his adoption, he has never retreat-founded by the benevolent Penn. And ed from the ground he then occupied, other-among the acts of my life which I look back wise than in the diversion of labors which to with the most satisfaction, is that of having cocould be no longer of use, to other public operated with other zealous and intelligent objects. friends, to procure the establishment of that ” It is well known and has often been re-system in this State. peated, that about twenty years afterward, . when advocating the compromise of the Mis-I have never ceased, and never shall cease, souri question, he said on the floor of Congress, to regret a decision, the effects of which have that, were he a citizen of Missouri, he would been to place us in the rear of our neighbors, contend for an article in her constitution, like who are exemnpt from slavery, in the state of that he had supported in IKentucky, for gradual agriculture, the progress of manufactures, the emancipation, with a view to abolition, and that advance of improvements, and the general pros. he earnestly recommended it to the people of perity of society.” that State.” H]i Views In 1850. His views in 1827.-Extract from a Speech delivered by Mr. Clay before the American Colonization Society, at Washington, January 20, 1827.

In the great slavery debate of 1850, in reply to Jefferson Davis, then Senatorfrom Mississippi, now Ur. Pierce’s Secretary of War, Mr. Clay said: ” I am extremely sorry to hear the Senator from Mississippi sav that he requires, first the extension of the Missouri Compromise line to the Pacific, and also that he is not satisfied with that, but requires, if I understood him correctly, a positive provision for the admission ” We are reproached with doing mischief by the agitation of this question [slavery]. Collateral consequences we are not responsible for. It is not this Society which has produced the great moral revolution, which this age exhibits. What would they, who thus reproach us, have done? If they would repress all tendencies toward liberty and ultimate emancipa

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60 of slavery south of that line. And now, sir, MR. VEBSTER’S coming from a Slave State, as I do, 1 owe it to myself, I owe it to truth, I owe it to the sub-Opinion of Slavery and Slavery ]Extension. ject, to say that no earthly power couldinduce me. to vote for a specific measure for the introduction From the Boston Daily Advertiser. Of slavery where it had not before existed, With slavery in the States where it is eseither south or north of that line. Coming as I tablished, Mr. Webster, and nobody else at the do, from a Slave State, it is my solemn, deliber-North who respects the Constitution, ever preate and well matured determination, that no tended or designed to interfere. But when power, no earthly power shall compel me to vote the question relates to the introduction of for the positive introduction of slavery either slavery into territory where it does not already south or north of that line. Sir, while you re-exist, the subject assumes an entirely different proach, and justly too, our British ancestors, aspect. This question has repeatedly arisen for the intro(lduction of this institution upon the in different cases, during the history of the continent of America, I am, for one, unwilling Union, and in every case during Mr. TVebster’s that the posterity of the present inhabitants of life when it arose, he uniformly put himself on California and of New Mexico shall reproach the side o(,f opposition to slavery; he maintainus for doing just what we reproach Great Bri-ed the rights of the general government untain for doing to us. These are der the Constitution, and the duty of the peomy views, sir, and I choose to express them; ple of the North, in justice to themselves and and I care n(,t how extensively or universally to the future population of the nascent States, they are known.” to prevent the growth of what he and they “These,” says Mr. Benton, himself from a believed to be a blighting influence. Slave State, in his Thirty Years’ View, “were The question arose pending the admission manly sentiments, courageously expressed, and of Missouri into4he Union; it arose again on taking the right ground, so much overlooked or the annexation of Texas; again in the discusperverted by others.” sions respecting Oregon; and again in the case of California, New Mexico and Utah, in In his speech of FEBRUARY 5TH, 1850, he which last case it was determined by circumused the following emphatic language.

stances which (in Mr. Webster’s opinion) took We entreat the reader to note its application it beyond the range of ordinary political con siderations. In all these cases, he expressed his to the state of things now existing in Kansas, opinions very decidedly and distinctly against where a civil war is actually raging between the extension of slavery into free territory. the reckless propagandists of Slavery and the The question is now forced anew upon the unoffending Free State settlers. country, under very peculiar circumstances. A portion of our territory, which had once “But (said Mr.Clay) if, unhappily, we should been d(ledicated to freedom “forever,” by a be involved in war, in civil war, between the law which Mr. Webster, thirty years after its two parts of this confederacy, IN WHICH THPE passage, regarded as irrepealable, has been EFrFORT upon the one side should be to restrain prepared for slavery by a repeal of that law. the introduction of Slavery into the new Terri-There is an obvious determination, to which tories, and upon the other side to force its intro-no sane man can shut his eyes, on the part of duction there, what a spectacle should we pre-the Southern politicians, cordially aided by the sent to the astonishment of mankind, in an ef-Democratic party, to introduce Kansas, and fort, not to propagate rights, but, I must say it, perhaps Nebraska, into the Union as slavethough I trust it will be understood to be said holding States, to be followed by a whole tier with no design to excite feeling, -a war to of slaveholding States stretching west to the propagate wrongs in the Territories thus acquir-Pacific. WVe are brought back in 1856 to the edfronm M[exico. It would be a war in which state of things which existed before the admission we should have no sympathies-no good wish-of Mlissouri, when Mr. Webster said,” This is es; in which all mankind would be against us; the last time the opportunity will happen to fix in which our own history itself would be against the limits of slavery, which else will roll on, desus; for /i om the commencement of the Revolu-olating the vast expanse of continent to the Pation down to the present time, we have constantly cijqc Ocean.” We are brought back to this state of things, but have meanwhile been taught by exreproached our British ancestors for the intro-perience some useful lessons as to the mode in duction of Slavery into this country.” * which we must meet the question. N

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61 false step taken now cannot be retraced; and it appears to us that the happi ne ss o f u nborn millions rests on the measures which Congress ma y, on this occasion, adopt. Considering this as no local question, nor a question to be de(ided by a temporar y e xpedien cy; but as involeing great interest s of the whole of the United States, and affecting deeply and essen - tially those objects of common defen c e, general welfare, an d the perpetuation of the blessings of liberty, for which the Constitution itself was forme d, we have presumed, in this way, to offer our stentiments and express o ur w ishes to the National Le gislature. And as various reasons have been suggested, against prohibiting Slavery in the inew St ates, it may per haps b e permitted to us to t o s tate our reasons, both for believing that Congress possesses the Constitutional power to imake such prohibition a condition, on the admission of a New State into the Union, and that it is just and proper that they should exercise th,at power. And, in the first place, as to the Constitutional authority o f Co ngress. The Constitution of’ the United States has declared that “the Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the Territory, or other property belonging to the United States, and nothing in this Constitution shall be so construed as to prejudice the claims of the United States, or of any particular State.” It is very well known that the saving in this clause of the claims of army particular State was designed to apply to claims by the then existing States, of territory which was also claimed by the United States as their own property. It has, therefore, no bearing on the present question. The power, then, of Congress over its own territories is, by the very terms of’ the Constitution, unlimited. It may make all “needful rules and regulations; ” which of course include all such regulations as its own views of policy or expediency shall from time to time dictate. If, therefore, in its judgment, it be needful for the benefit of a Territory to enact a p?ohibition of Slavery, it would seem to be as much within its power of legislation, as any other ordinary act of local policy. Its sovereignty being complete and universal, as to the Territory, it may exercise over it the most ample jurisdiction in every respect. It possesses in this view all the authority which any State Legislature possesses over its own territory; and if’a State Legislature may, in its discretion, abo!ish or prohibit Slavery within its own limits, in virtue of its general legislative authority, for the same reason Congress also may exercise the In this exigency, while we believe that Mr. Webster might agree with his friend Mr. Choate, in regarding the question of the presidential election as narrowed to a naked choice between Mr. Buchanan and Colonel Fremont, we cannot suppose that he could bring himself to support the former, a candidate pledged to the maintenance of the policy of the present administration, and the representative of the Democratic party which in each former crisis has been ready to yield a support to the interests of the slaveholding States, without which support Texas would not have been annexed, the Mexican war would not have been fought, and the Missouri compromise would not have been repealed. Mr. Webster’s opinions on these subjects are so well known to those who have studied his writings, that it is really quite unnecessary to allude to the matter as if there were any uncertainty about them. There is none; he was a consistent and determined opponent of slavery extension. But as there has been a singular evidence of a disposition to make a stateinent of his opinions by a stretched and arbitrary use of personal authority; and as some of our readers may not have all the documents at hand for reference, we have collected together in this miorning’s paper several of Mr.

Webster’s writings on this subject. The undersigned, inhabitants of Boston and its vicinity, beg leave most respectfully and humbly to represent: That the question of the introduction of slavery into the New States to be formed on the WVest side of the Mississippi River, appears to them to be a question of the last importance to the future welfare of the United States. If the progress of this great evil is ever to be arrested, it seems to the undersig,ned that this is the time to arrest it. A Mr.

Webster’s IF-oston Memorial. The committee appointed by a vote of a meeting bol(len in the State House on the 3d instant, to prepare a Memorial to Congress on the subject of the Prohibition of Slavery in the new States, submit the following: DANIF,L WEBSTER, GEOITGF, BLAKF,, JOSIAI-I QUINCY, JAMr,s T. AUSTIN, JOHN GALLISON. Boston, December 15, 1819. MElklORIAL.!p To the Senate and House of Representatives of the Unit,-,d States, in Congress assem bled:

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62 like authority over its own Territories. And hope, that the time had at length arrived, that a State Legislature, unless restrained by when the inconvenience and the danger of some constitutional provision, may so do, is un-this description of population had become apquestionable, and has been established by gen-parent, in all parts of this country, and in all eral practice. parts of the civilized world. It might have *
been hoped that the new States themselves Upon the whole, the memorialists would would have had such a view of their own perrespectfully submit that the terms of the Con-manent interests and prosperity, as would stitution, as well as the practice of the govern-have led them to prohibit its extension and ments under it, must, as they humbly con-increase. The wonderful increase and prosceive, entirely justify the conclusion, that perity of the States north of the Ohio, is unCongress may prohibit the further introduc-questionably to be ascribed in a great measure tion of slavery into its own Territories, and to the consequences of the ordinance of 1787, also make such prohibition a condition of the and few, indeed, are the occasions, in the hisadmission of any new State into the Union.

tory of nations, in which so much can be done, If the constitutional power of Congress to by a single act, for the benefit of future genemake the proposed prohibition be satisfactorations, as was (done by that ordinance, and as rilyshown, the justice and policy of such pro-may now be done by the Congress of the hibition seems to the undersigned to be sup-United States. We appeal to the justice and ported by plain and strong reasons. The per-the wisdom of the national councils, to prevent mission of slavery in a new State necessarily the further progress of a great and serious evil. draws after it an extension of that inequality We appeal to those who look forward to the reof representation, which already exists in re-mote consequences of their measures, and who gard to the original States. It cannot be ex-cannot balance a temporary or trifling conpected, that those of the original States which venience, if there were such, against a permado not hold slaves, can look on such an exlen-nent growing and desolating evil. sion as being politically just As between the We cannot forbear to remind the two original States, the representation rests on Houses of Congress that the early and decicompact and plighted faith; and your memo-sive measures adopted by the American Govrialists have no wish, that that compact should ernment for the abolition of the slave trade be disturbed, or that plighted taith in the are among the proudest memorials of our slightest degree violated. But the subject asNation’s glory. That slavery was ever tolersumes an entirely different character, when a ated in the Republic is, as yet, to be attribnew State proposes to be admitted. With her uted to the policy of another government. there is no compact, and no faith plighted; and No imputation, thus far, rests on any portion of where is the reason that she should come into the American confederacy. The Missouri Terthe Union with more than an equal share of ritory is a new country. If its extensive and political importance and political power? fertile fields shall be opened as a market for Already the ratio of representation, estab-slaves, the government will seem to become a lished by the Constitution, has given to the party to a traffic, which, in so many acts, States holding slaves twenty members in the through so many years, it has denounced as House of Representatives more than they impolitic, unchristian, inhuman. To enact would have been entitled to, except under the laws to punish the traffic, and at the same time particular provision of the Constitution. In to tempt cupidity and avarice by the allureall probability, this number will be doubled in ments of an insatiable market, is inconsistent tthirty years. Under these circumstances, we and irreconcilable. Government, by such a deem it not an unreasonable expectation that course, would only defeat its own purposes, the inhabitants of Missouri should propose to and render nugatory its own measures. Nor come into the Union, renouncing the right in can the laws derive support from the manners question, and establishing a Constitution, pro-of the people, if the power of moral sentiment hibiting it forever.

Without dwelling on this be weakened by enjoying, under the permistopic, we have still thought it our duty to pre-sion of Government, great facilities to commit sent it to the consideration of Congress. We offences. The laws of the United States have present it with a deep and earnest feeling cf denounced heavy penalties against the traffic its importance, and we respectfully solicit for in slaves, because such traffic is deemed unit the full consideration of the National Legis-just and inhuman. We appeal to the spirit lature. of these laws; we appeal to this justice Your memorialists were not without the and humanity; we ask whether they ought not

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63 it; for that seems to imply a voluntary estab. lishment. When I first came here, it was a matter of frequent reproach to England, the mother country, that slavery had been entailed upon the colonies by her, against their consent, and that which is now considered a chberished “institution”

was then regarded as, I will not say an evil, but an entailment on the colonies by the policy of the mother country against their wishes. At any rate it stands upon the Constitution. The Constitution was adopted in 1788, and went into operation in 1789. When it was adopted the state of the country was this: slavery existed in the Southern States; there was a very large extent of.unoccupied territory, the whole Northwestern Territory, which, it was understood, was destined to be formed into States; and it was then determined that no slavery should exist in this territory. I gather now as matter of inference from the history of the time and the history of the debates, that the prevailing motives with the North for agreeing to this recognition of the existence of slavery in the Southern States, and giving a representation to those States, founded in part upon their slaves, rested on the supposition that no acquisition of territory w,ould be made to form new States on the Southern frontier of this country, either by cession or conquest. No one looked to any acquisition of new territory on the Southern or Southwestern frontier. The exclusion of slavery from the Northwestern Territory and the prospective abolition of the foreign slave trade were generally, the former unanimously, agreed to, ahd on the basis of these considerations, the South insisted that where slavery existed it should not be interfered with, and that it should have a certain ratio of representation in Congress. And now, sir, I am one who, believing such to be the understanding on which the Constitution was framed, mean to abide by it. I have now stated, as I understand it, the condition of things upon the adoption of the Constitution of the United States. What has happened since? Sir, it has happened that above and beyond all contemplation or expectation of the original framers of the Con,titution or the people who adopted it, foreign territory has been acquired by cession, first from France, and then from Spain, on our Southern frontier. And what has been the result? Five slaveholding States have been created and added to the Union, bringing ten Senators into this body, (I include Texas, which I consider in the light of a foreign acquisition also) TExtract from Mr.

Webster’s Speech at Springfield, Mass., Sept. 29, 184”*. ” There is no one who can complain of the North for resisting the increase of slave repre sentation, because it gives power to the minor ity in a manner inconsistent with the princi ples of our government. What is past must stand; what ~- established must stand; and with the same firmness.with which I shall re sist every plan to augment the slave represen tation, or to bring, the Constitution into hazard by attempting to extend our dominions, shall I contend to allow existing rights to remain.” “Sir, I can only say that, in my judgment, WE ARE TO USE THE FIRST, AND THE LAST, AND EVERY OCCASION ,“WHICH OCCURS, IN MAINTAINING OUJR SENTIMENTS AGAINST

THE EX TENSION OF THE SLAVE POWER.”

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64 find no end “in wandering mazes lost,” until after the time for the adjournment of Congress. The Southern States have peculiar laws, and by those laws there is property in slaves. This is purely local. The real meaning then, of Southern gentlemen, in making tiis complaint is, that they cannot go into the terr.ories of the Uniited States, carrying with thet their own peculiar local law, a law which creates property in persons. This, according to their own statement, is all the ground of complaint they have. Now, here, 1 think, gentlemen are unjust towards us.

How unjust they are, others will judge; generations that will come after us will judge. It will not be contended that this sort of personal slavery exists by general law. It exists only by local law. I do not mean to deny the validity of that local law where it is established, but I say, it is, after all, local law. It is nothing more. And wherever that local law does not extend, property in persons does not exist. Well, sir, what is now the demand on the part of our Southern friends? They say, “we will carry our local laws with us wherever we go. We insist that Congress does us injustice unless it establishes in the territory in which we wish to go, our own local law.” This demand I, for one, resist and shall resist. It goes upon the idea thdt there is an inequality, unless persons uender this loca l law, an(- holding property by authority of that law, can go into new territory and there establish that local law, to the exclusion of the general law. Mr. President, it was a maxim of the civil law, that between slavery and freedom, freedom should always be presumed, and slavery must always be proved. If any question arose as to the status of an individual in Rome, he was presumed to be free until he was proved to be a slave, because slavery is an exception to the general rule. Such, I suppose, is the general law of mankind. An individual is to be presumed to be f.ee, until a law can be produced which creates ownership in his person. I do not dispute the force and validity of the local law, as I have a~ready said; but I say, it is a matter to be proved; and therefore, if individuals go into any part of the earth, it is to be proved that they are not freemen, or else the presumption is that they are. Now our friends seem to think that an inequality arises from restraining them from going into the Territories, unless there be a law provided which shall protect their ownership in persons. The assertion is that we create an inequality.

Is there nothing to be said on the other side in relation to inequality?

Sir, and up to this hour in which I address y ou, not on e Fr ee State ha s be en admitted to the Union, fromn all this acquired te rrit ory. (Mr.

Berrien in his seat). Yes, Iowa. Iowa is n ot yet in the Union. Her Senators are not here. W hen she comes in there will be one to f i ve, one F ree State to five Slave States f ormed out of new territories. Mr. Presi dent, w hat is the result of th is? We stand here now, at least I do, for one, to say, that consi deringo ther e have been already five new slave,-holding States formed out of newly acq uired territory, and only one nonslavehol(linty ” State at most, I do not feel that I am called on to go further! I do not feel the obligation to yield more. But our friends of the S outh say, you deprive us of all our rights. We h a ve fought for this territory, and you deny us p articipation in it. Let us consid er th is q uestion as it really is; and since the honorable gentleman from Georgia proposes t o leave the case to the enlightened and impalrtial judlgment of mankind, and as 1 agree with him t hat i t is a c ase p roper to be considered by the en lightened part of mankind, let u s s ee how the mat ter it truth stands. Gentl emen who advocate the case which my honorable friend from Georgia, with s o much ability suCotains, dec lar e that we invade the ir rights, that we deprive them of a participation in the enjoyment of territories acquired by the common services and common exertions of all. Is this true? How deprive? Of what do we deprive them?

Why, they say that we deprive thpm of the privilege of carrying their slaves as slaves into the new territories. Well, sir, what is the amount of that? They say that in this way we deprive them of the opportunity of going into this acquired territory with their property. ” Their property?”

What do they mean by ” property.” fVe certainly do not deprive them of the privilege of going into these neely acquired territories with all that, in the general estimate of human society, in the general, ar,id common, and universal understanding of mankind, is esteemed property. :Not at all. The truth is just this. They have in their own States peculiar laws, which create propertv in persons. They have a systenm of local legislation on which slavery rests; while everybody agrees that it is against natural law, or at least against the common understanding which prevails among men as to what is natural law. I am not goipg into metaphysics, for therein I should encounter the-honorable niemberfrom South Carolina, Sir. Calhoun,) and we should

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65 from the date of this Constitution, and in the The question now is, whether it is not corncounsels that formed and established this Con-petent to Congress, in the exercis of a fair stitution, and I suppose in all men’s judgments and just discretion, considering that there since, it is received as a settled truth, that slave have been five Slaveholding States added to labor and free labor do not exist well together. this Union out of foreign acquisitions, and as I have before me a declaration of Mr. Mason, yet only one Free State, to prevent their furin the Convention that formed the Constitu-ther increase. That is the question.

I see tion, to that effect. Mr. Mason, as is well no injustice in it. As to the power of Congress, known, was a distinguished member from Vir-I have nothing to add to what I said the other ginia. He says that the objection to slave labor day. Congress has full power over the subject.

is, that it puts free white labor in disrepute; It may establish any such government, and any that it causes labor to be regarded as derogatory such laws, in the Territories, as in its discretion to the character of the free white man, and it may see fit. It is subject, of course, to the that the free white man despises to work, rules of justice and propriety, but it is under no to use his expression, where slaves are em-Constitutional restraints. ployed. This is a matter of great interest I have said that I shall consent to no extento the Free States, if it be true, as to a great sion of the area of slavery upon this continent, extent it certainly is, that wherever slave nor to any increase of slave representation in labor prevails, free white labor is excluded or the ether House of C)ngress. I have now discouraged. I agree that slave labor does stated my reasons for my conduct and my not necessarily exclude free labor totally. vote. We of the North have already.gone, in There is free white labor in Virginia, Tennes-this respect, far beyond all that any Southern see, and other States, where most of the labor man could have expected, or did expect at the is done by slaves. But it necessarily loses time of the adoption of the Constitution. Iresomething of its respectability, by the side of peat the statement of the fact of the creation and when associated with, slave labor. Wher-of five new Slaveholding States out of newly ever labor is mainly performed by slaves, it is acquired territory. We have done that which regarded as degrading to freemen. Thefree-if those who framed the Constitution had foremen of the North, therefore, have a deep interest seen, they never would have agreed to slave repin keeping labor free, exclusively free, in the resentation. We have yielded thus far; and we new Territories. have now in the House of Representatives But, sir, let us look farther into this alleged twenty persons voting upon this very question, inequality. There is no pretence that South-and upon all other questions, who are there ern people may not go into territory which only in virtue of the representation of slaves. shall be subject to the ordinance of 1787. Let me conclude, therefore, by remarking The only restraint is that they shall not carry that, while I am willing to present this as slaves thither, and continue that relation. showing my own judgment and position in They say this shuts them altogether out. Why, regard to this case, and I beg it to be undersir, there can be nothing more inaccurate in stood that I am speaking for no other than point of fact than this statement. I understand myself, and while I am willing to offer it to that one-half the people who settled Illinois the whole world as my own justification, I rest are people, or descendants of people, who on these propositions: First, That when this came from the Southern States, and I suppose Constitution was adopted, nobody looked for that one-third of the people of Ohio are those, any new acquisition of territory to be formed or descendants of those who emigrated from into Slaveholding States. Secondly, That the South; and I venture to say, that in res-the principles of the Constitution prohibited, pect to those two States, they are at this day and were intended to prohibit, and should be settled by people of Southern origin in as construed to prohibit all interference of the great a proportion as they are by people of general government with slavery, as it exNorthern origin, according to the general isted, and as it still exists in the States. And numbers and proportion of people South and then looking to the operation of these new acNorth. There are as many people from the quisitions, which have in this great degree had South in proportion to the whole people of the effect of strengthening that interest in the the South, in those States, as there are from South, by the addition of these five States, I the North, in proportion to the whole people feel that there is nothing unjust, nothing of of the North.

There is then no exclusion of which any honest man can complain, if he is Southern people; there is only the exclusion of intelligent, and I feel that there is nothing a peculiar local law. Neither in principle nor with which the civilized world, if they take in fact is there any inequality. 5

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66 “If I believed him (Gen. Taylor) to be a man that would plunge the country into further wars, for any purpose of ambition or conquest, I would oppose him, let him be nominated by whom he might. If I believed that he was a man who would exercise his official influence for the further extension of the slave power, I would oppose him, let him be nominated by whom he might.” no tic e of so humble a person as myself, w ill reproach me when I say, as I said the other day, that I have made up my mind, for one, that under no circumstances will I consent to the further extension of the area of slavery in the United States, or to the further increase of slave representation in the House of Representatives.

Extracts from the Speech of Mr. Webster at Mfarfshfleld, Sept. 1, 1848. “I speak without disrespect of the Free Soil party. I have read their platform, and though I think there are some rotten places in it, I can stand on it pretty well. But I see nothing in it which is new and valuable; what is valuable is old, and what is new is not valuable.

“Gentlemen, if the term of Free Soil party or Free Soil men, designate one who is fixed and unalterable, is so to-day, and was so yesterday, and has been so for some time, then I hold myself to be as good a Free Soil man as any of the Buffalo Convention. I pray to know who is to put beneath my feet a freer soil than that which I have stood upon ever since I have been in public life. I pray to know who is to make my lips freer than they have ever been, for the utterance of truth and sound principle, as I understood it. I beg to know who is to inspire into my breast a more resolute and fixed determination, to resist unyieldingly the encroachments and advances of the slave power in this country, than has inhabited it ever since the day that I first opened my mouth in the councils of the country. * I am bound to say on my conscience, that I think that of all the evils inflicted upon us by these acquisitions and accessions of slave territory, the North has borne its full part. * We talk of the North; there has been no North! I think the North siar ia at last discovered; I think there will be a North, but up to the recent session, and to the end of the session, there has been no North in regard to political questions, in regard to firm adhesion to what might be considered the interests of the North and the interests of patriots. Pope say: Mr. Webster, on th e p 7th of t iarch, i ISeO. * ” I will now ask my friend from Rhode Island to read another extract from a speech of mine made at a Whig Convention in Spr i n gfield, Massachusetts, in the mo nth of September, 1847. Mr.

Greenhee here read the f ollowin g e xtract: ” We hear much just now of a panacea for th e danges ers and evils of sl avery and slave annexation, which they call the’ Wilmot Proviso.’ That certainly is a just sentiment, but it is not a sentiment to found any new party upon. It is not a sentiment on which Massachusetts Whigs differ. There is not a man in this hall who holds to it firmer than I do, nor one who adheres to it more than another. “I feel some little interest in this matter, sir. Did not I commit myself in 1837 to the whole doctrine,fully, entirely? And I must be permitted to say, that I cannot quite consent that more recent discoverers should claim the merit and take out a patent. “I deny the priority of their invention. Allow me to say, sir, it is not their thunder…. ” We are to use the first and the last, and every occasion which offers, to oppose the extension of slave power. ” But I speak of it here, as in Congress, as a political question, a question for statesmen to act upon.

We must so regard it. I certainly do not mean to say that it is less inmportant in a moral point of view, that it is not more important in many other points of view; but as a legislator, or in any official capacity, I must look at it, consider it, and decide it as a matter of political action!” ” On other occasions, in debates here, I have expressed my determination to vote for no acquisition, or cession, or annexation, North or South, East or West. My opinion has been that we have territory enough, and that we should follow the Spa,,rtan maxim,’ Improve, adorn what you have,’ seek no further. I think that it was in some observations that I made on the three-million loan bill, that I avowed this sentiment. In short, sir, it has been avowed, quite as often, in as many places, and ‘Ask where’s the North; at York,‘t is on the Tweed, In Scotland at the Arcades, and there, At Greenland, Zembla, or the Lord knows where.’ And if we mean, when we speak of the North, a portion of the country united in just sentiments, firm, strong in opinion and action against the further extension of slavery, if there has ever been such a North, if it has ever existed any where, it has existed the Lord knows where. I do not.”

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before as many assemblies, as any humble opin-to the Constitution which follow it, was subions of mine ought to be avowed. mitted by Congress to the various States in “Sir, wherever there is a substantive good to 1789, immediately after the adoption of the be done, wherever there is a foot of land to be Constitution itself, with the following preamprevented from becoming slave territory, Iam ble: ready to assert the principle of the exclusion of’ The Conventions of a number of States, having slavery. I am pledged to it from the year at the time of their adopting the Constitution, ex1837; I have been pledged to it again and pressed a desire, in order to prevent misconstruction again; and I will perform those pledges; but I or abuse of its power, thatfurther declaratory and will not do a thing unnecessarily that wounds restrictive clauses should be added,” the feelings of others, or that does discredit to Therefore the amendments that followed my own understanding. were proposed. “Now, Mr. President, I have established, fo Thus it is conclusively proven that the far as I proposed to do, the proposition with amendment, prohibiting any abridgment of which I set out, and uponwhich I intend to stand the freedom of speech, was adopted to prevent or fall; and that is, that the whole territory within ” an abuse of power,” which our forefathers the former United States, or in the newly ac-feared might be attempted by some degenerate quired Mllexican provinces, has afixed and set-descendants at some later period of our histled character, nowfixed and settled by law which tory. But, though they thus sought to precatnot be repealed, in the case of Texas, with-serve and protect free speech, by constitutional out a violation of public faith, and by no hu-provision, their prophetic fears have been realman power in regard to California or New ized by the enactors of the Kansas code. Its Mexico; that, therefore, under one or other one hundred and fifty-first chapter, on pages of these laws, every foot of land in the States 604 and 605, is entitled “An act to punor in the Territories has already received a ish offences against slave property;” and there fixed and decided character.” is no decree of Austrian despot or Russian Extract friom Mr. Webster’s Speech at Buf-Czar which is not merciful in comparison with falo, May 22, 1851. its provisions. Here, sir, in the very teeth of Now, gentlemen, that is the plain story of the Constitution, is section twelve of that the Constitution of the United States, on the chapter: qusino.lvr. Icnted an hav al “I any fre pesn ysekngoywig “If any free person, by speaking or by writing, assert ot maintain thatpersons have not the right to hold slaves in this Territory, or shall introduce into this Territory, print, publish, write, circulate, or cause to be introduced into this Territory, written, printed, published or circulated in this Territory, any book, paper, magazine, pamphlet or circular, containing any denial of the right of persons to hold slaves in this Territory, such persons shall be deemed guilty of felony, and punished by imprisonment at hard labor for a term of not less than two years.” The ” Laws” of Kansas. How many more than two years he shall be punished is left to the tender mercy of Judge Lecompte and the jury which” Sheriff Jones” will select for their trial. The President of the United States has sworn to support the Constitution; but this, with the ot her polaws of Kansas,” are to be enforced by him, despite that Constitution, with the army of the United States; and Mr.

Buchanan is pledged by Judge Dougfllas to ” the firm and undivided execution of those laws.” But, sir, in a few short months the people-the free people of the United States-will inaugurate an Administration that will do justice to the oppressed settlers of Kansas-that will restore to them their betrayed rights, will vindicate the Constitution, and will place in the offices of trust Besides these seven palpable, flagrant and unconcealed violations of the organic law organizing the Territory, I point you now to five equally direct and open violations of the Constitution of the United States; for that instrument has been trampled upon as recklessly as the laws of Congress. First. The very first amendment to the Constitution of the United States prohibits the passage of any law “abridging the freedom of speech; ” and it is a significant fact, as can be learned from Hickey’s Constitution, page 33, that this, with a number of other amendments 67 EXTRACT FROM COLFAX’S SPEECH, ANALYZING THE ” LAWS” OF lANSAS.

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68 of that ill-fated Territory, men who will over-except in cases of impeachment, shall be by throw the “usurpation,” give their official injury.” But to prevent “abuse of power,” fluence to Freedom and the right rather than this, with other amendments, was adopted, to Slavery and the wrong, and protect rather declaring that the trial shall be by an impartial than oppress the citizens whom they are called jury. I have already shown you how imparupon to govern and to judge. tially they are to be selected by sheriffs who Second, The same constitutional amendment go about and imitate, in their conduct to ward prohibits the passage of any law “abridging Free State men, the example of Saul of the freedom of the press;” and here, sir, in Tarsus in his persecution of the early Chrisflagrant violation of it, is the 11 th section of tians, (Acts, chapter 8, verse 3, “entering the same law in the Kansas code, page 695: into every house, and seizing men and wo “If any person print, write, introduce into, men, committed them to prison;”) and I have publish, or circulate, or cause to be brought quoted you a section, showing you how imaparinto, printed, written, published or circulated, or tially they are to be constituted with men on shall knowingly aid or assist in bringing into, one side only; but in this very chapter the printing, publishing, or circulating, within this concluding provision, section 13 (page 606), Territory, any book, paper, pamphlet, magazine, repeats this gross violation of the National handbill or circular, containing any state-Constitution, as follows: ments, arguments, opinions, sentiment, doctrine, “No person who is conscientiously opposed advice or inuendo, calculated to produce a dis-to holding slaves, or who does not admit the right orderly, dangerous, or rebellious disaffection to hold slaves in this Territory, shall sit as a among the slaves in the Territory, or to induce juror on the trial of any prosecution for any such slaves to e3cape from the service of their violation of any of the sections of this act.” masters or to resist their authority, he shall be Here, sir, in these instances which I have guilty of felony, and be punished by imprison-quoted, stand the Constitution of the United ment and hard labor for a term not less than States on the one side, and the Kansas code on five years.” the other, in direct and open conflict-the one And, under this atrociously unconstitutional declaring that the freedom of speech shall not provision, a man who “brought into” the Ter-be abridged, that the freedom of the press ritory of Kansas a copy of Jefferson’s Notes on shall be protected, that jurors, above all things Virginian” which contains an eloquent and else, shall be entirely impartial; the other freespoken condemnation of Slavery, could trampling all these safeguards under foot. be convicted by one of “Sheriff Jones’s” And because a majority of the settlers there, juries as having introduced a “book” contain-driven from the polls by armed mobs; legislated ing a “sentiment” “calculated” to make the over by a mob in whose election they had no 3laves “disorderly” and sentenced tofive years’ agency, choose to stand by and maintain their “hard labor.”

Probably under this provision, rights under the Constitution, you have seen as well as the charge of high treason, Geo. W. how anarchy and violence, how outrage and Brown, editor of The Herald of Freedom at persecution have been running riot in that Lawrence, has, after his printing press has Territory, far exceeding in their tyranny and been destroyed by the order of Judge oppression the wrongs for which our revolutionLecompte’s Court, been himself indicted, and ary forefathers rose against the masters who opis now imprisoned, awaiting trial-kept, too, pressed them; and yet, though the protection under such strict surveillance, far worse than they have had from the General Government, murderers are treated in a civilized country, has been only the same kind of protection that even his mother and wife were not allowed which the wolf gives to the lamb they have, to visit him until he had humbly petitioned the while repudiating the territory of the Sheriffs, Governor for permission. And this upon the bowed in submission to writs in the hands of the soil of a Territory which our forefathers, in U.S.Marshal, or when the soldiers of the United 1820, in this very Hall, dedicated, by solemn States, yielding to orders which they do not compact, to “Freedom forever.” deem it dishonorable for them to despise, Third, The sixth amendment to the Consti-assist in their execution. Such forbearancetution of the United States declares that, “In such manifestations of their allegiance to the all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall national authority-become the more wonderenjoy the right to a speedy “and public trial, ful when it is apparent as the noonday sun that by an impartial jury.” It is significant that, every attempt has been made to harass them in the Constitution itself, it had been provided into resistance to the authority of the United (article 3, section 2), “the trial of all crimes, States, so as to furnish a pretext, doubtless, for

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69 their indiscriminate imprisonment, expulsion or massacre. Fourth, The Constitution also prohibits cruel and unusual punishments. I shall show, before I close, that this so-called Kansas Legislature has prescribed most cruel and unusual punishments, unwarranted by the character of the offences punished, and totally disproportioned to their criminality.

Fifth, The Constitution declares (article 1, section 9) that “the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall “not be suspended, unless when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require it.” But the Kansas code, in its chapter of habeas corpus (article 3, section 8, page 345,) enacts as follows: ” No negro or mulatto held as a slave within this Territory, or lawfully arrested as a fugitive from service from another State or Territory, shall be discharged, nor shall his right of freedom be had under the provisions of this act.” has been that, as there was no State Prison yet erected in Kansas, this imprisonment would be in some Missouri prisons near the frontier. But, sir, su ch is n ot the case. The authors of thes e disgrac eful an d out rageous ena ctments, with a refinement of cruelo ty, provi ded that the “
hard labo r ” s houl d be in another way; an d that will be found in chapter 22, entitled: ” an act providin g a syste m of confinement and hard labor,” section 2 of which (page 147) reads as follows: ” Every pe rson who may be s entenced by any Court o f competent juris diction, und er any l aw in force with in this Territory, to punishment by confinement to hard labor, shall be deemed a convict, and shall immediately, under the charge of the keeper of such jail or public prison, or under the charge of such person as t he ke eper of such jail or public prison may select, be put to hard labor, as in the first section of t his act specified, to wit; ‘ On the streets, roads, public buildings, or bther public works of the Territory.’ [Sec. 1, page 146.1 And such keeper or o ther person, having char ge of such convict, shall cause such convict while engaged at such labor to be securely confined by A CHAIN SIX FEET IN LENGTH, of not less than foursixte enths nor more than three-eighths of arinch links, with a ROUND B.ALL OF IRON, of not less than four nor more than six inches in diameter, attached, which chain shall be securely fastened to THeR ANKLE

Of st nh convict with a strong lock and key; and such keeper or other person having charge of such convict may, if necessary, confine such convict while so engaged at hard labor, by oi o ther chains, or other means in his discre - tion, so as to keep s uch convict secure and prevent his escape; and whe n t here shall be TWO or more convicts under the charge of s uch keeper, o r other person, such convicts shall be FASTENED

TOGE,THBP,R by strong chains with strong locks and keys, during the time such convicts shall be engaged in hard labor without the walls of any jail or prison.” And this penalty, revolting, humiliating, debasing at it is, subjecting a free American citizen to the public sneers and contumely of his oppressors, far worse than within the prison walls where the degradation of the punishment is relieved by its privacy, is to be borne from two to five long years by the men of Indiana and Ohio, of New England and New York, of Pennsylvania and the Far West, who dare in Kansas to declare by speech or in print, or to introduce therein a handbill or paper, which declares that ” persons have not the right to hold slaves in this Territory.” The chain and ball are to be attached to the ankle of each, and they are to drag out their long penalty for exercising their God-given and constitutionally-protected freedom of speech,nmanacled together in couples,and working, in the public gaze, under task-masters, to whom Algerine slaveholders would be preferable. This provision suspending the writ of habeas corpus in the above cases, is not only a violation of the Constitution, but also of the organic law; for that provided,in section 28, for appeals to the Supreme Court of the United States on writs of habeas corpus, in cases involving the right of freedom, the issuing of which this ‘lerritorial law expressly prohibits. The language of the Nebraska Kansas act is as follows: , Except also that a writ of error or appeal shall also be allowed to the Supreme Court of the United States from the decision of the said Supreme Court, created by this act, or of any judge thereof, or of the District Courts created by this act, or of any judge thereof, upgn any wat of habeas corpus, involving the question of personal freedom.” But the Kansas Legislature coolly set aside the law of the United States, by which alone their Territorial organization was brought into existence, and effectually prohibited any appeal to the Supreme Court ” upon any writ of habeas corpus, involving the question of personal freedom,” by declaring that the writ shall not be used in the Territory for any such purpose! Having now referred to a few of the many acts embraced in this code, which conflict with the constitution of the organic law, I proceed to the examination of other provisions, some of which stamp it as a code of barbarity, as well as of tyranny-of inhumanity as well as of oppression. And first to ” the imprisonment at hard labor,” which is made the punishment for “offences against the slave property,” in the sections which I have already quoted.

The general understanding of the people at large

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70 pursue their daily work, chant praises to “the great principle for which our revolutionary fathers fought,” and of which the defenders of the Nebraska bill told us that law was the grea t embodim ent. Said Mr.

Webster in his Marshfield speech in 1848: I feel that there is nothing, unjust, nothing of which any honest man can complain, if he is intelligent, and I feel that there is nothing of which the civilized world, if they take notice of so humble an individual as myself, will reproach me, when I say, as I said the other day, that I have made up my mind, for one, that under no circumstances will I consent to the extension of the area of Slaverv in the United States, or to the further increase of Slave representation in the House of Representatives. ” And again in 1850: “Sir, wherever there is a particular good to be done - wherever there is a foot of land to be stayed back from becoming Slave Territory  I am ready to assert the principle of the exclusion of Slavery.” Said the noble old statesman of Kentucky, Henry Clay, in 1850: ” I have said that I never could vote for it myself; and I repeat that I never can and never will vote, and no earthly power ever will make me vote, to spread Slavery over Territory where it does not exist. ” Surely this, too, conflicts with the law of Kansas. Hurry them, Judge Lecompte, to the chain-gang; and as they commence their years of disgraceful and degrading punishment, forget not to read them from the Nebraska bill that “its true intent and meaning” is ” to leave the people thereof perfectly free (not only free, but perfectly free) to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the Uuited States. ” There is another portion of this act to which I wish to call special attention. It is the succeeding section to the above (sec. 3, page 147): Sir, as this is one of the laws which the Democratic party, by its platform, has resolv ed to enforce, and which the President of the United States intends to execute, if needs be, with the whole armed force of the United States, I have procured a specimen of the size of the iron ball which is to be used in that Territory under this enactment, and only re gret that I cannot exhibit also the iron chain, six feet in length, which is to be dragged with it, through the hot summer months and the cold winter snows by the Free State “convicts “in Kansas. [Here Mr. C. exhibited a large and heavy iron ball, six inches in diameter, and eighteen inches in circumference.]

Mr. Chairman, if the great men who have passed away to the spirit-land could stir them selves in their graves, and, coming back to life and action, should utter on the prairies of Kansas the sentiments declared by them in the past, how would they be amazed at the penalties that would await them on every side, for the utterance of their houest convictions on Slavery. Said Washington to John F. Mercer, in 1786: ” I never mean, unless some particular cir cumstance should compel me to it, to possess another slave by purchase, it being among myfirst wishes to see some plan adopted by which Slavery in this country may be abolished by law.”, __.

qSaid Jefferson in his Notes on Virginia: ” The whole commerce between master and slave is a continual exercise of the most unre mitting despotism? on the one part, and degiad ing submission on the other.” *

“~ With what execration should the statesman be loaded, who, permit ting one half of the citizens thus to trample on the rights of the other, transforms those in to despots, and these into enemies, destroys the morals of the one part, and the amor patrice, of the other! Can the liberties of a nation be thought secure, when we have removed their only firm basis-a conviction in the minds of the people that these liberties are the gift of God? that they are not violated but by his wrath? Indeed I tremble for my country when I reflect that Cod is just, and his justice can not sleep forever.” Surely such language, in the eyes of a Pro Slavery jury, would be considered as “c alcu l a t e d ” to render slaves “disorderly.” And surely, in the language of the President and his party, “the law must be enforced.” Come, th e n, “Sheriff Jones,” with your chain and b a l l for each of these founders of the Repub lic, and manacled together let them, as they ” Whenever any convict shall be employed at labor for any incorporate town or city, or any county, such town, city, or county, shall pay in to the Territorial treasury the sum of fifty cents for each convict, for every day such convict shall be engag ed at s uch labor; and whe never such convict shall be employed upon private hiring at labor, it shall be at such price each, per day, as may be agreed upon with such keeper or other person having charge of such; and the proceeds of said labor shall be collected by such keeper and-put into the Territorial treasury.” I

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71 act of Congress entitled’ An act respecting fugitives from justice, and persons escaping from the service of their masters,’ approved February 12, 1793; or of an act to amend and supplementary to said act, approved 18th September, 1850; whether such conviction were by criminal proceeding or by civil a ction for the recovery of any penalty prescribed by either of said acts, in any of the Courts of the United States, or of any State or Territory, or of any offence deemed infamous, shall be entitled to vote at any election or to hold any office in this Territory: And provided further, That if any person offering to vote shall be challenged and required to take an oath or affirmation, to be admin istered by one of the Judges of the election, that he will sustain the provisions of the above-recited acts of Congress, and of the act entitled,’ An act to organize the Territories of Nebraska and Kan sas,’ approved May 30, 1854, and shall refuse to take such oath or alirmation, the vote of such per son shall be rejected.” the convict-keeper by Governor Shannon to Merely being an “inhabitant,” if the perdo his menial service; or to be punished, if he son is in favor of the Nebraska bill, and of ‘1isobeys his master’s orders, like a Southern the Fugitive Slave law, qualifies hint as a voslave. And Judge Lecompte would have the ter in all the elections of the Territory affectprivilege, too, and would doubtless exercise it, mg national and territorial politics. The of having Judge Wakefield as his hired serf, widest possible door is opened for the invade?s dragging, for two or five years to come, his to come over and carry each successive elecchain and ball after him as he entered his tion as “inhabitants” for the time being, of master’s presence, or obeyed his master’s com-the Territory. But turn to page 750, and nomand. And Marshal Donaldson, with “

Sher-tice the following provision (section 8) definiff Jones ” and Stringfellow, would not cer-mg the qualifications of voters at the petty tainly be behind their superiors in the retinue corporation elections of Lecompton: of Free States slaves whom they could satisfy “All free white male citizens who have arrived their revenge upon by hiring as their menials to the full age of twenty-one years, and who shall from the keeper of the Kansas convicts. be entitled to vote for Territorial officers, and who * shall have resided within the cite limits at lesst six The whole country has heard, Sir, of the months next precedimg any election, and, moreover, who shall have paid a city tax or any city license section in the election law which allows “in-according to ordinance, shall be eligible to vote at habitants” to vote at the general election, any ward or city election for officers of the city.” without requiring them to have resided in the Being an inhabitant a day clothes a person Territory a single day; and of the test oaths with the to sustain the Fugitive Slave law and the N gress, and right to vote for Delegate in Con e-epresentatives in the Legislature; braska bill, which are intended to shut outall but to vote at an in&ignificant election, in men opposed to both from the ballot-box. companson, six months residence is required! And I will quote it from pare 282, because I desire to contrast its provisions with another. Amlwrong in judging that this inverting the usual rule shows that Missourians are want “SEc. 11. Every free white male citizen of the ed at one election, but not at the other? United States, and every free male Indian who is If any one deems this opinion unjust, let him ” SEc.

11. Every free white male citizen of the United States, and every free male Indian who is made a citizen by treaty or otherwise, and over the age of twenty-one years, who shall be an inhabitant of this Territory, and of the county or district in which he offers to vote, and shall have paid a Territorial tax, shall be a qualified elector for all elective officers: and all Indians who are inhabitants of this Territory, and who may have adopted the customs of the white man, and who are liable to pay taxes, shall be deemed citizens: Provided, That no soldier, seaman, or marine in the regular Arms or Navy of the United States, shall be entitled to vote, by reason of being on service therein: And provided further, That no person who shall have been convicted of any violation of any provision of an

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I will now invite your attention to a con-be, under this law, hurried away to the chaintrast in the penal code of this Territory, sin-gang, and manacled, arm to arm, with the gular in its character, to say the very least. murderous prisoner. Section five of the act punishing offences On page 210, the kidnapping and confineagainst slave property, page 604, enacts as fol-ment of a free white person, for any purpose, lows: even-if a man, to sell him into Slavery, or if “If any person shall aid or assist in enticing, a woman, for a still baser purpose-is to be decoying, or persuading, or carrying away, orsend-punished “not exceeding ten years.”

Decoying out of this territory, any slave belonging to img and enticing away a child under twelve another, with intent to procure or effect the free-years of age, from its parents, not less than dom of such slave, or with intent to deprive the six months and not exceeeding five years.”

owner thereof of the services of such slave, he s on an nt c ng a (ar shall be adjudged guilty of grand larency, and But decoying and enticing away (mark the on conviction thereof SHEIALL SUFFER DEATH, or similarity of the language) a slave from his be imprisoned at hard labor for not less. than ten master, is punished by death, or confinement years.” not less than ten years. Here is the section, A person who, by a Pro-Slavery packed page 604: jury, is convicted of aiding in persuading out’ ”’ SEC.

4. If any person shall entice, decoy, or of the Territory a slave belonging to another, carry away out of this Territory. any slave belongis to suffer at least twice as severe a penalty as ing to another, with intent to deprive the owner thereof of the services of such slave, or with inhe who is convicted of committing the vilest tent to effect or procure the fre edom o f su ch slave, outrage that the mind of man can conceive of he shall be adjudged guilty of grand larceny, and, on the person of your wife, sister, or daugh-on conviction thereof, shall suffer DEA.TH, orbeimter! Nay, the contrast is still stronger. The prisoned at hard laborfor not less than ten years.” jury, in the first instance, are authorized even I had hoped to find time to cite and comto inflict the punishment of death-in the lat-ment upon other sections in this code, but I ter, see page 208, the penalty is “not less will quote but one more, showing that, while than five years.” Such is the contrast in a white man is compelled to serve out the Kansas between the protection of a wife’s or penalty’of his crime at hard labor, these slavedaughter’s honor or happiness, and that which holding legislators have, in their great regard is thrown as a protecting egis over the pro-for the value of the slave’s labor to his master, perty of the slaveholder I enacted that a slave, for the same offence, shall Again, on page 208, you will find that the be whipped, and then returned to him. Here is ruffian who commits malicious mayhem-that the section which I commend to the considerais, without provocation knocks you down on tion of those who, while defending these laws, the street, cuts off your nose and ears, and nickname the Republicans “nigger worshipplucks out your eyes-is punished “not less pers.” It is found on page 252: than five nor more than ten years;” the same “SEc. 27. If any slave shall commit petit lardegree of punishment that is meted out in sec-ceny, or shall steal any neat cattle, sheep or hog, or tion 7 of the above act, page 605, on a person be guilty of any misdemeanor, or other offence punwho should aid or assist, or even “harbor,” an ishable under the provisio of this act only byine escaped slave! or imprisonment in a county ail or by both such fine and imprisonment, he shall, instead of such punish On page 209 you will find that the man ment, be punished, if a male, by stripes on his bare who sits at your bedside, when you are pros-back, not exceeding thirty-nine, or if a female, by trated by disease, and, taking advantage of imprisonment in a county jail not exceeding your confidence and helplessness, administers twenty-one days, or by stripes not exceeding poison to you; but, whereby death does not twenty-one,atthediscretionofthe justice.” happen to ensue, is to be punished “not less Such, sir, is an impartial analysis of the than five nor more than ten years,” though it code of Kansas, every allusion to which has is murder in the heart, if not the deed. And been proven by extracts from the official copy this is precisely the same penalty as that pre-now in my hand, and in quoting which I have scribed by the 11th section (quoted in my re-referred, in every instance, to the page, the marks above, on the five violations of the number of the section, and its exact words; Constitution) against one who but brings into and I think that the strong language at the the Territory any book, paper, or handbill, outset of my remarks, in which I denounced containing any “sentiment” “calculated,” in this disgraceful and tyrannical code, has been the eyes of a Pro-Slavery Jury, to makeslaves fully justified by the proofs I have laid before “disorderly.” The man who takes into the you from its pages. Let it not be forgotten, Territory Jefferson’s Notes on Virginia, can SIr. Chairman, that it is because the people of 72

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Kansas-an overwhelming majority of the ” Or, if they desire to have any of the laws reactual settlers there-refuse to obey these en-pealed, let them try to carry theirpoint at the pol, actments passed by a body of men elected by and let the majority decide the question.” armed mobs of invaders, that they have been Never, sir, was there was a more signal indelivered over to persecutions without parallel stance of “holding the word of promise to the and to all the horrors of civil war. ear and breaking it to the hope.” Where are Had I time, I would desire to refer to the the “ample” means of obtaining relief from history of events in that Territory; to the the unendurable tyranny that grindg down the reckless and ruthless violation of plighted faith Free-State men of Kansas into the dust? in the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, How can they “carry their point at the which opened the door for legislation like this; polls?” Let facts answer: to the entire absence of any protection by the I. The council which passed these laws has President to the settlers against personal out-extended its term of service till 1858; so that, rage; to the repeated invasions by which the if the entire representative branch was unanwhole machinery of legislation was usurped, imous for their repeal, the higher branch but the fruits of which the President upholds has the power to prevent the slightest change by cannon and bayonet, with proclamations and in them for two long years! penalties; to the causes which led to the civil II. The Free-State men in Kansas are abwar that has existed in that Territory; to that solutely shut out from the polls by test-oaths, most aggravating of all insults by which the which no one with the soul of a freeman, who very Jones who headed an invading party of traces all the outrages there directly to the enMissourians at one of the polls, and with his actment of the Nebraska bill, can conscienrevolver at the breast of an election Judge, tiously swear to. gave him five minutes to resign or die, was lII. Even if they do go there, and swear to commissioned as a Sheriff to ride booted and sustain the Nebraska bill and the Fugitive spurred over the people whose,rights he had Slave Law, the election law is purposely thus assisted in striking down; and many other framed, as I have shown, to invite invasions of things that make the blood of the great mass Missourians, to control the elections in favor of freemen at the North course as it never of slavery. before coursed through their veins. But I IV. They are driven from the jury-box as must allude, before concluding, to the mockery well as disfranchised, and prohibited from actof relief held out to the people by the Pres-img as attorneys in the courts, unless they take ident and his coadjutors. the test-oath prescribed by their conquerors In his special message to Congress, on the V. Free speech is not tolerated. They are 26th of January last, the President thus spoke: left “perfectly free to form and regulate their “

Our system affords no justification of revolu-domestic institutions in their own way,” except, tionary acts; for the constitutional means of re-if they speak a word against slavery, they are lieving the people of unjust administrations and convicted of felony and hurried to the chainlaws, by a change of public agents and by repeal, gang. ARl AMPLE.”

VI. The presses in the Territory, at Leaven And in his speech, as reported in The Union worth and Lawrence, in favor of Freedom, of June 10, made to the Buchanan ratification have been destroyed, and the two last by the meeting, who marched to the White House, authority of the court of Judge Lecompte, he coolly told them:‘thus “crushing out” the freedom of the press. 11b 1 V~~~~~II. Indictments are tbund by packed “, There will be, on your part, no appeal to un-VIj Indictments are ftund by packed worthy passions, no inflammatory calls for a’ ec juries against every prominent Free-State ond revolution, like those which are occasionally citizen; and those who are not forced to flee reported as coming f’om men who have received no-from the Territory are arrested and imprisonthing at the hands otheir Government but protec-ed; while those who have stolen from Free tion and political blessings, no declaration of resist-State men, tarred and feathered them, burned ance to the laws of the land.”* 7 ance to the laws of the land.”’ their houses, or murdered them, go at large But I will not stop to allude to the “protec-unpunished. tion and political blessings” which the people In such a state of affairs as this, to talk of of Kansas have received from the “hands of going to the polls and having the laws repealed their Government.” It was bitter irony in-is worse than a mockery. It is an insult. It deed. is like binding a man hand and foot, throwing Judge Douglas, too, at the same meeting, him into the river, and telling him to swim on speaking of the Kansas laws, declared as fol-shore and he will be saved. It is like loading lows: 73

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hEXTREACTS RELATIVE TO TIK BIROOKS OUTRAGE. EXTRACT FROM BROOKS’ FAREWELL

SPEECH IN THE HousE Or REPRESENTATIVES. Mr. Brooks, (resuming).-If I desired to kill the Senator, why did not I do it? You all admit that I had him in my ower. Let me tell the member from New Jersey that it was expressly to avoid taking life that I used an ordinary cane, presented to me by a friend in Baltimore, nearly three months before its application to the “bare head” of the Massachusetts Senator. I went to work very delierately-as I am charged-and this is admitted-and speculated somewhat as to whether I should employ a horsewhip or a cowhide; but knowing that the Senator was my superior in strength, it occurred to me that he might wrest it from my hand, and then-for I never attempt anything I do not performI might have been compelled to do that which I would have regretted the balance of my natural life. (A voice)-” He would have killed him.” The Charleston (S. C.) Mercury publishes a stirring appeal to the South from Col. Buford, of Alabama, for funds to enable him to carry more pro-slavery emigrants to Kansas, “that indispensable breakwater to the-angry tide of abolitionism.” He sass: ” Consider that if Kansas, our natural boundary to the Northwest, is lost, that then Missouri and all west of the Mississippi-nay, too, all east of it - must soon follow; while, if we maintain it, the Territories west of Arkansas and Texas are safe to us -nay, the future is safe. Ask yourselves whether you are prepared to surrender white supremacy in the South, to debase your blood, to degrade your social and political status to the level of an inferior race, by submitting to Abolition’s mandate to fraternize with it. Remember that 1, a nd all who know the country, will tell you that slaves thriv e a nd do well in Kansas, and that t here, and in western Missouri, their labor pays bett er than n any cotto n State in the Union. R eflect th a t we have everything to encourage us in the struggle - we still control the government of the Territory, our immigration is daily increasing, while that from the North has greatly diminished.” The Major is very urgent in his demands for money to take out a colony of one hundred men. He betrays his disappointment in regard to his first company by the remark’I want only men who, as lon, as required, will abstain from liquor and will implicitly obey orders.” Wonder if his men read the Bibles that were given them with such a flourish of trumpets. Here Brooks’s cowardice is openly avowed. He used a cane so that he might disable Sumner and prevent him from resisting. And still further he distinctly confesses that if Sumner had resisted, he would have killed him. This is the natural construction of his words and it was that made, as it appears, from “the voice” at the time. And yet the cowardly act of this ruffian is approved all over the South. From the New Bedford Mercury. The Outrage Approved. The fact that a Senator of the United States has been stricken down and beaten to death in the Senate chamber for words spoken in debate-words which no man doubts to have been a faithful and forcible expression of his earnest convictions, on a question of the greatest national interest-sinks into utter insignificance in view of the still graver fact that the outrage was as purely Apresentative in its character as was the argument to which it replied. Mr. Sumner’s eloquent speech faithfully set forth that view of the wrongs and opressions of Free Kansas by her ruffian invadeprs, which is cherished by the great mass of the humane, conscientious and enlightened citizens of the Free States; Mr. Brooks’s assault was the only effective reply that could be made to it, and was just such an answer as, 74

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75 in the opinion of the slave-driving aristocracy, and what not. Shall we stand it? Can genwhich governs the South, (and just at present tlemen sit still in the Senate and House of the Union,) the speech required and deserved. Representatives, under an incessant stream of The principles of the contending hosts which denunciation from wretches who avail themnow divide Congress and the Nation were ad-selves of the privilege of place, to indulge their mirably set forth in the speech and the reply. devilish passions with impunity? In the abAnd the foremost journal of the South-The sence of an adequate law, Southern gentlemen Richmond Enquirer.-in its leading article of must protect their own honor and feelings. It yesterday, thus clearly sets forth the slave-is an idle mockery to challenge one of these riving view of the whole transaction: scullions. It is equally useless to attempt to “THE SUMNER DISCIPLINE-THE NEED-disgrace them. They are insensible to shame; FUL REMEDY.-A few Southern journals, and can be brought to reason only by an apaffecting an exclusive refinement of feeling or plication of cowhide or gutta percha. Let regard for the proprieties of official inter-them once understand that for every vile word course, unite with the Abolition papers in spoken against the South, they will suffer so condemning the chastisement inflicted upon many stripes, and they will soon learn to beSumner by the Hon. P.S. Brooks. We have have themselves, like decent dogs-they can no patience with these mealy-mouthed phari-never be gentlemen. Mr. Brooks has initiated sees of the Press. Why not speak out and this salutary discipline, and he deserves apdeclare at once that you are shocked by the plause for the bold, judicious manner in which brutality of a’slaveholding ruffian?’ It is he chastised the scamp Sumner. It was a much more manly to adopt the violent vocab-proper act, done at the proper time, and in ulary of THE TRIBUNE, than to insinuate the proper place. Of all places on earth the disapprobation in the meek accents of a con-Senate chamber, the theatre of his vituperascience-smitten saint. tive exploits, was the vely spot where Sumner In the main, the press of the South applaud should have been made to suffer for his violathe conduct of Mr. Brooks, without condition tion of the decencies of decorous debate, and or limitation. Our approbation at least is for his brutal denunciations of a venerable entire and unreserved. We consider the act Statesman. It was literally and entirely proper good in conception, better in execution, and that he should be stricken down and beaten best of all in consequence. These vulgar just beside the desk against which he leaned Abolitionists in the Senate are getting above when he fulminated his filthy utterance through themselves. They have been humored until the Capitol. It is idle to talk of the sanctity they forget their position. They have grown of the Senate chamber, since it is polluted by saucy, and dare to be impudent to gentlemen! the presence of such fellows as Wilson, and Now, they are a low, mean, scurvy set, with Sumner, and Wade. They have desecrated some little book-learning, but as utterly de-it, and cannot now fly to it as to a sanctuary void of spirit or honor as a pack of curs. In-from the lash of vengeance. trenched behind “privilege,” they fancy they “We trust other gentlemen will follow the can slander the South and insult its Repre- “e rsthr m e sentatives with impunity. The truth is, they example of Mr. Brooks, that so a curb may be have been suffered to run too long without imposed upon the truculence and audacity of collars. They must be lashed into submission. Abolition speakers. If need be, let us have a Sumner, in particular, ought to have nine-caning or cowhiding every day.

If the worse and-thirty early every morning. He is a great come to the worse, so much the sooner, so strapping fellow, and could stand the cowhide much the better.” beautifully. Brooks frightened him, and at the first blow of the cane, he bellowed like a Mr. Buchanan’s Opinion of the Sumner bull-calf. There is the blackguard Wilson, an Assault. ignorant Natick cobbler, swaggering in excess of muscle, and absolutely dying for a The annual CommenementoftheFrankln beating. Will not somebody take him in hand? and Marshall College, at Lancaster, Pa., took Hale is another huge, red face, sweating place last Wednesday. Mr. Buchanan, asPresscoundrel, whom some gentleman should kick ident of the Board of Trustees was present and cuff until he abates something of his impudent talk. These men are perpetually on the occasion. Among the exercises of the abusing the people and representatives of the day was an oration by W. W. Davis of SterSouth, for tyrants, robbers, ruffians, adulterers, ling, Ill. The subject was, the “Decline of

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76 Political Integrity,” and the speaker took occasion to condemn in strong terms the assault on Mr. Sumner. The letter from which we quote, in the New York Tribune, says: I Mr. Davis finished his oration and retired from the front of the stage amid thunders of applause, and showers of bouquets from his lady friends. For him it was truly a triumph. But on retiring to his seat, next to that of Mr. Buchanan, did he receive congratulation of the Sage of Wheatland? No, no. Mr. Buchanan said to him, loud enough that the whole class could hear: ” My young friend, you look upon the dark side of the picture. Mr. Sumner’s speech was the most vulgar tirade of abuse ever delivered in a deliberative body.” To which the young orator replied that he” hoped Mr. Buchanan did not approve of the attacks upon Mr. Sumner by Brooks and others.” To which Mr. Buchanan rejoined that “Mr. Brooks was i.nconsiderate, but that Senator Butler was a very mild man.” Mr. Davis expressed his regret at the moderation of Mr. Buchauan’s views, and dropped the conversation. The encouragement of this sacrilegiousforay against the right of free suffrage, and the ultimate support of it by the National Executive and military arm, the fourth; The hostile irruption of two members of Congress, into the Senat e cha mber of the United States, openly armed with deadly bludgeons, and probably secretly, according to the habits of their bre ed, w ith bowie knives s, arevolvers, and there prostrating on the floor with their bludgeons a Senator of the United States, sitting peaceably in his seat, unconscious of danger, and from his position incapable of defence, inflicting upon him blows, until he sunk senseless under them, and which, if they do not prove mortal, it was not for want of malignant intent in the cowardly assassins-and all this for words publicly spoken in the Senate, in the course of debate, allowed by its presiding officer to be spoken, and exceeding not one hair’s breadth any line of truth or duty. This is the fifth and the climax of this series of outrages, unparalleled, nefarious, and brutal. In contrast with this miserable language of apology uttered by the Democratic candidate, see the noble spirit that breathes in the tollowing letter from the venerable Quincy. Which best represents the spirit of our Northern freemen? In my opinion, it is time to speak on the house-top, what every man who is worthy of the name of freeman utters in his chamber and feels in his heart. By a series of corruption, intrigue and cunning, bribing the high by appointments of State, the low by the hope of emoluments; playing between the parties of the Free States, and counteracting one by the other; by flattering the vain, paying the mean, and rewarding the subservient, the slaveholders have, in the course of fifty years, usurped the whole constitutional powers of the Union, have possessed themselves of the executive chair, of the halls of Congress, of the national courts of justice and of the military arm, leaving nothing of hope to the spirit of freedom in the Free States, but public speech in the legislature and the ballot box. The one a slaveholder’s mob is crushing in Kansas, the other a deputation from the slaveholders of the House of Representatives have attempted to crush by a slaveholder’s bludgeon. My heart is too full. If I should pour forth all that is in it, both paper and time would fail me. Truly, I am yours, JOSIAH QUINCY. Quincy, 27th May, 1856. My mind is in no state to receive pleasure from social scenes and friendly intercourse. I can think or speak of nothing but of the out rages of slaveholders at Kansas, and the out rages of slaveholders at Washington-outrages, which, if not met in the spirit of our fathers . of the Revolution, (and I see no signthatthey will be)-our liberties are but a name, and our Union proves a curse. These outrages con stitute a series of iniquitously contrived, well connected, compact tissues, of which The fugitive slave law was the first; The repeal of the Missouri Compromise, the second; The invasion of Kansas, and the takinal the ballot-boxes by storm, by a mob of slavehol’ders, - the third; LETTER OF HON. JOSIAH

QUINCY. E. R. Hoar, Esq.,-Sir: I have received your letter, inviting me to attend the Unitarian Festival, and expressing the gratification it would give you 11 to see and hear me on that occasion.”

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Brooks has been promptly returned to Con-Columbia, it becomes my pleasing duty to pregress and his base deed thus assumed and rati-sent to you this pitcher, goblet and cane, as fed by his constituents. Behold how they testimonials of our high appreciation of your freed by his constituents.

conduct at Washington City. They welcome the assassin! were prepared some time since for presenta Reception of lon.P.S.]Brook-Pnublic De-tion, but supposing that it would be more monstration-The Gathering of the People-aeeae to you to receive them here in the an Immense Crowd-Presentation of Mayor agreeable to you to receive them here in the Arthur-Speech of Mr.

]rooks-The Sere-midst of your own fellow citizens, they have nade. been withheld for this occasion. I trust, sir, From the Carolina Times, Autg.

30. that I may be permitted to add that it is not On Thursday afternoon, Hon. Preston S. alone that you have visited with merited castiBrooks being expected by the afternoon train gation the vile slanderer of the State which on the Charlotte road, a large number of citi-gave you birth that we delight to honor you, zens of Columbia, assembled around the depot but because your conduct throughout the tryto greet him on his arrival; but unfortunately ing scenes through which you have since for them, notwithstanding extensive prepara-passed has been such as to win the applause of tions had been made, and a very handsome all honorable men, and to justify our pride in coach and four with neatly decorated horses claiming you as one of Carolina’s noblest were in waiting, he did not reach the city sons. until 4 o’clock yesterday morning-having It is needless for me to allude more particubeen detained by his friends and admirers in larly to your noble bearing, and gallant conthe upper districts. duct in maintaining the honor and interests of At an early hour on Thursday morning, the your State; for let me assure you,sir,they need arrival of Mr. Brooks being known, many of no record but the hearts of your countrymen, his friends called at his quarters, and a com-where now they are already inscribed in charmittee of citizens waited upon him, especially acters which time cannot efface. to urge the propriety of his remaining over one Allow me, sir, on behalf of the citizens, to day, notwithstanding his anxiety to reach welcome you to Columbia, and to tender home at as early a period as possible. to you our warm congratulations on your * triumph over the malignant slanderers of your At 8 o’clock the City Hall was so densely State and race, and to assure you of our corcrowded that it was found necessary to move dial sympathy and approbation. an adjournment to the street in front of the After the conclusion of Mayor Arthur’s reCourt-House, upon the balcony of which, marks, Col. Brooks advanced to the front of Mayor Arthur presented to Mr. Brooks, in the portico, amid the cheers and applause of presence of the assembled mass of citizens, a the multitude, and delivered a speech of nearly handsome Silver Pitcher, a Goblet, and one of an hour in length, a brief, meagre, and very Mr. Peckham’s finest Hickory Canes with a inadequate synopsis of which we give. He handsome gold head. thanked the citizens for the compliment paid Each article was selected with great care, him on this occasion, and for the sympathy without regard to cost, by the citizens of Co-which his course had received. It was the lumbia, intended as a present to Mr. Brooks, spirit which actuated him to do the deed, as an evidence of their unqualified approval more than the deed itself, which deserved their of his course as a Representative, and espe-commendation. It was a deed which was the cially for the prompt and appropriate manner in result of a high sense of duty, and any man which he chastised the notorious Charles Sum-who held his honor above reproach would ner, for his wanton abuse and cowardly as-have acted under similar circumstances, presault upon the character of the venerable cisely as he did. Senator fiom South Carolina, Andrew Pick-An ordinary castigation was nothing to exens Butler, and the fair fame of his State. cite a people as had this act of his excited the The pitcher and goblet are beautiful speci-North. Abolitionists, seeking excuses for mens of the skill and taste of Messrs. Rad-their vile slanders, had made it a pretext for cliffe & Guignard, at whose establishment they more fanaticism. It was curious that the caswere purchased. tigation of a Black Republican should beget Mayor Arthur, on making the presentation, so extraordinary an excitement. But they delivered a very handsome and appropriate had used this act of his-executed under the speech, as follows: highest sense of duty-as an instrument to Col. Brooks: On behalf of the citizens of kindle more fires of fanaticism. Their motive 77

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was political power; they wished to enjoy the concentrate the feeling of the South, and patronage and the emoluments of the Govern-when he spoke of revolution, he knew that ment. had he stepped forward and smote one of Every foot of the way from Washington to their Abolition crew in the House, their this city he had met with kindness from the enmity to him would have precipitated them people of the South, and it gratified him to against him, and then his friends would have believe that were he to travel to the extremest covered the floor of the House of Representaverge of the South he should meet with the with human blood. same hearty welcome as he had experienced He now came to a delicate question-the here and elsewhere. Presidency. The only hope for the South was He would not say there was no honor or to support Mr. Buchanan. His opponents moral courage at the North; he knew there were Fremont and Fillmore-the former a were some men of as true courage at the soldier who had never won a battle, a politiNorth as elsewhere. But what he wished to cian who had never made a speech; his birthsay was, that the moral tone of mind which place, too, was as hard to fix upon satisfactorwould lead a man to become a Black Repub-ily, as was the identity of his father. Filllican would make him incapable of courage more was a man of unexceptionable moral and would involve a loss of all honor and virtue; and between Fremont and Fillmore moral principle whatever. he would prefer the former, because the great It was plain that the defeat of the Army bill issue would be precipitated, although the latwas the act of the Black Republican majority ter was as much an Abolitionist, having voted in the House of Representatives. He was to abolish Slavery in the District ot Columbia, almost glad of it; though he had voted for the against the admission of Texas, and had oporiginal bill, he was of opinion it ought to fail. posed the Administration of Franklin Pierce, He voted for it from a sense of duty, not liking for his course on the Missouri Compromise. to do evil that good might follow. The loss of Buchanan, the speaker frankly admitted, the Army appropriation would not injure the was not his first, second or third choice, but South, becaus2 all the money nearly was ex-his last. His first choice was Franklin Pierce, pended at the North. because he had manifested a disposition to give He rather wished the army appropriation the South her constitutional rights. After bill would not pass, because it would effect the Pierce he was in favor of Douglass-a true removal of the United States soldiers from friend,who had perilled his life by his position Kansas and leave the people of the South free on the Nebraska bill, and who had the smoke to go there and cut the throats of Lane and and scars of the battle upon him. his Abolition comrades. We know the Black There must be compromise everywhere Republican platform; it is our duty either to in society, in law and in politics. Buchanan counteract them or meet them boldly, face to was the standard-bearer in the coming contest, face, and battle for our rights. and the platform upon which he stood was the Their principles were the abolition of Slav-right one for the South. If its principles were ery in the district of Columbia, the prohibition carried out, the Government would be restored of the inter State slave-trade, no more Slave to the condition of a constitutional administra Territory, &c.

Will they carry out these prin-tion. Why should we refuse to take a part - ciples? The election of Banks as Speaker of in the battle? If we are bound to have civil the House of Representatives, and the defeat war, and if we must dissolve the Union, we of the Army bill, teach us that we should must do it with a full appreciation of the con meet and prepare to defend ourselves. With sequences. He thought there would be no right upon our side, we should meet and con-child’s play when the conflict did come.

quer them. On the second Monday in November next All of us agreed that if we could not live the great question would be decided. For his in equality in the Union, our only course was part, if Fremont, the traitor to his section, to dissolve it. He was a cooperation disunion-should be successful, it was his deliberate ist-the same as he was in 1851. He felt con-opinion that on the fourth of March next, the vinced that South Carolina would respond to people of the South should rise in their might, his position. march to Washington, and seize the archives When he said lately in the House of Repre-and the Treasury of the Government. We sentatives that he had it in his power to raise should anticipate them, and force them to at a revolution, it was no egotistic boast. He felt tack us. that he had done as much as any one man to In conclusion, Mr. Brooks said he felt it to 78

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be an obligation upon him to devote all the energies of his life to repay the generous sympathy with which he had been met by his fellow-citizens of the South and South Carolina; and that whenever an occasion offerefd he would be ready to stand up in defence of his State. In the language of a distinguished citizen of our State, he would say that through good and evil report, for weal or for woe, he would stand by South Carolina. In private, as well as in public, Mr. Buchanan has always stood on the side of the South. The citizen and the statesman are one and the same individual. He supported the rights of the South when in office; he vindicated and maintained those rights when out of office. He not only voted for all measures of justice to the South, but he endeavored to carry them into effect. His is not a dead record of votes, but a living record of acts, which vindicate the honesty of the votes. Thus Mr. Buchanan exhorted the North to a faithful and cheerful fulfilment of the obligations of the Fugitive Slave Law. He protested against the prohibition of the jails in Pennsylvania to Federal officers for the confinement of captured slaves. He denounced the Wilmot Proviso. He approved the Clayton Compromise of 1847. And, to sum up in a single sentence, he has at all times and in all places exerted the authority of his high character and great talents to uphold the Union, defend the Constitution, and protect the South. To recapitulate, 1. In 1836, Mr.

Buchanan supported a bill to prohibit the circulation of abolition papers through the mails. 2. In the same year, he proposed and voted for the admission of Arkansas. 3. In 1836-7, he denounced, and-voted to reject petitions for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. 4. In 1837, he voted for Mr. Calhoun’s famous resolutions, defining the rights of the e States and the limits of Feder al auth ority, and affirming it to be the duty of th e government to protect and uphold the instit utions of th e South. 5. In 1838-9 and 1840, he invariably voted with Southern Senators against the consideration of anti-slavery petitions. 6. In 1844-5, he advocated and voted for the annexation of Texas. 7. In 1847, he sustained the Clayton Compromise. 8. In 1850, he proposed and urged the extension of the Missouri Compromise to the Pacific Ocean. 9. But he promptly acquiesced in the Compromise of 1850, and employed all his influence in favor of the faithful execution of the Fugitive Slave Law. -

10. In 1851, he remonstrated against an enactment of the Pennsylvania Legislature NEW YoRx, April 29, 1856. Gentlemen,- I have to thank you for the honor of an invitation to a meeting this evening at the Broadway Tabernacle, and regret that other gagagements have interfered to prevent my being present. I heartily concur in all movements which have for their object to “repair the mischiefs arising from the violation of good faith in the repeal of the Missouri Compromise.” I am opposed to slavery in theabstract, and upon principle sustained and made habitual by long-settled convictions. While I feel inflexible in the belief that it ought not to b e interfered wi th where it exists under the shield of State sovereignty, I am as inflexibly opposed to its extension on this continent beyond its present limits. With the assurance of regard for yourselves, I am, very respectfully, yours, J. C. FREMONT. 79 I

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80 for obstructing the arrest and return of Fugi-man of the North, in the confidence and affecftive Slaves. tion of the people of the South. He demands 11. In 1854, he negotiated for the acquisi-not a-mere recognition of his attachment totion of Cuba. the Constitution, but unbounded applause for 12. In 1856, he approves the repeal of thle such service in the interest of the South as no Minori retrCwon, and supports the principles other man can boast. Against the captious of the-K ebraska Act. criticism of a desperate adversary, refining 18. He neer gave a vote against the interests upon technical distinctions and skulking among of Slavery, and never uttered a word which quibbles, the Democracy oppose this inconcould pain the most.(ive Southern heart. testable attestation of their candidate’s fidelity. The prominent faets of Mr. Buchanan’s record -~ching Slavery are thus grouped into EXTRACT PROM MR. FILLMORE’S SPEECH AT a single view so that a person of the least patience in xesearch may ascertain at a glance ALNY. how the Democratic canidate stands in-res-

“W: esee *>liickt y presenting candipect to the great issue of th canvas.

I_ i d4’br the P yadViceP-Pesidency, succinct statement, Knie-‘tot detab H
e folr thefrm r. i/F.-ee States sagas ait isolated; t w A with h a e; of electing who1l itory of a log lifee t,bear 6 t;’ candidates by tf one part pop’ind with: istible ftoroe “. the -w on only to’ eo-er the whOle truti Tiiqis rapid retrospect discloses a ceo-td. [Cries e. sibn. and effiiency of service to to i uth6’ A b l be that th’ - wegaged whic flattery can claim for no other liv’g i.ure can Me’ 4rt.te d man. Mr.

Buchanan is not only rindiCe -;-/equences wbhix As mevitbly fmi’i lumny, he is not simply shown to be,’ fo es of succe:s?.: they have the exmempt from just reproach and worthy of mae or the folly t beliethat our Southconfidence,- he is promoted to his proper era n n would submit to be governed by portion, in advance of any and every state such a’Chief Magistrate’? * T. I*’ = ~~.. -a. X.. ;.8 I.- *…i -….. I . I ,.

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